WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.

DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS.

FIRST SERIES. NO. LXVI-MDCCCLXXXIII

DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS

CAPE-MERCHANT IN THE ENGLISH FACTORY IN JAPAN

1615-1622

WITH CORRESPONDENCE

EDITED BY

EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON

VOL. I

BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER
NEW YORK, NEW YORK

Published by
BURT FRANKLIN
514 West 113th Street
New York 25, N. Y.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.

COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

PREFACE.

The history of the English trading settlement in Japan in the first quarter of the seventeenth century is the history of a failure; and the causes of the failure are not far to seek. Choosing for their depôt an insignificant island in the extreme west of the kingdom, without even good anchorage to recommend it, and at a far distance from the capital cities of Miako and Yedo, with the Dutch for their neighbours and, as it proved, their rivals, the English may be said to have courted disaster. It is true that Firando was a ready port for shipping coming from Europe; its ruler was friendly; and it lay in a convenient position from whence to open the much-desired trade with China. And the policy of making common cause with the Protestant Hollanders against the Spaniards and Portuguese, who had first secured a footing in Japan and were powerful in the neighbouring town of Nagasaki, would have been a sound one, had the latter remained supreme. But, when the English landed, the Dutch had already obtained privileges and had established their trade in the country; and what ought to have been foreseen inevitably came to pass. The Dutch were not allies; they were rivals, who undersold the English in the market and in the end starved them out of the country. Possibly, if our countrymen had been allowed to maintain the branch factories which they started in some of the principal towns, they might have held their own against their rivals, in spite of the limited trade which Japan afforded; but when their privileges were curtailed and they were restricted to Firando, their case became desperate.

Purchas, in his Pilgrimes,[1] has told us the story of the first landing of the English and its causes. The present volumes give us the internal history of the factory. The original diary of Richard Cocks, the chief factor, once formed part of those papers of the East India Company, whose luckless fate it was to be destroyed or cast out of their home in Leadenhall-street to wander through the world. Happily the diary escaped many perils, and now rests in the British Museum, where, bound in two volumes, it bears the numbers, Additional MSS. 31,300, 31,301. Unfortunately it is not complete. It runs from 1st June, 1615, to 14th January, 1619, and from 5th December, 1620, to 24th March, 1622; but it has lost nothing since it left the Company’s archives.[2] I have not thought it necessary to print the whole of it; but only those entries which have absolutely no interest, e.g. bare memoranda of sales and purchases, have been omitted. As a supplement, to illustrate the diary and to fill in the periods which are wanting therein, I have added in an Appendix a selection from the letters of Cocks and others, chiefly from the archives of the India Office.

Our early connection with Japan forms perhaps one of the most interesting episodes in our mercantile history, and has a share of romance imparted to it by the story of the English sailor whose name is so intimately associated with it. William Adams, “a Kentish man, born in a town called Gillingham, two English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chatham where the king’s ships do lie”,[3] a seafaring man who had served in the English navy, joined, as senior pilot, one of the Dutch trading fleets which sailed for the East in 1598. Weighing anchor in June, Adams and his companions encountered misfortune and delay on the coast of Africa, so that it was not till April of the next year that they reached the Straits of Magellan, where they were forced to pass the winter. Hence they made for Peru; and after sundry adventures, in which the fleet was dispersed and the Charity, the ship wherein Adams sailed, lost the greater part of her crew, the latter vessel in company with a single consort struck across for Japan. But bad fortune still waited on the unlucky voyagers. The consort foundered in a storm; and Adams’s ship with difficulty reached the shores of the province of Bungo, in the island of Kiushiu, in Japan, where she let fall her anchor on the 19th of April, 1600. Her crew was reduced to four-and-twenty, all told; and of these only some half-dozen were able to stand on their feet. Of the latter Adams was one, and was selected to be sent up to the court of Iyéyasu, the famous soldier who then ruled Japan.

The moment at which Adams set foot in this unknown land was a critical one in the history of the country. The dual form of government, by mikado and shogun, had been in existence some four hundred years. In the twelfth century, at a time when Japan was torn by internal wars and dissensions, the military chief Yoritomo had risen to power and, overthrowing his enemies, had set up the military despotism which, acting in the name of the powerless mikado, ruled the whole country. In 1192 Yoritomo received from the mikado the title of Sei-i Tai Shogun (Barbarian-subjugating Great General); and henceforth that title was transmitted to the de facto rulers, and lasted down to the revolution of 1868. The mikado, the rightful emperor of Japan, became a mere cipher, living in the seclusion of his palace, neglected and often in poverty.

This peculiar system has naturally perplexed foreigners; and thus it is that the mikado, or dairi, as he is more usually called by the early European writers, is represented as the spiritual head,[4] while the shogun, or military ruler for the time being, is always styled the emperor.

Two families, the Hojo and the Ashikaga, successively held the shogunate down to the year 1573. The last shogun of the second house was deposed by Nobunaga, the son of a soldier of fortune, whose name, like those of his two generals and successors, Hidéyoshi and Iyéyasu, is great in Japanese history. Nobunaga fell the victim of treachery; but his place was promptly filled by Hidéyoshi, who at once crushed the rising which had overthrown his master and assumed the reins of government. The son of a peasant, he had entered Nobunaga’s service as a groom, but, attracting notice, he was promoted to military service and quickly rose by his own prowess to high command. Often changing his name, according to Japanese custom, he appears in history under many designations. By the Portuguese Jesuits he is referred to as Faxiba (i.e. Hashiba); but he is more generally known by his later name of Taiko Sama; and by this name he is called in these volumes. Neither he nor Nobunaga received the title of shogun. The highest rank to which he attained was that of kuwambaku, or premier.[5]

Hidéyoshi died in 1598[6] leaving an infant son, Hidéyori (the Fidaia Sama of Cocks’s diary), whom he had married to the grand-daughter of his old fellow-soldier Iyéyasu, in the hope of thus disarming a dangerous rival, who was also appointed one of the guardians of the boy. But these precautions went for nothing. Even in Nobunaga’s days Iyéyasu was a powerful leader, and he had only submitted to Taiko Sama after some hesitation. It is true that he swore to protect the interests of the young Hidéyori; but many circumstances combined to stifle any scruples that he might have felt in supplanting his ward. It was whispered that the child was no son of Taiko Sama, and, even if he were, the nobles who had resented the rule of the low-born chief, whom they were forced to obey, were not disposed to continue their submission to his child. What has always happened in such conjunctures was sure to happen now. The other guardians of the young prince, suspicious of Iyéyasu, began to draw together their troops; Iyéyasu summoned his men; and soon after, in October, 1600, the rival armies confronted each other on the field of Sékigahara, near Lake Biwa, in the centre of the kingdom. Iyéyasu gained a decisive victory; his enemies were scattered with fearful slaughter; and the young Hidéyori was at the mercy of the conqueror. To the credit of the latter, his captive received no harm, but continued to lead a life of almost perfect freedom in his strong castle of Ozaka.

It was, then, only a few months before this decisive battle that Adams had his first interview with Iyéyasu, the emperor as he styles him, at Ozaka. How he found favour in his eyes, was taken into his confidence, “learned him some points of geometry and understanding of the arts of mathematics”, built him ships and, in fine, gained such influence that “what I said he would not contrary,” Adams himself has told us in that letter which, a captive in a far-off land, he addressed so pathetically to his “unknown friends and countrymen.” But when, in his yearning to see wife and children again, “according to conscience and nature”, he prayed for liberty to return to his country, Iyéyasu hardened his heart and would not let him go. The most that was granted was leave for the Dutch captain of the ship[7] and one of the crew to depart. This they did; and it should be noted that it was by the help of the daimio of Firando, who now first appears upon the scene, that they found a junk wherein to sail. The captain was soon after killed fighting against the Portuguese. His companion returned and settled at Nagasaki, being the Melchor van Sanfort (or Sanvoort) whom we meet in the diary. Others of the crew no doubt settled in the country. One of them is incidentally mentioned by Cocks (i. 171).

Adams’s letter above referred to was written in October, 1611. It reached the English factory at Bantam probably early in 1612; but the idea of opening trade with Japan had already been entertained in England. Adams’s story was known there by reports from the Dutch; and letters announcing the intentions of the East India Company were sent out to him by the ship Globe, which sailed in January, 1611. In April following, the Clove, the Thomas, and the Hector were despatched under command of Captain John Saris, with letters from King James I. to the Emperor of Japan. Arriving at Bantam in October, 1612, Saris remained there till the beginning of the new year, and then, on the 14th of January, sailed for Japan in the ship Clove, with a crew of some seventy men. On the 10th of June, off Nagasaki, he first sighted the western coast of Kiushiu, and two days after came to an anchor in the haven of Firando.

The first to greet the English commander were the old daimio or tono, Foyne Sama, then in his seventy-second year, and his grandson, a young man of two-and-twenty, who shared the government. Both are styled kings; and the latter is Figen a (or Figeno) Sama, who appears throughout Cocks’s diary as the king of Firando. Foyne Sama seems to have been a simple and unaffected old man, not averse to merry-making, but firm, and, says Saris, “famed to be the worthiest soldier of all Japan, for his valour and service in the Corēan wars.”[8] Old as he was and good-humoured as he appeared, we see something of the sterner side of his character in certain remarks of our diarist. Almost immediately after their arrival the English sailors began quarrelling and drew from him a reproof which, though gentle, was a sufficient hint; and we are told, at a later date, when his dog “Balle” was accidentally killed by the English cook, that “if this had happened in the time of Foyne Sama, who esteemed this dog much, it might have cost us all our lives” (i. 248). The readiness with which he welcomed and encouraged foreign trade is creditable, and proves that he understood, at all events in some degree, the benefits which his small principality might derive from it. He died in 1614, about a year after the establishment of the English factory. The young king had not the force of character of his grandfather. Though generally keeping on fair terms with the English, his temper was capricious, and he was probably too indolent not to be ruled by his own ministers, some of whom appear to have been all-powerful. The principal nobles and ministers at Firando were: Bongo Sama or Nobesane, Foyne’s brother, and consequently great-uncle to Figen a Sama; Tonomon Sama, and Genta or Gentero Sama, Figen a Sama’s brothers, of whom the first acted as viceroy in the absence of the king, and the second resided as hostage at the shogun’s court and was in favour there; Sangero Sama, a natural son of Foyne; Oyen Dono[9] and Semi Dono, the royal secretaries; and Taccamon Dono, the chief justice, “our enemy”, as Cocks calls him (ii. 3).

The Dutch had already been settled in Firando for some years. In July, 1609, their ship the Red Lion arrived in that port and, favoured by Foyne Sama, they succeeded in obtaining from the shogun leave to establish a factory and to send one or more ships annually from Europe. It was not, however, till two years after this that another small ship, the Brach, arrived, and two commissioners were sent up to pay the usual visit to the court. One of these was Jacob Speck,[10] afterwards head of the Dutch factory and the contemporary and rival of Cocks. At the court at Suruga they were met by William Adams, whose influence with the shogun was used to such good purpose that they received most favourable terms for trading in the country, while two embassies of the Portuguese and Spaniards, which were present about the same time, failed to obtain the full privileges they sought.[11] The head of the Dutch factory, when Saris landed, was Hendrik Brower; and at the very first mention of his name by Cocks, the jealousy which was smouldering in the hearts of the two nations shows itself: “Captain Brower went along by the door but would not look at us, and we made as little account of him.”[12]

The first business for Saris to transact was the hire of a house, to serve for a factory, from Captain Andassee, “Captain of the China quarter”, the Chinaman who appears all through the diary by the name of Andrea Dittis; his next was to prepare to visit the court of Iyéyasu, only waiting to be joined by William Adams, for whom he had sent and who arrived on the 29th of July. They started on their journey on the 7th of August, leaving Cocks to manage affairs at Firando, and travelled by the same regular route over which Cocks was afterwards so often to pass: down the inland sea to Ozaka, and thence by land to Suruga[13] where Iyéyasu resided, and afterwards proceeding to Yedo to visit Hidétada, son of the latter and actual shogun, to whom his father, according to a not infrequent custom, had transferred the title in 1605. It is needless to repeat here the interesting details of this journey, which are to be found in Saris’s own narrative in the pages of Purchas. For our present purpose it is enough to state that the travellers returned to Firando on the 6th of November with ample privileges for trade.[14] One request was however refused, viz. the right to bring into Japan and sell the goods of Chinese prizes which might be captured as a punishment for rejection of the English trade. This is only one of several instances that are recorded of Iyéyasu’s fairness to all foreigners alike and of his refusal to mix in their quarrels. It was also understood that, on the arrival of a ship from Europe, a present was to be carried to the shogun; and for trade with neighbouring countries a goshon or licence was requisite for each junk that sailed.

“Now touching a factory to be left there,” says Saris, “I had on the twenty-sixth [of November] assembled my merchandizing council, where, upon these considerations, viz. the encouragement we had received in the Moluccas by private intelligence; the Dutch factory already planted here in Firando; the large privileges now obtained of the Emperor of Japan; the certain advice of the English factories settled in Siam and Patane; the commodities resting unsold upon our hands appointed for these parts; and the hoped-for profit which further experience may produce, it was resolved that a factory should be left there, viz. eight English, three Japan jurebasses or interpreters, and two servants, who were appointed against the coming of the next ships to search and discover the coast of Corea, Tushmay, and other parts of Japan and countries thereunto adjoining, to see what good might be done in any of them.”[15] The eight Englishmen who were thus appointed members of the English factory, were: Richard Cocks, captain and cape- (or head-) merchant, William Adams, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edmund Sayers, and William Nealson.

Richard Cocks[16] was probably a native of Coventry; at all events he was familiar with that city (i. 172), and had friends there (i. 229). His name appears in the charter of incorporation of the East India Company, 31 Dec. 1600; and in the earlier list of “names of such persons as have written with their own hands to venture in the pretended voyage to the East Indies,” 22 Sept. 1599, he is described as a grocer and subscribes £200.[17] He himself tells us (ii. 317) that, besides being a member of “this Right Honourable and Right Worshipful Society or Company which trade to the East Indies,” he belonged to the Merchants Adventurers and was “made free of the old Hanse”, and he was also a member of the Clothworkers’ Company. A certain Richard Cocks who sailed with Frobisher in his third voyage to Meta Incognita, in 1578, and who was distinguished as “the first to sail in among the ice”, was probably a relative.[18] From 1603 to 1608 he lived at Bayonne, no doubt as a merchant. Many news-letters written by him from thence are preserved in the Public Record Office, addressed to Sir Thomas Wilson, secretary to Lord Treasurer Salisbury. From this we may infer that Sir Thomas was Cocks’s patron. The correspondence was continued when Cocks was in Japan; and some of his letters which dwelt on the wonders of the country were sent to King James to read, who declared them to contain “the loudest lies that he had ever heard.” Wilson pronounces the writer to be, though not lettered, a man of honesty, years, and judgment.[19] As Cocks becomes well known to us as we read his diary, we will leave him for the present.

Of the other members of the factory, two soon disappeared from the scene. Tempest Peacock and Walter Carwarden went on a trading venture to Cochinchina, and, as we shall see, never returned. Richard Wickham appears to have been in more independent circumstances than the rest. Even before Saris’s departure he began to give trouble, as his time of agreement with the Company had nearly expired and he bargained for higher wages. He resigned his place and left Japan early in 1618, and died soon after at Jacatra in Java, worth, it was said, £5,000 or £6,000. William Eaton and Edmund Sayers[20] were with the factory from first to last. The former is called by Cocks “my countryman”, probably meaning that they were natives of the same place or district. William Nealson was turbulent and quarrelsome, particularly when drink put him into his “fustian fumes”. He died in March, 1620, “being wasted away with a consumption.” After reading of their constant bickerings, one smiles to find that he made Cocks his heir; and, piously adds Cocks, “if God had called me in his mercy before Mr. Nealson, then had he had as much of mine” (ii. 321).

When Adams accompanied Saris to court, he had at length got leave from Iyéyasu to visit his native land. Why he did not choose to sail in the Clove, as he at first intended, was, he himself tells us, because of “some discourtesies offered me by the general.” In fact, Saris seems to have disagreed with him on several points, and did not treat him generously. But, perhaps, a better reason for his stay was that which Cocks gives: “that he was loth to return to his country a beggar”; for, although Iyéyasu had given him an estate of some extent, he was ill provided with money. And yet another and nobler reason may have influenced him. “In my simple judgment,” he says in one of his letters, “if the north-west passage be ever discovered, it will be discovered by this way of Japan”;[21] and Cocks adds, “Mr. Adams is of the opinion that, if ever the north-east or north-west passages be found out, it must be from these parts, and offereth his best services therein, the Emperor promising his best furtherance with men or letters of recommendation to all princes, and hath entrance already into an island called Yedzo, which is thought to be rather some part of the continent of Tartaria” (ii. 258). So Adams took service with the Company, after some haggling over the amount of his wages, for two years;[22] and constantly appears in the course of the diary in various employments. Cocks was evidently a little afraid of him, and, while praising him to the Company as “tractable and willing to do your Worships the best service he may,” he cautions Wickham to “have a due care to give Capt. Adams content, which you may easily do if you use him with kind speeches and fall not into terms with him upon any argument. I am persuaded,” he adds, “I could live with him seven years before any extraordinary speeches should happen betwixt us.” Our Cocks doth protest too much. Adams’s friendliness to his old comrades the Dutch is ever a thorn in the side of the cape-merchant: “I cannot choose but note it down that both I myself and all the rest of our nation do see that he is much more friend to the Dutch than to the Englishmen, which are his own countrymen, God forgive him.” But, in spite of occasional outbursts of this nature, they lived generally on friendly terms, and there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of Cocks’s sorrow when his comrade died.

Two others joined the factory at a later date. John Osterwick, of Dutch descent and a kinsman of Wickham, came out in 1615 and remained to the end. Richard Hudson, whom Cocks in 1617 calls a boy, and who had lost father and brother in the search for the north-west passage, was employed as an unattached servant at the factory.

Saris sailed from Japan on the 5th of December, 1613. The merchandise which stocked the factory consisted chiefly of broad cloth and woollen and cotton piece goods; also of Bantam pepper, gunpowder, lead, tin, etc. Its total value was about £5,650. The Company was sanguine enough, on Saris’s representation, to hope for such success in the Japan trade, as to be able to export silver in sufficient quantity to maintain their Indian trade. But Saris’s estimate of the mercantile prospects was based on false premises. When he arrived, the prices of imports were extraordinarily high; but then the Dutch had the market nearly all to themselves, and the demand for European goods was almost too limited to give room for competition. Steel and lead alone among metals, and silk among materials, sold readily. Saris indeed had tried to arrange with the Dutch factor on a profitable price, at which both nations should sell their cloth; but the latter immediately “shipped away great store of cloth to divers islands, rating them at base prices that he might procure the more speedy despatch of his own, and glut the place before the coming of ours.”[23] But even apart from Dutch competition, cloth was not a favourite article of trade in Japan. Saris soon found that the natives were backward in buying, especially when they saw that the English themselves did not wear the material they recommended, “for, said they, you commend your cloth unto us, but you yourselves wear least thereof, the better sort of you wearing silken garments, the meaner fustians.”[24] Cocks, too, naively remarks that the people of Japan are “so addicted to silks that they do not enter into consideration of the benefit of wearing cloth”(ii. 259). On the other hand, if cloth happened to rise in price, it at once commanded a sale among the wealthy, Wickham, in one of his letters, noticing the disposition of the Japanese, especially of the better sort, to buy those commodities which are most rare and when they are dearest. Spanish cloth, he says, never sold better than when it was high in price; when it fell, no one would look at it; when it again reached a high price, it recovered its reputation. Again, when warlike rumours were afloat there was a demand for cloth, as it was used for cases for arms; and so, we are told, the Japanese preferred good measure to fine quality. Sober colours were generally preferred. Venice red and flame colour would not sell at all in 1614. In 1620, blacks and reds are in fashion (ii. 311). Indian cloths sold not “so much for necessity as for the new and strange fashions and paintings thereof”, the Japanese “being a people desiring change” (ii. 273).

After Saris’s departure, however, the English factory lost no time in attempting to establish trade in the country. At the beginning of the new year Wickham was sent as agent to Yedo; Eaton was stationed at Ozaka; and Sayers had a commission to the northern parts of Kiushiu and the neighbouring island of Tsushima, the first step to trade with Corea. In Cocks’s letters to Wickham we see the anxiety caused by the competition of the Dutch. Wickham was to “sell away, although something under cento per cento,” and not to be outstripped by his rivals.

A junk was also fitted out with a cargo worth £750 to trade to Cochinchina, Tempest Peacock going in her as merchant (18th March, 1614) with Walter Carwarden to assist him. This venture was unfortunate. Peacock was killed in Cochinchina, treacherously as it appeared, and Carwarden was cast away on the return voyage. Although two attempts were subsequently made by Adams to renew intercourse, neither succeeded. Trade with Siam was also opened, a junk being at once bought and commissioned for the purpose. Adams showed skill and energy in fitting her for her voyage, and took the command in her first trip, which however failed, owing principally to the mutinous conduct of the crew. This venture was estimated at £1,400.

But the country with which the English most coveted commercial relations was China; and through all the diary and correspondence of Cocks negotiations are always in progress. The two Chinese traders, Andrea Dittis, the landlord of the English house mentioned above, and his brother Whaw or Whow, who was stationed at Nagasaki, were the agents through whom Cocks hoped to obtain a footing in China, where also a third brother was supposed to be negotiating with the authorities to obtain the desired privileges; and not inconsiderable sums were advanced to smooth the way. But China was then in a state of war and confusion, and although in the end, after years of waiting, Cocks was told that permission for trade was granted, no charter or other documents arrived, and, in any case, it was then, at the moment when the English were preparing to withdraw from Japan, too late to do anything.

The English factory, then, had been established about two years in June, 1615, the date at which Cocks’s diary begins. The house which had been hired of the China captain had been purchased and improved at a cost of nearly £600. Foyne Sama had been dead some twelve months, and Figen a Sama reigned in his stead. Captain Brower had disappeared from the Dutch factory to make room for Jacob Speck. And we are at once carried into the midst of native affairs. On the 2nd of June reports reached Firando of the total defeat of the young prince Hidéyori (Fidaia Sama) by Iyéyasu. As we have already seen, Hidéyori had been left in comparative freedom after the battle of Sékigahara. He had now grown to man’s estate, and had the sympathy of a large part of the country; and Cocks especially notices that the people of the southern parts “affect the young man more than the old.” Round him gathered all who had reason to fear or dislike his rival; and, when the final rupture took place, he had a following of 120,000 men. There can be little doubt that the young prince perished in the burning castle of Ozaka after the total defeat of his troops; but the fact that his body could not be found was enough to give rise to the rumour that he had escaped. His followers were hunted down and destroyed; but that he still lived was widely believed, and that belief lasted for years and is frequently noticed in these pages. Apollinario Franco, a Franciscan, who was present at the terrible scene at Ozaka, escaped to Firando and is mentioned early in the diary. Notwithstanding his protestant dislike of priests and friars, Cocks could not refuse Christian charity to one in such sore distress. We meet with him once or twice again. He died at the stake in Omura in 1622. After the destruction of Ozaka the shoguns adopted the policy of detaining for stated periods, at court, the daimios of the several provinces or some members of their families. This arrangement is often noticed by Cocks.

At the end of August arrived the ship Oziander (or Hozeander) from England, and Captain Ralph Coppindall was sent up to court with the customary present. In a letter written after his return to Firando he records the unprofitable nature of the trade of Japan: “either we must procure a peaceable trade in China, or else, as the Hollanders do, to trade with them perforce. And if we set foot in the Moluccas, this place will be a fit storehouse from whence we may always have men, munition, and victuals good store, and at reasonable rates” (ii. 271). These, indeed, were also the sentiments of the factors, and were repeated more than once.

A quarrel with the Portuguese and Spaniards at Nagasaki, who had seized and imprisoned two of their own countrymen for serving the English, is among the events of this year. And, however much they might disagree among themselves, English and Dutch were at one when attacking or attacked by the other two rival nations; so that the capture of a Portuguese junk by the Dutch and her condemnation through Adams’s influence at court as good prize gave unmixed satisfaction at Firando. In connection with this capture, an interesting conversation between Iyéyasu and Adams is recorded (ii. 276).

Early in 1616 a report began to circulate that Iyéyasu was dead. Cocks, with the caution with which he had learned to regard all Japanese news, rather viewed it as “a fable given out of purpose to see how people would take the matter”; and he, no doubt, only expresses the general feeling when he adds “once the old man is subtil”. In June the king of Firando is reported to have visited him, “but was only permitted to enter into his chamber, where they say he lay sick in a little cabin covered with paper”; and soon after it was known that he had really expired,[25] not however before he had had the satisfaction of having his physician cut in pieces. Cocks, however, was hard of belief, and was convinced that “he will soon rise again, if any wars be moved against his son within these three years.” This son was the shogun Hidétada, a man very different from his father in his manner of regarding foreigners.

It was now necessary for the English to send up a deputation to court for a confirmation of privileges under the new reign; and the ships Thomas and Advice arriving from England just at the time, Cocks got ready his presents and started at the end of July, in company with Adams who had just returned from Siam. The account of the journey to Yedo and of the audience with the shogun is very interesting. But they did not obtain what they sought. The privileges were curtailed and the English were restricted to the single port of Firando. In vain did Cocks petition to have this decision reversed; and, although the shogun’s secretaries, Codskin Dono and Oyen Dono, did not seem to be unfavourable, they declared that it was impossible to alter matters. Inga Dono, also, the chief justice, could only tell Cocks “that at present all matters were in other manner in Japan than in time of the old Emperor”; and common report declared that “no man dare speak to the Emperor of any matter they think is to his discontent, he is so furious, and no means but death and destruction” (i. 186, 187). In the end the English had to withdraw all their factors from Yedo, Miako, Sackay, and Ozaka.[26]

But it was not only in this particular that things were changed. Hidétada had determined to suppress Christianity. Since the first arrival of the Portuguese Jesuits, followed by the rapid conversion of whole districts in the western and southern parts of Japan, there had been no systematic attempt to stifle the new religion. The story told of Nobunaga, that, when he was urged to expel the Roman Catholic missionaries, he remarked that, as there were already thirty-five religious sects in Japan, a thirty-sixth could not make much difference,[27] reflects the ease with which Christianity made its way in the country; and the same ruler’s policy of tolerating the new tenets, while persecuting the Buddhist faith, gave them time to take root and flourish. A sudden edict of Taiko Sama, expelling the Jesuits from the kingdom, was not enforced to the utmost; and Iyéyasu generally left them in peace, although towards the end of his reign fresh edicts of banishment were issued and the sentence to a considerable extent carried into effect. But many priests still lurked in the country; and Cocks notices that the hostility shown to some of his men by the natives of Omura was “by means of the padres, or priests, who stirred them up against us to make us odious to the Japons, for they are all, or the most part, papistical Christians in Umbra, and attribute a great or chief occasion of banishment of them out of Japon by means of the English, many papists and Jesuits lying secretly lurking in most parts of Japon till this hour” (i. 139).[28] While Cocks was waiting in Yedo for the copy of the privileges he tells us that the Council sent “above twenty times” to question him about the religion of the English, and were hardly persuaded that Protestants were distinct from Roman Catholics. Even Adams, at whose house some Spaniards were staying, was suspected of harbouring priests and received warning. These things indicated, as the secretary Oyen Dono admitted, that the new ruler meant indeed to “utterly extinguish” the Jesuits and friars out of Japan; and there was good reason to believe that Christians of all sects would soon go the same way. The immediate result of this severity is seen soon after in the announcement, on the 22nd of May of the next year, of the execution of a Franciscan and a Jesuit;[29] and other persecutions followed afterwards.

Before Cocks returned to Firando, he visited William Adams’s estate at Phebe (Hémi)[30] which had been bestowed on him by Iyéyasu. “There is”, he says, describing it, “above one hundred farms or households upon it, besides others under them, all which are his vassals, and he hath power of life and death over them, they being his slaves, and he has absolute authority over them as any tono or king in Japon hath over his vassals.” (i. 181.)

On their way back to Firando, they passed the site of Yoritomo’s city of Kamakura, “but now at present it is no city, but scattered houses seated here and there in pleasant valleys betwixt divers mountains, wherein are divers pagods very sumptuous, and a nunnery of shaven women. I did never see such pleasant walks among pine and spruce trees as there are about these pagods.” This is the one place in all Japan whose natural beauty seems to have impressed even the matter-of-fact Cocks, who could dismiss the Hakoné Pass with its fine lake and scenery in the one sentence, “Haconey on the top of the mountain, where the great pond with the devil is, as they report.”

The altered state of feelings at Yedo began soon to be reflected at Firando. At the beginning of the new year the king showed a disposition to meddle in the affairs of the English trade and betrayed ill-humour in several small matters; and soon there were rumours that both English and Dutch would have to shift to other quarters. These disagreements drew a formal remonstrance from Cocks, who, “entering into consideration of the small respect this king of Firando hath of us in comparison of that which he had at our first entrance into Japon”, expressed his discontent in a “large letter”; which, however, was received “in good part”, and a friendly message returned. But, after this, things never went quite so smoothly as before.

Other troubles also began to close in on the English. Their relations with the Dutch were gradually becoming more and more estranged, until their differences culminated in open rupture. In 1617 rumours reached Firando of Dutch outrages on the English in Puloway, which tended to increase the coolness so rapidly growing between the members of the English and Dutch factories, who, as the Japanese observed, were friends, “but from tooth outwards.” The frequent piracies of the Dutch upon the Chinese are reflected on by Cocks, who also accuses them of gross cruelty to their prisoners. An aggravation of these crimes was the fact that they were committed, if not under the English flag, at least under the English name, the Dutch giving out that they were English. Their success in this form of deception is illustrated by an entry in the diary: “These Chinas in the junk [just captured] will not be persuaded but that they are Englishmen which took them.”[31] It was, then, with only an outward show of friendship that the two nations carried on their trade in Firando.

In August of this year the Advice arrived from Bantam, and about the same time Adams returned from a voyage to Cochinchina. Another journey to court immediately followed; and this time no farther than Fushimi, near Miako, whither the shogun had come to visit the mikado. A renewed attempt, however, on the part of Cocks, to obtain an extension of the privileges, the principal object of the journey, failed altogether. At first, indeed, the right to trade in Nagasaki was added; but, in an evil hour, one of the councillors took exception, and this concession was cancelled. An answer was refused to a letter of James I., which was now presented, on the ground that it was addressed to the dead shogun Iyéyasu and that it was held “ominous amongst the Japans to answer to dead men’s letters.” In the end, poor Cocks was, as he said, put to “Hodgson’s choice”, and had to take what privileges he could, or none at all. “So we got out our goshons, but the privileges as they were the last year. Worry! worry! worry!” In fact, the Japanese themselves saw the advantages to be derived from trade, and the shogun very naturally “would have his own vassals to get the benefit to bring up merchandise rather than strangers.” The result was that a company of native merchants appeared in the market and formed, if we may judge by Cocks’s account of them, what would now be called a ring.

It was on the occasion of this visit to court that Cocks and his fellow-travellers came in contact with a Corean embassy, to which he refers several times. The object of their mission, we are told, was to pay a visit of ceremony to the sepulchre of Iyéyasu, and to congratulate the new shogun upon his peaceful succession.

Nothing eventful occurred at the factory in the early part of 1618. During a visit to Nagasaki in February and March, Cocks makes several interesting references to the Christians whom he met among the natives; and on his arrival at this half-Christianised town, the Chinese junks, which were dressed with flags in his honour, flew the cross of St. George among the rest. Before Foyne’s death at Firando, the English had been compelled to haul down their flag on account of the Christian symbol that it bore. Meanwhile, however, on the north of Kiushiu bloody persecutions were being carried on; and a little later is recorded the news of the crucifixion of some thirty-seven men and women in Kokura. Disquieting rumours were also afloat of a confederacy of the southern daimios against the shogun.

Soon, however, occurred an event which concerned the English more nearly than the political state of Japan. On the 8th of August, to their intense indignation, a Dutch ship arrived at Firando bringing in, as prize, the English ship Attendance, which had been captured in the Moluccas. To do him justice, the Dutch factor Speck seems to have regretted the action and offered to restore her, but not, as Cocks remarks, before there had been time to empty her. An immediate journey to court naturally followed, in order to put in a written protest against this proceeding of the Dutch. But Cocks was told “that for facts committed in other places the emperor would not meddle with it”, so that, but for the easing of his conscience afforded by the delivery of his protest, and the pleasure of some sight-seeing, he might as well have remained at Firando.

For nearly the whole of the year 1619 and 1620 the diary is wanting; and during the early part of this period the Dutch were masters of the sea, and the English in Japan were completely isolated. But, in order to maintain their interests in the East, the English Company had already, in 1617, despatched a fleet of five ships under command of Captain Martin Pring. He reached Bantam in the middle of 1618, and, sailing thence to Jacatra, had news of the Dutch attack on the English in the Moluccas. He was soon after joined at Bantam by a reinforcement of six large ships under Sir Thomas Dale, who assumed the command of the combined fleet. After some skirmishing, the English retired to India to refit; and there Dale died. Pring then again sailed eastward; but, finding himself outnumbered by the Dutch, he was on the point, early in 1620, of dividing his forces and himself sailing for Japan, when he received news of the union of the English and Dutch Companies. Thus relieved from fear of attack, he proceeded on his voyage and reached Firando in safety.

How the English fared in Firando during these two years we learn from Cocks’s letters to the Company.[32] In the determined attack which the Dutch made on the English factory there can be little doubt that, had not the Japanese protected them, our countrymen would have fallen victims to the Hollanders, who, “by sound of trumpet aboard all their ships in the harbour of Firando, proclaimed open wars against our English nation, both by sea and land, with fire and sword, to take our ships and goods and destroy our persons to the uttermost of their power, as to their mortal enemies.” But in the midst of these troubles there was a gleam of light in trade prospects, for the shogun was at last induced, early in 1620, to allow Nagasaki to be included in the English privileges. The advantages of that port, with its fine harbour, over the poor “fisher town” of Firando, with its bad anchorage, are duly set forth by Cocks; and we learn, at the same time, the reasons why the larger town was not selected at first, “which heretofore was not thought fit, because then a papist Portingale bishop lived in the town, and there was ten or twelve parish churches, besides monasteries.” But now all was changed; churches and monasteries had been levelled with the earth, and even graveyards uprooted and “all the dead men’s bones taken out of the ground and cast forth.” The news of the union of the two companies will account for the English still remaining in their old quarters in Firando, to keep near the Dutch, instead of migrating to Nagasaki.

Death had also in this interval brought misfortunes to the English factory. The first loss was that of Whaw, the Chinaman, upon whom Cocks so much relied to obtain privileges for the China trade. Then Nealson died in March, 1620. And, last of all, “our good friend Captain William Adams, who was so long before us in Japon, departed out of this world the 16th of May last.” If for no other reason, we must on Adams’s account deplore the loss of Cocks’s diary for this period, which would undoubtedly have contained some details of his last illness and death. It is also to be regretted that we do not find more personal details about Adams in the portions of the diary which have survived; but he was so often absent on trading voyages and other business that Cocks must be excused if he tells us no more than he does. As already noticed, the cape-merchant held him in some awe, and, if we may believe the diary, Adams was inclined to be somewhat hasty in temper. On the other hand, he did the Company good and faithful service, and, to judge by small things, the reader will not fail to notice the patience with which he waited, time after time, on the dilatory pleasure of court officials, in the interest of the English. His influence with the shoguns is more than once referred to. “The Emperor [Iyéyasu],” writes Cocks in 1616, “esteemeth him much, and he may go and speak with him at all times, when kings and princes are kept out”; and again, in 1620: “I cannot but be sorrowful for the loss of such a man as Captain William Adams was, he having been in such favour with two Emperors of Japon as never was any Christian in these parts of the world, and might freely have entered and had speech with the Emperors, when many Japon kings stood without and could not be permitted.” Adams had a wife and daughter living in England. He also had a son and daughter in Japan.[33] To all of these he left his property in equal shares. References are several times made to the disposal of his goods and to the transmission of money to England, as well as to difficulties arising from the disposition of certain goshons or trading licences belonging to his children in Japan.[34]

The result in Japan of the union of the English and Dutch Companies was, as we have seen, that the English factory remained at Firando instead of removing to the far more commodious town of Nagasaki. A combined fleet of English and Dutch ships, sailing under the modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and of diverting the trade of China from the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English settlements; in other words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese ports and seize as many of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In the two expeditions to the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before the English and Dutch again separated, they captured many prizes; and the Dutch are said to have treated their Chinese prisoners with great cruelty, while their new allies interfered to protect these unfortunate people. All the time, however, that the English were thus engaged at sea, peaceful negotiations were still being carried on by Cocks for establishing trade with China, though it is not surprising that “our joining with the Hollanders to take China junks is ill thought of.”

In 1621 the English at Firando, apparently with the idea that trade was now going to flourish, built a new warehouse and wharves, and undertook other works on a large scale. But it was impossible that their relations with the Dutch could be cordial; and dissensions soon broke out. There was ill blood between the sailors of the two nations. In the Philippines they could scarcely be restrained from fighting; and when, at the end of June, the fleet returned to Firando and the crews got ashore, they at once came to blows, and a Dutchman was killed. Then followed the trial and execution of the English sailor who had killed him; and the temper in which his shipmates regarded his condemnation may be judged from the fact that “Captain Robert Adams was forced to put the rope about his neck with his own hands.” And it was not only with the English that the Dutch sailors quarrelled. They were drunken and riotous and “brabbled” in the streets, till at last the long-suffering Japanese lost patience and seizing two of them summarily cut off their heads. The English, too, demanded a victim. A Dutchman, who had stabbed an Englishman, was condemned and executed by his own countrymen in a novel fashion, “they having first made the man so drunk that he could scarce stand on his legs, and so cut off his head within their own house.” As to the crews of the English shipping, they were perhaps only a degree less turbulent; to maintain discipline and set an example, four runaways were condemned and hanged.

In 1620 the English ship, Elizabeth, cruising off the Island of Formosa, captured a Japanese vessel on her way from the Philippines to Japan. On board were found two priests, who, in the end, proved to be Pedro de Zuñiga, an Augustinian, and Luis Flores, a Dominican. They long denied their names; and we find many references in the diary to their examination at Firando. (It was an object to the English and Dutch to convict them, as, in such case, the ship became good prize.) In the end, these two unfortunate men, together with the Japanese captain of the vessel, were, in 1622, put to death by the horrible torture of slow fire, and the crew were beheaded;[35] so that we cannot much regret that the captors were baulked of their prize. With grim humour the shogun appropriated the cargo for himself, “leaving the rotten hull for us and the Hollanders.” So, much against their will, the factors had to deliver over the prize goods, after a little hesitation, which, however, they saw it was useless to persist in, when Cocks was told that “they would take it whether we would or no, and that, if we had not absolutely proved the Portingalls to be padres, the Emperor meant to have put Captain Leonard Camps and me to death and to have seized on all we had in the country; and, if any resistance had been made, to have burned all our shipping and put us all to the sword” (ii. 335).

At the end of 1621 Cocks set out on the last visit to the court at Yedo recorded in his diary, the English and their Dutch allies now going in one company. Speck was no longer at the head of the Dutch factory. He had left Japan in the previous October; his successor being Leonard Camps, who was now Cocks’s travelling companion. After delivering the customary presents, and after the usual long delay in getting leave to depart, they were dismissed without the shogun’s return gifts, which were not ready, “which truly is the greatest wrong or indignity that ever hitherto was offered to any Christians.” It is almost unnecessary to add that Cocks and Camps quarrelled. The diary ends on the 24th of March, 1622, in the middle of the journey back to Firando; and in the last entry Cocks tells us how the Hollanders slipped away from him. No phrase could better express the whole course of the dealings of the Dutch with the English in Japan.

The rest of the story of the English factory is soon told. The Council of Defence of the East India Company at Batavia had some time before determined to reduce it to small dimensions. In his letter of the 7th September, 1622, Cocks records the receipt of orders “to leave off our consortship of the Fleet of Defence with the Hollanders, and to send our five ships for Jaccatra with as much speed as conveniently we could”; all money and merchandise was to be withdrawn, except a small “cargezon” or stock worth 5,000 taels, to be left in charge of Osterwick and a couple of assistants; and Cocks, Eaton, and Sayers were to “come along in the said ships for Jaccatra, for lessening charges in the factory.” All which directions the cape-merchant piously assured the Company should be followed “as near as we can”; but nevertheless stayed where he was. The difficulty, however, of getting payment of outstanding debts was at least some excuse; and he still fondly clung to the hopes of the China trade.

While the English were thus yielding ground, their Dutch rivals were more energetic than ever. They had failed in an attempt to surprise Macao; but had forcibly established themselves in the Pescadore Islands, and they still persisted in their old offence of passing for Englishmen. It was only a few months later that the Amboyna massacre was perpetrated.

At last, at a consultation of the Council at Batavia on the 25th of April, 1623, the dissolution of the English factory in Japan was formally decided. Captain Joseph Cockram was despatched in the ship Bull, invested with full powers. It was, however, left to his discretion to allow two juniors to remain to collect debts, if there were any prospect of recovery. He arrived at Firando in July, bearing a letter, dated 22nd May, from the Council, directing all the members of the factory “to come away from thence upon the ship Bull for Batavia; hereby charging you and every of you to fulfil our said order, as you will answer the contrary at your perils.” Cocks is ordered to get in all the debts he can; and he is blamed in severe terms for the loss of the “great sums” which he had advanced for the China trade: “The China Nocheda[36] hath too long deluded you, through your own simplicity, to give credit unto him. You have lived long enough in those parts to be better experienced of the fraudulent practices of those people.” The English buildings at Firando are to be handed over to the king, to hold in trust “until such time as we shall send thither again to repossess the same.” And so, after some other orders, the letter concludes with a caustic admonition that, “because last year, to serve your own turn, you made what construction you pleased of our commission for your coming from thence, we do now iterate our commission in the conclusion of our letter, lest, having read it in the former part thereof, you should forget it before you come to the end.”

Preparations for departure were at once made; the ostensible reasons given to the king of Firando being the loss of ships and the bad prospects of the China trade, and not “out of any unkind usage here in his Majesty’s [the shogun’s] dominions.” But, anxious as they now were to shake themselves free of Japan, the factors were still obliged to send up one of their number, Richard Hudson, to deliver the customary present to the shogun; so that it was not till nearly the end of the year that they were ready to quit Firando.

On the 16th of December, in consultation, it was determined to leave no one behind to collect debts; but the Dutch factor was empowered to receive any sums that might come in. The amount owing to the factory was 12,821 taels, about £3,200, out of which Dittis was answerable for 6,636 taels, or £1,659. The following abstract[37] of a lost portion of Cocks’s diary gives us particulars of the last days spent by the English in Japan:—

Abstract “Coppie of some passages at our leaving Jappan and dissolving ye English Factory at Ferando in ye yeare 1623. Taken out of Mr. Richard Cock his Journall; who was Chiefe these eleven or 12 yeares.”

December 19.—Tonomon Sarume paid 100 Tale on account of his debt of 500 Tales.

December 20.—Prepared in the Japanese language the accounts of the noblemen indebted to the factory, in order that the parties might sign them as an acknowledgment of the debt to be left with the Dutch chief for recovery; a power of attorney for that purpose, also in Japanese, being signed by all the factors and delivered to him. Copies of these several writings were also prepared for the king.

On the 22nd these writings were delivered to the Dutch chief, Capt. Newrode; and the copies sent to the king. The factors “had much adoe with Tonomon Sama, Semidono, Taccamondono, and others, to give us their bills ... and, when they didd itt, put in what they list.”

On the 21st and 22nd sundry small presents in money were given to the Japanese servants and others, few exceeding two or three Tale.

On the 22nd many of the townsmen came with their wives and families to take leave of the factors, some weeping at their departure.

On the 23rd the factors went on board the ship Bull, intending to set sail; but, the Dutch and many of their Japanese friends coming on board with banquets, they postponed their departure; and, there not being room in the ship to serve up the presents of their friends, more than one hundred being on board, they landed at Cochi. Afterwards Messrs. Cock and Osterwicke proposed, as a return to their friends, to leave 50 Tales as a banquet for them all; but the other factors would not agree to it.

On the 24th, at noon, they set sail for Batavia. The same night in a storm the Bull sprung a leak, and was found to make six inches of water every half-hour.

The Bull reached Batavia on the 27th of January, 1624. And now poor Cocks was indeed in trouble. In their letter of the 24th February to the East India Company the Council of Defence accuse him of culpable carelessness; that he neither kept the accounts himself nor appointed others to do so; that he disobeyed orders in not leaving Japan the year before; that he made a desperate debt of 5,000 taels with the China captain; and that he had brought a store of trash and lumber from Japan. No consultations had been kept, nor decorum nor order observed. They were tempted to deal severely with him and send him home as a malefactor; but, having consideration for his age and position, and allowing for his bad health and testy and wayward disposition, and being also persuaded that harsh treatment might shorten his life, they left him to be dealt with by the Company, only ordering his goods to be seized on his arrival in England.[38] Thus, in disgrace and broken in health, Cocks went on board the Ann Royal, and on the 24th of February sailed for England. But he was not to see his country again. A month later, on the 27th of March, he died at sea, and was buried “under a discharge of ordnance.”

No doubt many of the charges brought against Cocks were true. Traces of confusion in his money accounts are to be found in his diary; and he was too easy-going for the position of head of a factory which had so many obstacles in the way of its development. There can be no question of his want of firmness. His many quarrels with companions and subordinates, and the somewhat helpless way in which he records them, afford sufficient indications of this failing. But he was perfectly honest; he died poor; and his very weaknesses render him a not unamusing diarist. This last qualification makes us his friend; and we cannot accompany him through these pages without feeling good will towards him. We note his quaint phrases; his sharp eye for “trix” and “legerdemayne” of enemies, or for the “playing the gemeny” of doubtful friends; how this man is angry and “takes pepper in the nose”, while another loses temper and takes a proposal “in snuff”, and a third in a rage “falls into terms”; and we see him reduced to “Hodgson’s choice” long before he ought to be, if Cambridge Hobson gave his name to the proverb.[39] He had a taste for planting and gardening; he grew the first potatoes in Japan; “forget not my pigeons and fishes” is an injunction in one of his letters, when away from home; his gold fish, presents from China, were dearly prized and not willingly given away to the great men in Firando who coveted them—all these are pleasant traits. Nor was he, though “unlettered” and a little unsteady when he quoted Latin, without some taste for books. He had a Turkish History[40] and a St. Augustyn Citty of God[41] to lend a friend (i. 118); and he received a present of an English book of Essaies (i. 230). But we need not assume that he had read Chaucer because he calls a long rambling statement a Canterbury Tale (i. 282).

His property was only worth 1,500 reals, about £300; but, in accordance with the advice of the Council of Defence quoted above, it was seized on the arrival of the Ann Royal in England. We learn from the minutes of the East India Company that a petition was afterwards presented respecting Cocks’s small estate:—

“24th Nov. 1626.—Mr. Cox, brother unto Capt. Cox that dyed homewarde bound in the Anne, presented himselfe in Court, and desired by peticion the favor of the Comp. concerning his brother’s estate, to whom the Court related the debaust carriage of his brother and the evill service performed by him at Japan, where he had lived long contrarie to the Companies mind and had expended 40,000 pounds, never returning anything to the Comp. but consuming whatsoever came to his hands in wastfull unnecessarie expences; nay, for 3 yeares togeather refused to come away when by expresse order from the Comp. he was called thence; insoemuch that at last the President and Councell [of Batavia] were inforced to send for him with a ship sent purposelie. And for his estate he had at the time of his death, the Court told him, it was very little or none at all, and, if any, yett not sufficient to answer the Comp. what he ought them, haveing confessed upon foote of his accompt at Jaccatra that he was indebted to the Companie £900.

“Mr. Cox was sorry to heare this report of his brother and desired the Court to deale favorably with him. In the end the Court wished him to informe himself concerning the truth of these things from those that are come home; and, because the Comp. at presente have no leisure to examine his proceedings, they therefore willed Mr. Cox to returne home and leave the buisnes to Mr. Woodward to effect yt one his behalfe.”[42]

In the end, the money was paid over by the Company to Cocks’s relatives.

Scarcely anything was ever recovered from the debts owing to the Company in Japan. The Council at Batavia, writing home on the 6th February, 1626, announce that the Dutch factor at Firando had informed them of the death of the Chinaman, Andrea Dittis, who had left only a small estate to satisfy his creditors, out of which the Company was to receive its share. All other debts were bad, and no return was to be expected but by mere accident.

Thus was severed our connection with Japan, not to be re-united until our own day. But the re-occupation of our factory was often proposed and more than once attempted. Even when writing their letter just referred to, the Council at Batavia spoke of it. Again in 1627 they proposed it. In 1633 a freeman of the Company, named Smithwick, again raised the question; and again in 1635 it was debated. In 1658 the Company actually fitted three ships to re-open the trade, but the lateness of the season and the prospect of a Dutch war caused them to abandon the expedition. In 1664 the Company again seriously thought of the undertaking and wrote to Bantam for information respecting the late settlement at Firando; and it is remarkable that so soon after our retirement so little was remembered. The reply was that “in this factory here is not the least remembrance of your servants acting in Japan formerly; only your agent hath procured a jornall of a voyage made thither in 1615; but it mentions only the acting of the mariner, nothing of the factor.”[43] In 1668 a committee was appointed to consider how trade could be re-opened, and in the next year enquiries were again addressed to Bantam. From thence was announced a rumour that the Dutch had tried to purchase the English buildings at Firando, but were refused by the daimio, who was in expectation of our return! In 1670 the ship Advance was sent out to Bantam, to be used in reopening trade, if thought convenient; but she was despatched to Persia. But in 1671 two ships, the Crown and Bantam, were actually commissioned to make a voyage from Bantam to Taiwan and thence to Nagasaki; the supercargoes receiving instructions to find out where the English formerly resided at Firando and why they were removed. These vessels were lost. The same year the agent at Bantam reported that “there are some Scotch, Irish, etc., there [at Firando], although wee know not by what occasion there”, an interesting remark, probably referring to descendants of the old settlers. At last the matter was seriously taken in hand, and ships were despatched from England in 1672 with a letter from Charles II to the emperor of Japan, every care being taken to escape the attention of the Dutch. Those wary traders, however, did not fail to discover the English designs; so that, when at length the ship Return arrived at Nagasaki on the 29th of June, 1673, it was found that her coming was expected. The crew were well treated and allowed provisions while a message was despatched to the shogun; but the new-comers were closely watched and sharply questioned about their religion. Again, as in Cocks’s days, the cross of St. George in the English flag gave trouble. It is interesting to find it noticed that one of his old interpreters was still living. At last, on the 28th of July, the shogun’s decision was announced. The Dutch had taken care to inform the Japanese of Charles’s marriage with a princess of the Roman Catholic family of Portugal; and the shogun refused to accept the friendship of one who had allied himself with a daughter of the enemies of Japan. So the Return sailed away on the 28th of August; and, after this, only indirect attempts to open negotiations by the mediation of the princes of Bantam, Amoy, Taiwan, Tonquin, and Siam were made in 1681 and 1683.[44]

The social relations of the English with their Japanese neighbours were on the whole friendly. Periodical exchanges of presents and courtesies were the rule, although an occasional quarrel or street row was only to be expected where so many elements of turbulence were present in drunken sailors and factory-men. The domestic arrangements of the English are patent enough in the pages of the diary, and appear to have given no offence to the natives. Only on one occasion do we read of “rhymes cast abroad and sung up and down” against the native women at the English factory; which, moreover, Cocks attributed to the instigation of the Dutch, “songs having been made against them to like effect before, but not against us.” They were even allowed to hold slaves, although they were afterwards forbidden to export them. They also appear to have kept on good terms with the princes of the neighbouring provinces; the daimio of Satsuma being specially noticed for his friendliness. The Dutch, on the other hand, were not so conciliatory; and we have seen that the natives of Firando sided with the English against them, when they attacked the English factory. But they were richer and could afford handsomer presents; and thus had always friends at court.

Many of the notices of native customs are interesting. The reader will at once remark several instances of the Japanese severity in punishing offences which our modern code regards as comparatively trivial. Death was the penalty for the most petty theft. Cocks tells us of a boy of sixteen who was cut in pieces with great cruelty for stealing a little boat and taking it to another island; and again, of a man who was “roasted to death, running round about a post, fire being made about him”, the offence being also theft of a “small bark of little or no value” (i. 291). A curious form of degradation is mentioned in connection with an execution on a certain occasion, when the brother of a criminal “had the lock of his hair cut off by the hangman with the same cattan which cut his brother in pieces” (i. 156). The difference in European and Japanese ideas of justice was well exemplified when the Dutch factor, complaining of an assault on one of his countrymen, demanded that “the parties which offered the abuse might be brought to the place where they did it and be beaten with cudgels. At which the king smiled and said it could not be, but, if he would have them cut in pieces, he would do it.”

The custom of suicide of friends and retainers at the funeral of a great man is referred to more than once. Saris mentions the mint-master of Iyéyasu as “one that hath vowed that, whensoever the Emperor shall die, he will cut his own guts and die with him.”[45] No doubt he was one of the two nobles who “killed themselves to accompany Ogosho Sama in another world, as they think”, and whose monument Cocks saw at Yedo in 1618. In his letter of 10th December, 1614, Cocks also reports that, at the death of old Foyne Sama, “Ushian Dono, his governor, and two other servants, cut their bellies to bear him company”;[46] and in the curious account of the funeral of Foyne’s brother, in 1621, we are told that “one bose or priest hanged himself in a tree hard by the place of funeral ... for boses may not cut their bellies, but hang themselves they may”. Some of the dead man’s servants too were only restrained from self-sacrifice by the king’s orders; and “many others, his friends, cut off the two foremost joints of their little fingers and threw them into the fire to be burned with the corpse” (ii. 202).

The practice of hara-kiri, or self destruction to avoid disgrace, is mentioned as occurring at Firando on two occasions (i. 337; ii. 136).

A few other points of interest may be noticed. The spread of Christianity through the southern and western provinces has already been referred to. The mother of the king of Firando is called “a papistical Jesuit, and he and the rest of his brethren and sisters papistical Christians” (ii. 250). Again, at the funeral of Foyne’s brother, mentioned above, it was said that a log of wood was substituted for the real body and burned, “for he was thought to be a Christian” (ii. 201). On the other hand, it seems that the Japanese would not admit into their faith perverts from Christianity, for an Englishman “went and cut his hair after the pagan fashion, thinking to turn pagan; which he could not do here, although he would” (i. 179). The changing of names, which gives so much trouble in reading Japanese history, is often mentioned. Figen a Sama is at first called Tome Sama; and some of his relatives appear suddenly under new names in 1621 (ii. 169). The caboques, or dancing bears as Cocks calls them, that is, the dancing women or players, and their male companions, are present at every large entertainment mentioned in the diary. And, lastly, the readiness of the Japanese to adopt foreign customs is curiously exemplified in the rapidity with which tobacco-smoking spread among the people. “It is strange”, says Cocks, writing in 1615, “to see how these Japons, men, women, and children, are besotted in drinking that herb; and not ten years since it was in use first.” When once the habit had got such a hold, no measures for the destruction of the plant could change it. The “drinking” inevitably went on, and in 1619 the burning of half a town is ascribed to it.

In conclusion I should mention that one of the chief difficulties with which I have had to contend in editing these volumes has been that of finding explanations of the foreign words and terms in the diary. Cocks adopted words from other languages besides Japanese, and generally wrote them down as they sounded. Hence it was no easy matter for one ignorant of eastern languages to decide whether particular words, thus disguised, are Japanese or of some other tongue; and I fear that I have too often taxed the patience and good nature of my orientalist friends for solutions of these difficulties. It is with pleasure that I take this opportunity of thanking Dr. William Anderson, whose knowledge of the language of Japan is so extensive, and my colleagues Dr. Charles Rieu and Professor R. K. Douglas, for much valuable assistance. I also gratefully acknowledge kind help and many courtesies from Mr. Charles C. Prinsep, Superintendent of the Records, and Mr. Edward J. Wade, Assistant-Librarian, in the India office; and from Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury, of the Public Record Office.

British Museum,

30th December, 1882.

SOME JAPANESE AND OTHER FOREIGN WORDS AND TERMS.

• bongew (Jap. bugiyō).—a superintendent.
• bose (Jap. bōdsu).—a Buddhist priest.
• bubes, or beobs (Jap. biyō-bu).—screens, or pictures.
• caboque (Jap. kabu, singing and dancing).—a dancing girl.
• calambac.—aloe wood.
• cape-merchant (Span. cabo).—head-merchant.
• captain more (Port. capitão mór).—captain-in-chief.
• catabra (Jap. katabira).—a summer robe.
• catan (Jap. katana).—a sword.
• chaw (Jap. cha).—tea.
• chawne.—a lot of land, or house.
• dairi (Jap.).—the mikado.
• danko (Jap.).—consultation.
• fanna (Jap. hana).—a present to a dancing girl.
• fibuck.—silver once refined.
• foyfone (Jap. fune).—a boat.
• fro (Jap. furo).—a bath-room.
• futtaqui (Jap. hotoke, an idol).—a temple.
• gadong, or gedong (Bengali gudām).—a shop, or warehouse.
• goca (Jap. koku).—a dish.
• goshon (Jap. gosha).—a pass, or licence.
• jurebasso.—an interpreter.
• kerimon (Jap. koromo).—a robe.
• kitesoll (Span. quitasól).—a parasol.
• langanack (Jap. naginata).—a lance, or halberd.
• makary (Jap. makiye).—lacquer.
• morofack.—a spirit or wine.
• muche (Jap. mochi).—a cake.
• neremon (Jap. norimono).—a sedan-chair.
• nifon catange (Jap. katachi).—after fashion of Japan.
• ropshake (Jap. roku-shaku).—a chair bearer.
• sappon.—a kind of wood.
• sequanseque (Jap. sakadzuki).—a cup.
• sing.—a wine.
• soma.—a junk.
• somo.—double-refined silver.
• tabi (Jap.).—a stocking.
• tattamy (Jap. tatami).—a mat; a measure.
• tono (Jap.).—a lord, or petty king.
• wacadash (Jap. wakizashi).—a short sword.

ERRATA.

DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS.

DIARY OF RICHARD COCKS.

THE JOURNALL OR DAILYE BOOK OF ALL ACCURRANTES HAPPENYNG, BEGUN AT FIRANDO, IN JAPON, PER ME RIC. COCKS, LE 1TH DAY OF JUNE, 1615, STILO VETRI.

June 1.—We bought 5 greate square postes of the kinges master carpenter; cost 2 mas 6 condrins[47] per peece. And I delivered unto Nicholas Martyn one small bar gould, cost eight riall of eight[48] and a half, is six taies eight mas, for which he is answerable. Also I delivered a great bar gold, poz. fowre taies and fowre mas and two condrins, rated at fiftie and five taies as yt cost; and is to send to Gapt. Whowe, the Capt. Chinas[49] brother, at Langasaque;[50] to geve in a present at a christning, as apereth per advice.

Also I paid, per Mr. Nealson, for washing linen, two mas 6 condrins.

And late within night Mr. Wickham arived here in company of Damian Marines, and brought word the junck was at Goto, they being put from Liquea[51] to have proceaded on their voyage for Syam; but, being at sea, the unruly companie would have gon for Cochinchina, and so Mr. Wickham standing against it, remembring our former losse theare (as I gave hym in comition), they retorned back for these partes. Capt. Adames hath wrot me that the boateswaine and carpenter are in most falte, being mutenouse knaves, etc.

June 2.—Capt. Adames and Ed. Sayer wrot me 2 letters from Goto of 30th May; and Mr. Adames sent me a bag of potatos, and Ed. Sayer sent me a pece lik lynen (or rather silk) and the lyke to Mr. Eaton and Mr. Nealson. And Mr. Wickham gave me a jar of potatos. And Damian Marines brought me a dish of plantians and another of pottatos, etc. I receved a letter from Jno. de Lievano, the Spaniard. And Mr. Wickham went and visited Bongo Dono,[52] and carid hym a present of 2 pec. Liquea cloth and a dish of pottatos; and tould hym how matters stood about our junck, and withall asked his counsell, whether it were best to let our junck stay at Goto to be trymbd, or else to bring her for Firando. And his opynion was (as many others are the lyke, and among the rest my selfe) that it is best to bring her for Firando, for divers occations.

We had news to day that Ogosho Samme hath taken the fortres of Osekey and overthrown the forses of Fidaia Samme.[53] Others say that most of the forses of Fidaia Samme issued out of the fortrese, and sallid out 3 leagues toward Miaco, but were encountred by the Emperours forses and put to the worse, many of them being slaughtered and the rest driven back into the fortresse, etc. Bongo Dono sent a bark this day to Crates[54] to bring him the certenty of the newse.

June 3.—I thought good to note downe that a padre or Jesuit came to the English howse and said his name was Tomas and a Bisken by nation, and gave it out he was a merchant; and others gave hym the name of Captain. Yet I knew what he was, having seen hym in this howse before, etc. He beged a littell alloes[55] of me, which I gave hym, as I did the like when he was here before. For you must understand that these padres have all the gifte of beging, and allwais answer: “Sea por l’amor de dios.” This is a generall note to know them by, for they cannot so counterfet but that word will still be thrust out. This padre, Tomas (or Capt.), tould me that they stood in dowbt that the King of Shashma[56] would destroy Langasaque and bring all these partes beloe Shiminaseque[57] under his subiection, as being geven him by Fidaia Samme; but I believe it not, for now word is com on a sudden that all the streets must be made cleane, for that the King of Shashma is expected to be heare this night, he being bound up with great forces.

June 4.—We bought 40 boardes at 5 per mas, small plate; and 4 cacas[58] at 12 condrins peece, small plate.

And about nowne we had news that the King of Shashma was coming into this road with 500 barks full of souldiers; soe we laid out a present for him as followeth:—

Soe, Mr. Wickham accompanying me, we went and delivered the present, which he took in good parte, offring our nation favorable entertaynment yf we came to traffick in his domynions. I put out a word how the Liqueans refuse to let us trym our junk to have proceaded from thence on our voyag for Syam;[62] but he said littell thereto, but answered, at his retorne he wold talke with me and geve me a present. I said I had receved suffition at his highnes hands in havinge the good hap to see the face of soe mightie a king as the King of Shashma; whereat he smiled. And soe we craved lycence and retorned.

Bongo Dono was with hym before and gave hym a present, and came from hym as we went to hym; but we had byn with hym before hym, yf he had not sent a boate to call us back till he had first vizeted hym.

And at present a letter is com to Bongo Dono from Faccatay,[63] wherin he is advized that the Emperour hath overthrowne the forses of Fidaia Samme, soe that he, his mother, and child have cut their bellies; but that his wife is sent back to her father Shongo Samme, King of Edo and to succeed in the Empire.[64]

June 5.—There came letters from the King of Firando to Bongo Dono, that it is true that the Emperour hath overthrowne the forcese of Fidaia Samme, and taken the fortres of Osekey, and entred into it the 6th day of this moone, Fidaia Samme and his mother with his sonne having cut their bellies, etc.

Mr. Wickham went and visited Oyen Dono, and carid hym a dish of pottatos and a peec of Liquea cloth. His brother retorned from above, whilst Mr. Wickham was theare, and confermed these newes to be true.

June 6.—I wrot an other letter to Jorge Durois to look out for a marchant to buy our wheate, as also of the confermyng the newes from above.

There was one of the King of Shashmas barkes cast away coming in, but all the men saved. We bought 1 caca or squar post, cost 1 mas. We delivered or sent to keep to Capt. China 51 bundelles great canes, in each are 30 canes.

June 7.—After dyner came a Franciskan frire, called Padre Appolonario, whom I had seene 2 or 3 tymes in Firando heretofore. He was in the fortres of Osekey[65] when it was taken, and yet had the good happ to escape. He tould me he brought nothing away with hym but the clothes on his back, the action was soe sudden; and that he marvelled that a force of above 120,000 men (such as was that of Fidaia Samme) should be soe sowne overthrowne. He desired me for God’s sake to geve hym somthing to eate, for that he had passed much misery in the space of 15 daies, since he departed out of the fortres of Osekey. So, after he had eaten, I gave hym 15 mas in plate; and soe he departed.

We had 1830 tiles this day for ston walles.

June 8.—Yt is said the King of Shashma hath geven order to his people to retorne back for their cuntrey; I meane the most parte of them. The rest he keepeth to carry along with hym to goe vizet the Emperour.

We bought 4 cacas, cost 7 condrins per peec, small plate, etc.

June 8.—I sent to borow 4 or 5 gantas[66] of oyle of Yasimon Dono, because I could get non in any other place. But he retorned answer he had non, when I know, to the contrary, he bought a parcell out of my handes the other day. And I wrot a letter to Jorge Durois to take heed he gave out no yll reportes of Safian Dono. The China Capt. lent us 6 great mesurs (or gantas) of oyle, to repay as much. And Semidones steward came in the abcense of his master to borow a bar of plate of 3 taies wight, which was lent hym.

June 9.—Late within night I receved a letter from Ed. Sayer, dated in the Roade of Casnora in the Island of Goto, the 7th currant, wherin he writ the junck wold com away for this towne of Firando by first wind. Jno. Japon brought this letter, but is sick of the French disease, and took up his lodging at an other howse.

June 10.—I receved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated the 17th of June, new stile, in Langasaque, with a baskit of aprecockes for my selfe, and an other for Bongo Dono, and a therd for his wife, with a parcell in a bag for the China Capten; all which were delivered according to advice.

A Spaniard called Pablo Garrocho de la Vega came to this towne of Firando to-day and brought Jorges letter.

And before nowne word came that our junck was seene without. Soe I made ready to boate to goe out to Cochi to see them put in harbor, and to vizet Capt. Adames, etc.

June 11.—Our juncke, the Sea Adventure, arived in the Bay of Cochi in Firando at 10 cloth (sic) the last night, haveing lost her voyage for Syam this yeare. I went abord, and carid a barill of wyne, a quarter pork, and 10 loves bread, with a box bankiting stuffe; and, by order of the governer, carid 3 bongews,[67] to looke the mariners were all retorned and had used their indeavours. Capt. Adames was unwilling we should bring any mans name in question, for geting us an ill report; soe I did let it pas for that tyme. But being enformed that Damian Marines hath bought up 8 or 10 cattis[68] of amber greese at Liqueas, forstalling all, that the Company could get non; wherupon I wrot a letter to Capt. Adames to make stay of his chist, for that I wold bring the matter in question before the justice, and to same effect wrot an other letter to Damian hym selfe.

And Capt. Garrocho, the Bisken, sent me a peare of crimson silk stockinges for a present.

And Mr. Nealson reconed with the carpenters labourers and other matters bought for building since the 21st of May till this night, viz.:—

June 12.—Damian Marines came ashore, and tould me Capt. Adames had staid his chist with the amber, and that he had receved my letter, wherby he knew the occation. I answered hym I did it for my own discharg, he being a hired servant, and therfore, by the lawes of God and man, ought to look out for the benefite of them which gave hym meate, drynke, and wages. And by fortune Capt. Garrocho was in company when I debated the matter with hym. Soe I referred the matter to hym and Capt. Adames to make an end of it, and I to stand to what they ordayned; and soe wrot to Capt. Adames what was determined betwixt us, but wished hym to take true notis how many cattis amber he had, and to keepe possession of it, etc.

I understood Damian went after to Capt. Jacob Speck,[69] unto whome (as it should seeme) he had offerd to sell all his amber; and so he retorned abord the junck, and Capt. Speck followed hym with a pretence to vizet Capt. Adames, but rather to hunt after amber greese. God grant Capt. Adames be not guld by them, etc.

I receved 16 boates lading of wheate ashore this day, containing 1,198 sacks, is 300 gocos, wanting 2 sack laid out in henne meate. And Mr. Wickham brought all the merchandiz ashore which they had for the Syam voyage, but divers of our pikes had the heads stolne ofe.

June 13.—I receved back of Mr. Ric. Wickham a greate bag of plate in bars of Lucas Antoinsons, containing seven hundred forty and eight taies in bars and fibuck.[70] And I delivered fyftie taies in plate of barse to Mr. Nealson. And I receved two cattis of amber greese of Mr. Ric. Wickham, which he bought for the Worshipfull Company at Liquea. And I receved 3 letters from Capt. Adames, how Damian Marin set hym at nought and wold not shew hym any amber; so I retorned hym answer not to let hym cary his chist ashore, but to bring it to the English howse, which Capt. Adames did, but Damian came not with it.

Also I receved 2½ cattis amber of Ed. Sayer, in halves, betwixt hym and me; but he willed to take it all, for that he had need to use money heare.

June 14.—Capt. Garrocho delivered Andrea Dittis, the China Capt., his papers of 1,080 and od taies he owed hym, as being suretie for an other, and left it to the said Chinas discretion to pay or geve hym what he wold. When we came to open Damians chist, there was nothing to be found in it. He is a craftie knave. And soe let hym goe.

The new botswayn of the junck brought me 2 Liquea brushes and a box of synamon of same place, the best that ever I saw in my life. And Jno. Japan, our jurebasso,[71] brought me a present of Liquea cloth, one peec. He hath byn in this place a wick, and never came into the English howse till now, but many tymes passed before the dore singing like a luneticke man. Soe I put hym out of the Companies service, or he rather put hym selfe out.

June 15.—Jno. Gorezan the jurebassos wife brought a present of Japan apels, or rather other frute lyke appells. Capt. Adames sent me a letter from abord the junck at Cochi to have the kinges master shipp carpenter com to hym, to confer whether it were fitest to trym her at Cochi or bring her to Firando. Damian sent me 2 cattis amber by Capt. Adames, rated at 90 taies per catty, resonable good, but had byn watered. And I receved back two chistes money of Mr. Wickham, wherin he sayeth ther is aleven bagges R. of 8, of 500 R. of 8 in eache bagg; but I opened not the chistes.

June 16.—I sent a letter to Capt. Adames by master carpenter to Cochi, about finding out a place to trym our junck in. And I delivered 1 sack wheate to the baker, to pay in bread as we sell the rest. And I had 1 peec Liquea cloth of Mr. Wickham to make Co Jno. of Goto a catabra.[72] We had much flying news to-day that Shongo Samme was dead. Others said it was Calsa Samme, his brother. Others reported Fidaia Samme to be alive, and that many tonos[73] were gon to hym to take his part. But I esteem all this to be fables. Yet others geve out secretly that the Emperour ment to chang the government of all these partes, and put other tonos in their places. Soe that these of Firando dowbt the retorne of their king.

Tome, my boy, carid out his chist and thought to have run away; but I prevented hym, yet turned hym out of dores with a catabra on his back as he entred in. He thought to have pickt the lock of my money chist the other day, and had so wrong the wardes that I could not open the lock with my key, which made me to trune (sic) hym out of my chamber. But he, misdowbting ferther disgrace, thought to have carid away all his aparell and have geven me the slip.

The purcer of junck gave me 10 Liquea trenchers for a present.

June 17.—I receved a letter from Capt. Adames from Cochi, wherin he adviseth me that he hath taken counsell about the place most fittest to trym our junck in, and findeth Cochi to be the place.

I delivered Mr. Richard Wickham the rich cattan[74] he left in my custody at his departure towardes Siam. The purcer of the junck gave me a greate Liquea cock for a present, which I sent to Bongo Dono, he being desyrous to have hym.

I wrot Capt. Adames answer of his letter receved this day. And I sould 1,175 sackes wheate (brought from the Liqueas) unto Damian Marin, at 3 mas per sack, containing 25 gantes Liquea measure, to be paid in amber grees, at 115 taies the catty, to take 5 cattis and pay the rest in ready money.

June 18.—Capt. Adames came ashore to dyner, having unrigged the junck at Cochi. He gave me a present of 3 nestes gocas,[75] with their trenchers and ladells of mother of perle, with 10 spoons same, and a peece of white Liquea cloth.

I receved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated in Langasaque, le 22nd of June, new stile, wherin he advized me that no one man would buy all our wheate till the shiping come from the Manillias. He wrot me that above 2,600 persons are dead in Langasaque this yeare of the smallpox, amongst whome his boy Domingo and a woman slave are two, since he wrot me his last letter.

June 19.—I wrote a letter to Mr. Eaton, sent per sea bongew. The contentes appeare per coppie. Also I wrot other 2 letters in Japon to our 2 hostes at Osekey and Sackey in kynd wordes, hoping they have dealt well with us in saveing our goods, though the towns be burned.

I tooke a garden this day and planted it with pottatos brought from the Liquea, a thing not yet planted in Japan. I must pay a tay, or 5 shillings sterling, per annum for the garden. And we bought 40 gants of shark oyle for the junk, cost 1 mas and two condrins the gant. And one of the mareners of the junck brought me 2 fishes for a present.

June 20.—

I gave hym a bill of my hand for soe much money owing hym, to receve our wheate at price before made, and rest in ready money.

And news came from King of Firando that he arived at Miaco the 18th of the last moone, and was admitted awdience with the Emperour the 20th, whoe used hym in all kindnes, which causeth much rejoysing here. Also the Emperour hath given order into all partes of Japon to look out for such as escaped out of the fortres of Osekey when it was burned. Soe that prive enquirie was mad in all howses in Firando what strangers were lodged in eache howse, and true notis thereof geven to the justice. Yt is thought the padres at Langasaque and else where will be narrowly looked after. They say the taking of this fortres hath cost above 100,000 mens lives on the one parte and other, and that on the Prince Fidaia Sammes parte no dead man of accompt is found with his head on, but all cut ofe, because they should not be knowne, to seek reveing aganst their frendes and parents after. Nether (as som say) can the body of Fidaia Samme be fownd; soe that many think he is secretly escaped. But I canot beleev it. Only the people of these sothern parts speake as they wold have it, because they affeckt the yong man more than the ould.

June 21.—I sent a letter to Capt. Adames in answer to one of his receved yisterday from Cochi, wherin he advised he bought 200 gantes of shark oyle at Goto at 1 mas per ganto, wishing me to buy no more till he saw whether we had need of it or no.

I gave Tome my boy a wacadash[76] and most parte of his clothes, with 5 mas in money, at the instigation of the China Capten. And Capt. Speck had 50 cattis tyn in 46 bars, to pay as wee sell the rest, or else to content. And Mr. Nealson paid for 23 matts for new rowmes 6 ta. 7 ma. 4 con., with 2 mas 5 con. comprehended for boate hier.

And I receaved a letter from the Dico of Ikanoura[77] advising me that he wold com or send to me to make price for plank or tymber which we should have need of. Unto which letter I retorned answer.

Ed. Sayer put away his ould man, and entertayned Co Jno. my ould boy of Langasaque.

One of the kinges men came and tould me the perticulers of the news above, and that Fidaia Sammes mother was fownd dead, and his sonne alive, being a child of 8 years ould, whoe was carid to the Emperour his grandfather; but the body of Fidaia could not be fownd, soe it is thought he was burned to ashes in a tower in the fortres burned.

June 22.—We put Yoske the cook away, haveing over many laysy felloes in howse, and he 1 that could do littell or nothing, yet still runing abroad. Mr. Nealson paid hym to cleare his reconyng 8 ta. 7 ma. 7 condr. And we receved 50 greate tiles this day. And there was a tay paid for a years rent potato garden. And Facheman, our skullion, had a parte of his wages paid by Mr. Nealson, three taies in small plate.

June 23.—I sent a letter to Jorge Durois by Symon jurebasso, in answer of his of the 22th June, new stile, and how I had sould the wheate to Damian Marine; and sent my clock by Symon to be mended; and gave hym order buy som conserves, to invite the king at his retorne, we haveing made an end of building our howse. Miguel jurebassos wife brought Capt. Adames a catabra, a barell wine, and figges, for a present.

June 24.—Som of Firando barks retorned from Miaco, as others did the lyke into all partes of Japon, only the tonos (or king) of each parte stay with the Emperour to take danco[78] or counsell of what shall be thought needfull; the souldiers being all sent home, the wars being ended.

Also I receved a letter from our bungew Ushanuske Dono, dated in Miaco le 24th of Gongwach (or the moone past), wherin he writes me how well the Emperour receved the King of Firando his master; and that a sonne of Fidaia Samme of 7 years ould, by a band woman, was put to death by the Emperours comand; and 100 mas and 150 mas a head of all them which were in the fortres; soe that dailie many are brought in and slaughtered.

June 25.—There passed divers boates with men from Fingo[79] and Shashma to goe to Osekey to make cleane the fortres, and, as it is said, they begyn to build the cittie of Osekey and Sackay againe, the Emperour having geven order that yf the former owners will not forthwith new build their howses, that any other may enter upon the chaune (or plot) and build upon it.

June 26.—Our fishmonger is run away this night and hath stolne a boate of his neighbors. He was here yisterday very ernest with our jurebasso to have procured me to have lent hym 10 or 20 tais, and in the end desyred hym to have lent hym but one taie, but was deceaved of his expectation. And we bought 1 c. 9 ta. 8 ma. amber greese of Mr. Wickham for the Wor. Company at 100 taies the catty.

Bongo Dono sent to me to have had a jar of Liquea wyne (or rack), for that the Emperour hath sent to him to com to Miaco, and therfore he sought for such matters to geve in present to grete men for a noveltie.

All the kinges barks are com back with the souldiers; only the nobillety of all provinces stay with the Emperour. So it is dowbted ther will be trucking (or changing of kingdoms); and that which maketh me the rather to belive it is the Emperours sending for this man who is the last man of the blood royall left behind the king, he being the kinges greate uncle and brother to the deceased king Foyne Samme, and is a bursen[80] man and therefore not fit to be emploied in service, he being above 60 yeares ould.

And there was flying speeches how the Hollanders had a man kild and much money taken in cominge downe from Miaco; but Capt. Speck sent me word (I having first advized hym what I heard) that ther was no such matter, for that at instant he had receved a letter from their people that they were in a port neare unto Shiminasaque, selling goodes and expecting wind and wether to com for Firando. And ther is a Japan junk arived at Langasaque from Phillippinas, which wintred theare the last yeare.

June 27.—Matias the Flemyng retorned from Miaco to Firando; but we have no letter from Mr. Eaton, which maketh me to dowbt legerdymeane.

Also Chombo Donos man (a Caffro) came from Miaco with a letter for Oyen Dono, and brought word his master was cominge downe for Langasaque, and that Safian Dono was ordayned tono (or king) of Arima.[81] This Caffro I gave lodging to in the English howse with meate and drinke, because he was servant to such a master.

June 28.—We delivered 500 sackes of wheate to Damian Marin, viz., 440 out of our gedong and 60 out of that of Capt. China; so we want 1 sack in our gedonge.

And I receaved a packet of letters from Syam, viz., one from Mr. Lucas Antoinson of 14th of Aprill, 1 from Mr. Jno. Gourney of the 17th of Aprill. Also 2 ould letters from Bantam, viz., 1 from Generall Saris of 6 February 1613, 1 from Mr. Georg Bale of 8 Marche, with an other humerous letter to Mr. Tempest Peacock, and the lyke to Mr. Ric. Wickham, as Mr. Bale is accustomed to doe.

There were two junckes arived at Langasaque from Syam.

June 29.—Upon good consideration, per general consent, I sent Jno. Pheby to Mr. Eaton with letters and to accompany hym downe and procure the Emperours passe for hym, yf need required; which I willed Capt. Adames to signefie unto Codskin Dono or Goto Zazabra Dono; and gave Mr. Eaton order to com away forthwith, and bring in short endes what he could, and to chang the yello in white at Miaco. This letter was dated the 27th, but kept till 29th present. Also I sent 3 letters to our host of Edo and hym of Shrongo,[82] with the 3d for Sr. Andrea; as also 1 for Miguel jurebasso.

And the brother of Sugien Dono of Umbra[83] retorned from the wars and brought me a present of 5 Japan fans.

And I sent an other letter per Jno. Pheby to Oshanusque Dono in answer of his receaved 4 daies past from Miaco.

Capt. Speck and Sr. Matias came to vizet me.

June 30.—Mr. Nealson paid 10 taies plate bars to Jno. Pheby, and I delivered hym my letters for Mr. Eaton, with the others for Caseror and Oshenosque Dono. And Capt. Adames wrot to Cogsque Dono and Goto Zazabra Dono, to renew our passe yf need require, as also to dispach Mr. Eaton away, yf knaves stay hym.

Jno. Jooson arived heare from Miaco, and Unagense Dono and Sugien Dono the lyke. And I sent our jurebasso to bid them welcom hom, as the lyke to Jno. Yoosen. And sowne after Sugien Dono came to vizet me with a present of 10 fannes, and repeated the story of the wars, and how all the nobillety of Japon were joyned together at Miaco to viset the Emperour Ogosho Samme, which was a marvelous thing to see the hudge number of them.

July 1.—I went and viseted Bongo Dono, he being ready to goe for Miaco; and carid hym 2 barills morofack[84], a basket of biskit, 50 roles drid bonita,[85] and 5 cords of drid cuttel fish. He took it in good parte, with offer of many faire words.

I also envited Capt. Speck, John Yoosen, and the rest of the Duch to dyner to morrow. And wrot a letter to Figien Samme, the King of Firando, to Miaco, in complimentall sort, as also advising how our junk had lost her voyag to Syam and was retorned to Firando from the Liqueas. Also, I advised hym how ye King of Ava, of the race of Pegew, had made wars 7 yeares, and in the space gotten 8 other kingdoms, which in tymes past belonged to the empier of Pegu; and wantes now only to conquer Siam, Lanfu, and Camboia, to make hym selfe a greater prince then ever any of his ansesters was, and thought very easy to obtayne it, in respect of his valientnesse and mighty power.

July 2.—I receved 2 letters from Capt. Garrocho and Jorge Durois, of the 8th and 10th currant, new stile, werin they wrot me as apeareth per their letters; but much falce news per Capt. Garrochos letter, yf my ame be not amis.

And Capt. Speck, with Jno. Yoosen, Sr. Matias, Jacob Swager, cam to dyner to day; and Jno. Yoosen told us a great history of Ogosho Sammas good luck in preveling against Fidaia Samme, and that he verely thinkes he is dead in the fortrese burned to ashes.

Mr. Wickham deliverd me an accompt of Syam voyage, resting to ballance 132 ta. 3 m. 3 co., but delivered up no money, as he spesyfied in his answer, because I owe hym for amber greese, for 1 cat. 9 ta. 8 m. wight, at 100 tais catty, 161 ta. 2 m. 5 co.

July 3.—Capt. Speck and the rest sent to thank me for their good entertaynment, viz., nifon catange.[86]

July 4.—Jno. Yoosen sent me a drid salmon and divers peeces salmon in pickell for a present.

July 5.—Jno. Jossen came to vizet me to-day, with 5 men wayting on hym.

We bought 6 saks rise, per Capt. Adames meanes, at 4 gantos per mas plate in bars. I and Ed. Sayer wayed the 3 cattis amber we had in halves, and fownd it wanted 7 taies, lacking 2 mas in wight.

Her was news (or reporte) geven out that Tushma Tay hath burned Edo in the abcence of the Emperour, he haveing left hym prisoner ther under the keeping of a yong man, for that he denied to fight against Fidaia Samme, the sonne of Ticus Samme his master. But I think this will prove a lye, as most Japan news comonly doe.

July 6.—A Japon telors wife brought me a present of paper. She spoake Spanish, and sought to procur work for her husband.

July 7.—Here is reports that the Emperour hath staid the King of Shashma and all the tonos of these partes, and pretendeth to shifte them out of their governmentes (or kingdoms), and put them into other provinces to the northward, and them of the northern parts in their places. But I rather (in parte) esteem it to be the escape of Fidaia Samme, whoe may ly in secret in som of their cuntries, expecting opertunety and their retorns; which to prevent, he keepeth them by hym till he can understand the certen truth whether he be alive or dead.

We had newes that all men that entred into Langasaque were staid theare and not sufferd to retorne out of the towne. The reason is thought to be to look out for such as came out of the fortrese of Osekey; but I rather esteem it to be to serche out Fidaia Samme, which is thought to be escaped.

Also, one of the king (or tonos) men of this place came and tould me that his master had sent for 15 or 20 men of these partes to com unto hym, which maketh me now verely to think that he will be shifted out of his government or kingdom.

July 8.—Ther was paid yisterday, per Mr. Nealson, to Yayemon Dono, the kinges ship carpenter, in parte of payment of 150 shething plankes for the junck, at 4 mas per planck of 3 fathom and a halfe per peece.

I sent Unagense Dono 2 barrills wyne and 4 fishes, he being retorned from wars, and now sick of small pox.

July 9.—I understand that yisterday the Hollanders cut a slave of theirs apeeces for theft, per order of justice, and thrust their comprador (or cats buyer) out of dores for a lecherous knave, who, with hym that is dead, have confessed of much goods (as cloves, mace, pepper, and stuffs) which are stolne per consent of Jacob Swager; which maketh much sturr in the Duch howse. Yet I think this cates buyer plaieth the knave and defameth Jacob, because he was the occation he was thrust out of servyce for haveing to do with his woman, the knave being a marid man.

Also Capt. Adames receved a letter from Melchor van Sanfort from Langasaque, wherin he adviseth hym that a Japon wold sell us an other junck, and to that purpose conselled us to lay up ours. But I had rather som man would buy her, for I had rather sell then buy, for I have enough of Japon juncks, yf I knew how to better it.

July 10.—We had news of 2 China somas[87] arived at Goto. Soe the China Capt. sent a boate to know whence they are.

Also the China Capt. got Capt. Adames to write a letter to Damian to buy 400 sackes wheate for hym at price they cost, he haveing offerd it at same price to hym before, viz., at 3 mas per sack.

And I was enformed that Figen Samme, the king of this place, had sent a letter to Bunga Dono, how it was thought the Emperour would make Chambo Dono bongew of Arima, Langasaque, and Firando, that is to say, of all these sotherne parts. He which sent me word of it was Sugen Dono of Umbra, unto whome I sent a present of 2 barills wyne and 4 fishes, nifon catange. And he sent his man afterwards to thank me for it.

Also Damian retorned from Langasaque, and Symon that was our jurebasso the lyke, and brought me my lock back. I gave Mat 1cat. tobaco, cost 5 condrins. Bongo Dono went for Miaco this day.

July 11.—I receved a letter from Capt. Garrocho, complementall, dated in Langasaque, le 18th of July, new stile.

The China Captain, Andrea Dittis, came to me and brought a letter he had receaved from his brother out of China: how our busynes consernyng procuring a trade into China was in greate hope to take effect, for that the greate men had taken 3,000 pezos[88] presented them to make way; and that at present the ould king was about to resigne up his place to his sonne, and therefore best to let it rest a while till the ould man were out of place, or else it would be duble charg to geve to father and sonne. Also his cheefe kinsman, whoe is neare unto the king, advised that in no hand it should not be geven out that we came out of Japon, for that the hatred against Japons was worse then against any other nation; but rather to say we came directly out of England, or from Bantam, Siam, Camboia, or Cochinchina, etc.

Also there is a China com out of the Manillias from Cagallion, and reporteth that the Hollanders have taken a place in the Philippinas called Shibou; and that, upon this news, all the Spaniards went from Cagallion to defend Manillia, as being the place of most emportance. Also he reported that Don Juan de Silva, Governor of the Manillias, was secretly slipt away, hearing another was coming to take his place; but I esteem this a lye. Yet out of doubt he is hated of the most parte, both Spaniardes and naturalls, for his covetosnes, as having scraped a world of wealth together, he card not how, so he compassed it, as I have byn tould by Spaniardes and others, etc.

July 12.—I sent a present to Taccaman Dono, cheefe bongew, viz., 2 barills wyne, 5 bundls dry cuttell, and 5 pec. drye bonita, which he took in good parte.

July 13.—I wrot a letter to Mr. Eaton, per the purcer of our junck. Also I wrot 2 other to our hostes of Osekey and Sackey per same conveance. We had much ado to apeace a dispute betwixt the Capt. China and Damian for wheate bought, but I entred pledg for China Capt.

Capt. Speck went abord their junck to take vew of her, to sett her out before she rott. He sayeth he would send her for Syam; but I rather take it to be for the Molucos, to cary provition. He tould me also that a Portugez had wrot hym from Langasaque how the Viz Roy de Goa had byn at Surat with a power of 7,000 men in many vessels, and had put all the English to the sword and spoiled the place; and this news he said came per way of Syam, and therfore I know it is a lye, having had letters from thence so late, and not a word thereof.

The Capt. China tould me his brothers greate junck was arived from Cochinchina at Langasaque.

Kitskin Dono’s wyfe dyed this night past.

July 14.—I delivered three hondred fyftie and eight taies to Mr. Nealson, viz., 350 taies in bars and 10 Rs. of 8 is 8 taies. And he paid out to Damian Maryn 670 ta. 1 ma. 0 co. for 6 cattis 4 ta. 2 mas wight amber greese, viz.,

Ther was reportes geven out that 2 shipps were seen ofe at sea neare Langasaque, whereof Jno. Yooson advised Capt. Speck. Soe he sent out a penisse to look out for them; but I esteem it to be common Japon news, which most an end prove lyes. Yet the Duch expect a ship from Bantam or Molucos, besides the bark Jaccatra from Pattania and a junck.

July 15.—I sent Oyen Dono 2 small barills wyne, 2 fyshes, and 30 peces drid tuny, not having visited hym since the king went from hence; but he was not at home when it came, yet sowne after came to the English howse to geve me thanks for it, and tould me of the favorable axceptation the king of this place had fownd in all his affares with the Emperour.

Also I was advised per a frend in secret how the Duch were coyning falce Rs. of 8 at Langasaque, wishing me to take heede how I took any of them. And that which maketh me to think it to be true is the tynne they bought of me the other day. It seemeth to me a dangerous matter, etc.

July 16.—I gave a tay in small plate to two pore sick women of my owne money, the one a China woman, and the other a Japon. And ther was 8 pec. red zelas delivered and soald to Tonomon Sama and his men, at 1 tay per pece—8 tais.

July 17.—A cavelero of Umbra came and viseted me, geving me thankes for the kindnesse shewed to his kinsman, Sugian Dono, and brought me a Japan hargabus (or gun) for a present. He asked me many questions about the longnes of our voyag, which I shewed hym in a globe. He also enquired whether I knew Rome. I answerd I was never at Rome, yet I shewed hym the place where it stood. I perceaved per his questioning that he was a padre (or semenary prist) and thereupon gave hym a tast that we had nothing to doe with the Pope, but esteemed hym only bushop of Rome, haveing other bushops in England of as much authorety as he tuching spiretuall matters; and that we esteemed not much whether he were our frend or enemy, which we left to his choise.

Sent Capt. Speck 1 barell gunpolder out of junk, poz. 1 or 2 cattis, duble barell and all.

July 18.—I wrot 2 letters to Jorge Durois and Capt. Garrocho, advising the Capt. I would take the amber greese, yf it were good, or else retorne it back in saffetie; and to Jorge, to buy me 2 or 3 jarrs conservs and some candells. And ther was delivered unto Capt. Adames 202 cattis iron, for use of junk, of the ould iron out of ston walles. Also I wrot a letter in Japons to a servant of Mr. Lucas Antonison, a Japon at Langasaque, who I am enformed hath the duble of my former letters and keeps them by hym.

And ther was 5 taies in plate of bars lent unto Sugien Dono, the kinges kinsman, to be repaid at pleasure.

July 19.—I lent the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, viz., 2 bars gould of 55 tais per bar, is 110 ta., 0 ma., 0 co., with 200 Rs. of 8 in Spanish money, is 160 ta., 0 ma., 0 co., to be repaid within 8 or 10 dayes, at his retorne from Goto, whether he is bownd to buy matters out of 2 China junkes ther arived. This I doe in respeck I hope of trade into China, which now I stand in more hope of then eaver. Also he had a bale or corge of duttis of 12 Rs. per corge, to make a triall to sell them or more to the Chinas.

And Sugian Dono sent his man, desiring to borow 5 tais in plate, which on good consideration was lent to hym.

July 20.—I paid 2 mas to Torage, for making 2 kerimons,[89] for Tuchma and Jno. Goblen, long ago.

Tonemon Donos man came to have borowed 20 taies of me in his masters name, but I had not a rag of money.

July 21.—I receved a letter from Jno. de Lievana, dated le 29th of July, new stile, in Langasaque, wherin he advised how Capt. Whaows greate junck was arived from Cochinchina; and he which brought the letter tould me that other 4 are com from that place in company with her, wherof he saw one coming in as he came away. Soe the former report of Whaows jonckes arival was an untruth.

I forgot to note downe how Jno. de Lievana advised that the report of the Hollanders being in the Phillipinas is falce, and that Don Jno. de Silva was gon to keepe the straites with a gale and a phriggat, attending the coming of shipping from Agua Pulca.

July 23.—Ther was flying reports that the Hollanders have driven the Spaniards out of the Molucos and entred into the Phillipinas.

July 24.—The China Capt. retorned this mornyng from Goto, and said that all the Chinas goodes were put into warehowses, and not sufferd to sell any thing till the king came, or else order from hym to geve them leave. I receved back the two hundred Rs. of eight from the China Capt.; but the two bars gould he left in pawne for a junck, to receve them back and pay other money in place, etc.

Also the China Capt. gave me a peec of China lynen to mak breeches of, etc.

And wee took eight peec. duttis of 8 R. per corg to make a saile for our bark. We entertayned a boateman this day at 18 taies per ano, named Sinzabra.

July 25.—Mr. Wickham being sick, Mr. Nealson, Mr. Sayer, and my selfe went to dyner to our frend Skeimon Dono, where we were well entertayned. And from thence we went to Duch howse, where Capt. Speck tould me he receved a letter from Albartus yisterday, wherein he advised hym how Mr. Eaton arived at Miaco the first of this moneth, and the second went to Sackay to look out for the bark he sent from Edo with goods per sea, etc. He also tould me he expected news of 12 or 14 seale of their shipps to be in the Phillipinas this yeare, to cut ofe their China trade for the Manillias, as also to look out for the shipping from New Spaine (or Agua Pulca), and then to have 3 or 4 of them to com for Firando to lade provition. Their plot is great and, yf it take effect, will utterly overthrow the Spanish and Portingalle dissignes in these partes of the world, etc.

I bought 2 corse catabras for Ingoti, cost 1 mas 9 condrins per peec.; paid out per Jno. jurebasso, whoe put away his wife this day for trix.

July 26.—I sent a letter to Capt. Adames to Cochi with 3 iron stampers, 2 mattocks, and a pickaxe, and a leg fresh pork and 5 loves of bread.

Also the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, sent me a legg of pork and an other of a goate, he feasting all the Chinas this day, and being ready to goe for Langasaque. I sent per hym for his brother, in respeckt his junck is retorned from Cochinchina, hoping to heare the truth of our maters tuching the losse of our goods and people, as I gave hym in charg at my being at Langasaque—I say I sent hym, nifon catange, 2 bottells of sallet oyle, and 100 peces drid bonita; and to Capt. Andrea Dittis hym selfe 1 barill wyne, and 25 pec. drid bonita. And I lent hym 80 Rs. of 8 at his request, he geveing me instance it was to geve to certen frendes and parentes com per way of Cochinchina out of China, and are to be emploid about our busynes in hand. The China Capt. went for Langasaque in the after nowne.

July 27.—I receved a letter from Gonrock Dono, dated in Langasaque yisterday, wherin he wrot for stele and tynne for use of the Emperour. And I sent a letter to Gonrock Dono, and sent hym 1 bar tyn for sample, advising I had of the same som 190 cattis more, and had soald it at 4 mas per catty, and that this or what else was at the Emperours servis.

Our hostis of Tomo came per this place, being bound for Langasaque; and sent her sonne to me with a present of 2 barilles wine and other recado,[90] nifon catange. Also Jno. Yosen arived from Langasaque, and sent me a present of peares. And our new botswan of junck brought me a present of dry fish and 2 small barills of wyne. Also I receved an other letter from Jorge Durois with 20 musk millans. His 2 letters dated the 2th and 5th day of August, new stile. He writes of much news of a flett of 5 seale, to be arived at Manillia from New Spaine, with men, money, and munition, against the Duch at the Molocos; but I think it fabulose, as the rest of ther Goa forses to take and spoile Suratt. Also it is reported that Fidaia Samme is escaped into Shashma or the Liqueas; but I rest dowbtfull whether it be soe or no.

July 28.—I delivered 8 R. of 8 and 1 pec. fibuck to our gouldsmith, to plate my rapier and dagger. And a cheefe man sent me a present of a barill of wyne, 2 chickeing, and 5 musk millions, and the like to Capt. Adames, in respeckt his servant is entertayned for a marrener in our junck voyage.

July 29.—This day Zenzebars wyves brother sent for Jno. Gorezano our jurebasso to com and speake with hym, and laid to his charge that he had geven out bad speeches of hym that he had put men to death without any reason (for yow must understand this fello is the hangman or execuseoner of this place, an office of reputation in these partes of the world). But our jurebasso denied it that he spoake no such matter; yet that wold not serve his turne; but I was glad to send Capt. Adames to take up the matter. I know this came by meanes of the Duch, or ther jurebasso, Symon, who I put away. These are trix.

July 30.—I sent Capt. Speck a quarter of beefe. Much a dow had I this day about clearing our jurebasso Goreson, whome Zanzebar and his wives rase thought to have destroyed, and, as I take it, at the instigation of the Duch. For they sent me word, as I was at dyner, that for my sake they had saved his life, yet would have hym to avoid the towne within 5 or 6 dayes. I retorned them answer, I held them for no justices nor judges, and that I had need of my jurebassos service; but the felloe which came on the messadge was soe forward in his speeches that he tould me, yf I sent him not away, that those fellowes servantes would kill hym as he went in the street. Yow must understand his adversaries are the hangmen or execusioners of the towne. But I retorned answer that I was under the protection of Ogosho Samme the Emperour, and had it under his ferme, that no justice in Japan might meddell with me nor no servant in my howse, but per the Emperours permition, and yet more larger then I spake it; and therefore I warned them upon their heads, as they would answer it with their whole generation, that they should not tuch hym till the king of this place retorned. Which answer put them into such a quandare, that they sent me word that, for my sake, they were content to pardon hym of all matters and to be his frend. This word was sent me per Capt. Adames, whome, before God and man, I must needs blame for taking part with that vild fello Zanzabar, alias Yasimon Dono, whom, per experience, I have found to be an absolute cuning knave, and therupon have donne all I can to make Capt. Wm. Adames to know it; yet he still esteemeth hym more then all our English nation, and still he would pawne his lyfe and soule for his honestie. And I cannot chuse but note it downe, that both I my selfe and all the rest of our nation doe see that he (I meane Mr. Wm. Adams) is much more frend to the Duch then to the Englishmen, which are his owne contremen, God forgeve hym. I leave it to his owne contience, and to God and the world, to be judges with what respect I have used hym ever since we came into Japan.

An other matter is now set on foote, which I never did heare of till this instant; and is, that we were cozened of 4 or 500 taies (yf not more) in the price we paid for our junck, and that it was parted betwixt Zanzabar, our host Andrea at Langasaque, and other their copsmates,[91] wherof Miguel our jurebasso was one, and had 50 taies for his share; but as yet I can fynd no witnese of the truth, yet I verely beleeve it to be true, although Capt. Adams have no hand in the matter. For with their smoath speeches they make a childe of hym, and soe do what they list, and he will not beleeve any man that will speake to the contrary. And thus much thought I good to note downe, that it may be extant whether I live or dye.

Capt. Speck, Jno. Yoosen, and Mr. Matias came unlooked for to the English howse to supper. Capt. Speck tould me he understood that Mr. Eaton was on his way coming from Miaco. God send hym well.

July 31.—Gonosco Dono, our guardians father in law, sent Mr. Wickham and me 2 peare pigions. This Gonosco Dono is left cheefe bongew or Vizroy in abcence of the king and Nobasane.

August 1.—The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned from Langasaque and brought me a present from his brother, viz., 1 faire kitesoll, 2 spoutpots or ewers of tynn silverd, 2 pec. China lynen, and 1 peec. silk lane; and he hym selfe sent a white catabra. He sayeth, tuching our affares in Cochinchina, that the kyng denyeth that he never was consenting to the death of our people, nether knew of it till it was donne, it being donne per the Japons and not per his people; and that for the money he owed us for the goods he bought of Mr. Peacock he was willing to pay it, but non came to demand it; and for the rest of our goods it was retorned back to our junck it cam in, etc.; and offred to geve the China (our soliceter) his letter or passe for any mans safe coming that I would send to receve it. But yow must understand Capt. Speck sent a Japon about the lyke matter for the Hollanders, with a present for the king, which he receaved. But this Japon lodged in the howse of another Japon theefe, where they handled the matter soe amongst them that the king retorned word of mouth to Capt. Speck that he would not make them restetution of any thing, and, yf they sent any more shiping, he would use them as he did the other. And those Japon theeves, knowing how the king had promised restetution, went to hym and perswaded hym to the contrary, telling hym that, yf he made restetution to us, he must doe the lyke to the Hollanders. Soe that when the China, our soliceter, went for the kinges letter, he denyed it hym. Thus the second tyme were we crost per the Hollanders.

And I thought good to note downe that the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, came and tould me how his brother Whaw at Langasaque desired to have it under my hand writing tuching procuring trade into China. For, as he sayeth, they have laid out 3,000 taies allready to make way, and make reconying it will cost them 5,000 taies more, is all 8,000 taies (I say eight thousand taies); which, yf in case they procure us free trade into China, we are to pay them the said eight thousand taies back, with what else shall be thought fiting. But yf they do not procure us free trade into China, the losse to stand upon them selves.

I forgot to note downe how Jorge Durois wrot me how a greate Holland ship was cast away on the cost of Lucan in the Phillippinas, out of the which the contrey people saved 5 greate peeces of ordinance, and that most parte of the men were cast away in the ship, and those which escaped per swyming were taken prisoners and sent to Manillia to Don Juan de Silvas, whoe they say is ready with forcese to depart to reskew them at the Molucas; but I can hardly beleeve it.

Also a frend of Capt. Adames tould hym that three daies past arived an emptie junck at Langasaque, which came from Cagallon in the Phillippinas, and is one of the Japan junckes which we thought was lost with ours which Water Carwarden was in, and came out of Cochinchina 7 daies before our junck could be ready to departe, and was driven on the cost of Cord (sic) per stormy wether, and put among the ilands Liqueas, yet could not recover port in any of them; yet after recovered the iland of Lucan and put into the roade of Cagallan, having first lost their mastes and throwne all their goods overbord, being glad to escape with life; and from thence are now retorned with the emptie junck, but know nothing of what is becom of ours.

Also this day we put away Fachman, our scullion, and Mr. Nealson paid hym to cleare his accompt.

And I sent Capt. Adames to Cochi, viz.,

Also I sent hym 3 loves of bread, and wrot hym the news of that junk which was reported to hym came from Cagallion is untrew, for it is a junk belo[ng]ing to the China Capt. brother, and came not from Cochinchina last yeare; so that is a lye.

And we entertayned a new skullion named Sayemond at one tay per month.

August 2.—I gave Matinga 6 taies small plate to buy rise; and I had 14 onces black silk of China Capt., cost 2 taies per catty.

I had much adowe with Zanzabars desemvery,[92] who sent me word 3 or 4 tymes they would break my jurebassos boanes, yf he came to his owne howse; but, as before, soe still I retorned them answer they should take heed how they medled with any servant I had. And at night my jurebasso being desirous to goe to his howse, I gave hym leave; where he found Jno. Devins entertaynment[93]; for Zanzabers wives brother, with other consortes, set upon hym in the streete, and, had he not by good fortune gotten into a howse, they had slayne him. And about midnight, being garded per a gentlemans servant, my frend came home againe, shaking every joint of hym.

August 3.—The China Capt. being ready to goe for Goto, I lent hym our boate and wastclothes, and delivered hym back 120 Rs. of 8, which was the rest of the 200 Rs. 8 lent hym before and retorned, the other being delivered hym after at his going to Langasaque, viz., 80 Rs. of 8. Also I paid hym 38 mas in Rs. of 8 for 1 cattie silk at 20 mas, and 3 peces red China taffetie at 18 mas, is 4¾ Rs. 8.

And tuching the force used against my jurebasso the other night, I thought good, with the advice of the rest, to make it knowne unto the cheefe justice in the kinges abcence, Mr. Wickham accompanying me. They all tould me I had greate reason in what I did, and that they would take order that this bongew should not offer my jurebasso any wronge; the which I certefied Capt. Adames of in good termes by a letter sent hym to Cochi, where I heard he la sick. But he retorned me a very harsh answer, as all the rest of our cuntremen can witnesse which saw it. He shewed hym selfe a fermer frend to Zanzaber and his consortes then to me and the rest of his contremen.

Also Capt. Speck sent for Mr. Wickham to com and speak with hym, and complained much of my jurebasso, that he had a bad tonge and had geven out vild reports of hym and his nation. I retorned hym answer, I never heard hym use any such speeches, and, yf he thought me hys frend, he might think I could not endure neather hym nor any other use such speeches, without geveing him notis therof and chastesing the speakers, yf they were my servants. In fine, his desire was to have me to send for these bongewes and to make an end of these matters in frendship; unto which I answerd that I knew not whether they would com or no, yf I sent for them, yet, yf there were any meeting, I desired that Capt. Adames might be present, and they should not find me out of reason. And soe I advised Capt. Adames, allthough he burdened me I went about to meyntayne a theefe against all reason, which all men may think that heare hym say soe that no honest man would doe it.

And I had allmost forgot to note downe how I delivered a writing to Andrea Dittis, the China Capt., under my hand and seale, witnessed by Mr. Ric. Wickham, Mr. Wm. Nealson, and Mr. Ed. Sayer; wherin I consorted with hym and Capt. Whaw, his brother, and a therd brother which they have in China, that yf they procure us trade into China, to repay them all such sums of money and money worth as they should lay out in procuring thereof; but yf it tooke not effect, then the losse to light upon them selves. And they are to turne an other writing to me, to use their best endevour in doing therof only for Englishmen and no nation else whatsoever. And soe the Lord God grant a good suckcesse to our proceadings.

I wrot 2 letters to Jorge Durois and Damian Marin, and receved 1 from Jno. de Lievano of the 11th of August, new stile, of complementos. But I wrot Georg Durois to buy us a peare of milstones and som candells, and send them per first [ship].

August 4.—Capt. Adames sent me a more frendly letter then before. He is two much affection towardes Zanzaber, and wholy led away by hym.

August 5.—Thear is reportes geven out that the Portingal shipp is arrived at Langasaque from Amacau, and presently after Capt. Speck wrot me a letter that it is the same greate shipp which was there the last yeare; but, as Jno. Yoosen hath advised hym, she is not soe well laden as she was the yeare past, but, as it should seeme, cometh more to fetch away the lagg they left heare the last yeare then for any thing else.

August 6.—I hearing the sea bongew was gon up to the king, and dowbting he might enforme untruthes against my jurebasso, was determined to have written 2 letters, 1 to the king, and another to Chumba Dono, my jurebassos ould master, to desire them not to geve eare to his enemies falce reportes; but, as I was about to have donne it, Tackamon Dono sent unto me his cheefe man, be being accompanied with Skidayen Dono and Nicolas Martin, his jurebasso. And his desire was that, for his sake, I would geve over the pursute of this matter against the sea bongew, for that, yf it were followed, of force the said bongew must cut his bellie, and then my jurebasso must do the lyke. Unto which his request I was content to agree, and afterward went to geve hym thankes for the paynes he had taken in the matter, he having promised me that non should be so hardy to meddell with my jurebasso hereafter, and that he would take the matter in hand to make the accord betwixt hym and his wife.

And from Tacaman Donos, I went to the Duch howse, where, amongst other matters, we fell into discourse about the bongews proceedinges against my jurebasso, he taking the bongews part, and tould me he had donne well yf he had cut hym in peeces the other [day], and then their would have byn no more words therof afterward. But I made hym answer that it might be he was deceaved in that, for that I would have brought the matter in question, and it might be would have cost both hym and others their lives, for that all the justice of Firando said that the bongew had donne that which he could not answer. Once I fownd my selfe agreeved that he had me in soe small respect that he, without geveing notis unto me, sent craftely for my jurebasso out of my howse, thinking to have put hym to death without any forme of processe; and he replid and said that the bongew was a souldier, and stood upon his honer more than his lyfe, and card not to cut his belly upon such an occation. I answered, I did not esteem this bongew such a personage that he needed to take pepper in the nose soe much as he did.

I forgot to note downe how I carid a jarr of China beare and 5 stringes drid fish to Tacamon Dono for a present.

This bongew and Capt. Speck are all one, and I know this trowble against my jurebasso came, the beginning of it, from the Duch howse.

Capt. Speck came late to the English howse, and Sr. Matias with hym, and desired my company to goe and see a peece of ordinance cast; which I did, but marveled at their workmanship. For they carid the mettell in ladells above 20 yardes from the place where the mould stood, and soe put it in, ladelfull after ladell, and yet made as formall ordinance as we doe in Christendom, both of brasse and iron. Capt. Speck tould me nether workmanship nor stuffe did not stand hym in halfe the price it cost them in Christendom.

Capt. Speck tould me he receaved a barks lading of copper this day from Sackay, and that his barke departed from thence 3 daies after Mr. Eaton was departed from thence. God send hym hither in saffety.

And we bought 22 bags rise of Zazabra Dono for 4 gantes a masse, and delivered 12 bagges of them to our ship carpenters upon accompt. They beging to work upon our junk to morrow. God be their good speed, etc.

August 7.—Gonosco Dono came to the English howse, and amongst other talk tould me that the King had sent hym word to burne all the tobaco, and to suffer non to be drunk in his government, it being the Emperours pleasure it should be so; and the like order geven thorowghout all Japon. And that he, for to begyn, had burned 4 piculls or C. wight this day, and cost him 20 taies pico; and had geven orders to all others to doe the like, and to pluck up all which was planted. It is strange to see how these Japons, men, women, and children, are besotted in drinking that herb; and not ten yeares since it was in use first.

August 8.—The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned from Goto, for that the bongew would not let hym enter into that place, he haveing staid 4 daies a weating, and so retorned. Also they of Goto staid 3 somos, or small junkes, theare of his, which were bound for Firando, and would not let them passe, but send out boates to bring in by force all such junks as passe within sight. And for shark oyle, ther was but 25 littill jarrs, all which was taken per Gonrock Dono and sent to Langasaque for his proper use.

And he adviseth me that 4 juncks are arived at Langasaque from Chanchew, which, with this ship from Amacau, will cause all matters to be sould cheape.

The China Capt. of a junck at Goto sent me a peece white damaske, present.

We had newes this day that the Portingales of Amacau have taken the bark Jaccatra, and meane to set out 2 men of war every yeare to take all English and Duch that trade from Syam, Bantam, and Pattania for these partes.

But, within 2 howres after, the bark Jaccatra arived on the cost of Firando, and brought in a Portingall junck which came from Champa, wherin both Chinas and Japons are marreners. She took her on this cost 3 daies past, at an iland called Sta. Clare. Her lading is black wood, I think ebony. It is thought the Portingales will complaine to the Emperour, because the Hollanders take them within his dominions.

August 9.—Cushcron Dono lent us 50 taies in great plate for a few daies, which 50 taies Mr. Nealson receaved to lay out in necessaris for the juncke.

And about midnight past the other Holland shipp, called the Ancusen, of som 300 tonns, arived in the roade (or harbor) of Cochi. And after nowne both shipps came into the harbour of Firando. And I went abord of them, and carid 2 barills wine, a hogg, 5 hense, and 10 loves bread to the greate ship; 1 barell wyne and the lyke quantety of the rest to the littell ship.

They tould me that the English shipp which is to com hither is called the Oziander, and the masters name Jno. Hunt; and that she would be ready to com after them within 4 or 5 daies, but have brought no letters for us, which maketh us to marvill. And I must needs condem Mr. Denton and them at Pattania of sloth, or else the Duch of legerdemeane.

They report a parliament in England,[94] and that it is lyke we shall have wars with Spaine; and that the Lady Elizabeth hath a yong sonne per the Palsgrove of the Ryne.[95]

Also they say that Capt. David Midelton was generall of an other fleete to Bantam, and, understanding of his brothers death, retorned to England.

Oyen Dono sent me a present of 15 hense.

August 10.—I sent out our penisse with 16 men to roe, and the Capt. China, Andrea Dittis, in her, with an English flag and wastclothes and a letter, to lye ofe and on 8 or 10 dayes, to put a pilot abord our shipp yf she com on the cost. He had a bar plate, poz. 4 taies 5 condrin, and 1 tay in small plate, to lay out in provition for rowers, and a barrill of wyne, etc.

August 11.—Our neighbour of Faccatay sent me 2 hennse; and Tonsho Samma sent to envite me and the rest of our nation to dyner, but I exskewsed it till an other tyme. And Taccamon Dono sent his man to me to tell me that he had donne what he could to make peace betwixt our jurebasso Gorreson and his wife, but that shee would not in any sort retorne back unto hym, although she should suffer death; and that Bongo Donos wife had taken her under his protextion, and said he should not have her againe.

August 12.—I sent Capt. Adames 3 hense and 6 loves bread, he having written for charcole, lyme, and oyle for the junk, but could not be sent per meanes of the rayne.

Also I receved 2 letters from Langasaque from Jno. de Lievana and Jorge Durois, of the 19th and 20th currant, new stile, wherein they write me much news, viz., that Don Jno. de Silva hath a fleet of 15 gallions, 8 or 9 gallies, with many friggates and China somas, to transport an army of 3,000 souldiers to the Molucos against the Duch; and that 3 gallions came from Aguapulca to the Manillias with halfe a million of plate for the setting forward of those affares against the Hollanders; and that a new Viz Roy was sent to Goa, called Don Jeronimo de Torres, and knight of the order of St. Yago, and is likewaies ordayned governor of the Phillipinas, and carrieth 200 substantiall Spaniards with hym to Goa, amongst whome 1 is apointed for visitor, being well assisted with other Spaniardes, a thing never seen in the Portingall Indies before; and that no matter may passe but per his permission; and that he hath sent away Don Diego de Basconçelos, the former Viz Roy, in cheanes for Portingale till he be out of sight of land, and confiscat all his goodes, which vallued above 200,000 rialles of 8, because he denied to send succors the last yeare to Don Jno. de Silva to have gon against the Hollanders at Molucos, for which it is thought he will loose his head, yf he live to com into Portingale.

Many other matters they write me, as of the duble mariadg betwixt the princese of France and Spaine; and that the King of Spaine hath marid the Duke of Savoies daughter;[96] and that the said Duk was generall in an armado per sea aginst the Turke, where the Christians tooke 150 of the Turks gallis; and that the King of France hath made 12 new gallions and sent them to the sucker of his father in law, the King of Spaine, with such forcese, that they and the Archduke have taken 20 seale of Holland shipps which were prepared to goe for the East Indies, and also have taken 3 citties or townes from the Hollanders; but I esteeme this a fable, for this Holland ship now com for Firando came out of Holland but 14 moneths past.

Many other matters they wrot of, which is overlong to set downe, namely, that the Kinge of Spain was sending an embassador to the Emperour of Japon with a greate present, in respect of his favour to Christians. So it seemeth he did littell know how he hath formerly banished all Christians out of his dominions: I meane all fryres, monkes, jesuists, and pristes.

August 13.—I sent Mr. Nealson with our jurebassos to Taccamon Dono, to desire his Lordship that Goresonas wife might be forthcoming at the kinges retorne to Firando, to answer to what her husband would aleadg against her, for that her proceadinges were a dishonor both to hym and me; which he retorned me word was true, and that yf she had byn a man, as she was a woman, he would have taken an other course then that he had donne, for that in some sort women have more privelege then men.

And sowne after, Taccaman Donos man wrot a letter to Gorisan to com and speake with hym, which he did, and was per his masters order, whoe tould Goresano that he had better considered of the matter, and that, yf he would, he would make his wife retorne againe to hym, whether she would or no; or else, yf I would, he would cause her nose to be cut ofe and banish her out of the cuntrey. This new change is per reason that, yf this matter of his wife be brought in question before the king, the other of the sea bongew must be the lyke, which would be nothing to the lyking of Zanzabar and his rase, etc.

And after nowne the capten and masters of the 2 Duch shipps came to the English howse and brought me a present of 2 baricas of Spanish wine, 3 Hollands cheeses, 2 small potts of butter, and a bundell of stockfish.

And about midnight Mr. Eaton arived at Firando from Miaco, and, as he tells me, hath lent 100 bars of gould to the King of Firando, to be paid againe at 3 months; which is such a greefe unto me in respect of the presant use we have of money, that I know not what to doe. I did littell think Mr. Eaton would have served me so, I haveing written hym expresly to the contrary. Mr. Eaton sayeth the common report is that Fidaia Samme is yet living, with 5 or 6 other principall men, and thought to be in Shashma.

Mr. Eaton brought me 5 letters as followeth, viz., 1 from King of Firando, with 2 catabras, from Miaco; 1 from Ushenusque Dono, our bongew, from Miaco; 1 from our host of Osekey, Yasozama Amanoia Dono; 1 from Gilbert Cunings wife, from Edo; 1 from Andrea, Capt. Adams brother in law, from Edo. Mr. Eaton tills me how this Andrea and Mickmoy, our host, dealed Judasly with hym at Edo.

August 14.—Sugian Dono sent me a present of new rise, nifon catange.

August 15.—I receaved of Mr. Wm. Eaton, for goodes sould for my owne accompt in Japan, plate barse, fyve hundred threescore and nyne taies, one mas, and five condrines; and in plate barse, for acco. of the Wo^ll Company, one thousand two hundred and fiftie taies; and in Priaman gould, po. ten taies, I say ten taies wight Priaman gould, and is the rest of a greater som delivered unto hym at his going up to Osekey heretofore. And I gave hym a peece ashculler grogren of my owne, cost me 11½ tais, as also a paire of blew stockinges, cost me 3 taies. Jno. Yossen retorned from Langasaque, and sent me a present of grapes.