HISTORICAL RECORDS
OF THE BUFFS, 1914–1919

By Lady Butler

A MAN OF KENT

From the Original in the possession of Major-General Sir E. G. T. Bainbridge, K.C.B.

HISTORICAL RECORDS OF
THE BUFFS
EAST KENT REGIMENT
(3RD FOOT) FORMERLY DESIGNATED
THE HOLLAND REGIMENT
AND PRINCE GEORGE OF
DENMARK’S REGIMENT

1914–1919

BY

COLONEL R. S. H. MOODY, C.B., p.s.c.

LATE THE BUFFS

LONDON
THE MEDICI SOCIETY, LIMITED
MCMXXII

Printed in Great Britain at
The Mayflower Press, Plymouth. William Brendon & Son, Ltd.

PREFACE

It has been said that a preface to a book is merely to give an opportunity to the author to make excuses for his shortcomings, and this is to a certain extent correct.

The chief point that seems to call for explanation in the case of this work is the condensation of a very long story into a very brief space. Economy demands that the book containing the history of the Buffs during the momentous years from 1914 to 1919 shall not stretch its length beyond a certain limit, and it is difficult to pack the stories of eight fighting battalions for four years into the required space; yet it is feared that the unavoidable price of a more lengthy volume or volumes might perhaps be prohibitive in the cases of many individuals deeply interested in the regiment.

Thus it is clear that if all battles and engagements are to be described, what may perhaps be considered as a bald record of events is not altogether avoidable.

The intervals between the great fights were fairly well filled with minor enterprises and with individual acts of gallantry, all of which ought to be recorded, but it is a misfortune that many brave deeds done by single men or very small parties can find no record in these pages. Several were performed that were not reported at the time, as is so often the case in war, when everyone of rank is so occupied with his urgent duties that it is more or less a chance whether or no he notices the heroism of individuals about him.

The list of subscribers, without whose help this book could not have been produced, is printed on pages 549–554.

CONTENTS

LIST OF APPENDICES

ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF MAPS

FOREWORD

To read this record of the part played by the Buffs in the desperate fighting of the early months of the war, in turning the tide of the enemy’s success and in the crowning victories, fills me with pride.

No pen can adequately convey the true measure of the constancy and valour of those men who endured and fought through the daily hardships, the hourly perils, the nerve strain during darkness—and this under the conditions of modern warfare, in battles which lasted not hours but weeks, with the added horrors of high explosives, gas poisoning, flame throwers, tanks and machine guns, delay-action mines and other mechanical and inhuman devices. Through all these trials the spirit of the regiment—of the Men of Kent—never faltered, its certain hope of victory never wavered.

For over three hundred and fifty years the historic name and high traditions of the Buffs have been in the keeping of the generations of men who followed each other in one or other of the so-called Regular battalions; during the Great War eight battalions, including two Territorial, took the field, and six others served at home. No less than thirty-two thousand men passed through the ranks of the regiment, of whom over five thousand gave their lives for their King and Country. But in spite of the great increase of numbers, and in spite of all the new dangers and perils, there was no change in the spirit, no weakening in the sense of duty which have always animated the Buffs; new and old battalions alike maintained, and more than maintained, the glory of the name handed down to them.

The recital of those deeds, and a description of the character of the war and conditions in which they achieved them, cannot therefore but inspire those who come after them in the battalions of the Buffs; so that should they too in their generation be called on to pass through the fiery ordeal, they also may, in the faith of their fathers, pass through unshaken to final victory.

CHAPTER I
THE FIRST BATTALION GOES TO WAR

I. Introductory

In the early hours of Tuesday morning the 5th August, 1914, the British Foreign Office issued this statement: “Owing to the summary rejection by the German Government of the request made by His Majesty’s Government for assurances that the neutrality of Belgium will be respected, His Majesty’s Ambassador at Berlin has received his passports and His Majesty’s Government have declared to the German Government that a state of war exists between Great Britain and Germany as from 11 p.m. on the 4th August.” Thus was the British Empire officially informed that the Great War had, at last, come upon Europe. Actually the Government had given orders for the mobilization of the Army some eight hours earlier, at 4 p.m. on the 4th; so that at that hour on that day this history properly begins.

The war took Great Britain by surprise. This does not mean that England was totally unprepared for such an eventuality; though comparatively small our land forces were in a condition of readiness and efficiency never before equalled. Nor does it mean that the idea of a war with Germany was new; through many years its likelihood had been canvassed and openly speculated upon both by soldiers, headed by the veteran Earl Roberts, and politicians. But it does mean that the man in the street did not think it would come in our time, and certainly no one could see any possible connection between the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his Consort at Serajevo on 28th June and an international war on a vast scale. The British temperament is not in its nature warlike; Englishmen do not soldier, like some, from a sheer love of soldiering. That is why the mass of the nation has always been steadily averse to conscription. In spite of warnings it was willing to take the risk, preferring quality to quantity where its army was concerned.

It is perhaps well to give here, in this introductory, in order to link up the story that is to follow with the past history of the regiment, a brief outline of the changes which went to the making of the British Army as it was at the beginning of hostilities, and the situation which led to the war.

The South African War had brought it home to the Government that the system initiated in 1871 failed to meet modern needs in certain fundamental respects. It was realized that drastic reforms were overdue; that new methods were essential. The work of reorganization was undertaken by Mr. (now Lord) Haldane, then Secretary of State for War; it was made all the more imperative by the aggressive and openly ambitious imperialism of Germany. Whilst still relying in the first instance on her naval supremacy, England could no longer think in terms of small forces fighting in far-flung corners of her mighty Empire. The danger loomed nearer home, and the possibility of a British force at grips with a foe across the narrow seas had to be faced; nay more, it had to be provided for and planned against. An agreement was made with France, our ancient enemy on many a bloody field, and the General Staffs of the two countries explored the measures necessary for the defence of the frontiers from the sea to the Vosges.

This entente was little more than a friendly understanding, and so little was England under any obligation to go to the aid of France that the actual position of the British Expeditionary Force was not settled until after the outbreak of war. Whether Great Britain would have remained neutral had Germany not forced her hand by invading Belgium, cannot now be stated. What is known is that Germany believed she would remain neutral; that, harassed by the threat of civil war in Ireland and other domestic difficulties, she would content herself as a looker-on. Therein Germany made her first big mistake. She made her second when she assumed that the British Army was too negligible to be seriously considered, and that if it came into the field at all it would arrive too late to affect the issue. Germany counted on a swift and fatal thrust across Flanders at the heart of France. She underestimated British feeling upon the treaty rights guaranteeing the integrity of Belgium, and she also forgot that Britain would look upon her advent, entrenched on the Belgian coast, as an intolerable menace. Thus, as events shaped, Belgium was the tinder on which the spark was struck that lighted the war-torch in Britain.

As regards the reconstruction undertaken by Haldane great progress had been made. The Army Council had taken the place of a commander-in-chief; the Imperial General Staff had been set up; the Militia, which had been converted into the Special Reserve, was ready to train and despatch recruits as required by the regular battalions; and the Territorials were organized on the same principle as the First Line, and, although they were under strength and only partially trained, it was thought that many old Territorials would rejoin in case of war and that complete units would be able to take the field after a few months’ training. In addition, the universities and public schools had responded to the invitation to turn their units into Officers’ Training Corps and a reserve of men capable of leadership in a time of crisis had thus been created. Above all, the Expeditionary Force, consisting of six divisions and a cavalry division, was ready to move at a moment’s notice. This finely tempered weapon, this wonderful fusion of skill and discipline with British courage, this “contemptible little army” was ready to thrust or parry, wherever it might be sent and against whatever odds.

II. Events Following the Outbreak of War

Before trying to follow the history of any particular unit it is, of course, necessary to bear in mind the military proceedings as a whole. Most people have a general idea of what took place in the different theatres of war, but events are apt to be forgotten, and it may be as well before describing any particular operations to remind the reader how it came about that such operations became necessary.

On the 4th August, 1914, war was declared with Germany, and in compliance with prearranged and carefully drawn up plans that Power, having already declared war on France on the 3rd, proceeded at once to violate the neutrality of Belgium whose roads supplied the easiest way to the heart of France, and the idea was to strike that country prostrate before Russia was ready to move. It was well understood that the Russians must be slower than any of the other immediate combatants to mobilize their forces.

Thus, on the 5th August, the Germans, who thoroughly recognized the advantage of getting in the first blow, were opposite Liége and occupied that city five days afterwards, although the last fort did not fall until the 17th. On the 14th August the French, too, were in Belgium, and between the 12th and 17th the British Expeditionary Force had landed on the coast and the army was moved into position extending from Condé through Mons and Binche.

During the few days prior to the British landing the Belgians had been driven steadily backward by overwhelming forces, as also had the French; and as the British Expeditionary Force only consisted of four divisions (the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 5th) and a cavalry division its numbers were far too small to make any very perceptible alteration in the situation. The result was a steady general retreat of all the Allies commencing on the 24th August and lasting to the 5th September, by which time the armies were behind the River Marne and in the immediate neighbourhood of Paris, and the British base had necessarily been shifted from the Channel ports to the mouth of the Loire.

A cold statement that the Great War opened with a rapid retreat conveys the truth perhaps, but not all of it. Never in its long history of adventure and heroism had the British Army covered itself with such glory. There are retreats and retreats in war. When an army runs away that disaster is described under this term, and there seems to be no other correct military expression for what happened in Flanders and France in August, 1914, though, as a matter of fact, the little army sent from these shores was fighting one long continuous battle against overwhelming odds; its artillery completely outnumbered; its infantry facing death and wounds in the most soldier-like spirit possible to any troops, quite unable to understand why the movement was backward and not forward, but resolved to a man to get some of their own back when their time came.

On the 5th September the retreat had ceased, and by this date the German Colonies of Togoland and Samoa had been wrested from them and their fleet had learnt what the British sailor was capable of, notably in the Bight of Heligoland on the 28th August.

On the 6th September the tide of war had turned on land: a general offensive by French and British troops had commenced, the Battle of the Marne begun and Paris saved.

Strictly speaking, there was no Battle of the Marne, the fighting between the 6th and 10th of September being desultory and chiefly in the nature of independent and to a great extent disconnected engagements, but the struggle or series of struggles, however described, proved, indeed, a turning point—the British crossed the river on the 9th and the Germans were in full retreat.

On the 13th the Allies recovered the important town of Soissons and forced the passage of the Aisne, on which river the enemy stood to fight, and there the combatants were still engaged on the 20th, for now the German retreat was over; on this day the British Expeditionary Force was reinforced by the British 6th Division (16th, 17th and 18th Infantry Brigades) which had landed on the 10th September, and the Buffs once more in their long history came into the presence of England’s foes.

All this time the Territorial Force was working hard to fit itself to help, and in a short time the bulk of it was sent to India to release our forces there which were promptly sent to France.

Meanwhile the new armies, whose numbers under the voluntary system were such as to fill every Englishman with pride, were straining every nerve to prepare themselves for war, and they were drafted off to the different fighting theatres as fast as they could be armed and equipped. The most wonderful fact of the early days of the war was the way that Kitchener’s appeal for recruits was answered. Thousands and thousands of quiet, peaceable citizens, who had never dreamed of anything to do with soldiering, much less of getting into uniform and themselves going off to fight, men from every rank of life, now thronged and jostled each other at the recruiting offices. They took long railway journeys at their own expense, or walked miles if they had no money, for the pleasure of standing, often for days, in queues waiting their turn to enlist. They faced the doctor with fear, hiding their disabilities, and passed the test with a sigh of relief.

What was true of England was true to an equal extent of the Colonies and oversea possessions, and the total number of soldiers raised, equipped and put into the firing line astonished ourselves almost as much as it dismayed the Germans, whose reckonings in this respect, as in all others, were completely at fault. The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada, the Allied Regiment of Canadian Militia, was represented in several of those gallant battalions which sailed in such numbers from their shores and which did such glorious service in France and Flanders.

The story of the struggle is so long, and the Buffs fought in so many theatres and places, that the clearest and best way of describing the deeds of the regiment appears to be the division of the eventful years of 1914 to 1918 into sections, so that the story of each battalion of the regiment may appear as clearly as possible between certain approximate dates. Of course, this system must be to a certain extent elastic, for, if a fixed date happened to be one during which a particular unit was in the midst of a very particular job, it would obviously be better to finish the description of that operation before drifting off to the doings of its brother Buffs somewhere else. The doings of the ten battalions, then, which together formed the regiment of Buffs, are what the reader is invited to consider in the following pages.

III. Move to France and the Battle of the Aisne

The 1st Battalion on the 4th August, 1914, was quartered at Fermoy in Ireland and the 2nd was in India. It is obvious, therefore, that as the 2nd Battalion had to come home, the 4th and 5th to complete their training, and all others to be not only trained, but raised before they could add their splendid quota to the glory of the Buffs, the story of the first period of the war up to the 17th November, 1914, must mainly concern the senior battalion of the regiment. This date is taken because it was then that the desperate attempt of the Germans to hack their way through to Calais and the Channel ports finally proved a failure, and in France and Belgium heavy, murderous and continuous fighting merged into stonewall tactics, if tactics they could be called: when each of the opposing sides dug themselves in and when the long, dull, trying period of trench warfare set in on the Western Front. Up to this date no attempt had been made to force the Dardanelles. In fact, Turkey had only become a declared enemy a very few days and Italy was still at peace.

The 1st Buffs were, as has been said, at Fermoy. Their brigade was the 16th and the Brigadier-General was E. C. Ingouville-Williams, C.B., D.S.O., himself a very well-known old Buff who, after being adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, distinguished himself as commander of a column in the Boer War and was promoted out of the regiment, as is sometimes the fate of soldiers who serve in a “slow-promotion” corps. The other battalions of the 16th Brigade were the 1st Leicestershire Regiment, 1st King’s Shropshire Light Infantry (K.S.L.I.) and the 2nd York and Lancaster Regiment; it will be useful to remember the names of these battalions as they must naturally be frequently referred to in the following narrative, and they were the close and very good comrades of our men.

The history of the 1st Battalion had, up to this time and since the commencement of the war, been briefly as follows: as early as the 29th July directions had been received that certain precautionary measures were to be taken at once, and on the 4th August the order for mobilization reached the battalion at Fermoy. Almost immediately the strength was augmented by 554 reservists, many of whom were wearing the Indian Frontier and South African Medals. Thus a very fine battalion resulted. The commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel H. C. de la M. Hill, was a well-known musketry expert, and he had with him Brevet-Colonel Julian Hasler, who had distinguished himself in both the campaigns alluded to, Major E. H. Finch Hatton, who won his D.S.O. in South Africa, Major R. McDouall, who also gained a D.S.O. in the same war, and many another good officer. The sergeants were very highly trained, so much so, indeed, that nearly all the survivors were made commissioned officers within a few months of the battalion reaching the shores of France. The privates, after the great influx of reservists, were composed of brisk and energetic youngsters, keen and bold, and steady old soldiers—invaluable as a stiffening.

It proved afterwards that “the dash was all on the side of the youngsters, but the old reservists were a great backbone in holding off the German advance—in trench warfare they were excellent—in fact, they liked it.”[1]

On the 12th August the battalion left Fermoy, and after a troublous journey reached Cambridge on the 19th. As everybody knows that the song of “Tipperary” was most popular at this time in the Army, it may be interesting to note that it was first played by this battalion. It was arranged by Bandmaster Elvin for the band a year before and the score was lent to many other units. The stay at Cambridge, which lasted up to the 8th September, was beneficial in so far that it remade soldiers of the reservists whose physical condition had somewhat deteriorated during a long spell of civil life. The battalion was hospitably entertained by Christ’s College; the officers were entertained at the High Table and frequent presents of fruit, chiefly mulberries, from Milton’s Mulberry Tree, were sent to the men.[2]

On the 8th September at noon the 1st Battalion The Buffs, together with the 2nd York and Lancaster Regiment, sailed for the mouth of the Loire to which Sir John French had now transferred his base. The journey was made by rail and march after the port of St. Nazaire was reached, the train starting at dim dawn on the 11th and taking the route: Nantes, Angers, Tours, Verdun, Paris to Mortcerf, a twenty-six-hour journey. The ensuing eight days’ march was not without incident and not without discomfort, but there was excitement, too. Heavy firing was heard all day on the 12th. The first taste of outpost duty in war time came the following night. Billets were used each night, but these were not always of the best and the weather was generally execrable. The billets, which one night consisted of a cowshed, were sometimes shared with Belgian refugees, and altogether it was with a sort of relief that the real fighting line was reached at last at 2.30 a.m. on the 21st September. Vailly on the Aisne was entered and the Fifth and Royal Fusiliers relieved in the trenches at that place, A, C and D Companies being in the front line with B in reserve.

It will be remembered that the Germans, after their retreat from the Marne, were now standing fast, and that in its turn the Allied pursuit was checked upon the Aisne. The enemy knew somehow that fresh troops were now in front of them and, hoping to find an inferior article to that they had been sampling for the last month, determined to attack and try what they were made of.

The Buffs were on the left of the brigade line, on the crest of a small plateau beyond the river, and the enemy’s trenches were on the far slope, from two hundred to seven hundred yards away, with all the best of the situation because, owing to the shape of the ground, our artillery had great difficulty in aiding this particular part of the line, whereas the Germans were very closely supported by their guns. On the right was an improvised sub-section of defence consisting of the Norfolk Regiment and King’s Shropshire Light Infantry, under Colonel Hasler of the Buffs.

The attack commenced at 8 p.m., lasted for two and a half hours, and was a failure. The firing was heavy and the attempt was resolute enough, but as the locality was difficult for our guns the Buffs employed prolonged rapid fire as a substitute and succeeded in repulsing the onslaught. Major E. H. Finch Hatton, D.S.O., and Captain F. C. R. Studd were wounded in the action, two men were killed and five wounded.

The battalion remained in these trenches till the 13th October and suffered several casualties. In fact, each day added a few to the killed and wounded, and each day brought to light some good quality in the men. The first name in the regiment to be brought to notice for gallantry was No. 9967 Corpl. Randall who, himself wounded, on the 2nd October showed great courage in attending to Pte. Hamilton under fire. Hamilton, however, did not survive. The stretcher bearers, too, were proved to be a most gallant set of men—stretcher bearers always are somehow. The sight of the pain and mutilation of others seems to bring out a sort of ferocious tenderness on the part of those who protect and assist the maimed. Pte. Medway was conspicuous even amongst these devoted fellows.

Particularly heavy firing along the whole line and including reserves occurred on the 9th October. The church at Vailly was struck and ten horses belonging to the regimental transport were killed close to it. The hospital also suffered.

Early in October it appeared to Sir John French that it was advisable to withdraw the army from the Aisne and strongly reinforce the forces in the north with a view to outflanking the enemy and so making him withdraw from his position. In fact, each army at this time was trying to outflank the other, because frontal fighting, owing to the complete system of entrenchments in vogue on both sides, was found to bring no practical results. This accounted for the fact that in a very short time flanks ceased to exist, for one soon rested on the sea and the other on neutral Switzerland. French’s first attempt at outflanking was rendered abortive by the German capture of Antwerp, and so the war developed into a fierce struggle for the coast, which may be said to have commenced on the 11th October and continued till the 17th November; the enemy’s idea being to seize Calais and the Channel ports and so make up for their failure to capture Paris.

This struggle is sometimes called the Battle of Flanders, but it in reality included several fights, the chief of these being collectively described as the Battles of Ypres, 1914. Of course, the great move from the Aisne to the neighbourhood of St. Omer and Hazebrouck took time, and it was not till the 19th October that the move was completed. General Foch, whose headquarters were at Doullens, at this time commanded all French troops north of Noyon and our Commander-in-Chief had arranged with him a general wheel of troops to the right, in order to menace the German flank; this arrangement was made before the fall of Antwerp. It brought the English 7th Division to Ypres; caused heavy fighting for the 3rd Division about Givenchy, which lasted for three weeks; moved the 4th Division to the north and 6th to south of the town of Armentieres, and was the immediate cause of the flight which followed at Radinghem.

Antwerp fell on the 9th October, and this event released 90,000 enemy troops, and the Germans also at this time brought four fresh Army Corps from their Eastern or Russian front, and so the English Army and that part of the French one which was in its neighbourhood were facing greatly superior numbers. As far as the Buffs were concerned they were relieved in their trenches on the Aisne by French troops on the 12th of the month, marched to Bazoches with the rest of the 16th Brigade and there entrained for Cassel, which they reached on the 13th. The relief of the trenches at Vailly was carried out successfully, but not altogether without difficulty. The enemy seemed to have an idea of what was going on and fired a number of flares, and a searchlight was also seen. The wheels of the transport were, however, covered with straw, as was the floor of the pontoon bridge over the river, in order to deaden noise. The French took up their position very quietly and very quickly, and the battalion re-crossed the Aisne at 2.15 a.m., the last of the brigade marching by Rouge Croix and Oultersteene.

The 16th Brigade was directed to Bois Grenier on the 17th as reserve to the division. The 17th was also sent here and the 18th to Armentieres, about four miles to the north. During the morning, however, as hostile firing was heard and observed, certain alterations were made by the 6th Division by order of superior authority, and it took up and constructed a defensive position along a new line: the 17th Brigade on the left, 18th in the centre and 16th on the right from Croix Marechal to Rouge de Bout—French cavalry being on the right again.

On the 18th October the 17th and 18th Brigades advanced to ascertain what the enemy was doing about Perenchies, le Paradis and La Vallée, and to discover his strength, and in connection with this movement the 16th Brigade was ordered to send one battalion towards La Vallée and Bacquart. The Buffs were selected and the York and Lancasters were sent to Bridoux to cover their right flank. At 10.30 on this Sunday morning the Buffs debouched from Grand Flamengrie Farm with orders to seize the line of the Hameau de Bas-La Vallée road, but not to get seriously involved. B, C and D Companies deployed, with A in reserve.

IV. Battle of Armentieres: Action at Radinghem

Before reaching the above line the battalion got orders to take the village of Radinghem.

Just beyond this village is a fairly high ridge or plateau on which stands the Chateau de Flandres, and there is a wood on the edge of the plateau screening the house from the village, the distance between this wood and the south edge of the village being about three hundred yards.

Brevet Colonel Julian Hasler was in command of the forward or firing line which advanced through Radinghem, seized the ridge and, pushing on, took the Chateau where severe hand-to-hand fighting occurred. But soon considerable German reinforcements coming up, the Buffs had to abandon the Chateau itself, though they still clung to the edge of the wood.

During the attack Company Sergeant-Major Brady, with nineteen men of C Company, on surmounting a piece of rising ground, suddenly found himself about two hundred yards from a German battalion in close order. Each Buff had three hundred rounds of ammunition, and one of the most beautiful displays of rapid firing ever made was the result: that particular German battalion was very quickly “put out of action,” as they say on field days. The successful attack on the Chateau de Flandres was immensely helped by Major Bayley’s company of the York and Lancaster Regiment, which had worked its way round to take the enemy in flank; so that when these men approached, the enemy had hastily to withdraw. Without a doubt the Buffs owe very much to this gallant company.

At 6.10 p.m. the situation was looking serious, but after a German counter-attack had been repulsed things became better. Then orders came to hand over Radinghem to some French cavalry and to withdraw. When the Frenchmen arrived, however, they were found to be only 130 strong, so the Buffs and York and Lancaster consolidated themselves on the south edge of the village and settled in for the night. The artillery, a mixed brigade under Lt.-Colonel Humphrey, had most nobly supported the infantry during the day. Later on, when the regiment had more experience, they found that the devotion to duty shown by the Gunners at Radinghem was quite a normal state of things with that arm, and was so looked for as a matter of course that notice was hardly taken of their excellent work, but in this, almost their first battle of the war, praise of the Gunners was in every man’s mouth.

On the 19th touch was obtained with the 18th Brigade at the railway crossing east of Bas Champs. At 3 p.m. the 16th Brigade was ordered to withdraw to Bois Grenier and to leave one battalion only at Radinghem. The consequence of this was of course that, the York and Lancaster being withdrawn, the Buffs were left alone to occupy the lines which last night had been constructed for both regiments.

The morning of the 20th opened with very heavy artillery fire from the enemy’s guns of large calibre, and then the German infantry pressed very heavily. About 2 p.m. Colonel Hasler was badly wounded,[3] and command of the front line devolved on Major McDouall. At 3 p.m. the artillery reported that the Germans were advancing along the two roads from Le Maisnil leading to Radinghem. This meant that the Buffs would probably be surrounded, as touch with the 18th Brigade and French cavalry had failed, and indeed it was ultimately found that these troops had been driven back. At 3.35 and again at 4 o’clock McDouall reported that the situation was very serious, but that he was holding on; that the machine guns were knocked out, the trench on his left hitherto held by C Company had been captured and that he was “in a tight corner.” He received orders to retire company by company, and replied that it was very difficult, but that “We will do the best we can.” At 4.50 came a message from the brigade to hold on at all costs and promising the support of two companies of the York and Lancaster. The Headquarter party of the battalion manned a barricade in the village and McDouall retired, the work being carried out in a most soldierly manner, and at 7 p.m. the promised help arrived, followed half an hour later by the brigadier himself, who ordered the front of the village to be held, unaware that both flanks were exposed. A staff officer of the division, however, shortly arrived who was acquainted with the situation, and he directed the retirement of the Buffs, which was carried out without trouble, as the enemy was not enterprising and appeared to have had enough of the battalion. At 1 a.m. on the 21st the rear guard cleared the village, and that morning Grand Flamengrie Farm was reached again and billets resumed.

In this action the Buffs lost Lieuts. J. D. Phillips, R. McDougall, M. Noott and R. S. Glyn killed, and Colonel J. Hasler and Lieuts. G. F. Hamilton, C. C. Stanfield and Orwan wounded. Of the rank and file 17 were reported killed and 62 missing, but these were undoubtedly all or nearly all killed; 57 were wounded. The regiment earned great praise for the stand it made at Radinghem, and, though it will be impossible in this history accurately to chronicle each honour and reward as conferred, it is interesting to note that on the 28th November No. 8922 Sgt. J. McNeir was awarded the D.C.M. for the gallant manner in which he brought up his platoon to the support of B Company at Chateau de Flandres, near Radinghem, on the 20th October, 1914, and that:—

“On the 20th October, 1914, at Chateau de Flandres, near Radinghem, Sergeant Forwood continued to serve his machine guns, after the officer in charge had been killed, until all the team and both the guns had been knocked out by heavy artillery, himself being wounded in five places. He crawled in and reported the situation.” Sergeant Forwood was awarded the D.C.M., and the incident is described by a General Officer, who later on commanded the 6th Division, as being typical of the fierce fighting at this time.

On the 23rd October a heavy attack developed at dawn against the Shropshire and York and Lancaster battalions and part of the line, which consisted of isolated trenches only, was rendered untenable by machine guns which the shape of the ground enabled the enemy to bring up. This attack was a very bold one and Germans were actually bayoneted in the trenches, and two hundred dead were counted opposite one of the Shropshire defences.

At one time there was a gap just east of Bridoux, caused by some of the trenches being lost and others still held, and matters were in rather a confused state, so, to clear up the situation, Lieut. G. R. Thornhill’s platoon of the Buffs, under the direction and guidance of Major Clemson of the York and Lancaster Regiment, was pushed forward from the Touquet-La Boutillerie road by some dongas running south. There appeared to be no enemy in the gap, and on approaching one of the trenches Thornhill and his men rushed forward to secure it, when he and several of his followers were shot down by a concealed machine gun. Indeed, only ten returned, bringing with them seven wounded men, but they were obliged to leave Thornhill, who was actually in the trench, and several others. Pte. Pearce made a manly effort at rescue and managed to drag Pte. Bull in, but could not reach his officer. Both A and C Companies employed the bayonet on this day, counter-attacking in front of the Shropshire and the Leicestershire trenches.

It is not so very long ago that many thoughtful army officers were of opinion that the days of the bayonet were over for ever; but then, of course, no one at all dreamed in the summer of 1914 that soldiers would again fight in iron helmets or throw grenades, and there have been many similar surprises during this war.

There seems to be no doubt that from the 23rd to the 25th of October the situation of the 16th Brigade was very critical, and indeed Br.-General Ingouville-Williams twice reported that this was the case. The reason was that the line held was not continuous and it was impossible to make it so, on account of the great number of Germans who were attacking. It was therefore resolved to construct a proper line of trenches 100 yards or so south of the Touquet-La Boutillerie road and to withdraw into it; but as, during the whole of the 23rd, the Leicestershire right flank was being enveloped, new dispositions were made by Brigadiers Williams and Congreve in consultation; they resolved that the Leicestershire should hold their trenches east of the railway and then bend back along it—a most prominent salient and with a poor field of fire, but the best that could be done till the new trenches were ready for occupation.

On the 24th October loud cheering was heard in this direction, and it was feared that the Leicestershire had been rushed, and a company of the Buffs and another of the York and Lancaster were immediately deployed to take the supposedly successful enemy in flank. Verbal reports came in during the morning to Brigade H.Q. at La Touquet that the Leicestershire battalion had been forced to retire, that some posts had been surrounded and that no officers were left. This account, however, fortunately proved to have been exaggerated. The enemy had, in fact, made a small gap in the line, occupying the railway, but the good old battalion from Leicestershire had quickly closed it and, though it had suffered severely, it still held its own and was moreover in touch with the King’s Shropshire Light Infantry.

On the 25th the withdrawal of the whole brigade to the newly made trenches which had been carefully prepared was carried out without a hitch, but in most unpleasantly wet weather.

The student, interested in the tactical movements of military forces, rarely thinks of weather and other little details, but to the poor suffering soldier weather, punctual or fairly punctual delivery of rations (not forgetting the rum), baths, clean clothes, nature of shelter by day and night, and even the phases of the moon seem almost of more importance than the chance of a few casualties.

C.S.M. Stone and Sgt. Stock had been highly complimented during these last few days, as was Corpl. Marsh for his good reconnoitring work; but this occurred to the N.C.O.’s and men of the Buffs so frequently from 1914 to 1918 that it is impossible to refer to all acts of devotion and gallantry. It may well be noted, however, that on the 25th October C Company was resolutely attacked, the enemy getting within seventy yards of their trench, and that Captain E. B. Chichester showed all the gallantry of his English ancestry, cheering on his men and showing a noble example till he fell mortally wounded. D Company gallantly repulsed German attacks at 8 and at 9 o’clock and then retired to a prepared position in rear. The Buffs’ casualties this day were Captain Chichester and Lieut. Stock killed, Lieuts. R. W. Homan and Child wounded, five other ranks killed, twenty wounded and two missing.

About this time the discovery seems to have been made that officers could be supplied not only from civilians in England, but from highly trained, very gallant and thoroughly reliable non-commissioned officers, who were daily adding to their war experience; so Company Sergeant-Majors (C.S.M.) Nesbit and Stone, Sgts. Corrall, Stock and Orwin, and a little later on Company Quarter-Master Sergeant (C.Q.M.S.) Sayer, C.S.M. Kesby, C.S.M. Price, and Sgts. King, Hallan and Harris were promoted to be 2nd Lieutenants. Most of them, alas, were sent out of the regiment, which was a great blow, but of course the needs of the Army as a whole must always be the first consideration.

RADINGHEM

On the 5th November the death took place of Major-General R. G. Kekewich,[4] C.B., Colonel of the Buffs; General the Right Honourable Sir Arthur Paget,[5] P.C., G.C.B., K.C.V.O., was appointed to succeed him.

On the 15th November Colonel H. C. de la M. Hill, the commanding officer, was invalided home and Major McDouall temporarily took over the battalion. This was the first of a long series of changes in the command, which was the common fate of all units.

After the very strenuous attack by the Germans had died away the 1st Battalion had a longish spell of comparative quiet. Casualties, which in one of our frequent minor wars would have made a stir, were of regular occurrence and almost taken for granted; the records show almost every day something like two killed and five wounded, and drafts to replace these good fellows were fairly often arriving from England. Later on the relief of units actually in the trenches by others in rear occurred at short intervals, but it may be noted here that on the 24th November the Buffs, when relieved by the Shropshire Light Infantry, had been no less than four weeks and six days in the front line, east of Bois Grenier.

During the winter the wet weather, followed by frosts, caused the sides of the trenches to fall in, and the low-lying nature of the country made it impossible to drain them properly; so it was decided, as a temporary measure, to abandon the ditches themselves and build and man breastworks in lieu. These were generally placed just in rear of the old works so that the latter could be reoccupied when the weather improved.

Of course, the long, dull and dreary trench warfare was not entirely without incident. A poem by Captain C. W. Blackall[6] describes in graphic verse how one of the ration carriers being a little late in slipping into the safety of the trench was bowled over by the enemy and was at first supposed to be dead, but he managed after a while to crawl in somehow and in spite of his agony he brought in his sack of bacon with him. That is the sort of spirit which, when it animates everyone in an army, renders that force absolutely unconquerable. It has often been the same. On the Indian frontier once a Buff soldier was apparently killed. Someone bent over him to take any possible last message. The man was in agony and shot in the stomach, but he could just speak. “Where’s my bloody rifle?” was all he said.

On St. George’s Day, 1915, the enemy had the audacity to stick out a flag at their sap head and on it was inscribed the words “Gott strafe England.” 2nd Lieut. Corrall, Sergt. Vigors and Pte. Russell disapproved of this, as showing an improperly defiant attitude, so they crept out and triumphantly brought it in with them.

The Army Commander, Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, inspected the battalion in the spring and was much struck with the smart turn-out. Such is custom and the result of training and education. The Buffs must be smartly turned-out, and conditions and circumstances have nothing to do with the matter.

It was on the 3rd May that the 1st Battalion and the rest of the 16th Brigade first heard of the German gas attacks, which occurred north-east of Ypres and to which reference will be made in the next chapter. Precautionary measures were taken, but the second battle of Ypres did not greatly affect the troops so far south of the town as was the 6th Division, but about 1,500 shells fell into Armentieres on the 6th May. On the last day of this month a move was made to the neighbourhood of Bailleul and Poperinghe—the village of Wittenhoek, four miles south of the latter town, being the Buffs’ billet.

On the 2nd June it so happened that the 2nd Battalion, whose adventures are now to be related, were in Poperinghe, and so, in the nature of things, a meeting, which will be referred to later, had to be arranged.

It must be remembered in reading the foregoing pages, and indeed in studying the next chapter also, that the enemy was, during the last quarter of 1914 and early in the next year, making a well-organized and very determined attempt to gain Calais and the coast of the English Channel, and that enormous masses of men were devoted to this effort, as well as artillery vastly superior in weight of metal to that which our side could then by any possibility bring to bear. The English lines of communication ran across the Channel, and it is a maxim of war that if such lines are lost the army that relies on them must either win an overwhelming victory or surrender. If Calais had been won by the Germans the connection between England and her armies would have been to a great extent severed, for how could reinforcements, munitions and necessaries daily cross the Channel under heavy and continuous fire, and repeated and constant attacks from submarine bases?

At Radinghem and at Ypres then, our regiment was helping to defend England from a dreadful and unprecedented disaster, and Men of Kent must further consider that to a certain extent, at any rate, the Buffs were, more than any other regiment, defending their own homeland, for if hostile batteries of modern long-range guns could have been planted on Cape Gris Nez, not only would Dover harbour and dockyard have been destroyed, but, knowing the Germans as we do now, we may be pretty certain that Hythe, Folkestone, Sandgate and perhaps Deal would soon have been in as ruinous a condition as were, a little later, Rheims, Arras and Ypres.

Leaving the 1st Battalion for a while doing its duty in the neighbourhood of Poperinghe, we will now turn our attention to the story of the 2nd Battalion from India.

CHAPTER II
THE 2ND BATTALION TAKES ITS SHARE

I. Returns to England

The opening of hostilities found the headquarters of the 2nd Battalion at Wellington in India. It was, like most units which have been some time abroad, a very fine body of men, in spite of the fact that Wellington is not exactly a training centre and that three detachments were provided by the battalion. Very early in the war it was called upon to send home, to the assistance of the new armies in course of formation, some of the most useful members of the battalion staff and many of the very best sergeants. Training was, however, continued, and in November orders arrived to sail for England on being relieved by Territorial troops, who had quite forgotten apparently that they were home service soldiers only, directly England wanted them abroad.

On leaving the East the Buffs had to leave behind a depot which consisted of a few men passed unfit, all the women and children, and the property of the messes, regimental institutes, Army Temperance Association and rifle ranges; this was under the command of Captain Howard Smith. The only things that went home with the fighting men were the Colours and the mess silver.

The battalion embarked at Bombay on the 16th November on the Cunard ship Ultonia, which was old, slow and dirty, and fearfully overcrowded owing to the 2nd Battalion East Yorkshire regiment being also on board. The ship was under convoy together with thirty-three others, and the whole made Plymouth instead of Southampton on the 23rd December, after making a wide detour in the Atlantic to avoid submarines. The Buffs were bundled off their ship in great haste and without their kits; they got off somehow to Winchester, where they found themselves on a cold, bleak down, in pouring rain and with but very meagre equipment—cooking-pots being one of the very many items that were deficient. An Army Service wagon or two ultimately came along and threw some blankets upon the wet ground, and some bread and meat on top of them, and went away; but of course their drivers were not responsible for cooking-pots. Christmas, 1914, may have been a merry one in many places, even in the trenches to a certain extent, but it is doubtful if the 2nd Battalion of the Buffs ever spent a more miserable one. Certainly Captain Tomlinson’s company got plum puddings, but that was the one bright spot.

The battalion, together with the 3rd Royal Fusiliers, 2nd East Surrey and the 3rd Middlesex, all from India, found itself in the 85th Infantry Brigade under Br.-General A. J. Chapman, C.B., who had Captain C. J. Deverell for brigade major. The brigade was part of the 28th Division—Major-General Bulfin, C.V.O., C.B. Captain L. Fort, and afterwards Lieut. the Hon. P. G. Scarlett, was appointed staff captain to the 85th Brigade.

Military exercises of an intensive kind were, of course, the daily lot of the men while at Winchester, particularly so because the latest pattern rifle (not used in India) had just been issued to them. A furlough of three clear days to 25 per cent of the soldiers at a time was, however, granted, so that those just returned from India, after a foreign tour of nearly ten years, might get a glimpse of their friends before starting for a new and sterner foreign service. A few drafts of new men arrived, but it must be understood that these reinforcements for each and all of the battalions during the four years under consideration were of such frequent occurrence as to render constant reference to them both tiresome and superfluous. It may easily be understood that the strength of a unit must constantly be varying. A hard-fought action would reduce the numbers enormously, as well as did the regular drain by death, wounds and disease during the weary trench work.

The only events worthy of record during the stay at Winchester were a violent squall which did great damage to the tents on the 28th December, and a grand inspection of the division by His Majesty the King accompanied by Lord Kitchener on the 12th January, 1915. The battalion moved into billets in the city on the 6th January, the officers being accommodated in Winchester College.[7]

It is only fair to note here that the newly issued boots were not of proper quality: the heels came off and the nails went through. Later on, in France, the men experienced a good deal of quite unnecessary hardship on account of their boots, which to an infantry soldier are only of second importance to his weapons. Some one was to blame, of course, presumably the contractor, and it seems that in every war these men must make their fortunes at the expense of the soldier.

Most judges agree that English soldiers are seldom seen to such perfection of training and physique as in India, and the infantry of the 28th Division was entirely composed of units from that country, so that all who saw these troops prior to embarkation for France agreed that no finer body of infantry had ever taken the field.

The start was made on the 16th January, on which day the division marched to Southampton, and a trying march it was; though well timed and arranged by the staff, sufficient consideration was not given to the length of the journey by foot, the state of the weather nor the weight each soldier had to carry.

II. Arrives on Western Front

Next day the Buffs embarked for Havre, for the Channel ports were safe enough by this time. On the 21st they detrained at Hazebrouck and marched to Rouge Croix (4½ miles N.E.), after one of those terrible French railway journeys, during which sanitary arrangements are non-existent. The battalion now became a fighting unit in the great struggle that was raging round Ypres.

It is good in winter time to have plenty of warm clothing and protection from the weather, but the kits at this period were terribly heavy to carry. Later on regular parties were told off to take what was required from the billets to the trenches and so on, but at first the soldier, in addition to his regular sixty-two pounds’ weight of kit, was burdened with a fur coat, gum boots and spare sandbags, all very excellent things to have with one, but a bit of a job to get over the ground with.

On the 28th January the brigade was inspected by the Commander-in-Chief, accompanied by the Prince of Wales. During the month of February the Germans made several more or less determined attempts to pierce the British line near Ypres, and sometimes with partial success. On the 4th of the month the 85th Brigade, being at Ouderdom, received news that their comrades of the 83rd were being attacked south-west of the city, so two battalions started at once to the rescue, and these were followed two hours later by the Buffs and Middlesex, who entered the place and remained in readiness in the cavalry barracks.

The 5th February brought some counter-marching. At 4.30 a.m. the battalion started to march back again to Ouderdom as being not wanted and was then told to stand by in readiness to move again, as the 84th Brigade was now in trouble to the south of Ypres. This march, however, was not performed till the following day, by the evening of which both the Buffs and East Surreys were back in the cavalry barracks, and from there they went into the trenches, the Buffs’ Headquarters being at Ferme Chapelle.

The experience of the next few days was a terrible one; the trenches, which had just been taken over from the French, were in very bad condition indeed: they were knee-deep in water, and with parapets so rotten as not to be bullet proof. Very soon this state of things had its effect and numbers of the men were suffering from swollen feet and frost-bite.

III. “O” Trench

The brigade front at this time was intersected at right angles by the Ypres-Comines Canal, which divided it into what were known as the Right and Left Sections of Defence. Immediately north of the canal the Left Section of Defence was entrusted to the Buffs and 3rd Royal Fusiliers, these battalions relieving each other as ordered; and the south or the Right Section of Defence to the 2nd East Surrey and the 3rd Middlesex. Each section had its own battalion headquarters. A small part of the southern section was also held by one company of the Buffs (Captain Worthington). The other battalions of the brigade were in somewhat similar conditions to the Buffs, and were daily and rapidly being reduced in fighting strength and efficiency, chiefly through frost-bite and sickness. So serious had things become owing to this reduction in fighting strength that, by the 13th February, it was decided to relieve the brigade, and to withdraw it to recoup and refit as soon as other troops were available to replace it in the line.

It had already been decided by the higher command that a part of the line then being held by the 3rd Middlesex and the 2nd East Surrey, south of the canal, was to be shortened by the construction of new trenches a little in rear of trenches “O” and “P.” This work had already been started, and was, on the night of the 14th February, being continued by the 3rd Middlesex, which temporarily withdrew the garrisons from “O” and “P” trenches for the purpose of digging, leaving those trenches in charge of small covering parties only.

The Germans, who up till then had been showing very little local activity, unexpectedly raided and captured “O” trench and prevented its reoccupation by the Middlesex; without delay they reversed the parapet, wired the front on our side and took all necessary steps for resisting any attempts at recapture.

During the night 14th/15th February the Buffs were relieved by the 3rd Royal Fusiliers from their unenviable position in the trenches as recorded above, and were withdrawn a short distance to Chateau Rosenthal (Bedford House), on the Ypres-St. Eloi road, to rest. By the time the reliefs had been completed and the battalion had settled down to rest the night was far spent.

Shortly before dawn alarming rumours reached Battalion H.Q. that the enemy had broken through the Middlesex and were advancing on Ypres. Colonel Geddes reported accordingly to Brigade H.Q., and the battalion was at once turned out in readiness for any eventuality. Soon after daybreak orders were received to move out and hold the canal bank south-east of Langhof. Although fairly heavily shelled en route, the battalion crossed the canal without loss and assembled on the north side, under cover of the canal embankment. Here it was subsequently joined by the brigadier and some of the brigade staff and remained awaiting developments throughout the rest of the morning.

About 2.30 p.m. the 2nd East Surrey, assisted by as many of the Middlesex as it had been possible to collect, were ordered to recapture “O” trench. No arrangements had apparently been made for artillery support, and moreover this attack had to be made over ground deep in mud, devoid of any cover and without any previous reconnaissance or guides. From the Buffs’ rendezvous nothing could be seen of what was taking place on the far side of the embankment, where the attack had been launched. About 4.30 p.m. the Buffs (less one company which remained with the brigadier in reserve) were ordered to reinforce the East Surrey, who, owing to extremely heavy losses, were reported to be held up and unable to make further progress. As the leading company of the Buffs broke cover it came under artillery fire which caused many casualties, including its commander, Major F. S. Reeves, wounded, and Lieut. R. M. Heywood, killed. Neither the whereabouts of the East Surreys nor the direction of the objective were known, and by this time darkness was fast approaching. However, the three companies continued the advance in the dusk and by good fortune came up with some of the East Surreys, who, having reached a point some five hundred yards from the objective, were unable to advance any further. The Buffs passed through them and continued to advance until they reached a point about three hundred yards from the objective, which by this time, however, was completely hidden in the darkness which had by now intervened. At this point a subaltern of the East Surrey Regiment, who had lost his platoon, was met, and he volunteered to act as guide. The leading company again pushed on, but, owing to the difficulty of keeping touch and maintaining direction in the dark, a part of the battalion found itself held up by wire and suffering heavy losses from fire from more than one direction. At this juncture Colonel Geddes wisely determined to withdraw the battalion, which was only done with the greatest difficulty.

Whilst the above operations were in progress, half a battalion of the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers, sent from the 84th Brigade, had arrived in the dark at the rendezvous on the canal bank, where the brigadier and the reserve company of the Buffs (Major R. E. Power) were waiting. As nothing was known of the military situation, nor of the whereabouts of the Buffs nor of the East Surrey Regiment, from whom no reports had been received since dark, the brigadier ordered the reserve company of the Buffs to go out and find the rest of the battalion. He himself started with them. After going a short distance they came across a building full of wounded which was found to be the Battalion H.Q. of the Right Section of Defence, then occupied by the headquarters of the 3rd Middlesex Regiment. Here a guide was procured, and the company proceeded in the direction in which the remainder of the battalion and the 2nd East Surrey had gone. Before it had gone far, however, it luckily met Colonel Geddes returning. The battalion (less half Major Power’s company, detached to occupy a front-line trench) reached the canal about 10.30 p.m., and was sent back at 1 a.m. to Chateau Rosenthal to get a meal and rest.

During the morning of the 15th February, 1915, a conference was held at Brigade H.Q., and it was decided to renew the attack on the lost trench “O” on that night. The brigadier at first decided to carry out this operation with the Buffs and East Surrey Regiment only, but these two battalions had together only about three hundred men available, owing to the casualties of the previous day and the losses sustained during the recent tour in the trenches. Two companies of the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers (84th Brigade) were, therefore, added to this small force, which was placed under command of Colonel Geddes. In the written orders issued to units it was stated that “O” trench was to be retaken at all costs and held until reliefs arrived. The G.O.C. 28th Division stated that the 85th Brigade, which, owing to the severe losses from fire and sickness already incurred, was to have been at once withdrawn from the line and sent back to recoup and refit, would not be relieved until the lost trench “O” had been recaptured.

At 7 p.m. the Buffs (less half D Company)[8] and 2nd East Surrey Regiment (less one and a half companies) assembled at the place ordered, that is, on the road junction on the Ypres-St. Eloi road, 620 yards south of the canal. From this point the column, led by the Buffs, marched via the road leading east towards Oosthoek, as far as the Battalion H.Q. of the Right Sections of Defence, where the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers (less two companies) joined and followed in reserve. Leaving here at 7.40 p.m. and moving in file, closed up, the column was skilfully guided some two thousand yards across country by Lieut. J. A. H. Wood, 2nd East Surrey, to the position of deployment (the north-east end of a spinney about 150 yards north of “O” trench), which was reached without opposition or casualties at about 8.40 p.m. On reaching the position of deployment the Buffs, under Major L. I. B. Hulke, having previously fixed bayonets, silently deployed into line to the left, in single rank, without extending, and lay down in the deep mud. The East Surreys, acting in a similar manner, formed a second line twenty yards in rear with the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers some fifty yards behind them. Selected scouts of the Buffs were sent out to reconnoitre and cut the enemy’s wire and to report on the intervening ground, which was quite unknown to all those about to take part in this attack. Such complete silence had been maintained during the advance and deployment that the presence of the column was unknown to the enemy until a prearranged artillery bombardment of his trenches commenced at 8.55 p.m. The shells all appeared to take effect against the main German position, and consequently well beyond the immediate objective. They unfortunately had the undesired effect of putting the defenders on the qui vive, for they at once manned the trench “O,” sent up flares, which revealed the position of the attacking force, and opened on it a withering fire from rifles, machine guns and trench mortars.

The time ordered for the assault was 9 p.m., and the right of the Buffs was detailed to direct. Immediately the enemy opened fire it was apparent from the shells which, following one another in quick succession, burst immediately behind and close to the Buffs, that the enemy had the exact range. Realizing this, Major Hulke at once gave the order to advance. Just in front of the Buffs the ground sloped somewhat steeply downwards towards the objective for about fifty yards. Nothing could have been finer than the dash and the steady determination with which the whole line, like one man, arose and went forward down this slope. The configuration of the ground, and the unhesitating manner in which the order to advance was carried out, undoubtedly saved the battalion from serious losses at this stage, as the more quickly the advance down the slope was made the higher above the men’s heads rained the storm of shells and bullets on to, and beyond, the position which the battalion had just vacated.

From the bottom of the slope the advance had to be made across heavy ground, ankle deep in mud and devoid of cover, for a distance of about 120 yards, the last part of which was up a steep incline. Except for the enemy’s flares it was pitch dark. Against the heavy frontal fire from the trench, and enfilade machine-gun fire from the left flank, the battalion forged ahead with magnificent determination, and in spite of serious casualties, most of which were sustained when the level ground at the foot of the first slope was reached, fought its way through the wire and finally assaulted and gained a footing in the trench. The enemy, who had kept up a heavy fire until the Buffs were within ten yards of the trench, disappeared in the dark, apparently down a communication trench and also towards the western end of “O” trench.

Major C. L. Porter was wounded and many other ranks killed and wounded during the attack, but ten officers and about sixty other ranks succeeded in entering the trench. Major Hulke immediately reorganized and distributed these along the trench, starting from the extreme left, and arranged for the protection of the right flank by the construction of a sandbag traverse, which was built, under fire from rifle and bombs, under Captain Morgan’s supervision, assisted by Lieut. Laing. A considerable number had already been wounded; parties had to be employed in repairing and strengthening the parapet, whilst others had to be told off to assist those detailed to man the parapet, in clearing the jammed rifles and supplying them with cleaned ammunition. When all these deductions from the sixty odd other ranks who had succeeded in gaining a footing in the trench had been made, it was found that only sufficient men remained to hold about fifty out of a probable two hundred yards of trench. Whilst the above arrangements were in progress the enemy started sniping and throwing bombs, apparently from a communication trench and from the western end of “O” trench, which was still in their hands. Bombs at that time were weapons of warfare of which the 28th Division had had no previous experience whatever, and owing to the darkness, the non-provision of maps and lack of previous information about, or knowledge of, the trench, it was very difficult to locate the places from which the enemy were throwing them and sniping. However, Captain F. W. Tomlinson, Captain L. Fort and 2nd Lieut. E. F. D. Strettell discovered the whereabouts of a party of the enemy’s bombers and rushed it; demolished the sandbag wall, from under cover of which bombs were being thrown, and cleared the enemy out of the trench. Captain Tomlinson seized the bayonet of one of the enemy, who turned tail. Captain L. Fort, who a few days previously had shown the greatest courage and resource whilst in charge of an officers’ reconnoitring patrol, was killed, and 2nd Lieut. E. F. D. Strettell was severely wounded in this gallant enterprise, which undoubtedly saved many lives and further casualties in the battalion, as the enemy afterwards ceased bombing and apparently withdrew.

Owing to the mud, with which everybody and everything was smothered, a large number of the rifles became jammed and unserviceable. After holding on for three hours, as the promised support had not arrived the position of the Buffs was by now (midnight) somewhat critical. Major Hulke therefore sent 2nd Lieut. J. A. Wood (2nd East Surrey), accompanied by No. 9522 Pte. W. J. White, to report the situation to Colonel Geddes, and eventually the former returned, guiding a company of the 2nd Suffolk Regiment. He reported that both the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers and 2nd East Surrey had lost their way in the dark, and that the former had been now ordered to follow the 2nd Suffolk Regiment. They did not, however, arrive at “O” trench before the Buffs were relieved.

As soon as the company of the Suffolks had taken over the portion of the trench the Buffs were holding, they had to work their surplus men along the trench beyond the sandbag traverse which the battalion had built, and extend them further to the right. In trying to do this they met with considerable opposition from parties of the enemy, who were in the western part of the trench. As the officer in command of this company appeared to meet with some difficulty in overcoming this opposition, Major Hulke offered to remain with his handful of men until it got sufficiently light to see what the real situation was. This offer, however, was refused, and, in accordance with the orders issued, Major Hulke therefore withdrew the Buffs, leaving in charge of the Suffolks any wounded who were unable to be removed without stretchers—of which there were none available. Great difficulty was experienced in carrying out the withdrawal over the fire-swept morass which had to be crossed, lit up, as it was, by almost incessant star-shell and flares. By crawling through the mud between the flares, a few yards at a time, and by lying down as flat as possible whilst any light remained, was the only way of proceeding, but many lives, including Sgt. Rosam, were lost during the first part of the withdrawal: although the distance was not more than 150 yards, it took half an hour to reach the original place of deployment.

After a few hours’ rest in the cavalry barracks in Ypres the battalion marched into scattered billets in and around Reninghelst. On the same afternoon the services of 2nd Lieut. C. W. Laing were asked for to act as guide to another brigade detailed on that night to recapture “O” trench, which the enemy had again taken possession of very shortly after the Buffs had been relieved. In spite of his arduous experiences of the previous night’s fighting and want of rest, 2nd Lieut. C. W. Laing undertook this hazardous enterprise, and carried it out successfully.

IV. Trench Warfare near Ypres

On the 19th February the battalion was attached to the 3rd Division and went into billets at Locre, marching to Westoutre for baths and clean clothes. There was a regular system in working this necessary ablution arrangement. Men cast off their filthy underclothing, which was taken from them, and after a bath, clean underclothes, which had once belonged to other people, were provided and the old ones were never seen again by the original owners. At first this caused a certain amount of grumbling amongst careful men, who were liable to become possessed of somewhat more ragged articles than they handed in, but it was soon found that things generally came right in the long run.

A new line of trenches were occupied on the 22nd, and these were found to be much preferable and more desirable in every way than those last occupied. There is no doubt that the French were more careless as regards the cleanliness as well as the general efficiency of their trenches than were our own people, and it seems that the 2nd Buffs were rather unfortunate in very frequently relieving our Allies instead of other British troops. These new and better works were at Kemmel, and the battalion alternated between this place and Locre till the 23rd March, when it was billeted at Dickebusch. Captain A. S. Cresswell was killed by a sniper on the 12th March.

On the 10th April, after a trying turn at St. Eloi, the battalion marched to Zonnebeke and relieved the 153rd French Regiment, the 85th Brigade having three battalions in the front line, with the Buffs in the centre, three companies in the fire trenches and one in support. About the middle of the line was the Broodseinde cross-roads, where the enemy’s trenches approached very close to our own, at one point to within five feet. This portion of the field is upon a plateau which commands the Ypres road, and was of great tactical importance. Forward of a trench which lay to the south-west of the cross-roads, the enemy had that morning rushed a parallel in which the French had laid a mine that was to have been fired before they handed over. After blocking this mine up, the enemy had retained possession of that part of the work in which it had been laid. Of this fact the French were either ignorant or, at any rate, they made no report of it. Two attempts were made to dislodge them, in which Captain Hood, Lieut. Whitaker (both of whom were wounded) and 2nd Lieut. Chapman did good work.

In the meantime the Germans had established a heavy trench mortar in a position, secure from our artillery, from which they brought a merciless fire to bear on our lines, especially on B Company which was on the cross-roads. This was the 2nd Battalion’s first experience of this weapon. Serious damage was done to the parapets and many casualties resulted. During this four days’ tour 1 officer and 22 other ranks were killed and 4 officers and 62 other ranks wounded. The battalion was relieved by the 3rd Royal Fusiliers on the morning of the 14th and marched back to billets at St. Jean, about one mile east of Ypres. A and D Companies were sent into the reserve dug-outs west of Zonnebeke, but rejoined at St. Jean the next day. After another short turn in the trenches the battalion on the 21st found itself bivouacked in open fields near St. Jean, where shelters and dug-outs were arranged for, because the town of Ypres was now being too heavily shelled for troops to make use of billeting accommodation there, or, in fact, to pass through the town at all.

V. Second Battle of Ypres

The second battle of Ypres has brought more obloquy and ill-fame on the German nation than even Marathon brought glory to the Athenians. It appears to have been well understood by scientific men that a noisome and poisonous gas could be so carried down wind that no man could breathe its suffocating fumes and live for long, and further that he must die in agony. At the ineffectual conference at the Hague it had been arranged between the representatives of the several nations, including Germany, that the use of such a disgusting and brutal weapon should be barred between civilized enemies, and nobody thought any more about it, but the German beast is not a gentleman and he ruled that the brave old days when foeman fought with a chivalrous regard for his opponent were to cease, at any rate as far as the much-vaunted Fatherland was concerned, and so this battle which we are now to consider goes down in history as the first great combat in which unfair and blackguardly methods were adopted.

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YPRES FROM NEAR MENIN GATE

The commencement of this tremendous battle is best described in Sir John French’s own words, which are here quoted from his despatches: “It was at the commencement of the Second Battle of Ypres on the evening of the 22nd April that the enemy first made use of asphyxiating gas.

“Some days previously I had complied with General Joffre’s request to take over the trenches occupied by the French, and on the evening of the 22nd the troops holding the lines east of Ypres were posted as follows:—

“From Steenstraate to the east of Langemarck, as far as the Poelcappelle road, a French division.

“Thence, in a south-easterly direction towards the Passchendaele-Becelaere road, the Canadian division.

“Thence, a division took up the line in a southerly direction east of Zonnebeke to a point west of Becelaere, whence another division continued the line south-east to the northern limit of the corps on its right.

“Of the 5th Corps there were four battalions in Divisional Reserve about Ypres; the Canadian Division had one battalion in Divisional Reserve and the 1st Canadian Brigade in Army Reserve. An infantry brigade, which had just been withdrawn after suffering heavy losses on Hill 60, was resting about Vlamertinghe.

“Following a heavy bombardment, the enemy attacked the French division at about 5 p.m., using asphyxiating gases for the first time. Aircraft reported that at about 5 p.m. thick yellow smoke had been seen issuing from the German trenches between Langemarck and Bixschoote. The French reported that two simultaneous attacks had been made east of the Ypres-Staden railway, in which these asphyxiating gases had been employed.

“What follows almost defies description. The effect of these poisonous gases was so virulent as to render the whole of the line held by the French division mentioned above practically incapable of any action at all. It was at first impossible for anyone to realize what had actually happened. The smoke and fumes hid everything from sight, and hundreds of men were thrown into a comatose or dying condition, and within an hour the whole position had to be abandoned, together with about 50 guns.

“I wish particularly to repudiate any idea of attaching the least blame to the French division for this unfortunate incident.

“After all the examples our gallant Allies have shown of dogged and tenacious courage in the many trying situations in which they have been placed throughout the course of this campaign, it is quite superfluous for me to dwell on this aspect of the incident, and I would only express my firm conviction that, if any troops in the world had been able to hold their trenches in the face of such a treacherous and altogether unexpected onslaught, the French division would have stood firm.

“The left flank of the Canadian division was thus left dangerously exposed to serious attack in flank, and there appeared to be a prospect of their being overwhelmed and of a successful attempt by the Germans to cut off the British troops occupying the salient to the east.

“In spite of the danger to which they were exposed the Canadians held their ground with a magnificent display of tenacity and courage, and it is not too much to say that the bearing and conduct of these splendid troops averted a disaster which might have been attended with the most serious consequences.

“They were supported with great promptitude by the reserves of the divisions holding the salient and by a brigade which had been resting in billets.”

Now, of course, the commander-in-chief of a large army cannot possibly in his reports home go into details concerning brigades and battalions, but as the reader will see later this “brigade resting in billets” comprised amongst others the 2nd Battalion of the Buffs. The story as far as the Buffs are concerned is as follows:—The 1st Battalion was still twelve miles or so south of Ypres, but the 2nd was, as has been seen, on the afternoon of the 22nd of April, bivouacked in fields at St. Jean, which village was about four miles back from the front British line of trenches. The Middlesex and Buffs were that night to relieve the rest of the brigade in the trenches about Zonnebeke. Considerable Canadian forces were in the immediate vicinity of the Buffs.

About 5 o’clock on the evening of the 22nd April there was a sudden very sharp outburst of the enemy’s artillery, and a cloud of greenish vapour was noticed away on the left of the line. Heavy machine-gun firing was heard, evidently coming from the enemy, a very long way inside what was the British line, and bullets came spattering into St. Jean, which place ought to have been safe enough from this kind of fire. Half an hour after the commencement of the bombardment many French soldiers were observed retiring rapidly and in a disordered manner. These men were mostly Turcos and Zouaves and, poor fellows, had been taken entirely by surprise by the new and horrible methods of the enemy. They had, of course, no protection against gas at that time, and they simply fled as if the Devil were after them. It was thought by the English at first that the gas attack was nothing, and preparations were at first continued for carrying out the relief alluded to above, but it soon became evident that something very serious indeed had occurred and, at 8.30 p.m., Colonel Geddes was placed in command of all troops in St. Jean, Major Power taking over the Buff battalion.

Geddes soon received another battalion from Ypres, and at first he had his old adjutant, Lieut. Hon. P. G. Scarlett, with him as staff officer, but the latter was relieved the same night and rejoined the details of the 85th Brigade, of which he was staff captain, and which were soon fighting hard at Zonnebeke. Geddes was later joined by detachments of two other battalions, and his force during the next few days was destined to play an extraordinarily fine rôle. These troops were all there was between the Canadians left near Wieltje and the Canal, and it became theirs to guard an otherwise open road to Ypres.

The Canadians with whom Geddes’ Detachment, as it was officially nominated, was soon ordered to act, immediately stood to, as did the Buffs and Middlesex, as well as the 4th King’s Own Royal Lancasters, the battalion which had come from Ypres.

Meanwhile, the French troops were streaming down the road towards Ypres, while the Englishmen were standing nonchalantly in the streets of St. Jean, and the Canadians calmly marching north and north-east in the direction from which the foreign troops were retiring. The Buffs took up a position covering St. Jean, facing north and north-east, with the Middlesex on their left and the King’s Own in reserve.

At night it was found that the Canadian left flank was turned and the 3rd Canadian Brigade requesting that a company should be sent up to St. Julien to help and support them, Captain Tomlinson with B Company was sent, though the Englishmen were themselves hardly pressed. At 2 a.m. on the 23rd, Geddes received instructions that he was to act under orders of the Canadian Division, and was told by that unit to co-operate on the Canadian left. At 3.30 the Buffs, less B Company, was ordered to Wieltje and thence in a northerly direction to get touch with the 3rd Canadian Brigade. The men took some time to collect for the counter-attack, and it was after 4 o’clock and broad daylight when the battalion moved off, preceded by an advance guard under Captain Barnard.

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BATTLEFIELD NEAR ST. JULIEN

About eight hundred yards north of Wieltje some dug-outs and trenches were reached, which were occupied by Canadians. These trenches were screened by a hedge, under cover of which the Buffs closed up. Beyond was open country, so the battalion at once deployed and was immediately subjected to furious machine-gun and rifle fire from the enemy, who were entrenched in two parallel lines about 1,200 and 900 yards distant on rising ground sloping to the north. Moving at the double, platoon followed platoon in quick succession in the open, many casualties occurring. Two companies soon reached a farm four hundred yards on, while the remaining company took advantage of the frail cover afforded by a fence, 150 yards behind the farm, around which were a few Canadians, from whom Major Power ascertained that there was a space of about a quarter of a mile to the east, only lightly held by the French. On it were three parallel lines of trenches facing north with their right resting on the G.H.Q. wire. Major Power, seeing the danger of this, ordered the battalion to advance half-right and occupy the forward of the three trenches. In it were found a few men of the 1st Zouaves. The Buffs therefore advanced by rushes across the open and lost heavily: Captain J. McB. Ronald being killed, Lieut. D. A. Wilkins severely wounded and some eighty casualties of other ranks occurring. Two companies occupied the front line, while the third (D) was in a trench facing east along the G.H.Q. wire, which is the last fortified line back from the enemy, and the fact that our troops were now practically defending that meant, of course, that the enemy had penetrated all defences but one on this northern flank of the Ypres salient. The rest of the day the battalion was subjected to heavy shelling and rifle fire. The remainder of the Zouaves withdrew, and the Buffs then completely occupied the gap between the Canadian companies.

The 24th April proved an unfortunate day. D Company was moved at the urgent request of the 3rd Canadian Brigade to a position across the Wieltje-St. Julien road, but at 7 a.m. Captain Tomlinson’s B Company, which had been detached late on the 22nd to the succour of the Canadians, was completely surrounded by the enemy, and after losing very heavily, practically all the survivors were made prisoners. Among the killed were Lieut. W. G. Jackson and 2nd Lieut. C. W. Laing. The Canadians and others who saw this company attack stated that this little force was entirely responsible for the saving of the Canadian left, and also that practically the whole company was killed, wounded or taken prisoner, including Tomlinson, who had again shown great gallantry. On this 24th of April, as well as the two following days, the shelling was most severe, and the men suffered much from the poisonous fumes given off on the bursting of the shells. D Company was relieved by the Canadians on the morning of the 25th and resumed its old place, thrown back at an angle from A’s right flank.

The battalion being relieved by the 4th Battalion Rifle Brigade, got back to dug-outs at St. Jean on the 27th, but the constant and persistent shelling continued there all day and, on the 28th, the Buffs received orders to rejoin the 85th Brigade at Verlorenhoek, Geddes’ detachment having been broken up.

Colonel Geddes had thus again shown his worth; he combined experience and valour with a strong understanding and much intellectual power, and had, it would seem, a fine future before him. His brilliant handling of the critical situation so suddenly forced on him undoubtedly prevented the Germans from pressing home the attack so successfully begun on the 22nd. To the great loss of his regiment and his country, a shell entered the room in which he was sitting on the morning of the 28th and killed him instantly.[9]

Although the 29th and 30th of April proved quiet days for the regiment at Verlorenhoek this was but a lull in the awful and pitiless storm. The most marked feature of the next few days was the failure of the artillery to support the overdriven foot soldiers. This, of course, was in no possible way the fault of the glorious gunners, but gun fire cannot be kept up without an adequate supply of material. Throughout the whole period since the first break in the line on the night of the 22nd April all the troops in this area had been constantly subjected to violent artillery bombardment from a large mass of guns with an unlimited supply of ammunition. It proved impossible, whilst under such a vastly superior fire of artillery and gas, to dig efficient trenches or properly reorganize the line after the confusion and demoralization caused by the first great gas surprise; consequently a withdrawal to a new line some little way further back became imperative, and this was carried out successfully during the first four days of May.

Meantime, they were doing their duty in England; drafts were coming out to replace those who had fallen, and the hard-tried battalion was pulling itself together for the further upholding of the great cause and for the honour of the corps.

On the 1st May a fresh draft of men had arrived from England. There was no time to allot them to companies, so, for the time being, they were kept together and put entire into a new support trench in front of a wood, and the very next day they came under really extraordinarily heavy shell fire, to which our gunners were unable to reply. It was the most trying initiation into warfare that young soldiers ever had to undergo, and the shelling was renewed at dawn on the 3rd of the month, so that Captain Archer Houblon, who commanded, reported many casualties, his parapet blown in and the situation critical. During the whole of this day the shelling was quite abnormal in intensity and our gunners could make hardly any reply. In the afternoon the bombardment is described as sounding like machine-gun fire, being, as it was, so rapid and incessant. The enemy meanwhile rushed a trench called D.5, there being few, if any, Buffs to resist them. It had been occupied by Captain Howard Smith, Lieut. G. R. Howe and some eighty men of C Company. The whole party was reported missing, and it was believed nearly all were killed or wounded. There were during these days no communication trenches and the firing was too hot to permit of men moving from one work to another, so that parties were completely isolated.

The following is an extract from the official diary, a document which deals only with the plainest facts, related in the simplest language. There is never any exaggeration in the official diaries: “The Germans now occupied the woods behind D.5, a movement which made D.4 quite untenable; they were held up, however, by a small party of Buffs under 2nd Lieut. Backhouse and a company of Royal Fusiliers under Captain Ford, who gallantly held on to the new support trench despite fearsome enfilade fire from heavy howitzers and other artillery. Captain Houblon and Lieut. Sharp and remainder of D Company who were still holding D.4, were now being enfiladed by Germans from D.5 and taken in reverse from the wood. Captain Houblon, therefore, was compelled to retire along the trench line, a movement which was carried out steadily. The Germans were still pressing forward and soon occupied a portion of the new support trench where it joined D.4. Our men and the enemy were now only a few yards apart, unfortunately the enemy were in greater numbers and a far stronger situation. Many of the enemy were shot, especially when they filed out of the wood in front of D.5. In the retirement we also lost heavily.

“The two last men in D.4 were Company Sergt.-Major Port and No. 7852 Pte. F. Campbell, both of C Company. These two bravely kept the enemy off while the others got away, and were able eventually both to follow under very heavy fire.

“Lieut. Sharp was wounded, but was able, with the survivors of Captain Houblon’s party, to reach D.3 and later D.1, held by Captain Barnard with A Company. When the musketry and machine-gun fire opened in the wood, Major Power instantly decided to send up the support company to the ridge south-west of the wood with the object of checking the enemy’s advance and of reinforcing Captain Ford’s company of Fusiliers in the new support trench. The exact situation at the time was unknown. On the way up Major Power was wounded in the chest.”

From about 3.45 p.m. to 6 p.m. the enemy plastered, bombarded and searched the ridge with a storm of artillery fire, but the Royal Fusiliers and a few of the 2nd East Yorkshire stood their ground and the enemy showed no inclination to advance from the wood. Any moment our people hoped to hear our artillery open, but hoped in vain. If only our guns could have got on to the wood, the enemy must have suffered heavily. As it was the contest was an unequal one. It was our infantry alone against the enemy’s infantry in force and a most powerful combination of the enemy’s artillery. Fortunately for us the attack of the enemy’s infantry lacked push and determination. Things quieted down towards dusk, the enemy contenting himself with remaining where he was, enabling our retirement, which was ordered for the night 3rd/4th May, to be carried out quite steadily with a minimum of loss, all wounded men, spare ammunition and tools being brought away. The remnants of the battalion moved back to bivouacs in a wood near Poperinghe on the 4th of the month, where it was congratulated by General Plumer on the excellent work it had done and where it remained till the 8th. There is no doubt that the Buffs had been fortunate in having in Major Power a worthy successor to their late colonel. That officer was, however, now on the sick list from a severe wound in the chest, and the command had fallen to Captain Jackson, who held it for a few days until the arrival of a very senior captain, Worthington, who was given the temporary rank of lieut-colonel.

The total casualties from 22nd April to 4th May were:—

Officers killed 6:

Colonel A. D. Geddes, Captain J. McB. Ronald, Lieuts. E. H. U. Buttanshaw and W. G. Jackson, 2nd Lieuts. C. W. Laing and P. T. Featherstonhaugh-Frampton.

Officers wounded 9:

Major R. E. Power, Lieuts. A. D. Wilkins, J. B. Sharp and D. V. Thomas, 2nd Lieuts. L. M. S. Essell, E. B. Backhouse, R. M. Watson, G. Seath and S. Rivers.

Wounded and Missing 2:

Captain F. W. Tomlinson and Lieut. G. R. Howe.

Missing 2:

Captain L. Howard Smith and Lieut. A. L. D. Ryder.

The other rank casualties are most difficult to account for, particularly in respect of the 150 men of the two drafts that arrived on the 30th April and the 1st May respectively. These men’s names were not known. Also many men were buried in the trenches and it was impossible to obtain identity discs. The following figures are approximate; it is certain, however, that many others were killed, including the majority of the above-mentioned drafts:—

A total of 17 officers and 702 other ranks.

It may be conceived and understood from this list of losses that the old “Contemptible” army had by now disappeared. A few officers, including promoted N.C.O.’s, and some veteran soldiers, still existed; many of them, having partially recovered from wounds and sickness, were now in military employment in England, but, roughly speaking, the soldiers fighting in France were new men, who, a year before, never thought it possible that they would be fighting the battles of their Country; but still the drafts arrived and still the men composing them were called upon to die or be maimed. It was a sad thing in the case above recorded for the poor lads of the drafts who had just left Kent full of life, zeal and enthusiasm to be obliterated immediately on reaching their long-desired goal, their regiment, and even before they had been allotted to companies.

At daylight on the 8th May very heavy bombardment was heard, and at 8.30 a.m. the Buffs, still under the command of Captain Jackson, were ordered to a camp west of Ypres on the Zonnebeke road. Here were found very poor and dilapidated trenches with demolished parapets, but these were ordered to be held at all costs, and here the battalion was shelled all day. B Company set to work to dig itself into a new support trench about two hundred yards behind the main fire one. Towards midnight on the 12th, after almost continuous shelling during the preceding days, the battalion was relieved by the Life Guards and moved back to Poperinghe.

The next night the Buffs, with the Northumberland Fusiliers, Cheshire Regiment and 1st Battalion York and Lancasters were formed into a temporary composite brigade under Br.-General Bols, and told to be in readiness to move at a moment’s notice, but on the 19th the 85th Brigade took over this duty from Bols’ men, the Buffs having in the interval received a large draft of 5 officers and 350 men.

On the 20th the Commander-in-Chief, Sir John French, made a speech to the 85th Brigade, as well as to others, of which the following is an extract:—

“I came over to say a few words to you and to tell you how much I, as Commander-in-Chief of this Army, appreciate the splendid work that you have all done during the recent fighting. You have fought the Second Battle of Ypres, which will rank amongst the most desperate and hardest fights of the war. You may have thought because you were not attacking the enemy that you were not helping to shorten the war. On the contrary, by your splendid endurance and bravery, you have done a great deal to shorten it. In this, the Second Battle of Ypres, the Germans tried by every means in their power to get possession of that unfortunate town. They concentrated large forces of troops and artillery, and further than that they had recourse to that mean and dastardly practice, hitherto unheard of in civilized warfare, namely, the use of asphyxiating gases. You have performed the most difficult, arduous and terrific task of withstanding a stupendous bombardment by heavy artillery, probably the fiercest artillery fire ever directed against troops, and warded off the enemy’s attacks with magnificent bravery. By your steadiness and devotion, both the German plans were frustrated. He was unable to get possession of Ypres—if he had done this he would probably have succeeded in preventing neutral Powers from intervening—and he was also unable to distract us from delivering our attack in conjunction with the French in the Arras-Armentieres district. Had you failed to repulse his attacks, and made it necessary for more troops to be sent to your assistance, our operations in the south might not have been able to take place, and would certainly not have been so successful as they have been. Your Colours have many famous names emblazoned on them, but none will be more famous or more well-deserved than that of the Second Battle of Ypres. I want you one and all to understand how thoroughly I realize and appreciate what you have done. I wish to thank you, each officer, non-commissioned officer and man, for the services you have rendered by doing your duty so magnificently, and I am sure that your Country will thank you too.”

At 2.45 a.m. on the 24th May the Germans attacked as a final effort the whole front from Wieltje to the Menin road. This began with gas for four and a half hours and a very heavy bombardment with gas shells, combined with “Flammenwerfen,” a terrible implement for ejecting liquid fire, new at this time. Then the enemy advanced in very heavy masses and gained the snipers’ line, but was repulsed in each attempt to get further. Two companies of the 8th Middlesex and one company East Surrey immediately north of the railway gave way in consequence of the gas. There was cavalry on the right of the 85th Brigade and these were at the same time heavily attacked, so that the O.C. Buffs, which was the right battalion of the G.H.Q. line, was asked for help. The message came at 4.30 a.m. and was from Captain Court, 9th Lancers, who said that his men were “on their knees,” but holding out. Captain Barnard with A Company followed by half of C, under Lieut. Swayne, at once started for the rescue to reinforce the trenches north and south of the Menin road, and thus on this day the Buffs fought in two separate parties. At 6.30 orders came to reinforce the 3rd Royal Fusiliers, who meant to retake their lost trench, and B Company, with the remaining half of C, went up, leaving for the present D Company in the G.H.Q. line. Directly it left the reserve line this party came under very heavy shell fire and lost badly. Major Johnstone of the Fusiliers, however, organized his counter-stroke, but it was beaten off, he himself being wounded, Lieut. D. W. Hammond of the Buffs killed and many men of both regiments lost.

The enemy appeared to be in great strength, so the remainder of the Buffs was ordered up to assist the Royal Fusiliers at a level crossing on the railway, but all this time the enemy’s shell fire was terrific and the crossing became merely a death-trap. However, about 1 p.m. D Company issued from the G.H.Q. lines and tried to come on, though it was almost an impossibility. It was a terrible undertaking and only about thirty men, under 2nd Lieut. Mantle, managed the journey. The situation was most critical as the enemy were working round the right. About 5 p.m. a counter-attack by the 84th Brigade, though held up, relieved matters somewhat. At nightfall the attack was continued by 84th and 80th Brigades, but was not successful owing to the terrific rifle and machine-gun fire directed upon it by the enemy. There were many casualties. Numbers of Cheshire, Welsh, K.S.L.I. and other regiments retired into the road cutting held by the Buffs and 3rd Royal Fusiliers.

Referring to the other party of the battalion which, under Captain Barnard, had been sent to assist the cavalry who were holding their own so well, the following extract from the official diary describes its adventures:—

“Captain Barnard having received orders to reinforce the 9th Lancers, moved east along the Menin road under shrapnel fire, meeting on the way scores of gassed and wounded men retiring from trenches north of the Menin-Ypres road. Eventually about 150 men of A Company filed into the Hooge trenches, the occupants of which were suffering badly from the gas—especially the officers. Besides the 9th Lancers, there were portions of the 18th Hussars, 4th Yorkshires, York and Lancasters and 5th D.L.I. Captain Grenfell, V.C., 9th Lancers, was in command. A Company spread all along the five hundred yards of trenches. The enemy were found to be enveloping our left or north flank and had pushed on one thousand yards west of it. A Company then swung round and formed a new firing line facing north to meet the new menace.”

For three days, until the night of the 26th to 27th, the company maintained its position and accounted for several of the enemy. The men were subjected to continuous fire from the enemy’s artillery, snipers and large trench mortars. It was a case of digging in all day and night. Some of the trenches were knee deep in water. No rations were received for two days and the company was in great difficulties, and a trying situation for the whole period up to the night of 26th/27th, when it was relieved and moved back to G.H.Q. line. The 25th of the month was devoted to the collection and reorganization of what was left of B, C and D Companies under difficulties owing to the many stragglers from other corps. The enemy fortunately slackened his fierce attacks and at nightfall many wounded were collected, and after a couple of comparatively quiet days in the trenches the battalion marched back to billets east of Poperinghe.

After the narration of such terrible scenes as have been described it is pleasant to record a happy social event which, though a civilian reader may possibly regard it as of trivial importance, bears a very different aspect in the eyes of the English soldier. In all or nearly all foreign armies the battalions of a regiment are parts of the same tactical unit, but this does not obtain in our Army. The nature of our military duties causes the necessity of one battalion being abroad while the other remains at home, and it is almost unheard of that two battalions should serve together. There are old and retired Buffs who remember the meeting of the 1st and 2nd Battalions at Singapore about the year 1885. The occasion was celebrated then in what might now be considered almost too jovial a manner, but its rare occurrence made it very memorable. Again, after the Boer War when the 2nd Battalion, recently home from South Africa, was quartered in Dover, the 1st, back from Aden, was sent there also. These meetings are still remembered by the survivors of those who served in 1885 and 1904. On the 2nd June, then, in the midst of a tremendous war, it so happening that both the old units were resting at the same time and near the same place, the 2nd Battalion made a route march to Wittenhoek to visit its sister battalion which was in bivouac there. It was an historical event as far as the old regiment was concerned, though, alas, the two portions of it were not the same men that wore the Dragon on their collars a year before. Still, there were certain old friendships to renew and the Buffs were still the Buffs after all.

YPRES

CHAPTER III
THE PREPARATION AND THE START OF MORE BATTALIONS

I. Summary of Events

When the crash came in August, 1914, the only British forces ready to assist were, of course, the units composing the regular army, and it was soon seen that these were numerically far too few for a struggle of the present magnitude; and though we were only bound by treaty to furnish a certain number of soldiers, that number would only serve to show our goodwill, but could not possibly do much towards the decision of the result. As far as it went the old regular army proved itself to be the finest and most highly trained in Europe, but it was a lamentably small force even when reinforced by the good and seasoned Indian and other oversea regiments, battalions and batteries. England had engaged herself in an enormous task and she recognized, if but very slowly, that it was so. When the awakening began everybody, or nearly everybody, male or female, was anxious to do his or her share, and so it came to pass that, while the first fierce fighting was going on in Flanders and in France, Englishmen left in our island were enlisting, drilling, training and working with tremendous energy to equip and place in the field new and larger armies wherewith to fight out the quarrel on more even terms. The regular army, it was recognized, was but an advance guard, and it was for it to hold the field until the others had prepared themselves.

In addition to those engaged there were trained or partially trained troops, but many more than these were required. These partially trained men were the recruits at the depot, the 3rd (Special Reserve) Battalion, and the Territorials. No better material could be found anywhere than these latter, but the annual fortnight’s training, together with periodical musketry work and other drills and exercises, which the soldier might attend or not as he pleased, did not suffice to enable the units to take the field at once in a great European war. In this chapter will be found a short account of how the required soldiers were provided as far as East Kent was concerned, and some of the methods by which it was arranged that the Old Buffs who hail from there should be expanded into a far larger regiment, and the ranks of all its battalions kept up to strength; for it was quite clear that draft after draft of fresh men would continually have to cross the seas to supply the waste of war.

But first it may be as well to record very briefly the progress of and changes in the general situation of the world from September, 1914, when the 1st Battalion landed in France, up to the middle of the following year. On the 29th October, 1914, Turkey entered the war as an ally of Germany. On the 2nd November the Russians, who were of course on our side, but who were slower to mobilize than other countries, entered East Prussia and great hopes were entertained that their having taken the field in force would do wonders to bring the enemy to ruin. Even the most pessimistic saw that the presence of their armies in Germany itself ought to ease the pressure on the Western Front. On the 3rd November, Turkey being now an enemy, the forts on the Dardanelles were first bombarded by an English and French fleet, and this bombardment was repeated on the 19th February, 1915, and several times during the month of March.

The 14th November saw a check to the Russians and a powerful German invasion of Poland. On the 17th November a British force landed on the shore of the Persian Gulf. The 20th November saw the commencement of a series of small fights and skirmishes in Egypt. This country was nominally part of the Turkish Empire, and the suzerain power made more than one attempt to enforce the claim and to cross the Suez Canal, without, however, any more success than the establishment of yet another theatre of war and the consequent holding up of British troops. The Australians and New Zealanders, however, arrived in Cairo two days before Christmas and the province was safe enough after that, although before that date the Indian soldiers, together with the Egyptians themselves, had gallantly kept the foe in check.

On the 22nd March, 1915, Przemysl capitulated to the Russians, who took 120,000 prisoners and 700 big guns. On the 25th April Anglo-French troops landed on both shores of the Dardanelles and soon established themselves across the Gallipoli Peninsula. On the 28th a very powerful Austro-German offensive developed in Galicia. The 3rd May was the date on which Italy denounced the Triple Alliance, to which she had been an adherent for so many years. There was much fighting in Gallipoli on the 6th, and on the 7th the world was startled by the cold-blooded cruelty of the enemy in torpedoing the Lusitania off the coast of Ireland, and it was demonstrated to all that the taking of innocent and non-combatant lives was a recognized part of the German programme.

Italy declared war on Austria on the 23rd May.

An important article appeared in The Times on the 14th May on the shortage of munitions.

In France, of course, war went on furiously all the time. Ypres was attacked on the 29th November and the 10th and 14th December, 1914. There was fierce fighting about St. Eloi in the middle of February, and in March came the battles of Neuve Chapelle and St. Eloi.

Nor was the war confined to the land: the battle of Coronel in the Pacific on the 1st November, 1914, saw the loss of the British cruisers Good Hope and Monmouth, and the battle of the Dogger Bank took place on the 24th January, 1915.

There was another event which happened during this period which was of the greatest interest to a very deserving section of the army. In previous wars, with the exception of the all-glorious and much-longed-for V.C., there was no military decoration, if we except the D.S.O., that was to be earned by junior officers or warrant officers. The C.B. and C.M.G. were reserved for generals and officers of field rank. His Majesty the King, recognizing that many most deserving juniors amongst his faithful soldiers could hope for nothing beyond the universal War Medal, instituted on the 28th December, 1914, the Military Cross, limited to officers below the rank of major, and certain warrant officers, and many a gallant young fellow can now vie with his senior in the legitimate and proper display of trophies.

This idea was further developed, in March, 1916, by the grant of a Military Medal (M.M.) to those non-commissioned officers and privates who had performed acts of gallantry which, in this war, at any rate, were not considered quite sufficiently important to earn the V.C.

II. Duties at the Depot

The depot of the Buffs is at Canterbury, which is also the headquarters of the 4th (Territorial) Battalion. During peace the headquarters and the permanent elements of the 3rd or Special Reserve Battalion occupied the depot. As Special Reserve officers only gave a small portion of their time to the profession of soldiering they were reinforced, so to speak, by a few regular officers and other ranks who administered the depot. When war broke out, Lt.-Colonel H. D. Hirst commanded the 3rd Battalion, but as he, like all Special Reserve officers and as the Militia before them, lived at his home, the depot was commanded by Major W. A. Eaton, an experienced regular major of the regiment.

Directly mobilization was ordered, it was the duty of the depot and 3rd Battalion staff to call up, clothe and equip all Army Reservists and to despatch all who were passed fit for general service to join the 1st Battalion at Fermoy. This work began early on the morning of the 5th August and was completed during the night of the 6th, having been carried through without a moment’s break. In all about 850 Army Reservists were called up, and of these some 700 were sent, in three trains, to Ireland.

On Saturday, 8th August, the 3rd Special Reserve Battalion was mobilized, about 500 strong; and the men gave good proof of their fitness by marching that same night from the barracks at Canterbury to the Citadel Barracks at Dover, a good eighteen miles.

Although very few of the people in authority seemed to expect a great war, still minute preparations had been made beforehand for a sudden mobilization, and amongst these it had been arranged that the officers on the Reserve of Officers list (not to be confused with Special Reserve) should each be told off in peace time to the job they would have to do in war. These officers were, practically speaking, all those who had retired and were still under the age of fifty-seven. Of them, some had been detailed to join at Canterbury on mobilization to take over the depot, Colonel G. V. Dauglish, a late commanding officer of the 1st Battalion, being appointed to command. On the departure of the 3rd Battalion for Dover, the depot, with its staff of reserve officers and a few details, proceeded to deal with the recruits who were already coming in fast.

Recruits for the New Army were at first trained at the depot, though in practice they were trained by regular officers, lent for the purpose. As the strength of a company was raised, it was sent with the officers as a complete unit to its battalion; but this system did not last, recruits being afterwards sent direct to their battalions. Other training and the preparation of drafts for the front was carried out by the 3rd Battalion and, later, by the 9th as well.

The Officer Commanding the depot was also in charge of the East Kent Recruiting Area. The barracks were very soon crowded by the number of recruits, and, as new recruiting conditions developed, a large staff of men and women were employed in the recruiting offices, making it necessary for extra accommodation to be provided in the town. The Territorial battalions had their separate recruiting arrangements. It is interesting to recall the helpfulness of the recruits in the early days in making the best of a difficult and only partially organized job, and of old Buffs, non-commissioned officers and men, who re-enlisted for the depot and active service. It may be noted that while special efforts were made to get stout fellows for the Buffs, these efforts had to be co-ordinated with the duty of the Recruiting Area to obtain recruits for the Army generally.

The depot gradually acquired many and varied duties both towards the regiment and the Service generally. To mention a few: the storage and cataloguing of the heavy baggage of the regular battalions and of innumerable kits; the supply of clothing and necessaries during the early months by direct purchase from dealers; the charge of the 2nd Battalion band boys; and—a difficult task for the adjutant—the responsibility for all invalids of the regiment from overseas. These, taken on the strength of the depot, had to be traced in the various hospitals and touch kept with them till passed to the 3rd or 9th Battalion on discharge from hospital. Convalescents were for a long period sent to the depot for hardening before rejoining for service. A novel feature was the Agricultural Company, under a special officer, comprising men of different regiments from overseas or on home service. These men were employed in large numbers on farms, the depot being responsible for their general supervision and for arrangements with the farmers as to employment, pay, board and lodging.

Among old Buffs and others serving at different times during the war at the depot and in the Recruiting Area were: Majors F. Bradley Dyne, R. G. A. Marriott, D.S.O., G. A. Porter, A. H. Tylden-Pattenson, D.S.O. (Adjutant), and Captain H. H. C. Baird, D.S.O.; Major W. Tufnell, M.B.E., and Captain V. T. Dampier Palmer, O.B.E. (Recruiting Officer), late 3rd Battalion The Buffs; Captain S. Kelsey Burge (Agricultural Officer), late 4th Battalion; Major H. Paine, late Cheshire Regiment; Major G. Croft (Quartermaster), late Royal Sussex Regiment; R.S.M. J. W. Harris, C.S.M. G. Holmes, Col.-Sgts. F. H. Wright and F. H. Sheppard, Orderly Room Clerk F. Freeman.

III. The 3rd (S.R.) Battalion

As regards details of the various battalions which in 1914 were either home units or being raised in England, the 3rd had, when Militia, served with distinction in South Africa. It was now, as has been said, under the command of Lt.-Colonel Hirst, but its duties, as well as its name, had undergone marked change. Fifteen years before it had volunteered as a unit for active service, had been accepted and had proved its value. Now a much more weary and thankless task was required of the Special Reserve. It must accept thousands and thousands of recruits, equip them, train them and then, as soon as the men showed promise of doing the battalion real credit, draft them off to the other Buffs at the seat of war, never to see them again unless, returning maimed or worn out, a few should drift back to Dover marked for “home service only.” Truly a heart-breaking job for the colonel and his staff.

The station of the battalion was the Citadel at Dover, and its strength at times exceeded a hundred officers and two thousand other ranks. Drafts for service were constantly being despatched and the gaps thus left as constantly being filled up, mostly by fresh recruits, both officers and men; either those joining late because they at first had failed to understand the urgent need there was for their services, or because they were so many months older than when war commenced and now could pass muster as men, often by the help of a little forgetfulness as to the exact date of their birth. It was quite remarkable not only in Kent, but throughout the country, how many young lads, thorough men in everything except years, struggled to get accepted as officers or soldiers. Many people in 1914 entertained the idea that the British race had deteriorated in manly qualities from the old stock, but the spirit shown at home, as well as the work done abroad, very conclusively proved the contrary.

The history of the 3rd Battalion during the momentous years was a monotonous one. It could be nothing else. It took men, trained men and sent men out, but how it trained them and what sort of men it sent out is well exemplified by the following official report written by Lieut. A. Howard Reed (4th Battalion) to Colonel Hirst relative to a draft despatched by him for the 10th Battalion late in the year 1917: “I have the honour to report on the conduct of the men of the draft from your Battalion on the occasion of the torpedoing of H.M.S. ... as follows:—

“The whole draft paraded at their station with the utmost calmness. L.-Sgt. Canfor (who had been blown up by the explosion, and who was severely shaken) called the roll ... whilst the men detailed cut loose the rafts, the remainder sang until the rafts were launched. L.-Corpl. Baker volunteered to jump from the rails to secure a raft which had no painter. This he did, and succeeded in bringing it alongside, thereby assuring the safety of about twenty men. Owing to their splendid discipline, I was able to get every man safely into the water, and clinging to rafts. After about two and a half hours in the water we were rescued, with the exception of one man (Pte. Howlett) of whom I can find no trace. Whilst on the rafts the men sang continuously, and cheered the work of rescue, and generally behaved in a most gallant manner. I am unable, of course, to give you any details of the terrible affair, which was enough to try the courage of the bravest men, but I wish to say, Sir, that the behaviour of these men was above reproach. I am proud to have been in command of such a draft, and, in my opinion, their conduct nobly upheld the honour of our Regiment, and deserves a place in the history of the deeds accomplished by it. Recommendations have been asked for, and I have submitted the names of Sgt. Canfor, L.-Corpl. Baker and one Private.”

Commenting privately on this adventure, Howard Reed stated: “I had planned out in advance exactly what to do if we got hit, as it was up to me to do the best for them when the emergency arose. I was fortunate in having men who unhesitatingly obeyed my orders, showed absolute trust in myself and behaved like heroes.” The name of the vessel was the Aragon, and the date of the disaster the 30th December, 1917.

IVA. 4th Battalion

The 4th and 5th Battalions of the Buffs were Territorials, and when war was declared they were both out for their annual training at Longmore with their division—“The Home Counties.” Every Territorial unit had what was called special service sections—that is, a few selected men were always held in readiness to guard, in case of sudden emergencies, important strategic points throughout the country. These special sections of the 4th Battalion were mobilized as early as 28th July—a week before war broke out—and were consequently amongst the very first to be put on a war footing, at a time, indeed, when very few of their countrymen had begun to think that England was on the verge of this tremendous epoch of her history. These men were despatched to safeguard the wireless stations in Thanet and the cable at Dumpton Gap. On the 5th August the battalion was completely mobilized at Dover and was in the new Connaught Barracks there to guard the nearest point to the Continent till their place could be taken by the 3rd or Special Reserve Battalion. A few days later the Kent Infantry Brigade retired to Canterbury and was billeted there.

Here Lt.-Colonel G. Gosling, commanding, called for volunteers to serve in France or elsewhere abroad, and in response to his appeal enough stout fellows volunteered to serve anywhere to ensure that the 4th Buffs could be reckoned on as an overseas unit. Those who failed to volunteer formed the nucleus of a new battalion for home service only and were denominated the 2/4th Battalion.

The following extract from the Kentish Gazette describes the situation after the battalion became an overseas unit:—

“Towards the end of August, 1914, when the Germans were devastating Belgium and there were grave probabilities of a raid on the coast, the 4th Battalion was suddenly ordered to Thanet. Recruits flocked in from East Kent until the battalion was nearly 1,300 strong. The training was carried on under difficult conditions and a great deal of discomfort, but the cheerful willingness to learn made things easy, so that by the middle of October a very fine battalion was ready to be sent wherever required. Just before the end of October, 1914, the 4th Battalion and part of the Home Counties Division was ordered to India, to enable the Regulars to be moved from India to France.”

It is noteworthy that of this rush of patriotic young men to swell the ranks of the 4th Battalion, which is referred to in the extract I have quoted, forty-four students from Wye College joined in one day.

It was on the 29th October that the battalion left Thanet, as did all the rest of the Home Counties Division, with the exception of the 4th Royal West Surrey, detached for other important services. At Suez and Aden the convoy was delayed three and four days respectively owing to the activity of the Turks, who had already attacked Perim and were now threatening the Canal. In fact, the battalion disembarked at Suez and marched through the town as a demonstration.

IVB. 5th Battalion

The early war history of the 5th Battalion, which it will be remembered was also a Territorial one, resembles that of its twin the 4th. Indeed, the two were together in the Kentish Brigade of the Home Counties Division. On mobilization it was sent to Dover, afterwards to Canterbury and then to Sandwich, where it relieved the Kent Cyclists, and late in October it too sailed for India in the Corsican, under command of Lt.-Colonel Munn-Mace, T.D. It was quartered at Kamptee and formed part of the Jubbulpore Brigade, for on the arrival of the Territorial divisions from England in relief of the white part of the Indian garrison, their original home organization in brigades and divisions fell through, and each unit had to join the brigades and divisions already existing in India.

Whatever could be made of the existing British forces, however, could never suffice to meet the great emergency. Huge new armies must be formed, trained and, what was still more difficult, equipped to go direct to the seat of war; and so our island became for the first time in its history one vast training camp, and every man that was a man and young enough turned his hand to war. Times were almost as critical during certain periods of the Napoleonic Wars a hundred years before, but, of course, in those days campaigns, however important, were fought with very small armies because there was nothing to transport, feed and supply the same but a few sailing ships by sea and horse-drawn carts by land. But now times had changed in this respect and each nation put in the field the largest force it could muster and equip. So steps were at once taken in England.

V. The 6th Battalion

On the 22nd August, 1914, Major W. A. Eaton, who had been in command of the depot until the mobilization of the 3rd Battalion, which he accompanied to Dover, received a telegram ordering him to proceed to Colchester to take over command of a 6th Battalion of his regiment about to be raised there. On arrival with his servant[10] he found nothing but some empty barracks which had been vacated in haste. That evening, however, a draft consisting of Captain B. E. Furley, Lieut. (adjutant) T. Wheler, 2nd Lieut. E. H. Allen and about one hundred men arrived—the nucleus of the first Service Battalion of the Buffs to be raised, a battalion consisting of men who had without hesitation responded to Lord Kitchener’s call to arms.

Drafts arrived almost daily, as did officers, old and new: Major C. P. Lloyd as second in command, Lieut. D. K. Anderson, who happened to be home on leave from India, and, as Regimental Sergeant-Major and Quartermaster-Sergeant respectively, N. Linwood and A. Scragg, both of whom came to join the battalion without a moment’s delay at the urgent request of the commanding officer. 2nd Lieut. Hugh Brodie, well known at Canterbury as an “Old Stager,” was the first New Army officer to report, and he was soon followed by others. Practically the last two drafts were composed of men, in all about 250, from the firm of William Cory and Son, Ltd.,[11] who went to form D Company under Captain G. B. T. Friend. This company was always known as Cory’s, and 2nd Lieut. Hamilton Greig, son of the managing director, was afterwards posted to it on transfer. Soon the battalion was over strength, but more men kept on arriving, turning up without warning from all sorts of directions.

Anyone who served with one of Kitchener’s battalions during the latter part of 1914 and the beginning of the following year will remember what it was like. Genuine hard work and honest efforts on the part of all to make bricks with so very little straw. It is easier to collect heroes for the defence of their country than to arm, clothe and equip them; and the number of men got very far in advance of the amount of necessaries for them. A new battalion at this period was not a pretty sight. A very ugly and shoddy suit of blue was doled out to the soldier, with a civilian greatcoat and generally a dummy rifle, and with this turn-out he did real strenuous drill and training. Old service rifles, for drill purposes only, began to come in later on, and the men gradually obtained sufficient blankets and clothing. Nothing daunted the spirit of the troops, however, and life was cheery enough.

In November the 6th Battalion moved into hutments at Sandling Camp, near Shorncliffe. Owing to the rain and lack of any drainage system, the camp quickly became a sea of mud, the huts uninhabitable, even with tents inside; and so, just before Christmas, the battalion went into billets about the villages of Elham and Lyminge, and very good billets they were. The householders one and all seemed to vie with each other as to who could do their men the best. Nor will the officers ever forget all the kindness which was shown to them.

The following is an extract from a letter written by the commanding officer, after clothing and rifles had at last been issued:—

“It was on one Sunday while we were in these billets that the battalion, accompanied by the band of the 3rd Battalion, generously lent to us for the occasion, went to Canterbury and attended a special service most kindly arranged for us by the Dean[12] at the Cathedral, and at which we were privileged to hand in the Colours of the 2nd Battalion recently returned from India and gone to the front. With reference to this occasion I cannot refrain from quoting the following extract from a letter received by me from an old Buff officer temporarily doing duty at the depot:

“‘I cannot say how delighted I was at the appearance of your regiment. It was simply magnificent. Candidly I do not think I ever saw a finer body of men in any battalion since I joined the 1st in Cawnpore in 1878. They were a fine lot averaging thirteen years’ service, but I think your lot even topped them.’”

The ceremony above referred to took place on the 31st January, 1915, and more advanced training at Aldershot lasted from about then till the 1st June, when yet another warlike body of Buffs made the great move and sailed for France to show of what stuff the old regiment was made. This battalion belonged to the 37th Infantry Brigade of the 12th Division, the Brigadier being G. A. Fowler, and the Divisional Commander Major-General James Spens, C.B. (brother to a well-known and much beloved old Buff), but he was succeeded by Major-General F. D. V. Wing, C.B., when the division went to France. The other battalions of the 37th Brigade were: 6th Queens, 7th East Surrey, 6th Royal West Kent.

The officers embarking for France were:—

A Company.

• Major B. E. Furley.
• Lieut. H. W. Brodie.
• „ T. H. Crowther.
• 2nd Lieut. J. C. Page.
• „  C. W. B. Marsh.
• „  D. Lambert.

B Company.

• Captain R. P. Wedd.
• „  Lord Teynham.
• Lieut. C. D. Gullick.
• 2nd Lieut. J. C. T. Leigh.
• „  S. A. Erlebach.

C Company.

• Captain C. E. G. Davidson.
• Lieut. P. A. C. Kelsey.
• „ R. O. C. Ward.
• 2nd Lieut. C. E. H. Druitt.
• „  C. Bainbridge.

D Company.

• Captain G. B. T. Friend.
• Major A. Soames, D.S.O. (acting).
• Lieut. R. Hodgson.
• „ A. L. Gullick.
• 2nd Lieut. G. H. Greig.
• „  R. H. Williams.

Transport Officer.

• Lieut. A. D. R. Terry.

Medical Officer.

• Lieut. J. R. Driberg.
• R.S.M. W. Jeffries.
• R.Q.M.S. A. J. Scragg.

After a day at Boulogne the battalion went by train to St. Omer and from there marched to Remilly-Werquin. Here it had two or three days’ rest and then, in the hottest weather, marched by stages, passing the Commander-in-Chief on the way, to billets and bivouacs at Meteren, near Bailleul, which brought it, of course, into the immediate vicinity of the two regular battalions.

VI. 7th Battalion

As has already been shown, the 6th Battalion was much over strength within a very short time of its raising, and from the surplus of this unit arose the 7th Battalion. By the 17th September this consisted of two thousand men, all in plain clothes. There was a common expectation at this time that khaki uniform was all ready for the recruits who came up voluntarily to serve and that the men would be turned out soldiers, as far as clothes were concerned, with the utmost promptitude. This was unfortunately not the case, and as, naturally, the recruit under the circumstances joined in his very worst garments, the battalion, like others, was soon ridiculously ragged. It was some days before uniform of any sort was handed out, and then it was but a temporary makeshift. A few D.P. (drill purpose) rifles were available for each company.

The birthplace of the 7th Buffs was Purfleet, Essex, and the first officers belonging to it were Captain B. E. Furley (temporarily), Lieut. E. H. Allen and 2nd Lieut. A. G. Kenchington, who were transferred from the 6th Battalion with 1,600 recruits, 600 of whom passed on again to start the 8th Battalion. The first regularly appointed commanding officer was Lt.-Colonel Gilbert Johnson, who assumed command at the end of September, and his second-in-command was Major A. F. Campbell Johnston, very well known a few years back in the 2nd Battalion and who did good work as regards instilling the ancient regimental spirit into new soldiers’ minds. Both the new officers and the new men showed the greatest keenness and anxiety to learn, and with such a state of things the manufacture of a new fighting unit becomes comparatively easy. As in the case of other units, the senior officers and warrant officers were, generally speaking, men who had retired from the service, and though in some cases their knowledge and methods were somewhat antiquated, their experience was invaluable and their zeal indubitable. There were also a considerable number of veteran privates, and so it was that the new armies at first consisted of old soldiers time-expired, who felt bound to present themselves again, and spirited young fellows who did not wait for conscription. This was a great combination, for the former, though for the most part somewhat obsolete, were zealous and could, at any rate, teach the rudiments, and the latter were so eager to learn that teaching became a pleasure. Being young and business-like, they soon passed the old men as competent soldiers because they assimilated what the others had to teach and added practical go-ahead methods. The respectful love and sympathy of the new soldier for his white-headed instructor was quite touching, and the old man, loving to come back to his ancient trade, appreciated fully the fine type of recruit he had now to deal with. Thus a quaint spirit of friendship and a curious comradeship arose, which did much to make Kitchener’s armies what they were and to instil a spirit of esprit de corps and honour. It was a pity that later on recruits were posted to any corps that required reinforcements at the time, but, after all, these were for the most part conscripts. Amongst the new hands were men from various parts of England, though the majority came from Kent. The junior officers were of almost every profession and business and were wonderfully eager and full of esprit de corps.

The remainder of the year of 1914 was spent in hard and steady drill and training and short temporary moves of quarters. There were two changes of commanders by February, 1915, Colonel Johnson leaving on the 14th November and Lt.-Colonel Young, of the Indian Army, relieving him, being himself replaced by Lt.-Colonel W. F. Elmslie, of the Lancashire Fusiliers, a little later. On the 3rd March, 1915, Major Campbell Johnston was transferred elsewhere. He was relieved by Major C. Parmiter, of the King’s Liverpool Regiment, who ten years before had been adjutant of the 1st V.B. The Buffs. By March the battalion had advanced as far as brigade training, and in April the route came for Colchester, where the rest of the 18th Division was assembled. Manœuvres in Suffolk under General F. J. Maxse, commencing at the end of April, were a preliminary to a series of pretty strenuous brigade and divisional field days in Wiltshire directly afterwards. On the 9th June General Poett left the 55th Brigade, which was taken over by Br.-General Martyn, late of the Royal West Kent. H.M. The King inspected the division at Stonehenge on the 24th June and expressed himself well pleased. July saw the end of the preliminary work. Final leave was commenced on the 7th.

The Colonel of the Buffs, General Sir Arthur Paget, inspected the battalion on the 13th, and on the 27th July the brigade left its camp at Codford for Folkestone en route for Boulogne, to be merged into the valiant army of Britain and her Colonies, an army destined to prove, and which indeed had already proved, that the modern Englishman was bred true to type and was a worthy descendant of his heroic sires.

VII. 8th Battalion

In September, 1914, when all the real manhood of England not already soldiers were crowding to the Colours, and when elderly men and young boys were so strangely forgetful as to the years of their birth, and when all birth certificates of gallant Englishmen at either end of what is called military age were so universally mislaid and lost, Colonel F. C. Romer, C.B., C.M.G., then in his sixty-fourth year, was offered his choice of raising any one of three specified Service Battalions, and he chose to raise the 8th Battalion of the Buffs. He was a member of Boodles and at the time honorary secretary of the club. He was a believer in mature men and wished, at any rate, to have a certain leaven of the middle-aged amongst his officers, so his first step was to turn to a few of his club friends, and Major Dansy, Major A. Crawley, Captain Hare, Captain W. Howard, Lieut. Sir William Cooke and Captain W. D. Johnson immediately followed their leader, as did two of the club waiters. All of them were over forty years of age except, perhaps, the two privates. The considerable detachment from Boodles Club above referred to proceeded to camp at Shoreham, where they found awaiting them Captain E. C. Norman (adjutant), Regimental Sergt.-Major A. Barton, four N.C.O.’s and a draft of five hundred odd from Canterbury. By the end of September the full complement of officers had arrived and training was going on in earnest and continued very strenuously all October, in spite of a complete lack of every necessity: clothing, arms, boots, equipment, camp furniture and even army forms. In the first week the battalion was inspected by the divisional commander, everybody but the officers and one or two N.C.O.’s being in mufti, and some in rags. This state of things, however, was common enough in our island at this period and nobody minded and all went well, because the old soldiers were keen to pass on all they knew and the young ones to absorb every kind of military knowledge.

The month of November brought a change for the worse in the way of weather, and things were not so pleasant. The parade ground was a sea of mud, tents leaked and men were seldom dry and never very clean. On more than one occasion rows of tents were flooded out and whole companies marched out at night to find what shelter they could. The officers’ mess, the board-schools and even the station waiting-room were, at different times, used as billets for the soaked and shivering battalion. Hopes of moving shortly into new huts did something to cheer the somewhat drooping spirits, but, owing to shortage of labour, these were not completed till months after the specific date, and on the 1st December the brigade moved into billets at Worthing, a very welcome change. The winter passed comfortably in billets, but there were renewed delays as regards equipment.

On the 1st April, 1915, the battalion proceeded to Reigate for a hard fortnight of trench digging. The system of entrenching which now obtained in the army in France differed widely from that to which the instructors still in England were accustomed to, and the works turned out by the zealous new armies at this time differed considerably from those with which they later on became familiar. The next move was back to the old camp, where the hutments were at last ready for occupation. It is always easier to train during the summer season than at other times, and the long days at battalion and brigade field days brought the unit more forward than all the previous months. There were, about June, upwards of forty officers in the 8th Battalion, and even this figure was small when compared with other corps. In June there was another journey, this time to the Aisne Barracks at Blackdown near Aldershot. The object now was divisional training during July and August, culminating in a review by Lord Kitchener and a week’s trench digging at Chobham. The battalion provided the King’s Guard during His Majesty’s visit to Aldershot in August. During the third week in August rumours of going abroad grew stronger, and the last week or so was spent in feverish preparation. The battalion eventually sailed on the night of the 31st August/1st September as part of the 72nd Infantry Brigade and 24th Division. And now five battalions of the Buffs were warring in France and two serving their country in India. The officers of the 8th Battalion who embarked for the war were Colonel F. C. Romer, C.B., C.M.G., in command, Major D. F. Robinson, 2nd in command, Captain F. W. Watson, adjutant, Lieut. A. Barton, recently promoted Qr.-Master, 2nd Lieut. E. T. Smith, M.G. Officer, Lieut. J. R. Spensley, R.A.M.C.

A Company.

• Major Guy Warden.
• Capt. A. M. C. Hollist.
• Lieut. F. D. Montgomerie.
• „ T. H. Taylor.
• 2nd Lieut. E. F. Corner.
• „  E. C. Wanstall.

B Company.

• Capt. W. Howard.
• „ A. G. Hamilton.
• Lieut. P. J. F. Brine.
• 2nd Lieut. G. L. Thorp.
• „  Hon. H. E. J. Robinson.
• „  R. B. Carrow.

C Company.

• Capt. T. R. M. Shervinton.
• „ C. H. Cardozo.
• Lieut. G. A. P. Jones.
• „ C. H. Herepath.
• 2nd Lieut. J. Vaughan.
• „  G. Lindley.

D Company.

• Capt. J. Kekewich.
• „ W. D. Johnson.
• Lieut. J. L. Samuelson.
• „ V. S. Daniell.
• „ S. Vaughan.
• „ B. H. Pickering.

VIII. 2nd and 3rd Line Territorials

In addition to the troops sent from our country to the various war theatres, there was a very considerable army kept up at home during the whole four years of war. The main duty of this force was, of course, to find reinforcements for the units abroad, but the safety of our own shores had all the while also to be considered.

Invasion, properly so called, may have been an impossibility, at any rate, till the British Fleet had been sunk, because an invasion takes time: armies and enormous quantities of munitions, stores and horses must be landed and arrangements made to keep up connection between the invading troops and the country they come from. But this is not the case with raids: comparatively small forces can sometimes be landed in an enemy’s country, do an infinity of damage and destruction for a day or two and then re-embark. To guard against a possibility of anything of this sort happening was another and very important duty of the home army, and there were other reasons for its maintenance. When the bulk of the 4th and 5th (Territorial) Battalions of the Buffs volunteered for foreign service, those who did not do so were still willing enough to fulfil their original undertaking to aid in guarding their native shores, and these men formed the nucleus of new battalions for home service only, called the 2/4th and 2/5th.

The 2/4th was formed at Ashford, Kent, under Lt.-Colonel Skey, and the following month proceeded to Sunninghill and Ascot, but its station during the first portion of 1915 was Rochester, and its vicinity and later on it went to Sevenoaks. The intensive training which had necessarily obtained in the case of the battalions required for immediate war service was not in the nature of things pressed so persistently on units of the home army, and their training was of a steadier and slower description. Regular garrison duties were carried out, which included a considerable amount of guard work when at Strood and Rochester. In May, 1915, the 2/4th and the 2/5th Buffs each furnished one company complete for a Kent composite battalion to serve in the Gallipoli Peninsula, which unit will be referred to later. Lt.-Colonel Atkinson was in command about the middle of 1915, and a year later the 2/4th went back into the Ashford district. There were very numerous drafts found and sent overseas by the 2/4th. These generally went to the 1/4th in India, but there were notable exceptions; for instance, in August, 1916, nearly four hundred men went to France to the 18th and 19th London Regiment and to the King’s Royal Rifles. The battalion was disbanded in August, 1917.

Colonel C. Hawley Williams, V.D., Honorary Colonel of the 4th Battalion of The Queen’s Own (Royal West Kent) Regiment was appointed, when the 5th Buffs went to India, to command the home keeping remnant which made the 2/5th. He had Major (Hon. Colonel) the Viscount Goschen, V.D., as his second-in-command. The battalion belonged to the Second-line Kent Infantry Brigade, and like its neighbour the 2/4th, it underwent several moves, and was at Ashford, Ascot and Bracknell successively. Recruiting was carried on, but as the Weald of Kent is not very thickly populated, the number did not increase as rapidly as in the case of some other units, though very considerable efforts were made. The progress of training was retarded by lack of instructors, lack of equipment and lack of rifles, but the officers and men neglected no effort to become efficient and difficulties were gradually overcome. The history of the 2/5th was much the same as that of the 2/4th. It, too, went through a period of service near Chatham and was worked heavily at the guard duties, and it, too, as has been stated above, sent a company to Gallipoli.

The 3/4th Battalion of the Buffs was raised by Major L. C. R. Messel, T.D., at Canterbury in July, 1915, and Lieut. G. C. Bateman from the 2/4th was appointed adjutant with the temporary rank of captain. The establishment was originally only one company, commanded by a major, but this was shortly increased to two and an excess of strength up to fifty per cent permitted. Lieut. R. Smith, late of the Buffs and Army Pay Department, became Quarter-Master, and that well-known and greatly respected veteran, J. Bennell, Regtl. Sergt.-Major, up till February, 1916, when he was relieved by C.S.M. C. Brown. On the 31st December, 1915, the battalion moved to Cambridge, together with other units of the third-line groups (as they were called) of the Home Counties Division. Later on the whole went to Crowborough.

The 3/5th was raised by Major Charles P. Kingsland of the 2/5th. The original description was Third-line Depot 5th Battalion The Buffs, but this was soon altered to 3/5th The Buffs, and in 1916 to 5th Reserve Battalion The Buffs. The establishment was the same as that of the last-mentioned unit, but in 1916 it was increased to 750 men in consequence of the 1/5th being in Mesopotamia. At this time also the commanding officer was given the temporary rank of lieutenant-colonel. Major A. Stuart Elmslie was at first the adjutant, but later became second-in-command. R.S.M. Bolton, 1st Battalion The Buffs, was regimental sergeant-major. This unit also joined their third-line group at Cambridge at the very end of 1915, and it was accommodated in Trinity College, and it also went to Crowborough in 1916, having sent a large draft from Cambridge to Mesopotamia. On the 1st September, 1916, the battalion was amalgamated with the 3/4th, and with it became the 4th Reserve Battalion of The Buffs, under the command of Lt.-Colonel L. C. R. Messel, T.D. It was part of the Home Counties Reserve Brigade, and had a strength now of no less than 1,560 men. A little later it became the reserve unit for the 10th Buffs, of whom we shall hear later. In October, 1917, Lt.-Colonel Messel was succeeded by Major W. D. Sword from the North Staffordshire Regiment.

IX. Volunteers