MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS VISIT TO AMERICA,
AND OF HIS RECEPTION BY THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES;
FROM HIS ARRIVAL, AUGUST 15TH, TO THE CELEBRATION AT YORKTOWN,
OCTOBER 19TH, 1824 BY MARIE-JOSEPH-PAUL-YVES-ROCH-GILBERT DU MOTIER,
BY MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE
{Illustration: Lafayette}
DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS—To wit:
District Clerk's Office.
Be it remembered, that on the 2d day of November, A.D. 1824, in the forty-ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, E.G. House, of the said district, has deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit—Memoirs of General Lafayette, with an account of his visit to America; and of his reception by the people, of the United States, from his arrival, Aug. 15. to the celebration at Yorktown, Oct 19, 1824.
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States entitled, "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned:" and also to an act entitled "an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching historical, and other prints."
JNO. W. DAVIS, Clerk of the Dist. of Mass.
ADVERTISEMENT, BY THE EDITOR.
It is a poor apology to offer for any defect or omission in a work intended for the information of the public, that it was prepared in haste. Yet in the present case it can be offered with truth. The Editor of this volume knew nothing of the plan, until it had been some time proposed, and many subscribers obtained. The gentleman by whom it was first intended to have been prepared, was suddenly taken away, without writing, or even collecting any thing for the volume. It was undertaken with reluctance, as it was known the public would he impatient for the work, and as the publisher was also desirous it should be prepared in a few weeks. It is only fifty days since the task was begun. It is believed, however, that several documents, not yet published, will be found in this volume; and that many events and incidents are preserved, which would otherwise have been lost to the public.
Everything relating to the life and character of this extraordinary man, is certainly worthy of remembrance by the benevolent and intelligent through the civilized world, and especially by Americans, to whom he has rendered the most essential services. The endeavour has been to avoid panegyric; though in this case, a plain statement of facts may be construed, by those ignorant of the life of Lafayette, into a disposition to bestow extravagant praise.
It has been a source of much satisfaction to the Editor, to find so many proofs of consistency and of principle, as well as of zeal in the cause of rational liberty, which the life of this heroic and disinterested personage affords. And if he shall appear in this hasty memoir, as the ardent, undeviating, and sincere friend of civil freedom and of the rights of man, it will be because he justly merits such a high character.
In the account of his reception by the people of this country, in various places, during his present visit, it may be thought that we have been too particular. It was promised, however, in the proposals for the volume, that such relation would be given. It is believed that it will be found to be interesting, and that it will be a satisfaction hereafter, to recur to it. This account embraces the time which elapsed after he landed at New-York, August 15, 1824, to the celebration of the capture of the Brittish [sic] army at Yorktown, October 19. These statements were, copied principally from the public newspapers; and it was thought to be unnecessary to give credit for them, or to insert the usual marks of quotation.
Boston, Nov. 1, 1824.
CONTENTS
[ ADVERTISEMENT, BY THE EDITOR. ]
[ MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE ]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE
Among the many great men who have distinguished themselves in the present age, for their attachment and devotion to the cause of civil liberty, general LAFAYETTE is one of the most eminent. During the last fifty years, great changes have been made or attempted in human governments, highly favourable to political freedom and the rights of mankind. In some cases, indeed, revolutions have not been conducted upon just principles nor by prudent councils; and the immediate results have been disastrous rather than beneficial. Changes have taken place without direct and visible improvement; and efforts to meliorate the condition of man have produced a reaction in the adherents to patient arbitrary systems, which have given occasion to much suffering and great excesses.
The struggle for freedom by the patriotic citizens of America, towards the close of the last century, was successful; and has proved most auspicious to human happiness. We have reason to hope, that its blessings will not be confined to this western continent. A spirit of enquiry, indeed, has gone abroad in the world. It is spreading in Europe: and though we devoutly wish it may not prove the occasion of bloody contests, we shall rejoice to trace its fruits in the gradual destruction of old despotic systems, and in the general diffusion of knowledge among the people, and the enjoyment of those equal and just rights, which mild governments are calculated to secure.
In our own beloved country, we can boast of many sincere patriots and heroes besides our 'paternal chief,' the revered WASHINGTON, "who was first in war, first in peace and first in the hearts of his countrymen;" others will be recollected, who devoted themselves to the cause of liberty and their country, with a sincerity and zeal almost without a parallel in the annals of history. Their memories will not cease to be revered while Americans are distinguished for a love of civil freedom.
It must be acknowledged, however, that there was a peculiar disinterestedness in the services and sacrifices of the Marquis LAFAYETTE in defence of American independence. It was from a noble and enthusiastic love of liberty, that he was induced to cherish and advocate our cause. It was for strangers and in a foreign land, that he went forth to defend the rights of man, assailed by the hand of arbitrary power. He was not a desperate adventurer, without fortune, or friends, or honors. He was surrounded with all these in his own country. He belonged to very ancient and noble family, and inherited a large estate. The original family name was Motier; but for several generations back had assumed the addition of Lafayette. Some of his male ancestors were distinguished for military, and some of the females for literary talents. His income was 200,000 francs. His property and influence were increased by a matrimonial connexion with a lady of the truly illustrious house of NOAILES. He was married at the age of eighteen.
MARIE-PAUL-JOSEPH-ROCH-YVES-GILBERT-MOTIER DE LAFAYETTE was born at the chateau de Chavagnac in the province of Auvergne, September 6th 1757. The rank and affluence of his family secured for him the best education: and this, according to the fashion of the times in France, was not only in classical and polite literature, but united also a knowledge of military tactics. At the age of sixteen, he was offered an honorable place at Court, which he declined.
His mind was early imbued with an ardent love of freedom. It is not known whether his study of English writers who were friendly to civil liberty, or an eager curiosity to learn the merits of the dispute between Great Britain and the American colonies, lead him first thus to take a deep interest in favour of our independence. That controversy excited the attention of statesmen on the continent of Europe as well as in England. It has been said that he was acquainted with some distinguished English characters in 1776, from whom he learnt the situation of America, and the object of our revolution. In the latter part of this year, he applied to SILAS DEANE, our agent then at Paris, for information, and encouragement in his plan, already adopted, of rendering his personal service to the cause of America. While he was at Paris, (Dec. 1776) with these views, Dr. FRANKLIN arrived. The intelligence, received from him respecting our situation and prospects at that period, was of a nature to discourage any one, who had not cherished the most enthusiastic and resolute purpose to engage in our behalf. Our almost desperate condition seems only to have increased his zeal and devotion to the interests of America. "Hitherto, said he, I have only cherished your cause; I now go to serve it personally." He believed our cause to be just. He considered it the cause of civil liberty; and gloomy as was the prospect, hazardous as was the enterprize, he was determined to support it at the risk of life itself. In his situation, the privations and sacrifices to be made and endured were incalculably great. It is indeed a singular instance of an heroic enterprize for the good of mankind.
We cannot more justly describe his sentiments and views, than by quoting his own language used at a subsequent period, in a letter to the President of the Continental Congress—"The moment I heard of America, I loved her; the moment I knew she was fighting for liberty, I burnt with a desire to bleed for her." The sacrifices he made cannot be so well otherwise estimated as by reflecting that he left an affectionate wife, in whom he was most happy; and who, he was obliged to assure, that he would speedily return, before she would consent to the enterprize.
When LAFAYETTE made known his purpose to embark for America, under all the appalling circumstances of our country, our Envoys were still unable to furnish a passage for him. They had no vessels at command; and they were not then in a situation to purchase one. Loans were the object of their mission; but as yet they had not succeeded in obtaining them. And as the French court had not acknowledged our independence, or openly espoused our cause, it would have been improper for them to furnish a vessel for such purpose. What was then done for America must be effected in secret; and at most, only connived at by the French government. But the ardour of young LAFAYETTE was not to be checked by any such considerations. He took council rather of his feelings, than of that prudence by which ordinary minds are governed. He therefore immediately engaged a vessel at his own charges, and sailed for the United States, where he arrived in the month of January. He landed at Charleston, S.C. and soon entered, as a volunteer, in the American army. Soon after his arrival, he purchased clothing and arms for the troops under General MOULTRIE in that quarter. He also early made an advance to General WASHINGTON of 60,000 francs, for the public service.
For several months, he continued to serve in this capacity. His zeal and services were early appreciated by Congress; and in July, 1777, he was created a Major-General. But he did not, at once, act under that commission. In the battle of Brandywine, in September of the same year, although he distinguished himself by his activity and undaunted bravery, it does not appear that he acted as Major-General. He received a wound in his leg, in this engagement, and his services were highly applauded. He remained in the field till the close of the battle, inspiring the men by his presence and active courage. The wound was severe and required attention; but before it was entirely healed, he joined the army again under WASHINGTON. In November, at the head of some Jersey militia, he attacked a body of 300 Hessians and defeated them. General GREENE was engaged in the same affair, a part of the time; and said of young LAFAYETTE, "that he seemed to search for danger." Soon after this period, he had command of a division in the Continental army; and frequently was appointed the chief officer in separate departments of great importance and responsibility.
General WASHINGTON became greatly attached to him. He was an intelligent judge of character; and was never known to bestow his confidence upon those who were not worthy of it. He was so distinguished by the regard of the Commander in Chief, that it became usual to call him "his adopted son." WASHINGTON loved him for his goodness, and honored him for his bravery and military talents. In the early part of 1778, when it was proposed to make an attack upon Canada, and to endeavor to connect it with the thirteen United States, Gen. LAFAYETTE was appointed to command the troops collecting for that purpose at Albany. This plan originated in Congress, and was said to be much favored by the French Ambassador; but WASHINGTON ever doubted the propriety, or the feasibility of the scheme, and eventually gave his opinion decidedly against it; and it was not prosecuted. It was at this time, probably, that Brigadier General STARK took the oath of fidelity to the American Congress and of renunciation to the king and government of Great Britain, which had then been recently required, before General LAFAYETTE; and which was administered by the commanding officer in each separate Department. The original certificate of this oath is said now to be in existence. It is a singular fact, that a native American took this oath before a foreigner: or perhaps even then, General LAFAYETTE had been declared by Congress to be entitled to all the rights of a citizen of the United States.
In May 1778, while the British main army was in Philadelphia, and the American troops at Valley Forge, he was detached with about two thousand five hundred men under his command, to a position in advance of the continental camp and near the city, for the purpose of watching the motions of the enemy. The British endeavored to surround and surprise him: but he had timely notice of their plan, and retired in safety to the vicinity of WASHINGTON'S head-quarters. Had he been surprised in this situation, the result would probably proved fatal to our cause. For the continental troops under WASHINGTON were few in number and poorly clothed and armed. But the Commander in Chief, doubtless, was fully aware of the important and critical nature of the service, and entrusted it to one, in whose judgment as well as bravery he had perfect confidence.
Soon after this, in the month of June, the British army left Philadelphia, to return to New-York. It consisted of as large a number of well disciplined troops, as they had in America at any one time; and though they chose not to make a direct attack upon WASHINGTON, they seem to have had no apprehensions of an attack from him. But he was resolved to avail of the occasion of their march through the State of New Jersey, to attack and annoy them. This he did on the memorable 28th of June, near Monmouth court-house; and had his judicious plan been faithfully executed, or his own personal activity and bravely been seconded by General LEE, who had the command of the troops more immediately engaged on that day, a great and decisive victory would in all probability have attended the daring enterprize. General LAFAYETTE had a distinguished command on that critical day. Lee, indeed, at first declined the command of the advanced corps, detached by WASHINGTON to harass the rear of the enemy while on their march; and it was given to the former: though; afterwards, when it was found, that the enemy was preparing for a general engagement, a reinforcement was ordered, and the whole placed under the command of General Lee. In this whole affair, General LAFAYETTE conducted with remarkable intelligence and bravery; and received the entire approbation of the Commander in Chief.
In August of the same year (1778) when the enemy had a large force on Rhode Island, and were supposed to be meditating an attack on some place in the vicinity, Lafayette (with General Greene) offered his services as a volunteer. The expedition was not attended with success: the British troops then were more numerous than we could collect against them; and what were mustered were principally militia. The continental regiments were then all needed near New-York. But General Lafayette assisted in conducting the retreat of our men, with much skill and effect; and his behaviour on the occasion received the particular notice and approbation of Congress.
About this time, with the knowledge and consent of Congress, Lafayette made a visit to Boston. The particular object of this journey is not known. It is evident, however, from the resolve of Congress on the occasion, that it was not from merely personal or private views. It was, no doubt, for some purpose of a public nature, and for the welfare of the nation. The following is the resolve alluded to; and is proof, that his visit at the time, was designed for the promotion of some plan calculated for the prosperity of the country.
"In Congress, Sept. 9th, 1778. Resolved, That the President be requested to inform the Marquis de Lafayette, that Congress have a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his personal feelings, in undertaking a journey to Boston with a view of promoting the interests of these States, at a time when an occasion was daily expected of his acquiring glory in the field; and that his gallantry in going a volunteer on Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing off the pickets and out sentries, deserves particular approbation." This resolve was communicated to Lafayette by the President of Congress, with a polite note; to which the Marquis replied as follows:
"SIR,
"I have received your favour of the 13th instant, acquainting me of the honor Congress has been pleased to confer on me by their most gracious resolve. Whatever pride such approbation may justly give me, I am not less affected by the feeling of gratitude, and that satisfaction of thinking my endeavours were ever looked upon as useful to a cause in which my heart is so deeply interested. Be so good, Sir, as to present to Congress my plain and hearty thanks, with a frank assurance of a candid attachment, the only one worth being offered to the representatives of a free people. The moment I heard of America, I loved her: The moment I knew she was fighting for liberty, I burnt with the desire of bleeding for her: and the moment I shall be able of serving her, in any time, or in any part of the world, will be the happiest of my life. I never so much wished for occasions of deserving those obliging sentiments I am honored with by these States and their representatives, and that so flattering confidence they have been pleased to put in me; which have filled my heart with the warmest acknowledgments and most eternal affection.
"I pray you to accept my thanks for the polite manner in which you have communicated the resolve of Congress; and I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
During the year 1778, some propositions were made to Congress from the British ministry, through three commissioners, who were sent over to America. The object was to bring about a cessation of hostilities, and peace, without acknowledging our Independence. They were, therefore, immediately rejected. In the address of the commissioners to Congress, the French King and ministers were mentioned with great disrespect, and represented as secret enemies to America; and therefore, not to be believed in their engagements and promises in our favour. The Marquis de Lafayette highly resented this heavy charge against his king and government; and wrote a very spirited letter on the subject, to Lord Carlisle, the principal commissioner. He seemed ready to appear as the champion of his abused Prince and country, in the chivalrous manner such attacks were met in former ages, when disputes were settled between nations by single combat. The indignation he expressed was honorable to his patriotic feelings; but, probably, his maturer years and judgment would have chastened and moderated it.
Early in the year 1779, after an absence from his beloved family and country of more than two years, Lafayette visited France: not however, without the consent of Congress and also of General Washington, and a determination to return to America at a future day. He embarked at Boston. In waiting for a passage to France, the Marquis was several weeks in Boston; and here became acquainted with John Hancock, Dr. Cooper, S. Breck, Esq. and others, to whose families he became particularly attached. The hospitable attention of the Bostonians, was not lost upon him. With warm feelings and elegant manners, he was well qualified to appreciate their patriotism and politeness; and impressions were made upon his generous mind, favourable to their characters, which he has not forgotten to the present day. In no place in America, perhaps, did he find the citizens more congenial to his ardour of affection and devoted love for civil liberty.—It cannot be doubted, that to a man of his amiable and tender feelings, the consideration of meeting with his family and friends influenced him to this visit. But it appears also, from his letters at that time, that he considered his duty to his King and country required him to go to France. War was now declared between France and England; and he believed himself bound to give his personal services for the defence of his own nation. With all his zeal in favour of liberty and of America, which he considered engaged in its sacred cause against an arbitrary power, he acknowledged his obligations to asset in protecting his native country. If his King should consent, he engaged to return to America, and devote himself again in support of her rights. The following letters will justify this statement of his views, at the time of which we are speaking. The first is from General Washington to the President of Congress.
"Head Quarters, Oct. 13th, 1778.
"SIR,
"This will be delivered to you by Major General, the Marquis de Lafayette. The generous motives which first induced him to cross the Atlantic, and enter the army of the united States, are well known to Congress. Reasons equally laudable now engage him to return to France, who, in her present circumstances, claims his services.
"His eagerness to offer his duty to his Prince and country, however great, could not influence him to quit the continent in any stage of an unfinished campaign; he resolved to remain at least till the close of the present; and embraces this moment of suspense, to communicate his wishes to Congress, with a view of having the necessary arrangements made in time; and of being still within reach, should any occasion offer of distinguishing himself in the field.
"The Marquis, at the same time, from a desire of preserving a relation with us, and a hope of having it yet in his power to be useful as an American officer, solicits only a furlough, sufficient for the purposes above mentioned. A reluctance to part with an officer, who unites to all the military fire of youth, an uncommon maturity of judgment, world lead me to prefer his being absent on this footing, if it depended solely on me. I shall always be happy to give such a testimony of his services, as his bravery and good conduct on all occasions entitle him to; and I have no doubt that Congress will add suitable expressions of their sense of his merits, and their regret on account of his departure. I here the honor to be, &c.
"GEO. WASHINGTON."
From the Marquis to Congress.
"Philadelphia. Oct. 8th, 1778.
"Whatever care I should take not to employ the precious instants of Congress in private considerations, I beg leave to lay before them my present circumstances, with that confidence which naturally springs from affection and gratitude. The sentiments which bind me to my country, can never be more properly spoken of, than in presence of men who have done so much for their own. As long as I thought I could dispose of myself, I made it my pride and pleasure to fight under American colours, in defence of a cause which I dare more particularly call ours, because I had the good fortune of bleeding for her. Now that France is involved in a war, I am led by a sense of duty as well as by patriotic love to present myself before my king, and know in what manner he judges proper to employ my services. The most agreeable of all will always be such as to serve the common cause among those, whose friendship I had the happiness to obtain, and whose fortune I had the honor to follow in less smiling times. That reason, and others, which I leave to the feelings of Congress, engage me to beg from them, the liberty of going home for the next winter.
"As long as there were any hopes of an active campaign, I did not think of leaving the field. Now that I see a very peaceable and undisturbed moment, I take this opportunity of waiting on Congress. In case my request is granted, I shall so manage my departure, as to be certain before going, the campaign is really over. Enclosed you will receive a letter from his Excellency, General Washington, wherein he expresses his assent to my obtaining leave of absence. I dare flatter myself, that I shall be considered as a soldier on furlough, who most heartily wants to join again his colours, and his most esteemed and beloved fellow soldiers. Should it be thought I can be any way useful to America, when I shall find myself among my countrymen, I hope I shall always be considered as one most interested in the welfare of these United States, and one who has the most perfect affection, regard and confidence for their representatives. With the highest regard, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
"In Congress, Oct. 21. 1778.
"Resolved, That the Marquis Lafayette, Major General in the services of the United States, have leave to go to France; and that he return at such time as shall be most convenient to him,—Resolved, That the President write a letter to the Marquis Lafayette, returning him the thanks of Congress for that disinterested zeal which led him to America, and for the services he hath rendered to the United States, by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many signal occasions.
"Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, at the Court of Versailles, be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices to be made and presented in the name of the United States, to the Marquis Lafayette."
The foregoing resolves were communicated to the Marquis in the following letter:
"Philadelphia, Oct. 24, 1778.
"SIR,
"I had the honor of presenting to Congress, your letter, soliciting leave of absence: I am directed by them, to express their thanks for your zeal in promoting that just cause in which they are engaged, and for the disinterested services you have rendered to the United States of America.
"In testimony of the high esteem and affection in which you are held by the good people of these States, as well as an acknowledgment of your gallantry and military talents displayed on many signal occasions, their Representatives; in Congress assembled, have ordered an elegant sword to be presented to you, by the American Minister, at the Court of Versailles. Enclosed within the present cover, will be found an act of Congress of the 21st instant, authorizing these declarations, and granting a furlough for your return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. I pray God to bless and protect you; to conduct you in safety to the presence of your Prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your noble family and friends. I have the honor to be, &c.
"H. LAURENS."
To this note the Marquis made the following reply:
"Philadelphia, Oct. 26, 1778.
"SIR,
"I have received your excellency's obliging letter, enclosing the several resolutions Congress have honored me with, and the leave of absence they have been pleased to grant. Nothing can make me happier, than the reflection, that my services have met with their approbation. The glorious testimonial of confidence and satisfaction respectfully bestowed on me, by the representatives of America, though much superior to my merit, cannot exceed the grateful sentiments they have excited. I consider the noble present offered me in the name of the United States, as the most flattering honor. It is my most fervent desire, soon to employ that sword in their service, against the common enemy of my country and their faithful and beloved allies. That liberty, safety, wealth and concord may ever extend and bless these United States, is the earnest wish of a heart glowing with a devoted zeal and unbounded love for them, and the highest regard, and most sincere affection for their representatives.
"Be pleased, Sir, to present my thanks to them, and to accept yourself the assurance of my respectful attachment.
"LAFAYETTE."
Letter of Dr. Franklin, to the Marquis Lafayette.
"Passy, Aug. 24, 1779.
"SIR,
"The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgments. They directed it to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the principal actions of the battles, in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and good conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, with a few emblematical figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to execute every thing, but the sense we have of your worth, and our obligations to you. For this, figures and even words are found insufficient.
"I therefore, only add, that, with the most perfect esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
"B. FRANKLIN."
The Marquis de Lafayette came again to the United States in April 1780, and landed at Boston, though the vessel first touched at Marblehead on its way to the former place. In his passage both to and from France, he was in danger of capture from the British. The frigate, in which he returned to this country, was chased by an English man of war; and when it was supposed, they must come to action, LAFAYETTE was found at one of the guns, preparing to act his part should they be attacked. In this visit to France, he exerted himself with effect, to induce the Court of Versailles to afford the United States more effectual aid; and especially, to send over a large fleet, which rendered essential service to the American cause. His great devotion to our interests would certainly lead him to advocate any measures with his King, favourable to our wishes: and his influence, considering his high rank and family, was undoubtedly attended with beneficial results. His services in our behalf were particularly noticed by Congress.
"When the Marquis de Lafayette obtained permission to revisit his native country and offer his services to his sovereign, he retained, with his rank in the American army, that ardent zeal for her interests, which the affectionate attentions he had received, the enthusiasm of a soldier in the cause of those for whom he had made his first campaigns and by whom he had been highly distinguished, combined with a consciousness that he was substantially promoting the permanent interests of France; were all so well calculated to inspire in a young and generous mind, in favour of an infant people struggling for liberty and self government, with the hereditary rival of his nation.
"He was received at the Court of Versailles with every mark of favour and distinction; and all the influence he had acquired was employed in impressing on the cabinet the importance and policy of granting sucors to the United States.
"Having succeeded in this favourite object, in which he was aided by the representations of the former and present minister of France at Philadelphia; and finding no probability of active employment on the continent of Europe, he obtained permission to return to America, with the grateful intelligence of the service he had rendered while in France, to the country in whose cause his service had been first drawn. He arrived at Boston in the month of April 1780, and hastened to Head Quarters. He then proceeded to Congress with the information that the King of France had consented to employ a large land and naval armament in the United States, for the ensuing campaign. He was received by WASHINGTON with joy and affection; and by Congress with those marks of distinction and regard to which his constant and indefatigable zeal in support of the American cause, as well as his signal service, gave him such just pretnesions. The intelligence which he brought gave new impulse both to Congress and to the State Legislatures. The lethargic slumbers into which they seemed to be sinking yielded to resolutions of the most vigorous character."—Marshall.
The letters below, with the resolve of Congress, will show the sense WASHINGTON had of the services of his "adopted son," the Marquis Lafayette, and the personal attachment which he cherished for him, as well as the high estimation; in which the disinterested zeal of that devoted friend of liberty was held by the grand Legislature of America.
"Head Quarters, Morristown, May 13, 1780.
"The Marquis Lafayette does me the honor to take charge of this note. I am persuaded Congress will participate in the joy I feel at the return of a gentleman who has so signally distinguished himself in the service of this country; who has given so many and so decided proofs of his attachment to its interests; and who ought to be dear to it by every motive. The warm friendship I have for him conspires with considerations of public utility to afford me a double satisfaction in his return. During the time he has been in France he has uniformly manifested the same zeal in our affairs, which animated his conduct while he was among us; and has been, upon all occasions, an essential friend to America. He merits, and I doubt not Congress will give him every mark of consideration and regard in their power.
"I have the honour to be, &c.
"GEO. WASHINGTON."
"To His Excellency the President of Congress."
"Philadelphia, May 16, 1780.
"After so many favors, which, on every occasion and particularly at my obtaining leave of absence, Congress were pleased most graciously to bestow on me, I dare presume myself entitled to impart to them the private feelings, which I now so happily experience.
"In an early epoch in our noble contest, I gloried in the name of an American soldier; and heartily enjoyed the honor I have of serving the United States; my satisfaction is at this long wished-for moment entirely complete, when putting an end to my furlough, I have been able again to join my colours, under which I hope for opportunities of indulging the ardent zeal, the unbounded gratitude, the warm, and I might say, the patriotic love, by which I am forever bound to America.
"I beg you, sir, to present Congress with a new assurance of my profound respect and my grateful and affectionate sentiments.
"I have the honour to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE"
In Congress, May 16, 1780. "Resolved, That Congress consider the return of the Marquis LAFAYETTE to America, to resume his command in the army, as a fresh proof of the distinguished zeal and deserving attachment which have justly recommended him to the public confidence and applause; and that they receive with pleasure, a tender of further services of so gallant and meritorious an officer."
"Soon after his return to America the Marquis was entrusted with the command of a select corps of the Light Infantry of the continental army. This afforded him a new opportunity for the display of his munificence. He presented each officer of the corps with an elegant sword; and the soldiers were clothed in uniform, principally at his expense. He infused into this corps a spirit of pride and emulation; viewing it as one formed according to his own wishes and worthy of his entire confidence. They were the pride of his heart, and he was the idol of their regard; constantly panting for an opportunity of performing some signal achievement worthy of his and their own character. The corps was probably equal for discipline and bravery, to any in the world."
Early in the year 1781, LAFAYETTE was detached with about twelve hundred troops to Virginia; with a view to co-operate with the French fleet in checking the plundering expedition of General Arnold, who had then recently landed there with a body of British troops from New-York. The Marquis performed this long and difficult march with great dispatch. Many of the soldiers under his command were deficient in clothing: and it was by the personal responsibility of General LAFAYETTE that funds were raised in Baltimore and vicinity to remedy this evil. The credit of the continent was very low; and its means of immediate payment of the public expenses known to be entirely inadequate. The generosity of this distinguished friend of liberty was as remarkable as his personal bravery. He was indeed, both as to life and estate, wholly devoted to the cause of America; and difficulties and dangers served only to manifest the sincerity and intenseness of his zeal in behalf of a people struggling for freedom.
Soon after this, in the month of May, 1781, Lord Cornwallis, in his progress from North Carolina into Virginia, formed a junction with the British forces under Arnold and Phillips. His object was immediately to crush the Americans under LAFAYETTE, then encamped near Richmond. The experienced British Commander thought it would be an easy matter with his superior numbers to secure the "Young Frenchman." But the youthful soldier was not wanting in prudence and foresight, though ardour and courage were his predominant qualities. In these traits of character, as well as others, he was not unlike the "paternal chief" of the American army. LAFAYETTE made good a retreat; and escaped the net Cornwallis had prepared for him, with such confident hopes of success. He directed his course northward; and soon effected a junction with General Wayne, who had been ordered to reinforce him with eight hundred men of the Pennsylvania line.
The Light Infantry under Lafayette were chiefly eastern troops, who had great objections to a southern climate, and many deserted. In this critical situation, the Marquis adopted the following expedient. He gave out that an expedition of great difficulty and danger was to be soon undertaken; and appealing to the generous feelings of his soldiers, he expressed a hope that they would not forsake him. If, however, any were desirous of returning to their regiments, he said, they should have permission. The effect was as he had hoped. The troops had too much honor and pride to desert their brave commander in such an exigency.
About this time, the main army of the British under Cornwallis, had taken the precaution to cut off the direct communication between the American troops and their stores, lately removed from Richmond to Albemarle. The Marquis Lafayette, however, recrossing the Rappahannock, by forced marches, arrived within a few miles of the British, when they were yet two days march from Albemarle Courthouse; and opening in the night a nearer road, which had been long disused, appeared the following, lay, greatly to the surprise of Cornwallis, between the British army and the continental stores. Thus disappointed in his plan of possessing the American stores, the British commander retired to Williamsburg. The Marquis followed the enemy at a prudent distance; and was soon so fortunate as to form a junction with the Baron Steuben, who had been detached into that quarter, to protect the public stores and assist in the general defence of the country. The British forces, many of which consisted of cavalry, were than very formidable in Virginia.
This was a very critical period in the affairs of America. Washington was satisfied that some decisive blow must be struck; for our finances were low: and many began to despond as to the result of the contest. The British were very powerful and resolute. The plan of Washington finally was to make it appear to the enemy that an attack was intended against New-York; and at the same time prepare for a general expedition to Virginia, and destroy the British army in that quarter. This plan succeeded by the aid of the French fleet, though its Admiral came with reluctance to the measure. Cornwallis and his army were captured in October following; and the British ministry soon after consented to listen to honourable terms of peace.
Major General Lafayette acted a gallant and distinguished part in this whole campaign. We have already witnessed his activity, promptitude and bravery in the early part of the season. His efforts continued, and were conspicuous on various trying occasions. In the affair near Jamestown, he was in great personal danger, and one of his horses was shot under him. It was owing to the to his uncommon vigilance and activity, that the American troops under his command were able to keep a large British army in check; and when a detachment under the brave General Wayne were in danger of being taken, they were rescued by the prompt and skillful maneuvers of the Marquis. His spirit and firmness were attended with the best effects upon the men under his command; and seemed to inspire them with courage and confidence, at this period of great embarrassment and gloom. He was distinguished for humanity as well as courage. The sick and wounded were always sure to receive his generous attentions. In the several engagements which took place, previously to the capture of Lord Cornwallis, many of the American soldiers were wounded, and he made immediate provision for their relief and comfort.
The military skill and bravery manifested by General Lafayette, and the officers and men under his command in Virginia, at this period, will be evident from his letters and orders here given. They speak particularly of the courage and conduct of General Wayne, and his detachment; but they also afford new proofs of the intelligence and activity of the commanding officer.
Letter from General Lafayette, to General Greene.
"Near James River, July 8, 1781.
"SIR,
"On the 4th, the enemy evacuated Williamsburgh, where some stores fell into our hands, and retired to this place, under the cannon of their shipping. The next morning we advanced, and a part of our troops took post about nine miles from the British camp. The 6th, I detached an advanced corps under General Wayne, to reconnoitre the enemy's situation. Their light parties being drawn in, the pickets which lay near their encampment, were gallantly attacked by some riflemen, whose skill was employed to great effect.
"Having learnt that Lord Cornwallis had sent off his heavy baggage under an escort, and posted his army in an open field, fortified by the shipping, I returned to the detachment, which I found generally engaged. A piece of cannon had been attempted by the vanguard, and the whole British army advanced to the wood, occupied by General Wayne. His whole corps did not exceed 800, part of which were militia, with three field pieces.—But at sight of the British, the troops ran to the rencontre, notwithstanding the very superior number of the enemy, and a short skirmish ensued, with a warm, close and well directed fire. But, as both the right and left of the enemy greatly out-flanked ours, I sent orders to General Wayne, to retire to about half a mile, where Col. Vose and Barber's light infantry battalions had arrived, by a most rapid movement, and where I directed them to form. In this position, they remained till some hours in the night. The militia under General Lawson also advanced; but during the night, the enemy retired to the south of the river.
"From all accounts, the enemy's loss is great. We had none killed, but many wounded. Wayne's detachment suffered most. Many horses were killed, which rendered it impossible to move the field pieces. But it is enough for the glory of General Wayne, and the officers and men under his command, to have attacked the whole British army, with only a reconnoitering party, and to have obliged them to retreat over the river. I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
Under date of July 11th, an officer of rank gives some further account of this affair. "The enemy had 300 men killed and wounded; and among the latter were several officers. Their precipitate retreat the same evening, to Jamestown Island, and thence to the other side of the river, is a tacit acknowledgment, that a general action was not their wish. We hear that the British officers are much mortified at the issue, and confess they were out-generalled. Their numbers were far superior to ours; and they had the advantage of a large corps of cavalry. We could not have extricated ourselves from the difficulties we were in, but by the maneuver we adopted; which, though it may have the appearance of temerity, to those unacquainted with the circumstances, was founded upon the truest military principles; and was a necessary, though a very bold and daring measure."
Extract from the general orders of the Marquis Lafayette, July 8th, 1781, near James River.
"The General is happy to acknowledge the spirit of the detachment under General Wayne, in their engagement with the whole of the British army, of which he was an eye witness. He requests General Wayne and the officers and men under his command, to accept his best thanks. The bravery and destructive fire of the riflemen, rendered essential service. The fire of the light infantry checked the enemy's progress round our right flank. The General was much pleased with the conduct of Captain Savage, of the artillery, and is satisfied, that nothing but the loss of horses occasioned that of the two field pieces. The zeal of Colonel Mercer's corps, is fully expressed in the number of horses he had killed."
His conduct at the siege and capture of Cornwallis, at Yorktown, received the particular approbation of the commander in chief. Perhaps no officer in the American line, contributed more than he did to the success which attended our arms on that memorable occasion. When the British General was confident of seizing him and his little party by stratagem, or of overpowering them by numbers, he was on his guard, and had the good fortune to elude every effort to destroy him. And, during the immediate siege of Yorktown, he occupied one of the most dangerous posts, and was among the foremost in the many vigorous assaults made upon the British army, before it was compelled to surrender. He had the honor to be ranked with Lincoln, Greene, Knox, Wayne and others, in the glorious exploits, which convinced the enemy of our persevering bravery, and induced them at last to sue for peace.
In November following, the Marquis returned to France, having first obtained the consent of Congress, and of the commander in chief. The contest between Great Britain and the United States, was drawing to a close. The former became satisfied of the impossibility of subduing America: and the latter was anxious to terminate a war, which had exhausted her finances, and occasioned an oppressive debt. The resolves of Congress, with reference to the departure of General Lafayette at this period, exhibits, in a very favorable light, the important services he had rendered the country, in the critical situation in which it had been placed.
In Congress, Nov. 1781. "Resolved, That Major General Lafayette have permission to go to France, and to return at such time as may be most agreeable to himself—that he be informed, that, on a view of his conduct throughout the past campaign, and particularly during the period, in which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new proofs which present themselves of his zealous attachment to the cause he has espoused, and of his judgment, vigilance, gallantry and address in its defence, have greatly added to the high opinion entertained by Congress of his merits and military talents—that he make known to the officers and troops whom he commanded during that period, that the brave and enterprizing services, with which they seconded his zeal and efforts, and which enabled him to defeat the attempts of an enemy, far superior in numbers, have been beheld by Congress, with particular satisfaction and approbation.—That the Secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the Ministers Plenipotentiaries of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress, that they confer with the Marquis Lafayette, and avail of his information, relative to the situation of public affairs in the United States—That the Secretary for foreign affairs, further acquaint the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, that he will conform to the intention of Congress, by consulting with, and employing the assistance of the Marquis Lafayette, in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded by his most Christian Majesty for the United Stakes—That the superintendent of finance, the Secretary for foreign affairs and the board of war, make such communications to the Marquis, touching the affairs of their respective departments, as will best enable him to fulfill the purpose of the preceding resolutions—That the superintendent of finance, take order for discharging the engagements entered into by the Marquis Lafayette, with the merchants of Baltimore, when he borrowed money of them on his own credit, to supply our troops with necessaries."
At the same time, Congress ordered that a conveyance be provided for General Lafayette, in a public vessel, whenever he should choose to embark; and voted to send a letter by him, to the King of France.
The following is the reply of the Marquis, to the president of Congress, who forwarded him the resolves.
"SIR,
"I have been honored with the resolutions which Congress have been pleased to pass in my favor. Testimonies of their esteem and their confidence that are so very flattering to me, could not but excite those exalted sentiments of gratitude, which I am unable sufficiently to express.—My attachment to America, the sense of my obligations, and the new favors conferred upon me, are so many everlasting ties that devote me to her. At all times, and in every part of the world, my heart will be panting for opportunities to be employed in her service. With unspeakable pleasure, I shall transmit the resolve of Congress to the brave and virtuous troops, whom it has been my happiness to command.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
When he transmitted the foregoing resolve of Congress, to the troops he had lately commanded, he observed to them, "In the moment the Major General leaves this place, he wishes once more to express his gratitude to the brave corps of light infantry, who, for nine months past, have been the companions of his fortunes. He can never forget, that, with them alone, of regular troops, he had the good fortune to maneuver before an army, which, after all its reductions, was still six times more numerous than the regular force he had under command."
The interest taken in favour of our country by General Lafayette, and the anxiety he felt upon all occasions for the success of our contest with England, are so strongly evinced by his letter to the Hon. Samuel Adams, that we feel bound in justice to the character of this zealous apostle of liberty, to present it to our readers, with the reply of Mr. Adams. It shows, indeed, not only the disposition of Lafayette, in every possible way, to rapport the cause of America; but his great knowledge of human nature, and his regard for the honorable feelings of soldiers.
The letter was written at Morristown, May 30, 1780, soon after the Marquis returned from his visit to France, where he exerted himself with the French Ministers to grant aid and supplies to the United States.
"Dear Sir,—Had I known that I would have the pleasure of meeting you at Boston, and holding confidential conversations with you on public and private matters, I should have anticipated the uneasiness I was put under by the obligation of secrecy, or previously obtained the leave of breaking that so strict law in your favor. Now, my dear sir, that Congress have set my tongue at liberty, at least for such men as Mr. Samuel Adams, I will, in referring you to a public letter from the committee of Congress, indulge my private feelings in imparting to you some confidential ideas of mine on our present situation.
"As momentary visits did not entirely fulfill the purpose of freeing America, France thought they would render themselves more useful, if a naval and land force were sent for co-operating with our troops, and by a longer stay on the coast of the Continent, would give to the states, a fair opportunity of employing all their resources. The expectations are very sanguine at Versailles, and ought to be more so, when that letter shall be received, by which you know Congress engaged to furnish on their part, five and twenty thousand Continental troops, that are to take the field by the beginning of the spring.
"On the other hand, my dear sir, all Europe have their eyes upon us: They know nothing of us, but by our own reports, and our first exertions which have heightened their esteem, and by the accounts of the enemy, or those of some dissatisfied persons, which were calculated to give them a quite different opinion: so that, to fix their own minds, all the nations are now looking at us; and the consequence of America, in the eyes of the world, as well as its liberty and happiness, must depend upon the ensuing campaign.
"The succour sent by France, I thought to be very important when at Versailles: now that I am on the spot, I know it was necessary; and if proper measures are taken, I shall more heartily than ever, enjoy the happiness I had of being somewhat concerned in the operation. But if things stood as they now do, I confess that whether as an American soldier, whether as a private man that said a great deal, and knows Congress have ordered much more to be said on the future exertions of America,—who took a particular delight in praising the patriotic spirit of the United States, I would feel most unhappy and distressed, were I to tell the people that are coming over full of ardour and sanguine hopes, that we have no army to co-operate with them, no provisions to feed the few soldiers that are left, &c. But I hope, my dear sir, it will not be the case; and more particularly depending upon the exertions of your state, I know Mr. Samuel Adams' influence and popularity will be as heretofore employed, in the salvation and glory of America.
"If proper measures are taken for provisions, if the states do immediately fill up the continental battalions by good drafts, which is by far the best way; if all the propositions of the committee are speedily complied with, I have no doubt, but that the present campaign will be a glorious, decisive one, and that we may hope for every thing that is good: if on the contrary, time be lost, consider what unhappy and dishonorable consequences would ensue from our inability to a co-operation.
"Your state began the noble contest, it may be gloriously ended by your state's exertions, and the example they will once more set to the whole continent. The reception I met with at Boston, binds me to it by the strongest ties of a grateful affection. The joy of my heart will be to find myself concerned in an expedition that may afford peculiar advantages to them; and I earnestly hope it will be the case, in the course of this (if proper measures are taken) glorious campaign.
"I flatter myself you will be yet in Boston, and upon this expectation, I very much depend for the success of the combined expeditions. Such a crisis is worth your being wholly engaged in it, as it will be glorious, important; and I may say it now, because necessary for the support of the great cause in which you acted so early and decisive a part. What you mentioned confidentially to me at Boston, I have duly noticed, and shall ever remember with the attention of a friend. For fulfilling the same purpose, I wish we may be under particular obligations to you on this occasion.
"Give me leave, my dear sir, to suggest to you an idea which I have lately thought of: all the continental officers labor under the most shameful want of clothing. When I say shameful, it is not to them, who have no money to buy—no cloth to be bought. You can conceive what may be theirs and our feelings, when they will be with the French general and other officers; and from a general idea of mankind and human honor it is easily seen how much we should exert ourselves to put the officers of the army in a more decent situation.
"I beg, my dear sir, you will present my respects to your family, and believe me most affectionately,
"Yours,
"LAFAYETTE."
"Boston, June, 1780:
"My Dear Marquis,
"Yesterday your very obliging letter of the 30th May was brought to me by Mons. Guinard.
"The succour coming from France will be so seasonable and important, that if America is not wanting to herself, she will have it in her power by the blessing of heaven, to gratify the utmost of her wishes. His most Christian Majesty's expectations from us must needs be great; and gratitude to so generous an ally as well as a due attention to our own safety, interest and honor, lay us under the strongest obligations to be in readiness to co-operate with the greatest advantage. I have long been fully sensible of your most cordial and zealous attachment to our great cause; and to your personal representation to his Majesty, in addition to the benevolence of his royal heart, I will take the liberty to attribute his design to afford us such aid and for so long a time as may put it in our power to employ all our resources against the enemy.
"It fortunately happened that the General Assembly of this state was sitting when the letter and inclosures from the committee of Congress came to the President of the Council.—They were immediately laid before the Assembly and I have the pleasure to assure you that the filling our battalions by an immediate draft, furnishing the army with provisions, and every other measure for the fulfilling of the just expectations of your sovereign and of Congress, on this most important occasion, are the objects of their closest attention. I had for several months past been flattering myself with the prospect of aid. It strongly impressed my mind from one circumstance which took place when you was at Philadelphia the last year. But far from certainty, I could only express to some confidential friends here, a distant hope, though as I conceived, not without some good effect: at least it seemed to enliven our spirits and animate us for so great a crisis.
"If it were possible for one to be forgetful of our all important cause for a moment, my particular friendship for you would be a prevailing inducement with me, to make my utmost feeble exertions to prevent your disappointment after the great pains you have taken to serve us. I have endeavored, and shall continue those endeavors while I stay here, to brighten the dark side of the picture which your imagination has painted in one part of your letter before me—God forbid that we should be obliged to tell our friends when they arrive, that we have not a sufficient army to co-operate with them, nor provisions to feed the few soldiers that are left. I think I may venture to predict that this state will comply with the requisition upon her to give the utmost respectability to our army on so promising an occasion. I was in the Council Chamber when I received your letter, and took the liberty to read some parts of it to the members present. I will communicate other parts of it to some leading members of the House of Representatives as prudence may dictate, particularly what you mention of the officers' want of clothing.
"I thank you my dear sir for the friendly remembrance you had of the hint I gave you when you was here. Be pleased to pay my most respectful compliments to the Commander in Chief, his family, &c. and be assured of the warm affection of your obliged friend and very humble servant,
"SAMUEL ADAMS."
Marquis De Lafayette.
The Legislature of Massachusetts did immediately, viz, on June 5, 1780, pass a resolve for raising four thousand men as a reinforcement of the continental army. The preamble to the resolve was as follows;—"Whereas a requisition has been made to this court for a reinforcement to the continental army, in order that it may be able to act vigorously the ensuing campaign, and the present situation of affairs requiring the utmost exertions at this period, and affords the most flattering prospect of putting an end to this distressing war, if the army is reinforced at this juncture, and enabled to improve the great advantages offered." To carry this resolve into effect, the Brigadier Generals through the State were directed immediately on receipt of the resolve, to issue orders for calling the companies together, and raising the men required from each town, by voluntary enlistments, or by drafting them, on failure of a full number being otherwise raised. Those thus drafted were to be fined if they refused to march; but, a very generous bounty was granted, to induce men to enlist voluntarily. The Selectmen were required to furnish the men with clothes and traveling expenses; and both the Selectmen and Brigadier Generals were liable to a heavy fine, if they neglected their duty. The patriotic efforts of the Legislature, thus drawn into action, in consequence of the pressing letter of Lafayette, and their own sense of the necessity of the case, were every where met by a corresponding zeal on the part of the people of Massachusetts; and the men were soon raised, and sent on to the headquarters of the continental army, to fill the regular regiments of this State, then in the service.
At the siege of York-Town, where Lord Cornwallis with a large British army was attacked and taken by the Americans, Lafayette was particularly distinguished for activity and courage. And a more minute account of this affair is necessary, in recording the useful and brilliant services of this youthful hero in the cause of America, which her sons wish most gratefully to recollect.—General Washington in person commanded the American army on this occasion, in pursuance of a plan he had adopted, as already mentioned. He proceeded to the camp in the vicinity of York-Town, where Cornwallis was posted, the last of September. He was assisted by Major Generals Lincoln, Steuben, Lafayette. Knox, &c. The French troops, who composed a part of the army engaged in the capture of Cornwallis were under command of Count Rochambeau, who had the character of an intelligent and brave officer. The whole number of troops, both American and French, was estimated at twelve thousand. To them, however, were occasionally added small detachments of the militia from the vicinity. The British troops were computed to be about seven thousand, and their commander had been strengthened in his situation by fortifications, hoping to defend himself till he might receive succors from New-York. The allied army was supported in this expedition by a large French fleet which was in the Chesapeake. This afforded great confidence to the Americans, for they had just then defeated the British fleet in those waters, and thus effectually cut off all communication between Lord Cornwallis and the British army in New-York.
The French admiral had been determined to proceed at this time, to a station in the West Indies, agreeably to orders which he had received from the King his master, some weeks before. He was requested to remain, and co-operate in this expedition, by Count Rochambeau, and by Washington himself; but they could not prevail with him to relinquish his proposed departure for the West Indies; and it was only through the most zealous and repeated solicitations of Lafayette, with a solemn promise that he would justify the measure to the Court of France, that the admiral, Count de Grasse, was induced to continue on the station, by which the capture of the British army was greatly facilitated.
Under all these favourable circumstances, it is not unreasonable to suppose, that the allied army cherished a strong confidence of success in their enterprize. Washington had planned this expedition with great intelligence and foresight; for he had been resolved to attempt some decisive and effectual blow against the enemy. He had, however, to engage a body of well disciplined and regular troops under an officer of great experience and bravery; and all his own resources, together with the courage and activity of the officers under his command were necessary to ensure success. The American chief lost no time in preparing for a vigorous attack upon the British. They were soon obliged to abandon their redoubts and advanced posts, and to retire within the town. The light infantry, under General Lafayette, and a party of the French troops, were ordered to advance, and to take possession of the places they had abandoned, that they might cover those of the besieging army who were engaged in throwing up breast works. These advanced parties were much annoyed by a heavy cannonade from the besieged; and Colonel Scammel, the officer of the day, while viewing the ground recently left by the British, was surprised by a party of their cavalry; and, after he surrendered, received a mortal wound, which terminated his life in a few days. Scammel was a brave and accomplished officer, and eminent as a disciplinarian. He was a native of Massachusetts, a gentleman of public education, of elegant manners, and most honorable character. He was greatly lamented by Washington, and by all the officers of the American army.—Those who had been particularly associated with him, long cherished the highest respect for his memory.
Redoubts were thrown up by our advanced parties, for several successive nights; and on the evening of the 7th of October, a large detachment under General Lincoln were ordered out, to open entrenchments near the lines of the British. Lafayette had an important command also in the enterprise. The great interest felt for him by the Americans was shown by a request of the Surgeon General, "that if the Marquis should be wounded, he might receive immediate attention."
The duties of our troops, at this time, were very arduous; but they were most vigilant and active; and by the 9th several batteries were prepared to open upon the town, in which the British General was besieged. General Washington himself put the match to the first gun, and a furious cannonade immediately followed, which was a serious salutation to Cornwallis.
From the 10th to the 15th the siege was prosecuted with great vigor; an incessant fire was kept up by the allied armies; and the enemy were not backward in returning it. The Americans made further approaches to the town and threw up other batteries in a second parallel. Many of our men were killed and wounded in these operations. The enemy had two redoubts, several hundred yards in front of their principal works, which greatly impeded the approaches of the Americans. It became important to obtain possession of them by assault. The one on the left of the enemy's garrison was given to General Lafayette, with a brigade of light infantry of American troops. The other redoubt was attacked by a detachment of French troops under commanded of Baron de Viominel. The assailants, both on the right and left, exhibited the greatest ardor and bravery. Powerful resistance was made by the enemy; but was soon overcome by our gallant troops, inspirited by their still more gallant officers; though with the loss of many of our men. Two field officers were wounded in this affair; one of whom was Major Gibbs from Massachusetts, who then belonged to the guard of the commander in chief. The advanced corps of the detachment on the left, under General Lafayette, was led on to the assault by the intrepid Colonel Hamilton, who during this campaign had command of a regiment of light infantry. Our troops entered the redoubt with charged bayonets, but without firing a gun. The Marquis was indefatigable in pushing forward his men, and was constantly in situations of great peril. Some of the American soldiers were ready to take the lives of the captured after they had possession of the fort, in revenge for the barbarous conduct of the British towards many of our men, and especially for the mortal wound inflicted upon the brave and amiable Scammel, after he had surrendered. General Washington with Lincoln, Knox, and their aids were in the vicinity of this action, in very exposed situations. The Americans under Lafayette, carried the redoubt which they attacked, before the French made their assault upon the other. The latter also, suffered a greater loss of men than the former. When the fort was taken by the troops under the Marquis, he sent his aid, through the fire of the whole British line, to give notice to Baron Viominel, "that he was in his redoubt, and to enquire where the Baron was." The Baron returned for answer, "that he was not yet in his, but should be in five minutes."
General Washington expressed his sense of this brilliant affair in his orders of the 15th, Head Quarters, before York-Town. "The Marquis Lafayette's division will mount the trenches tomorrow. The commander in chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprise, last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the enemy's works. He requests the Baron Viominel who commanded the French grenadiers, and the Marquis Lafayette, who commanded the American Light Infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments for the excellence of their dispositions, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion. And he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer and to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for the admirable firmness with which they supported them, under the fire of the enemy, without returning a shot. The General reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must hereafter have in each other: assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter; no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."
If the Marquis de Lafayette was animated by an ardent love of civil liberty, when he first came to America, his attachment to its principles must have become more firm and settled, if not more intense, after an acquaintance of five years, with the patriots and heroes of our revolution. He had become acquainted with our institutions, and with the principles of our government; and was probably led to believe that systems equally free might be maintained in other countries. He was so enamoured, not only with the theory, but with the practical effects, of republicanism, that he felt it a duty to recommend systems of government more consonant to the rights of mankind. We know not, if he justly appreciated the importance of the general diffusion of knowledge among all classes of people, to ensure such a happy state of society. It was probably owing to this consideration, however, that he did not immediately attempt the reformation of the political system under which his own nation had long been oppressed. That Louis XVI. was mild, humane, and anxious for the good of his subjects, we are not disposed to doubt. But the ancient regime was unquestionably despotic; and in the hands of ambitious or selfish ministers, liable to be an instrument of injustice and oppression. And those who have long been accustomed to govern, without being accountable for their conduct, will not easily be induced to relinquish power, from any considerations of abstract right, or a belief that others will be more just.
We will here present a letter of Lafayette, directed to Sir H. Clinton; to show his regard to truth, and to his own reputation suffering in some measure by a statement which had been publicly made by that military officer.
"Paris, April 29, 1783.—Sir, Upon a perusal of your printed correspondence, I must beg leave to trouble you with an observation; not that I have claims to set forth, or relations to criticise. A sentence in your letter of —— is the only one I intend to mention. "Having said to Lord Cornwallis, that he may be opposed by about 2000 continentals; and, as Lafayette observes, a body of ill-armed militia," you are pleased to add, "as spiritless as the militia of the southern provinces, and without any service;" which reads as if it was a part of my letter. How far your description is undeserving, I think experience has proved; and that it came from me, no American will believe. But your correspondence is so public that with full reliance on your candour and politeness I have taken the liberty to transcribe the passage, and to return it to you, Sir, as its true author. At the same time permit me to assure you, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
The reply of Sir H. Clinton.
"London, May 29, 1783.
"Sir, In consequence of the letter you have done me the honor to write me, I have read over the publication in question; and I confess the remark alluded to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appears to make a part of your letter. You have, certainly, Sir, a right to this acknowledgment, and permit me, at the same time, to add the assurances, &c.
"H. CLINTON."
In the summer of 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette once more visited America. He came to witness the prosperity and improvements of the country; and to enjoy the society of those brave and honorable men, with whom he had been associated in fighting the battles of liberty. Associates in danger form an attachment for each other, which time does not usually destroy. And when they have long struggled together for just and generous purposes, the attachment must be strong and permanent indeed. The heroic actors in our glorious revolution were linked together by the most disinterested ties. They will never forget each other's services and virtues: And we trust, their children will never cease to venerate their characters, or to acknowledge their exalted merit.
When General Lafayette visited the United States in 1784, he was received with an affectionate welcome, little less enthusiastic and splendid, than that with which he has been lately greeted on landing again on our shores, after a lapse of forty years. He then also arrived at the port of New-York; and in October following made a visit to Boston, where he had so many particular friends ready to receive him with the most cordial greetings. He was met at Watertown by the officers of the (then) late continental army, and addressed by his ardent friend, General Knox, in behalf of the whole body, and a public dinner was provided for him on the occasion. The feelings excited by the visit of their beloved fellow officer, will be best described by giving the address; which was as follows:
"We, the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the continental army, embrace the first moment of your arrival, to welcome you with all the sincerity and ardour of fraternal affection: an affection commenced in the dark hour of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the successive vicissitudes of the war.
"We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated occasions to witness the display of your military talents, and of joining in the approbation and applause which our beloved Commander in Chief so often expressed of your conduct. We are deeply impressed, with a sense of the various and important services you have rendered our country; and it will be the pride of some patriotic and enlightened historian to enumerate your actions in the field, and to illustrate your incessant efforts to promote the happiness of the United States.
"We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the interposition of your august sovereign and nation, at a time when America was oppressed by a formidable enemy. By his influence and the powerful assistance afforded by his land and naval forces, the war has been happily terminated, and the independence of the United States firmly established, at a period much earlier than the most sanguine patriot could have expected.
"A mind like yours ennobled by a generous attachment to the rights of mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure in viewing the people, to whose cause you so zealously devoted yourself; in full possession of that peace, liberty and safety, which were the great objects of their pursuit.
"Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own fame, may you go on to add to the splendor of your character, and heighten the glory of your country, by placing the name of Lafayette on the same list with Conde, Turenne and her other immortal heroes.
"In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line.
"H. KNOX."
Reply of the Marquis.
"From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have been eagerly looking forward to this period. How far my pleasure is completed by your kind welcome, I leave, my beloved friends, to your own hearts to determine.
"While your affection and confidence ever made me happy, let me gratefully acknowledge, that, for the marks of our beloved General's approbation, I felt myself wholly obliged to the gallant troops I commanded. Could my conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it will be the pride of my heart to think the American camp was my school, every one of you my brothers, and that I was adopted as a disciple and son, by our immortal Commander in Chief.
"In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I enjoyed more than I could express; every French citizen felt with a patriotic King in this happy alliance; and from those troops who shared in our dangers, you meet with a peculiar regard and attachment.
"During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been constantly with you. As an army, we are separated. But forever, I hope, shall unite in a brotherly affection: and now that a glorious peace has terminated your labours, I rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for which you have conquered, ranks you among the most virtuous citizens of the Commonwealth.
"LAFAYETTE."
At the public dinner given by the officers of the late army to this distinguished friend of American Independence, were also invited the Governor and Council, and many others of high rank and distinction. It may be gratifying to some who peruse this volume to know the sentiments offered as toasts on the joyful occasion. The following are selected:
The United States—His most Christian Majesty.
General Washington—The Cincinnati.
The asserters and supporters of the rights of mankind through the world.
May America never forget in prosperity those what were her fast friends in adversity.
May our country be as famed for justice and honor as she is for valour and success.
The Legislature of the State being in session, ordered, that the Marquis de Lafayette be invited by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives together with the Supreme Executive to meet the two Houses of Assembly in the Senate room "to congratulate him on his safe arrival in the United States, after the final establishment of peace, to which his friendly influence in Europe had largely contributed." The Marquis attended accordingly, when the Governor congratulated him in terms of the highest respect and affection; to which the Marquis made a polite and suitable reply. But Lafayette was too much beloved and his eminent services in our cause too highly appreciated by the people of the patriotic town of Boston, not to meet with a more general welcome. A dinner was given him at Faneuil-Hall by the citizens; at which were present the Governor and Council, President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Clergy and other distinguished gentlemen, and seventy five officers of the late continental army. When General Washington's name was given for a toast, the Marquis rose from his seat, and with a tear starting in his eye, began the act of applause, which was continued and repeated again and again by the whole company.
In other places, the Marquis also met a cordial and distinguished reception. His ardent attachment to America and his great services in her cause, were still fresh in the recollection of all. It was known, that he had advocated our independence in Europe, and exerted his influence with his generous Prince to aid in its support. It was remembered, "that in the moment of our greatest misfortunes, he espoused the cause of America," that his military talents and the ardour of his virtuous mind had been devoted to our interest: and "while gratitude should be accounted a virtue, the name of Lafayette," it was said, "would not cease to be dear to Americans."
When about to leave the United States and return to France, Dec. 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette addressed a note to Congress, and expressed a desire to take a respectful leave of that body, before his final departure. A committee was appointed on this request of the Marquis, of which the Hon. Mr. Jay was chairman, and whose report was as follows—"That the merit and services of General Lafayette render it proper that such opportunity of taking leave of Congress be afforded, as may strongly manifest their esteem and regard for him."—Whereupon it was resolved, "That a Committee to consist of a member from each states be appointed to receive the Marquis, and in the name of Congress to take leave of him—that they be instructed to assure him, that Congress continue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and zeal to promote the welfare of America, both here and in Europe, which they have frequently expressed and manifested on former occasions, and which the recent marks of his attention to their commercial and other interests have perfectly confirmed. That as his uniform and unceasing attachment to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United States regard him with particular affection, and will not cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern his honor and prosperity, and that their best and kindest wishes will always attend him."
It was also resolved by Congress, at the same time; "That a letter be written to his most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President of Congress, expressive of the high sense which the United States entertain of the real talents and meritorious services of the Marquis de Lafayette, and recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of his Majesty."
The committee received the Marquis in Congress Hall, and took leave of him in the name of that honorable body, agreeably to the instructions given there. They communicated to him the resolves before mentioned; to which he replied—
"While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly to receive me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, which delights in their present situation and in the public marks of their esteem.
"Since I joined the standard of liberty to this wished for hour of my personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds performed and virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in the instant of my first concern for them, I had anticipated but a part of the love and regard which devote me to this rising empire.
"During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, indulgent confidence, which I am equally proud and happy to acknowledge; it dates with the time, when an inexperienced youth, I could only claim my respected friend's paternal adoption. It has been most benevolently continued throughout every circumstance of the cabinet and the field; and in personal friendships I have often found a support against public difficulties. While on this solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to Congress, the States, and the people at large, permit me to remember my dear military companions, to whose services their country is so much indebted.
"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for the part she, with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, I enjoy an alliance so well riveted by mutual affection, by interest and even local situation. Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the prospect: and the private intercourse will every day increase, which independent and advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is justly understood.
"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity, which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders.
"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet present you with my grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they oblige me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of the world, and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment, which will ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants of the United States."
On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in 1785, he spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an affectionate wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with a circle of literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his heroic services in America, he must have possessed all the ingredients of human happiness. He received the smiles of the King and Court; was caressed by the gay and chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship of the first literary characters in France. He was fond of agricultural pursuits; and as his estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable portion of his time to the cultivation and improvement of his lands. During this time his hospitable attentions were shown to American travelers, who were always sure of his friendly reception.
The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important services in defence of American Independence; and particularly of his brave and successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against Cornwallis. This was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol. Mr. Jefferson, then in France, was authorized to have the like work of honor fixed in Paris, with consent of the municipal authority of that city and accordingly, another bust of Lafayette; was placed, by approbation of the King and of the Provot of Paris, in one of the galleries of the city hall.
In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II. the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of military discipline. Soon after his return to France, we find him uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher, Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose object was the gradual emancipation of the unfortunate Africans: so generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the assembly of the States General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently found among the most zealous for a new constitution, by which the power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct authority.
At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first to raise his voice for the suppression of "lettres de cachet." This convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was proposed to call a "National Assembly." It does not appear, that this was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild, than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his views of political liberty.
He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate of a great nation.—But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers, and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people, whose representatives should share in the administration of the government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this ancient nation.
In 1789, the new constitution was proposed by the National Assembly, by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated, or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for the sanction of the assembly: And though he was accused by the anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects of personal aggrandizement.
Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably, betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views to accomplish—and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French people.
This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to the National Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in adhering to constitutional principles; and, though generally censured by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he was chosen Vice President of the national assembly, in the absence of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of bread among the lower classes. As evidence of the latter, the King often consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob, though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question of royal authority.
When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia, (afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most patriotic motives. Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of citizens then assembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."
He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate supply of bread. The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until he had the express consent and order of the National Assembly. And on his arrival, he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the riotous proceedings of the promiscuous multitude, who had previously reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter. "Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of protection and respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was received with great acclamations of vive Le Roi.
Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the constitution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters. These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description of politicians, Lafayette, and others who constituted the majority of the National Assembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were willing that he should also have a veto upon their legislative proceedings—His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known by the distinctive appellation of Jacobins, formed themselves into a club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to the assembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats, when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.
Attached to the constitution, a friend to justice and order, and an advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and defined by the constitution, Lafayette was among the most open and decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau, Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous nobleman; of royal blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore, hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned; and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards committed.
During the years 1790 and 1791 great agitations existed in Paris, on various occasions, through the changing opinions of political leaders, and the collisions of individuals, who were rivals for power. The grand confederation took place in July 1790, when the constitution received the sanction of all classes; and when Lafayette, at the head of the national guards, attracted as much notice and possessed as great influence as the king himself. His popularity seemed unbounded; nor did he commit any act of cruelty or injustice to injure his high reputation. He could not, in all instances, command the military or restrain the mob; but he had the merit of using his greatest efforts to preserve order, and to maintain the authority of the laws. When the King proposed to visit St. Cloud, he was opposed by the populace and the Jacobin clubs, under the pretence that he intended to leave the kingdom. Lafayette attempted to disperse them and to remove all obstructions to the intended visit of Louis. The troops were disobedient to his orders, and refused to favor the King's journey. Mortified by their insubordination, Lafayette resigned his command, but afterwards resumed it, through the solicitations of the National Assembly, and of the guards themselves, who regretted their disobedience of his orders.
On the attempt of the King, soon after, to depart from France, who had become disgusted with the conduct of the revolutionists, and was in fear of his personal safety, Lafayette was charged with being privy to the plan, and subjected himself to the popular displeasure on this suspicion. That he promoted the plan, was never proved, and is not probable. That he had intimations of it, is possible; but that he gave strict orders to the officers about the king's palace to guard against such an event is most certain. He discharged his duty as a public agent; and it is not improbable he might have supposed the king in immediate danger, and that by a temporary absence from the capital, the ferment would subside, and he might return in safety. No one, for a moment, believed that he wished, with the emigrants and other enemies of the revolution, to have Louis surrender himself to the hostile powers of the coalition, for the purpose of bringing a foreign army to enslave France. He was, indeed, anxious for the safety of his Prince; but he would never have compromitted the liberties of his country, even for such an object.
From this period, the Jacobin clubs became more popular, and had the chief direction of all political affairs. In their desire to lesson the authority of the King, and to secure power, they hesitated at no measures, however unjust; and the new constitution, even which they had sworn to support, was grossly violated in the prosecution of their selfish views. The influence of Lafayette was rapidly undermined by these artful demagogues. He was sincerely attached to the constitution; and was desirous of maintaining inviolate; the power of the monarch which it guaranteed. He was the friend to law, and opposed all his influence to riots and excesses. He became an object of dread to the Jacobins, and they resolved to destroy him. But for a long time, the majority of the National Assembly supported him. In attempting to suppress a dangerous riot, by which many of the citizens were alarmed and threatened, when he commanded the military in 1791, he was shot at by one of the mob. The man was taken, and he forgave him—But the National Assembly decreed the death of the culprit, who had attempted the life of "the hero of the day." And the municipality of Paris, also had a gold medal struck off, in honor of Lafayette, and presented him with a bust of Washington in approbation of his conduct.
He was repeatedly denounced by individuals of the violent party, before they succeeded in rendering him obnoxious to popular displeasure. And this was finally effected, through misrepresentations and false reports.
Letter of Lafayette, Feb. 1791, to M. de Bonille, one of the court, but not then at Paris.
"Paris is divided by factions, and the kingdom oppressed by anarchy. The violent aristocrats dream of a counter revolution—the clergy concur with them. The impartial monarchists are looking for a part to play, without the means of doing it. Among the friends of the revolution, you have many honest men, some lose themselves in speculations—and some Jacobins, whose leaders spread trouble everywhere. As to the ministers, they are merged in the revolution; and have no rule, but to yield to the popular voice. The Queen is resigned to the revolution,—hoping that opinions will soon change. The King wishes the happiness of the people, and the general tranquility, to begin his own. As to myself, I am attacked by all the party leaders, who consider me an obstacle not to be overcome or intimidated. Add to this, the hatred of the aristocrats and of the Orleans party; of the Lameths, with whom I was formerly connected; of Mirabeau, who says I despise him; the money distributed, the libels, the dissatisfaction I give those whom I prevent from pillaging Paris-and you will have the sum of all which is going on against me. But except a few ardent heads who are mislead, the well meaning, from the highest to the lowest, are for me.
"I stand well with the National Assembly, except a few disreputable Jacobins. I have little connexion with the court, for I can derive no use from it to my country; and yet I am aware advantage is taken of my neglect to intrigue. Some friends are at work with me, upon a plan of conduct, by which the revolution will be consolidated, the good basis of the constitution established, and public order restored. The chief talents of the assembly, Mirabeau himself, cannot but support this plan. Here then are courts established, and juries are decreed; this is the moment to let our voice be heard with force, propriety and utility.
"You have accepted the coalition which my heart and my patriotism have offered you. You lately said to one of my friends, "If Lafayette and I understand each other well, we shall establish a constitution."
"My first wish is to finish the revolution speedily and well, to secure the constitution on solid foundations, to employ for that purpose, all I possess of national confidense and personal means; and then to be nothing more in France, than an active citizen. Adieu,
"LAFAYETTE."
But after he was persecuted by the Petions and Robespieres of the day, because of his moderation, loyalty and attachment to the constitution, he was held in high esteem by the friends of rational freedom, and still enjoyed the confidence both of Louis and of the National Assembly. Toward the close of the year 1791, by request of the King, he was appointed to command the army of the centre, to oppose the foreign troops then invading France. When he accepted the appointment, he assured the National Assembly of his "determination to support the constitution." The President replied, "the French nation, who have sworn to conquer and to live free, will always, with confidence, present to their foes and to tyrants, the constitution and Lafayette."
As commander in chief of that department of the French army entreated to him, he was assiduous to maintain proper discipline and order; a matter of great difficulty, as a revolutionary spirit pervaded all ranks, and the soldiers were disposed to insubordination, especially under a leader not belonging to the popular party. He had several engagements with the enemy, in which he was successful. But his operations and those of the other generals, who commanded in other departments of the northern armies of France, were greatly impeded by the injudicious and variable plans of the assembly, then torn by factions, and disgraced by low intrigues. The evil spirit extended to the military; and each faction had its partizans among the soldiers. Lafayette saw and lamented this disastrous state of things; and he dared to oppose his single efforts to avert the impending ruin. It was at this time, that he wrote his celebrated letter to the National Assembly, of June 16, 1792, in which he exposed the violence and the cabals of the Jacobins, and conjured the moderates to cling to the constitution, as the only means of safety. This letter is so important, in developing the views and sentiments of Lafayette, and in detecting the causes of the excesses, which eventually disgraced the French revolution of that period, that it will be proper to record it in this connexion. He wrote to the King at the same time, expressing great anxiety for his safety, and declaring his wish to maintain the constitution.
Lafayette's letter to the Legislative body.
"At the entrenched camp of Maubeuge, 16th June, 1792.
"GENTLEMEN,
"At the moment, perhaps too long deferred, in which I am about to call your attention to the highest public interests, and to point out among our dangers, the conduct of a ministry, whom I have for a long time censured in my correspondence, I learn that, unmasked in consequence of its own divisions, it has fallen a sacrifice to its own intrigues. [This was the Brissotin ministry.] It is not enough however, that this branch of the government has been delivered from its disastrous influence. The public welfare is in peril—The fate of France depends principally on its representatives—The nation expects from them its security. But in giving them a constitution, France has prescribed to them the only means by which she can be saved.
"Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man are the law of every constituent assembly, a constitution ought to be the law of the legislators, which that constitution shall have established. It is to you that I ought to denounce the too powerful efforts which are making, to induce you to depart from that course which you have promised to pursue.
"Nothing shall deter me from the exercise of this right of a free man, to fulfill this duty of a citizen; neither the momentary errors of opinion; for what are opinions when they depart from principles: nor my respect for the representatives of the people; for I respect still more the people, whose sovereign will it is to have a constitution: nor the benevolence and kindness which you have constantly evinced for myself; for I would preserve that as I obtained it, by an inflexible love of liberty.
"Your situation is difficult—France is menaced from without, and agitated within. Whilst foreign powers announce the intolerable (inadmissible) project of attacking our national sovereignty, and avow it as a principle! at the same time the enemies of France, its interior enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism and pride, entertain chimerical hopes, and annoy us with their insolent malevolence. You ought, gentlemen, to repress them; and you will have the power so to do, only when you shall become constitutional and just. You wish it, no doubt; but cast your eyes upon all that passes within your own body and around you. Can you dissemble even to yourselves, that a faction, (and to avoid all vague denunciations) the jacobin faction, have caused all these disorders? It is that which I boldly accuse—organized like a separate empire in the metropolis, and in its affiliated societies, blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a corporation entirely distinct in the midst of the French people, whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over its representatives and constituted authorities.
"It is in that body, in its public meaning, the love of the laws is denounced as aristocracy, and their breach as patriotism. There the assassins of Dessilles receive their triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan find panegyrists. There, the recital of the massacre which has stained the city of Metz, has also been received with infernal acclamations! Have they become sacred because the emperor Leopold has pronounced their name? And because it is our highest duty to combat the foreigners, who mingle in our domestic quarrels, are we at liberty to refrain from delivering our country from domestic tyranny?
"Of what importance is it, as to the fulfillment of this duty, that strangers have their projects; and their connivance and concert with our internal foes? It is I, who denounce to you this sect [the jacobins]; I, who, without speaking of my past life, can reply to those who suspect my motives—"Approach, in this moment of awful crisis, when the character of each man must be known, and see which of us, more inflexible in his principles, more obstinate in his resistance, will more courageously overcome, those obstacles, and those dangers, which traitors to their country conceal, and which true citizens know how to appreciate, and to brave for her."
"And how could I delay longer to fulfill this duty, whilst every successive day weakens still more the constituted authorities, substitutes the spirit of party for the will of the people; whilst the audacity of the agitators, [the disorganizers] imposes silence on peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, and whilst devotion to the sect or party stands in the place of public and private virtues, which, in a free country, ought to be the austere [severe, or strict] and only means of attaining to public office.
"It is, after having opposed to all the obstacles, and to all the snares, which were laid for me, the courageous and persevering patriotism of an army, sacrificed perhaps to conspiracies against its commander, (Lafayette was the commander) that I now oppose to this faction the correspondence of a ministry, worthy representative of its club—a correspondence, the calculations of which are false, its promises vain and illusory—its information deceitful or frivolous—its advice perfidious or contradictory—correspondence, in which after pressing me to advance without precaution—to attack without means—they finally began to tell me that resistance was impossible, when I indignantly repelled the cowardly and base assertion. What a remarkable conformity of language, gentlemen, between the factions whom the aristocracy avow, and those who usurp the name of patriots! They both wish to overthrow our laws, rejoice in our disorders, array themselves against the constituted authorities, detest the national guards (the militia)—preach insubordination to the army—sow, at one moment, distrust, at another, discouragement.
"As to myself, gentlemen, who embraced the American cause at the moment when its ambassadors declared to me that it was perilous or desperate—who from that moment have devoted my life to a persevering defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the people—who, on the 14th of July, 1789 after the taking of the Bastille, in presenting to my country a declaration of rights dared to say "that in order that a nation should be free, it is only necessary that it should will so to be." I come, this day, full of confidence in the justice of our cause—of contempt, for the cowards who desert it, and of indignation against the traitors who would sully or stain it with crimes; I am ready to declare that the French nation, if it is not the vilest in the universe, can and ought to resist the conspiracy of kings who have coalesced against it!
"It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid counsels should be permitted.—Patriotism, discipline, patience, mutual confidence, all the military and civil virtues I find here. Here the principles of liberty and equality are cherished, the laws respected, property held sacred. Here calumnies and factions are unknown. And when I reflect that France has many millions who can become such soldiers, I ask myself, to what a degree of debasement must such an immense people be reduced, stronger in its natural resources than in its artificial defences, opposing to a monstrous and discordant confederation, simple and united counsels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading idea of sacrificing its soverignty, of permitting any discussion as to its liberties, of committing to negotiation its rights, could be considered among the possibilities of a rapidly advancing futurity!
"But, in order that we, soldiers of liberty, should combat for her with efficacy, or die for her with any fruit or advantage, it is necessary that the number of the defenders of the country should be promptly made in some degree proportionate to that of our opponents; that the supplies of all descriptions should be increased so as to facilitate our movements; that the comfort and conveniences of the troops, their clothes and arms, their pay, the accommodations for the sick, should no longer be subject to fatal delays, or to a miserable and misplaced economy, which defeats its very end.
"It is above all, necessary that the citizens rallied round their constitution, should be assured that the rights which that constitution guarantees shall be respected with a religious fidelity; which will of itself cause more despair to our enemies than any other measure.
"Do not repel this desire—this ardent wish. It is that of all the sincere friends of your legitimate authority; assured that no unjust consequence or effect can flow from a pure principle—that no tyrannical measure can save a cause, which owes its force, aye, and its glory, to the sacred principles of liberty and equality. Let criminal jurisprudence resume its constitutional power. Let civil equality—let religious freedom enjoy the application of their true principles. In fine, let the reign of the clubs be annihilated by you; let them give place to the laws—their usurpations to the firm and independent exercise of the powers of the constituted authorities—their disorganizing maxims to the true principles of liberty—their delirious fury to the calm and constant courage of a nation which knows its rights, and is ready to defend them—in fine, their sectarian combinations to the true interests of the country, of the nation, which in a moment of danger ought to unite all, except those, to whom its subjection and ruin are the objects of atrocious pleasure and infamous speculation.
"LAFAYETTE."
"Camp of Maubeuge, June, 16, 1792.
"SIRE—I have the honor to send your Majesty the copy of a letter to the National Assembly, in which you will find expressed the sentiments which have animated me all my life. The King knows with what ardour and perseverance I have at all times been devoted to the cause of liberty and to the principles of humanity, equality and justice. He knows, that I have always been the adversary of faction, the enemy of licentiousness, and that no power which I thought illegal has ever been acknowledged by me. He is acquainted with my devotion to his constitutional authority, and with my attachment to his person. Such, Sire, were the grounds of my letter to the National Assembly; such shall be those of my conduct to the nation and your Majesty, amidst the storms raised around to by hostile or by factious combinations.
"It does not belong to me, Sire, to give greater importance to my opinions and actions, than what is due to the individual conduct of a simple citizen. But the expression of my thoughts was always a right, and on this occasion becomes a duty; and though I should have performed it sooner, if, instead of being in a camp, I had remained in that retirement from which I was forced by the dangers of my country: yet I do not think that any public employment or private consideration exempts me from exercising this duty of a citizen, this right of a freeman.
"Persist, Sire, supported by the authority delegated to you by the national will, in the noble resolution of defending constitutional principles against all their enemies. Let this resolution, maintained by all the actions of your private life, as well as by a firm and complete exercise of the royal power; become the pledge of the harmony, which, particularly, at this critical juncture, cannot fail to be established between the elected representatives of the people and their hereditary representative. It is in this resolution, Sire, that glory and safety will be found for the country and for yourself. With this you will find the friends of liberty, all good Frenchmen ranged around your throne, to defend it against the plots of rebels and the enterprizes of the factious; and I, Sire, who in their honorable hatred have found the reward of my persevering opposition; I will always deserve it, by my zeal in the cause to which my whole life has been devoted, and by my fidelity to the oath I have taken to the nation, to the law and to the King. Such, Sire, are the unalterable sentiments I present to your Majesty, with my respect.
"LAFAYETTE"
Letter of Lafayette on leaving Paris to join his army, after having appeared at the bar of the National Assembly, and protested against their proceedings, the last of June.
"Gentlemen—In returning to the post where brave soldiers are ready to die for the constitution, but ought not and will not lavish their blood except for that, I go with great and deep regret in not being able to inform the army, that the National Assembly have yet deigned to come to any determination on my petition. [Alluding to the request in his letter to the assembly a short time before, to suppress the Jacobin clubs.] The voice of all the good citizens of the kingdom, which some factious clamours strive to stifle, daily call to the elected representatives of the people, that while there exists near them a sect who fetter all the authorities, and menace their independence; and who, after provoking war, are endeavoring, by changing the nature of our cause, to make it impossible to defend it; that while there is cause to blush at the impunity of an act of treason against the nation, which has raised just and great alarms in the minds of all the French, and universal indignation; our liberty, laws and honor are in danger. Truths like these, free and generous souls are not afraid of speaking. Hostile to the factious of every kind, indignant at cowards that can sink so low as to look for foreign interposition, and impressed with the principle, which I glory in being the first to declare to France, that all illegal power is oppression, against which resistance becomes a duty, we are anxious to make known our fears to the legislative body. We hope that the prudence of the representatives of the people will relieve our minds of them. As for me, gentlemen, who will never alter my principles, sentiments or language, I thought that the National Assembly, considering the urgency and danger of circumstances, would permit me to add my regrets and wishes to my profound respect."
Noble and generous sentiments, worthy of the disciple of our great Washington—'worthy of the philanthropic hero and firm friend of civil liberty'—worthy of the adopted citizen of free and independent America! Such were the opinions and sentiments of Washington and his friends, in 1794, when our republic was assailed by foreign emissaries, and convulsed by secret associations at home, who through ignorance or design were advocates for measures which would have thrown our country into a state of anarchy and misrule.
There was still a small majority in the National Assembly who were the friends of constitutional liberty, and advocates of Lafayette. But the Jacobins were every day increasing; and they felt confident of the popular favor. Enraged at his bold and independent conduct, and suspecting, perhaps that he was a secret supporter of all the wishes of the King, they denounced Lafayette as a traitor and an enemy to the republic. In this state of extreme ferment, while he was openly threatened and every attempt was making to render him odious to the populace, he had the courage (some might say, the rashness) to proceed to Paris, and present himself to the bar of the National Assembly. Few men, in such a situation, would have thus hazarded their lives; but he was strong in conscious rectitude. He appeared before his enemies with dignity and firmness. "He entreated the assembly to come forward and save the country from ruin, by dissolving the factious clubs and inflicting exemplary punishment on the authors of the late disgraceful riots." His friends were numerous in the Assembly, and probably the greater number condemned the violent transactions, against which he raised his voice in the legislative hall of the nation. The national guards in Paris, also, manifested their attachment to Lafayette. They assembled before the hotel in which he lodged; and planting a tree of liberty before the door, which they decorated with ensigns and ribbons, they greeted him with enthusiastic applause. But he was destined to suffer a reverse of fortune, and to be the subject of the most unjust and cruel persecution. The violent party prevailed: Lafayette and constitutional liberty, were proscribed; and the spirit of anarchy and misrule dictated the violent proceedings which deluged France in blood.
Lafayette, finding all his attempts to restore order and to maintain the constitution in vain, speedily returned to the army on the frontiers. This must have been a moment of great anxiety and suspense. Some suppose that, attached as most of the military were to him and supported by his friends of the moderate party, if he had marched his troops to Paris he might have defended the King from indignity, and restored the reign of law. But this is doubtful. The probability is, that with his love of justice and his correct principles, he could not persuade himself "that the end would justify the means;" and that he chose rather to submit to a cruel destiny, than to violate the constitution he had sworn to support, by resorting to physical force for the accomplishment of honorable purposes, and to be the occasion even indirectly of increasing the misery, in which his unhappy country was involved. He was, indeed, accused by his enemies of a design to march to Paris with his troops and to force the assembly into a compliance with his views. But this was a most unfounded calumny. When the minister for the home department wrote to him on the subject, in the name of the Assembly he replied—"If I were questioned respecting my principles, I should say, that as a constant proclaimer and defender of the rights of man, and the sovereignty of the people, I have every where and always resisted authorities which liberty disavowed and which the national will had not delegated; and that I have every where and always obeyed those, of which a free constitution had fixed the forms and the limits. But I am questioned respecting a fact—Did I propose to Marshal Luckner to march to Paris with our armies? To which I answer in four words—It is not true."
Under the pretence that General Lafayette was meditating some plan hostile to the cause of liberty, or designed to aid the King in another attempt to escape from France, three commissioners were sent to counteract his movements. But he was notified of their appointment, and ordered their arrest before they reached his army. He knew they were deputed by a faction, and hoped the assembly would return to more moderate and just views. He addressed the following letter to the troops under his command. "It is no longer time to conceal from you what is going forward. The constitution you swore to maintain is no more; a troop of factious men besieged the palace of the Tuilleries; the national and Swiss guards made a brave resistance, but they were obliged to surrender, and were inhumanly murdered. The King, Queen and all the royal family escaped to the National Assembly; the factious ran thither, holding a sword in one hand and fire in the other, and forced the legislative body to supersede the King, which was done for the sake of saving his life. Citizens, you are no longer represented; the National Assembly are in a state of slavery; Petion reigns; the savage Danton and his satellites are masters. Thus it is for you to determine whether you will support the hereditary representative of the throne, or submit to the disgrace of having a Petion for your king."
The appeal was in vain. Though a momentary respond was given by the soldiers to the sentiments of their magnanimous commander, the baleful influence of faction had corrupted many of them; and finding himself robbed of the confidence of the army, as well as of the assembly, and thus deprived of all hope of being useful to his country, he quitted France, with an intention of retiring to America, where he had just reason to expect a grateful reception.
Thus terminated the revolutionary career of Lafayette; through the whole of which he appears to the impartial observer to have acted an honorable and disinterested part. If he committed faults, they were those of opinion or judgment; in sincerity and in zealous devotion to the liberty of his country, he was exceeded by none. He may justly be considered "an illustrious confessor of regulated liberty." His great object was to reform existing abuses, to lay the foundation of constitutional freedom: and with all his zeal for the recognition and the support of the rights of man, he was desirous of preserving a just measure of authority in the crowns and maintaining a sacred regard to law and justice. That he failed in his wishes of introducing into France a more mild and popular government, is matter of regret with the friends of civil liberty in America. But he cannot justly be censured by them for the failure of his object, or for the excesses which attended the revolution. The violent proceedings of the jacobins, which excited so much horror among the friends of regulated liberty in other countries, were opposed by him personally with singular firmness and constancy. He distinguished, with great accuracy, between the will of the people and the clamours of a faction; and between the deliberate acts of the legislature sanctioned by the constitution, and the hasty sentence or orders of a party, adopted without the usual forms of law, so necessary to the order and welfare of society.
Lafayette was arrested by an Austrian General, and delivered over to the King of Prussia, who ordered him to be confined in a prison at Wesel and at Magdeburg. Here he suffered some time, when he was removed to the fortress of Olmutz. In this place he was kept under the most rigorous confinement—enduring the privations and severity fit only to be inflicted on the greatest criminals.
After a close confinement of several weeks in the common prison at Wesel, he was removed to Magdeburg, and thence to Olmutz. At Magdeburg he was confined for a year, in a dark and solitary dungeon; during which he was offered his liberty, on condition of his joining with the enemies of France. He spurned the proposal with indignation; and preferred imprisonment and indignity, to treachery or hostility to his own country. When first taken into custody, he was treated with insult by the people of some places through which he was conducted; but afterwards, a deep interest was manifested in his behalf, and the warmest sympathy was expressed for his unfortunate condition.
The following is an extract from a letter of Lafayette in 1793, while confined at Magdeburg.
"Since my captivity, but one political paper has reached me, and that is yours for February. I appreciate, with deep sensibility, the justice you render my sentiments, and the approbation you bestow upon my conduct. Your commendations are greatly beyond my deserts; but your kind exaggerations contain, at this moment, something so generous, I cannot withhold from you my thanks, that you have enabled me to hear the voice of liberty honoring my tomb. My situation is peculiarly strange. I have sacrificed my republican partialities to the state and wishes of the nation: I obeyed the sovereign power where I found it vested, in the constitution. My popularity was as great as I could desire; for the legislative body defended me better on the 8th of August, than it defended itself on the 10th. But I became obnoxious to the Jacobins, because I reprobated their aristocracy, which aimed at usurping all legitimate authority.
"From Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kamschatka to Amsterdam, every bastille is ready to receive me. The Huron and Iroquois forests are peopled with my friends; the despots and the courts of Europe, they are the only savages I fear. I am aware that the laws of England would protect me, though the court of St. James is opposed to me: but I cannot seek protection in a country at war with my own. America, the country of my heart, would welcome me with joy. Yet my fears for the future destiny of France, induce me to give the preference to Switzerland, at least for the present."
After this, he was confined about four years in the prison of Olmutz, when Henry Bollman, a young German physician, and Francis Huger, an American, (son of Colonel Huger, of South Carolina, who had first received Lafayette when he arrived in the United States, in 1777,) made great personal sacrifices, and exposed themselves to imminent dangers to effect his escape. General Washington also, then President of the United States, repeatedly solicited his release, on the ground of his being an American citizen, as he really was by a legal adoption. But his requests were vain. It was not consistent with the policy of the "Legitimates" of Europe, to show any favor to such a friend of liberty as Lafayette, or to listen to the honorable application of the chief magistrate of the American republic.
We have already seen frequent proofs of the peculiar regard which Washington cherished for Lafayette. He did not forget him when immured in the prison at Olmutz. Such was the state of political affairs in Europe, such the suspicions both of the jacobins in France, and the advocates for monarchy in the surrounding nations, that a formal and public request for the release of Lafayette, would have been of no avail. It would probably have added to the severity of his treatment by his implacable enemies. The American ministers residing at foreign courts were instructed, however, to suggest on proper occasions, the wishes of the President of the United States, for his enlargement. A confidential person was sent to Berlin to solicit his discharge. But Lafayette had been placed in the custody of the Austrian cabinet, before the messenger arrived. The American envoy at the court of St. James, exerted himself in favour of the heroic friend of Washington, but without effect. As the last resource, the President wrote directly to the Emperor of Germany on the subject. Justice both to Washington and Lafayette requires the recital of the letter.
"It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may sometimes exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. Finding myself precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology for it.
"In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the Marquis de Lafayette; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family in their misfortunes; and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present confinement is not the least distressing.
"I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment and the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the mediation of humanity? Allow me, Sir, on this occasion to be its organ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe.
"As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe that this request appears to me, to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound policy and durable glory."—But his imperial majesty was either destitute of the humanity and magnanimity, to which Washington appealed; or was prevented granting the request, through some promises to an "holy alliance," which even then existed among the princes of Europe.
Several members of the British Parliament made an effort, at this time, for the enlargement of Lafayette and his three friends from the dungeon of Olmutz. General Fitzpatrick moved for an address to his majesty, stating "that the detention of Lafayette and others by order of the King of Prussia and Emperor of Austria, was dishonorable to the cause of the allies, and praying him to interfere for their release." In support of his motion, he remarked, that although Lafayette was imprisoned by the allied powers on the continent, yet the government of Great Britain would be implicated in the cruel act, unless it should attempt his liberation, as it had now become a member of the coalition against the anarchical conduct of the French. He contended that justice and humanity required them to intercede in behalf of this oppressed and injured man. The generous Briton insisted, that Lafayette, though a friend to civil liberty, was a firm advocate for constitutional principles, and was in favor of the power of the King as in a limited monarchy: and made a powerful appeal to the generosity and honor of his countrymen, to unite in soliciting for the freedom of Lafayette. Colonel Tarlton, then a member of Parliament, who had been opposed to Lafayette in America, in the campaign of 1781, supported the motion of his military friend; and with great eloquence, urged the propriety and justice of his liberation. Mr. Fox also spoke in favor of an address to the King, for this humane purpose. But their arguments and their eloquence were vain. It did not consist with the existing policy of the British cabinet, to listen to the proposition. The motion was lost by a large majority.
Bollman proceeded to Olmutz, and thence to Vienna, where he was so fortunate as to meet with young Huger; and they cordially united in the humane and chivalrous project of rescuing the generous Lafayette, They both repaired immediately to Olmutz, and there became acquainted with two other gentlemen, who favoured their benevolent scheme. But the difficulty of effecting it can be easily imagined. A physician of Olmutz was engaged to make known the plan to Lafayette, when he visited him in prison, then in reality, or apparently in a debilitated state of health. He had, in fact, been attacked with fever at Magdeburg, which at one time was feared would terminate his valuable life, and from the effects of which he had not fully recovered. By him a note was communicated to Lafayette, which he answered with his blood. In a short time, the physician prevailed on the governor of the city to permit his prisoner to take an airing, occasionally, in a coach, attended by a guard. It was concerted, that in one of his short excursions with the governor, he should leave the carriage under some pretence, when he was to be joined by Bollman and Huger, and immediately conducted under cover of a dark night, to the confines of Silesia, beyond the territory of the Emperor of Austria. He alighted from the carriage, near a small wood, and his generous friends, who were ready to protect him, immediately attempted to convey him away on horseback; but the guard, which accompanied the carriage, suspecting some design, pushed forward into the wood, and attempted to seize the noble prisoner, and his brave friends. A desperate struggle ensued, in which the Marquis was wounded; but they succeeded in escaping from the guard. Huger was seen and followed by some of the peasantry; and after a long pursuit was overtaken and secured. The governor and his guard returned to Olmutz; alarm guns were immediately fired, and the whole population for several miles was soon engaged in search of Lafayette and Bollman. They were taken in the course of the evening, at the distance of about ten miles from Olmutz, and conveyed back to the prison, where a most rigorous confinement awaited them. Lafayette was put in irons, and suffered the most excruciating torture. He was in a feeble state, overcome by fatigue, and suffering greatly from the bruises and wounds received in his late attempt to escape. "His anxieties, his anguish (and despair we may almost say,) at finding himself again in the power of his unrelenting jailor, so affected his nerves, that his fever returned with increased and alarming violence. In this state he was allowed nothing but a little damp and mouldy straw; irons were put round his feet, and round his waist was a chain, fastened to the wall, which barely permitted him to turn from one side to the other. No light was admitted into his cell; and he was refused even the smallest allowance of linen.
"The winter of 1794-95 was very severe, but his inhuman jailors did not relax from the rigour of prescribed and systematic oppression. It seemed, indeed as if their object was to put an end to their victim's existence by this ingenious device of incessant cruelty. Worn down by disease and the rigour of the season, his hair fell from his head, and he was emaciated to the last degree. To these physical distresses were soon super added those mental anxieties, which perhaps, were still more difficult to endure. The only information he could obtain respecting the fate of his wife and children, for whom he felt the greatest solicitude, was, that they were confided in the prisons of Paris: and in reply to his enquiries concerning his most generous friends, Bollman and Huger, he was informed by his unfeeling tormentors that they were soon to perish by the hands of the hangman."
Bollman and Huger were kept in close confinement in the prison at Olmutz, for some time, for having attempted to rescue Lafayette from his cruel imprisonment. The keepers of the prison were unfeeling men; and instead of slowing any favour to their prisoners, who ought to have received their admiration, subjected them to unnecessary severity. They were subjected to strict examination, after a long confinement, and the sentence of their judges was in favour of their liberation, on paying a large amount to government. By the aid of some generous friends, they were furnished with the requisite sums, and discharged from the prison. But Lafayette was still detained in prison, and in the same suffering and shameful condition as before mentioned. It was several months before his irons and chains were removed; which was effected through the very benevolent individuals, who had secretly favoured his recent attempt to escape; but who, happily both for him and themselves, were not suspected of any agency in the plot: these were an opulent Jewish merchant, and the chief surgeon to the prisoners. They prevailed also with the civil authority to grant permission to the Marquis to walk an hour each day, in front of the prison, though in custody of a strong guard of soldiers, and no one was allowed to speak to him.
Unutterably painful and distressing must have been the situation of Madame Lafayette ever after the fatal day, when her beloved and affectionate husband felt it his duty to depart from France, and leave her and their three children unprotected, and subject to the insults and severities of an enraged and lawless mob. She and her two daughters, then about fifteen and twelve, were cast into prison in Paris. The family estates were confiscated, and most of his particular friends fell by the stroke of the guillotine. In this agonizing condition, she maintained the most wonderful fortitude and patience; without uncommon firmness and sincere trust in providence, she must have sunk under such deep and complicated distress. While she was in prison, she was often found in a retired spot, engaged in holy and humble supplication to heaven. When she was released from the prison, after about twenty months of degrading confinement, her constitution was greatly enfeebled, and her friends and physician advised her to seek repose at some retired place in the country. But she refused, and feeble and emaciated as she was, she resolved to proceed immediately to Olmutz, and to bury herself in prison with her husband, unless she could possibly procure his liberation. With this purpose in view, she went first to Vienna, to endeavour to concilitate the favor and influence of the Emperor. Through the friendly interposition of two noble females, acquainted at court, she was admitted to an audience with the Emperor.
He received her graciously, and professed a desire that her request might be fulfilled; but gave no positive orders for the liberation of Lafayette because his political engagements with other courts prevented it. He, however, consented that she might visit her husband. She accordingly repaired to Olmutz, to minister, as an angel of light, to his comfort, though not clothed with power to give him that liberty, which they ardently hoped. She and her daughters shared with him the confinement of a dreary prison, for nearly two years. It was not until 1797, that they were set at liberty: and this was immediately owing to the influence of General Bonaparte, on his victories over the Austrians in that year. Lafayette expressed his gratitude for this generous interference; but he made no sacrifice of principle, and was never his admirer or supporter.
While confined in the prison of Olmutz, with her husband, Madame Lafayette, whose health was much impaired by her sorrows and suffering, requested leave to visit Vienna for a week. She was informed her request would be granted on condition, that her daughters should be kept in a separate apartment from their father, and that she herself would never again enter the prison. She declined the offer, with indignation. Her letter on the subject, concludes thus-"Whatever may be the state of my own health and the inconvenience attending the stay of my daughters in this place we will most gratefully take advantage of the goodness his imperial majesty has expressed towards us, by the permission to share in the miseries of this captivity."
When the Emperor of Austria agreed to his liberation, he proposed certain conditions, to which Lafayette refused his assent. One was that he should immediately leave Europe and embark to America. "This", said the noble-minded Marquis, "has often been my desire and intention: but as my consent to this proposition, at the present moment, would be an acknowledgment of his right to impose such a condition, I cannot comply with the demand."—The other was, that as the principles which Lafayette professed were supposed to be incompatible with the safety of the Austrian government, the Emperor could not consent that he should again enter his territory without a special permission. To this Lafayette replied, "that there already existed antecedent obligations, of which he could not divest himself; partly towards America, but chiefly towards France; and that he could not engage to do any thing, which should interfere with the rights of his country to his personal services. With these exceptions, he assured the Emperor's ambassador, that it was his firm resolution not to set foot again on any part of his Majesty's dominions."
When he was set free from the long and severe incarceration at Olmutz, Lafayette proceeded to the neutral city of Hamburg, with his family; where he received the kindest and most respectful attentions from some American gentlemen, then in that place, and also from many of the distinguished citizens, who cherished the highest regard for his character, and his meritorious services in the cause of liberty. It was at this time, that his son, George Washington Lafayette, joined the family, on his return from the United States, where he had just then passed several years. After a short residence in Hamburg, Lafayette accepted the invitation of an Hanoverian nobleman, and passed some time at his elegant chateau in Holstein, where his eldest daughter was married to Latour Maubourg, a brother of one of the Marquis' staff officers, who retired with him from France, August 1792; and had shared with him the severities of the prison of Magdeburg and Olmutz. He then resided some time in the family of a French emigrant, living in that vicinity, and who was a distant relative of Madame Lafayette. In this situation he studied the agriculture of Holstein; and gave particular attention to the raising of merino sheep, an object in which he was also engaged after his return to La Grange, his country seat near Paris.
In 1800 a new revolution took place in the French government. The Directors were found to be incompetent to the support of order; cabals and factions still existed, and confusion prevailed through the nation. General Bonaparte, who had led the armies to victory in several campaigns, was ambitious of the sole direction of public affairs. The executive power, by the new constitution, was to be placed in three Consuls, of whom Napoleon was elected chief. A Conservative Senate, so called, was to constitute a part of the Legislature and to be joined with the Consuls also in providing for the public welfare in cases of particular emergency. By the constitutionalists and those opposed to the violent factions, by which France had been long agitated and disgraced, this change was considered as auspicious to the cause of rational liberty. They hoped that a more stable government would be now formed, and that their country would enjoy a season of repose. Lafayette seized this favorable moment to return to France, after an absence of nearly eight years. His patriotic feelings had not abated, though he had suffered so long and so intensely from the hatred of those who directed the destinies of his country. His love of liberty was not weakened, though many of his countrymen, with its sacred name on their lips, had committed excesses almost without a parallel in the most despotic governments. The First Consul incited Lafayette to take a seat in the Conservative Senate; but he declined; by which he gave new proofs of his disinterested and sincere attachment to the constitutional liberty and the rights of the people. After several conversations with Bonaparte, he was satisfied of the ambitious views of this military adventurer. He perceived that the constitution was to serve as an apology for the exercise of unlimited power in the First Consul; and that representatives and senators were to be the humble ministers of his will. He saw that the constitution did not emanate from the will of the people; and was not calculated to secure and promote their welfare. Bonaparte also had discernment to learn, that Lafayette was too sincere a friend to civil liberty and to the interests of the people, to support his purposes, or to submit to his plans of personal aggrandizement.
We shall have a more just estimation of the noble sentiments with which Lafayette was animated, in declining the generous offers of the First Consul, when it is considered, that, in addition to his self-banishment to private life, he also refused an honorable salary of 7000 dollars, when the estates which remained in his possession yielded only 2000 dollars. He had a grant of land from the American Congress, in consideration of his important services in the revolution, estimated to be worth 100,000 dollars. Before the revolution, his income was 50,000 dollars: but the most valuable of his patrimonial property, as well as that which accrued to him in consequence of his marriage, had been seized by the lawless robbers of the revolution.
It was in conformity to the principles, which he had long professed and by which he was constantly guided, that he soon after opposed the election of Bonaparte as Consul for life. He would have consented, perhaps, to the claims of the aspiring Napoleon to be the First Magistrate of France, under a constitution, which expressly defined and restricted his power, and at the same time provided a sufficient guaranty of the liberties of the people.
On this occasion he wrote thus to the First Consul—"When a man, who is deeply impressed with a sense of the gratitude he owes you, and who is too ardent a lover of glory to be indifferent to yours, connects his suffrage with conditional restrictions, those restrictions not only secure him from suspicion, but prove amply, that no one will more gladly than himself behold in you the chief magistrate for life, of a free and independent republic.
"The eighteenth Brumaire saved France from destruction and I felt myself reassured and recalled by the liberal declarations to which you have connected the sanction of your honor. In your consular authority there was afterwards discerned that salutary dictatorial prerogative, which under the auspices of a genius like yours, accomplished such glorious purposes—yet less glorious, let me add, than the restoration of liberty would prove.
"It is not possible, general, that you, the first among that order of mankind, which surveys every age and every country, can desire that a revolution, marked by an unexampled series of stupendous victories and unheard of sufferings, shall give nothing to the world but a renovated system of arbitrary government. The people of this country have been acquainted with their rights too long, to forget them forever: but perhaps they may recover and enjoy them better now than during the period of revolutionary effervescence. And you, by the strength of your character and the influence of public confidence, by the superiority of your talents, your power, and your fortunes, in re-establishing the liberties of France, can allay all agitations, calm all anxieties and subdue all dangers.
"When I wish, then, to see the career of your glory crowned by the honors of perpetual magistracy, I but act in correspondence with my own private sentiments, and am influenced exclusively by patriotic considerations. But all my political and moral obligations, the principles which have governed every action of my life, call on me to pause before I bestow on you my suffrage, until I feel assured that your authority shall be erected on a basis worthy of the nation and yourself.
"I confidently trust, general, that you will recognize here, as you have done on all other occasions, a steady continuance of my political opinions, combined with the sincerest prayers for your welfare, and the deepest sense of all my obligations towards you."
Here closed all connexion between Lafayette and Bonaparte. The First Consul not only avoided all intercourse with one so sincerely devoted to the cause of liberty; but he treated him with that studied neglect, which was little short of persecution. There was indeed nothing congenial either in the character or principles of these two distinguished men. The one was aiming at power by any means, without regard to the rights or happiness of his fellow men; the other was anxious for the permanent establishment of a mild government in his native country, for the true welfare and liberty of the people; and was willing to make every sacrifice for the attainment of such great objects.
The unfriendly feelings of Bonaparte were extended even to the younger Lafayette. This patriotic youth, with much of the public spirit of his noble father, engaged in the service of his country soon after his return from America. He was an aid of the brave Grouchy, general of division; an active, intelligent, meritorious officer, and distinguished on various occasions. But he received neither advancement nor distinction from the Emperor. It was, on the contrary, the wish of Napoleon, that young Lafayette would send in his resignation, and retire from the army. When this was made known to him, he observed, "that as long as his country was involved in war, he should not disgrace himself by a resignation; and that he should be ashamed to think of it, while his companions were daily exposing themselves to danger. It was true, he was an American citizen, but he was first of all a Frenchman and a loyal Frenchman."
G. W. Lafayette was much esteemed by the officers who knew him, of all ranks; and they frequently solicited his promotion; but the Emperor disregarded alike the merits of the youthful hero and the entreaties of his military friends. He continued in the army until the treaty of Tilsit.
To a man of his great sensibility and warmth of affection, the severest affliction which Lafayette has been called to endure, great and various as have been his sufferings, now awaited him. His amiable, his attached and devoted wife was torn from him, in his retreat, within a few years after his return to France; when he more than ever, perhaps, needed her company and solace, to fortify his mind under the multiplied disappointments from the world.
She had never enjoyed perfect health after her imprisonment at Olmutz. But possessed of uncommon fortitude and imbued with religious sentiments, she was still instrumental in promoting the happiness of her husband and family. Her patience, her equanimity, her sweetness of temper never forsook her. But her constitution was broken, and a sudden paralysis deprived her of her physical strength and almost of speech. At the urgent request of her husband, though with reluctance, she was conveyed to Paris for medical assistance; but it proved in vain. She died in December 1807.
While Madame de Lafayette was in the prison in Paris, though treated with the greatest severity by Robespierre and his party, she had the consolation of sharing in the sympathetic kindness and assistance of many individuals, who were willing to expose themselves to the hatred of her cruel persecutors for her relief. A gentleman from Boston, Joseph Russel, Esq. then a resident in Paris, made great efforts for her liberation; although by this generous interference he hazarded his own life. It was through his friendly assistance, that her son G. W. Lafayette, then about fourteen years of age, was conveyed to the United States, where he remained till the discharge of his parents from the dungeons of Olmutz.
About this period, and soon after the death of his amiable wife, General Lafayette received a severe fracture in one of his legs, by a fall, which occasioned his confinement for nearly twelve months, and was the cause of his present lameness. He had been transacting business with the minister of the marine; and in going from the office to his carriage, a distance of two hundred paces, late in the evening, after a heavy rain and sleet, which had rendered it dangerous walking, he fell suddenly and broke a bone.
For six or seven years, till 1814, when Louis XVIII. returned to France to mount the throne of the Bourbons, Lafayette resided at his chateau of La Grange, an inactive spectator of the political changes which took place. No doubt he had a sufficient apology for this inaction and voluntary retreat from public affairs. He was too honest and too candid, too much an enemy to the anarchy of the jacobin factions, and to the despotism of the Emperor, to support either, or to be received into their confidence. He would probably have been satisfied with the restoration of a Bourbon to the throne, if the throne could be founded in a constitution, admitting the representatives of the people to a share in legislation, and defining the extent and the measure of the executive authority. He was animated by the same principles and sentiments which governed him in the part he acted in 1789 and 1792: and although he might acquiesce in a different government, either under the First Consul, or under Louis XVIII. he could not, consistently, and therefore he chose not to forward their views by his own personal influence and support. He was still calumniated by some agents of the Bourbons, yet he declared, on the return of Bonaparte from Elba, to gain the throne of France, "that in all measures, which should promote or be consistent with the liberties of the people, he would aid the cause of the legitimate heir of the crown." The views of Louis' friends and allies were too arbitrary to lead them to expect his approbation and aid.
Louis XVIII. had not been long in France, before great discontent was manifested among the citizens at the prospect of his being placed on the throne of his brother. Napoleon and his friends took advantage of this state of things: he left his retreat in the Island of Elba, and returned to Paris. Louis was obliged to retire. Bonaparte, through his brother Joseph, the ex-king of Spain, solicited of Lafayette to accept of a peerage. But he promptly declined; but observed, "that if there should be a convocation of a chamber of representatives," which he strenuously urged, "he would consent to take a part in public affairs, should he be elected." His independence and his want of faith in Napoleon, were preserved, notwithstanding the urgent advances of the latter; and he resolutely refused to go near him till after his final abdication. Yet even at this time, Lafayette thought he might rely on "his cordial opposition to all foreign invasion and influence, and to any family or party which should avail itself of such assistance in order to attack the independence and the liberties of France." Much as he distrusted the views of Bonaparte, and desirous as he was of some explicit guaranty, from him and his supporters, for the liberty of the French people, he would not unite with the Bourbons, who were resolved to place Louis XVIII. firmly on the throne of his ancestors, by any means in their power, and who had collected an army of one million two hundred thousand foreigners to accomplish their object, at the risque of a civil war, and a general slaughter, similar to that with which the unprincipled, revolutionary Jacobins had before afflicted the nation.
Lafayette was now elected a member of the chamber of deputies from his own department, though he had protested against the articles of the constitution of the empire, and of the additional act which conspired against the sovereignty of the people, and the rights of the citizens. This was a strong proof of the sense the people had of his integrity and his patriotism. After the battle of Waterloo, Napoleon returned to Paris, in consternation, and undecided as to the course he would pursue on this signal reverse of fortune. Some of his friends advised him again to abdicate the office of Emperor, which he held by so precarious a tenure; others suggested decisive and bold measures, with a view to fortify himself in power, even in apposition to the will and wishes of the deputies. He attempted to prorogue the chamber of representatives, and have himself proclaimed perpetual dictator. Lafayette was then present in the chamber; and with his usual independence and energy, made the following observations.
"When, for the first time for many years, I raise my voice; which the old friends of liberty will recognise again, I feel constrained to address you, gentlemen, on the imminent danger of the country, which you alone are able to prevent.
"Disastrous reports have been circulated and are now unhappily confirmed. Now is the time to rally round the old tri-coloured standard of 1789, of liberty, of equality, and of public order. It is this alone which we are bound to defend against foreign pretensions and domestic factions. Allow a veteran in this holy cause, who has always been an enemy to the baneful spirit of dissension, to submit the following preliminary resolutions" of which I hope you will admit the necessity.
"First. The Chamber of Representatives declare that the independence of the nation is endangered.
"Second. The Chamber declare themselves in continued session—That every attempt to prorogue the Chamber shall be considered high treason—That any one guilty of such an attempt shall be deemed a traitor to his country, and be instantly proceeded against as such.
"Third. The army of the line and the national guards, who have fought and are still fighting for the independence of France, deserve the gratitude of their Country.
"Fourth. The minister of the interior is directed to assemble the general staff, the commandants and majors of the legion of the national guard of Paris, to consult on the means of supplying them with arms, and to render complete this citizen-guard; whose zeal and patriotism having been proved for twenty-six years, offer a sure guaranty of the liberty, the property and the tranquility of the capital, and of the inviolability of the representatives of the nation.
"Fifth. The ministers of war, of foreign relations, of the interior and of the police, are invited to attend the assembly immediately."
When the Emperor was informed that Lafayette was in the tribune, and engaged in the discussions on the proposition of constituting him dictator for life, he expressed great alarm and anxiety. He knew the sentiments of Lafayette too well, not to feel assured of his opposition to such a measure. For this consistent and zealous advocate for the rights of the people had always been hostile to a chief magistrate, under any title, who should possess absolute power; and contended for a constitution to limit and define the executive authority. It was then that. Bonaparte exclaimed, "Lafayette in the tribune!" and his great agitation betrayed the belief, that his power was at an end. In this situation, his armies defeated, and the representatives of the people opposed to his wishes of a perpetual dictatorship, he gave formal notice of his purpose to abdicate the imperial authority. Lafayette was at the head of the deputation appointed by the chamber of representatives, to wait on the Emperor, to accept and thank him for his abdication, A few days before this, when the deputies were accused of being capricious and ungrateful, by a friend of Napoleon, Lafayette observed, in reply, "go tell him that we can trust him no longer; we ourselves will undertake the salvation of our country."
Although he opposed the ambitious views of Bonaparte, and boldly and decidedly remonstrated against his intention of again assuming absolute power, yet he moved in the chamber of Representatives, at this time, that the liberty and person of the late Emperor Napoleon should be placed under the protection of the French nation; expecting, probably, that the allied princes of Europe, already in the vicinity of Paris with powerful armies, would take his life, or cause him to be imprisoned.
Lafayette was one of the Commissioners appointed by the Chamber of Deputies to propose to the allied powers a suspension of hostilities. His object was to provide for the liberty of the people and to exact a promise of some limitations and restrictions to the royal authority. But the friends and supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, the hereditary princes of Europe, had a powerful army in the suburbs of Paris, and they refused to make any terms with the most moderate and honorable advocates of popular rights. Though one tyrant was overthrown; another was to be forced upon them: not precisely an usurper indeed; but who, without a constitution for his guide, and surrounded by men of arbitrary principles might be instrumental in their oppression and degradation. When he returned to Paris, he found the invading armies in possession of the city. Napoleon escaped, and nominal tranquility was restored to the capital of France. But it was a tranquility produced by a military force; and not that which is the effect of a wise and energetic government founded in the will of the people. The doors of the assembly were closed against the representatives of the people, by the gens d'armes, the agents who restored the Bourbon dynasty. Many of the deputies then assembled at the house of Lafayette; at whose instance they repaired to the President's to record their testimony to this forced and unjust exclusion, and to sign the proces verbal.