LETTERS FROM THE PENINSULA

Lt. General Sir William Warre C.B., K.T.S.

From the miniature by J.C.D. Engleheart in the possession of the Rev. Canon Warre

Emery Walker, Ph.sc.

LETTERS FROM THE
PENINSULA

1808-1812

BY LIEUT.-GEN. SIR WILLIAM WARRE
C.B., K.T.S.

EDITED BY HIS NEPHEW
THE REV. EDMOND WARRE, D.D., C.B., M.V.O.

WITH FRONTISPIECE AND MAP

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1909

PREFACE

Some years before his death in 1875, my father entrusted to me a packet containing letters written by his eldest brother, my uncle, Sir William Warre, from the Peninsula during his service there from 1808 to 1812.

The packet was not opened by me until the year 1908.

The letters, on perusal, seemed to be of interest, as giving a graphic description of the life and opinions of an officer serving on the Staff during the Peninsular War, and, in particular, of one immediately concerned in the organisation of the Portuguese army.

Moreover, the letters, which are written on the spot and without reserve, being chiefly addressed to his father or mother, seem to reflect in some measure, as regards the campaign, and as to home politics, to which there are plentiful allusions, the conversation and opinions of the Headquarters’ Staff at the time; and further, the intimate acquaintance of the writer with the Portuguese character, and with the methods of the Portuguese Government, enhances the illustration of the difficulties which had to be overcome in the effort of Great Britain to save her ally from the crushing yoke of French imperial despotism.

Mr James Warre of Oporto, the father of Sir William Warre, was a man of great ability, and of influence both in Portugal and at home. He was a partner in the firm of Warre & Co., which was at the time one of the leading commercial houses in Oporto—an old firm, established in the seventeenth century—with which, however, the family connection was severed at the death of Sir William Warre’s brother George, in the year 1850.

The letters themselves, considering the circumstances under which they were written, are very fairly legible; but in places there are lacunæ which are sometimes difficult to fill up. The orthography is not at all consistent—often old-fashioned, sometimes faulty. I have corrected it in some places, but in many have left it as in the original.

I cannot claim to have any particular knowledge of military history, and, as regards the brief introductions to the several chapters, wish to acknowledge in limine my indebtedness to Napier’s great work, to Professor Oman’s three most interesting volumes, which bring the story of the war down to 1810, and to Sir Herbert Maxwell’s Life of the Duke of Wellington.

I am indebted also to my cousin, Mr George Warre, for help in translating the Portuguese words and phrases that occur in the letters.

My thanks are also due to my cousin, Mrs Wm. Rathbone, for kindly allowing me to use several of the collection of family letters in her possession, extracts from which help to fill up some of the gaps in the correspondence.

Lastly, I must acknowledge my debt of gratitude to my friend and publisher, Mr John Murray, for his most valuable help in many ways. Without his assistance, the map which illustrates the volume could not have been constructed.

EDMOND WARRE.

Finchampstead, 1909.

LIST OF LETTERS

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS

MEMOIR OF WILLIAM WARRE

William Warre, the subject of this Memoir, was the eldest son of James Warre of Oporto, and Eleanor, née Greg, his wife. He was born at Oporto, 15th April 1784, and spent most of his childhood there. He was sent to Harrow, but seems to have left early, and to have been placed in the office of Messrs Warre & Co., of which his uncle, William Warre, was the senior partner, in order that he might learn the business which both his uncle and his father desired him to follow.

But his own strong wish was to be a soldier, and, as it turned out, a piece of mischief achieved that which arguments and entreaties had failed to obtain. One day in the office, when letters had to be got ready for the mail, the duty of sealing them, in which, after the fashion of the day much wax, red or black, was consumed, devolved upon the young clerk, who, observing that the pigtail of Pedro Alves, the Portuguese member of the firm, had lapped over to his side of the desk, while the old gentleman was enjoying a peaceful post-prandial slumber, felt moved to play a practical joke, which had momentous consequences. He poured the red wax upon the ribbon of the pigtail, fastening it to the desk, sealed it with the seal of the firm, and fled. Great was the wrath that ensued. No apologies could be accepted. It was the end of his commercial career.

He was then sent to a private tutor at Bonn to learn foreign languages, and to prepare for the Army. On the breaking out of the war between France and Austria, he and another fellow-student joined the Austrians, and went out, as they said, to see the fun. As luck would have it, they were taken prisoners in a skirmish, and were brought before General Custine, who commanded the French force in the neighbourhood. Custine, seeing that they were English and mere boys, scolded them and told them that it was very lucky for them that Marshal Davoust had not arrived to take over the command, “for,” said he, “he would have hanged you without mercy on the nearest tree. Now go back to your books and your tutor, and don’t meddle with affairs which do not concern you.”

Shortly after this William Warre was sent back to England, and on the 5th November 1803, when he was 19 years of age, received his commission in the 52nd Light Infantry, then under the command of Sir John Moore. He served with the 52nd till 25th April 1805, when he was promoted Lieutenant in the 98th, which was then in Canada. He did not, however, proceed thither, having purchased promotion as Captain in the 23rd Dragoons.

He served with this regiment in Ireland until the summer of 1807, when he was sent to the Royal Military College, then established at High Wycombe, to study for Staff employment.

In 1808 General Ferguson selected him as A.D.C., and took him with him to Portugal. There he was present at the combat of Roliça, and at the Battle of Vimeiro, both of which are described in his letters. His health gave way under the hardships of this campaign, and he was detained ill at Lisbon for several months. His knowledge of the Portuguese language enhanced the value of his services, and after his recovery, General Ferguson having returned to England, he was attached by General Beresford to his personal staff, and served with him as his principal A.D.C. until the year 1812.

Captain Warre took part in Sir John Moore’s retreat and, with General Beresford, was the last to embark after the Battle of Corunna, 16th January 1809.

In March 1809, Beresford, with the rank of Field-Marshal, was placed in chief command of the Portuguese Army, and employed Captain Warre, his A.D.C., in the organisation of the national troops. He entered the Portuguese service and was promoted therein to the rank of Major, and appointed first A.D.C. to the Field-Marshal.

After the passage of the Douro, May 1809, Major Warre was sent forward by Beresford to raise the armed peasantry in the province of Minho, with a view to harassing the French forces under Marshal Soult, which were then in full retreat. He succeeded in getting the peasantry to dismantle the bridges of Ponte Nova and the Saltador, but could not get them to destroy their own means of communication. Had this been done the French army was lost. The delay, however, caused by the necessity of forcing and repairing the bridges, cost the French the loss of many men and horses,[1] and of most of the spoil they were carrying off from Oporto. Unfortunately the letters in which these operations were described are wanting. But for the rest of the long campaign up to the battle of Salamanca, with the exception of Talavera, when he was with Beresford in Portugal, and of Albuera, and Bussaco, from which he was absent through illness, his letters are fairly consecutive comments of an actor in the events which occurred during that period of heroic struggle.

On 30th May 1811 he was promoted by Brevet to the rank of Major in the English Army, and to that of Lieutenant-Colonel in the Portuguese Army. At the last siege of Badajos, he was the senior Staff Officer at the summons of Fort Christobal, and had the honour of taking prisoners the Generals Philippon and Weyland, who surrendered their swords to him.

In the battle of Salamanca, 1812, he was with his chief, Marshal Beresford, when the latter was severely wounded, and, as narrated in the letters, carried him into the town, nursed him through his illness, and went with him to Lisbon.

In 1813 Major Warre was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the English Army, and resigned his commission in the Portuguese Army. He received from the King of Portugal medals for his conduct at Vimeiro, at the siege and assault of Ciudad Rodrigo, and for the two sieges of Badajos, also a medal for the four campaigns. He was also made a Knight of the Order of the Tower and Sword, and of the Order of St Bento d’Avis.

In 1813 he was sent to the Cape of Good Hope, where he was appointed Q.M.G., a post which he held till 1819.

In November 1812 he had married Selina, youngest daughter of Christopher Maling of West Herrington and Hillton, in the county of Durham. By her he had a family of three sons and two daughters. His youngest son, Henry, born 1819 at the Cape, was afterwards General Sir Henry Warre, K.C.B. His wife died 3rd February 1821.

In November 1820 he returned to England, and in 1821, by reason of ill-health, went on half-pay.

In May 1823 he was appointed A.Q.M.G. in Ireland, and in 1826 was transferred to a similar appointment in England. In 1826-1827 he served on the Staff of the Army sent to Lisbon under the command of Sir William Clinton, G.C.B.

On 22nd July 1830 he became a full Colonel. He served again on the Staff in Ireland till 1836, when he was appointed to the command at Chatham. He held this appointment till his promotion to the rank of Major-General 23rd November 1841. It was during his command that the Review took place which is immortalised by Dickens in Pickwick. He was made C.B., and was Knighted in 1839. In 1842 he was placed in command of the North-Western District. Subsequently he was transferred to the Northern District, with his Headquarters at York. Reference is made to him in the letters of Queen Victoria (vol. i., p. 150).

He gave up the command at York in the year 1851, and, liking the place and neighbourhood, remained there in a residence which he rented at Bishopthorpe. His health broke down in 1852, and in the following year he died, and was buried in the churchyard at Bishopthorpe. The church has since been pulled down, and the churchyard, which is adjacent to the gardens of the Archiepiscopal Palace, closed. His tomb is on the south side of the old graveyard, and bears the following inscription:—

SACRED TO THE MEMORY
OF
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR WILLIAM WARRE
C.B., K.T.S., K.C., St Bento D’Avis
Colonel of the 94th Regiment
Died at York, 26th July 1853, aged 69 Years.

[1] See Oman, vol. ii., pp. 355-9.

LETTERS FROM THE PENINSULA

1808
CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

In June 1808 the British Government determined to send assistance to the Spaniards, who had risen in revolt against the French domination in the Peninsula.

Spain, which had been an enemy, was now regarded as a friend.

In the previous year, an expedition under General Whitelock had been despatched to invade the Spanish Colonies in America, with disastrous results. In 1808 a force of about 9000 men was already assembled in Ireland, with a view to renewing this attempt under a more competent General. But in the altered circumstances the destination of these troops was changed, and they were placed under the command of Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley, with orders to proceed to Portugal and to co-operate with the Spaniards and Portuguese in attacking the French.

Beside the troops ready to embark in Ireland there were two Brigades—Anstruther’s and Acland’s, quartered at Harwich and Ramsgate respectively—available for immediate service abroad. These were added to Wellesley’s command. And in addition to these there were at this time about 5000 men, under General Spencer, observing Cadiz, who could join the expedition on Portuguese soil. Lastly, there was a force of about 10,000 men under Sir John Moore, who had been sent to the Baltic to co-operate with the Swedes, a task which proved impracticable. These were on their way home, and were ordered to Portugal, though some time elapsed before they could join their comrades in the Peninsula.

Major-General Ferguson, with his Aides-de-Camp, Capt. Warre and Capt. Mellish, embarked at Portsmouth in H.M.S. Resistance—Capt. Adam—in May; but their destination at that time was quite uncertain, though General Ferguson, nominally at least, belonged to the force under General Spencer’s command. After some further delay, owing to contrary winds, the Resistance arrived at Cork, where Sir Arthur Wellesley on 7th June assumed the command of the troops assembled. The news of the Spanish insurrection had already reached England, and although quite uncertain as yet as to their future movements, everyone seems to have taken it for granted that they were to sail at once. As it turned out, they had many weeks to wait before the actual start took place.

The six letters written in May and June, though not belonging properly to the letters from the Peninsula, have been included in the series, as giving an account not altogether uninteresting of the kind of life led while waiting for orders to sail, the needs and necessities recorded, and the ideas generally entertained by the writer as set forth in his correspondence. The difficulties respecting the soldier servant, whom he was so anxious to take with him, have an almost tragic interest in view of the ultimate fate of the man, which is afterwards described in the letters.

Not without interest also are the sidelights occasionally thrown upon the jealousy with which Colonels of Regiments regarded the taking of officers from service with the Regiment for Staff employment, and the indications of the necessity of influence in high quarters to obtain any appointment of the kind. But more than all is the evidence of the enthusiasm which pervaded all ranks—enthusiasm for a glorious cause, which was no less than the liberation of Europe from the domination of the tyrant, who had trampled right and justice under foot, and was without gainsaying England’s bitterest and deadliest foe.

LETTERS

Portsmouth, May 22, 1808.

Here we are, my dearest Father, after a very hasty journey and pleasant, as constant rain and a complete overturn about ½ a mile short of Kingston, from which Capt. Mellish and myself escaped quite safe, except a few trifling bruises and a sprained thumb I got, which renders my writing somewhat difficult—with these exceptions it was as pleasant as could be to me, leaving all those dearest to me in the world.

We have just got all our baggage, and go on board ourselves this evening. Capt. Adam appears to be a very fine gentlemanly young man, and much inclined to show us every civility.

We shall sail as soon as the wind is fair, and are much hurried. Should my things arrive this evening they will be in time, otherwise I fear not. Nothing can be kinder than the General. I think myself every moment more fortunate in going with him. Pray get some advice about Rankin. I shall send him on shore at Cork, if I can, and have no answer from Seymour.[2] If I am not able to send him on shore, the advice I want you to get is, how to get him leave to go, as if he were not gone but to Cork. Pray write. It may find me on board the Resistance, Cork. I will write every opportunity. May God bless and preserve you all and give you every happiness, is the constant prayer of your affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

[2] Lt.-Col. 23rd Dragoons.

H.M.S. “Resistance,” St Helens, May 24th, 1808.

Many thanks, my dear Father, for your letter of yesterday, and the books and wine, about which I have just written to Messrs Smith and Atkins, directing them, if we are sailed, to send it to care of Markland at Gibraltar. Here we are with the wind as foul as it can blow, and too hard to put to sea. We shall sail the first opportunity, and are not a little anxious to get off. Nothing can exceed the General’s and Capt. Adam’s kindness. We are as comfortable as on shore, and as happy as possible.

We have not the least idea of our destination. Reports I never believe. If the General does not know, it is not likely any newspaper can. I received my books and wine safe, for which accept my thanks. The books, at all events, I could not read if I had them not. They are therefore as well with me, and God knows how long we may be on board or away.

I am glad you intend to call on the Duke. It is as well; and pray do not forget to assure Ld. Mostyn of my gratitude and sense of his kindness towards me. I have written, or rather I wrote the day I left town to Seymour, but, should I not get his answer at Cork, must send Rankin on shore; and to go without a servant is very inconvenient indeed. Therefore I think, if you could hire me a steady, honest servant, it would be worth while his coming to Cork to me; or the General thinks it would be better to ask General Calvert, by “empenho”[3] to send me an order to Cork for him to accompany me at all events.

Adieu; we are ordered off by signal. May God preserve and bless you all, is the constant prayer of your affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

[3] By desire.

Cove, June 8, 1808.

My Dearest Father,

Till yesterday, on Sir A. Wellesley’s arrival at Cork to take the command, our sailing was so uncertain, that I did not write to you, for other news, except that we are all well, from hence I had none to tell. We now expect to sail the day after to-morrow, Sunday, if the wind is fair. The glorious accounts from Spain have hurried us off, and I believe there is now no doubt that that is our destination, but what part we know not. The Rendezvous is Tangier bay, in case of parting company, which looks like Cadiz (this entre nous).

We are exceedingly anxious to get away, after six weeks’ delay. The Army are in the highest spirits; indeed the cause we are engaged in is the noblest a soldier could wish, and to support the liberties and independence of a country so lately our enemy. To forget all animosity and cordially join against the common enemy of Europe, the would-be Tyrant of the world, is worthy of the British name; and a soldier’s heart must be cold indeed that would not warm with enthusiasm in such a cause. I am not one of the most sanguine; you know my opinion of armed mobs, though in this, from the accounts we have received, there is an appearance of system and order that promises well. May God assist the Right. It may be the crisis of the Tyrant’s power. If he fails now, it may open the eyes of Europe.

I will write by every opportunity and let you know how we are going on, and the news, and a line when we sail. The General’s best thanks for your present of maps. They are most acceptable to him. He is gone with Adam and Mellish to Cork to dine with the Mayor, or dine in publick in honour of Sir Arthur. I was asked, but having a good deal to do, and not fancying a crowd, have sent an excuse. We have been very gay here ever since we arrived, but long to be off.

How unfortunate we were not to be with Spencer at landing at Cadiz. There will be yet something I hope to be done. Boney will not easily give up his point, and a more beautiful army never embarked, for its size, from any place. We have been joined by 45th, 4 troops 20 Lt. Dns., and 2 companies Artillery, besides a very large Staff, and are to be by the 36th Regt. The troops are very healthy, in all about 9650 men.

I have not heard further about remaining in the 23rd. Seymour has allowed me to take Rankin, if I can get a man to exchange. Stuart is trying to get me one from the 9th Foot, but they are all so high in spirits at going on service, I fear of his getting one. I think we shall certainly sail on Sunday, if possible. Write to me, in case we should go to Porto, direct Gibraltar, and tell me if I can do anything there; depend on my punctuality and exertions. Such a thing might happen as going in there. Our party is much augmented on board Resistance. Generals Crawfurd and Fane 1 A.-de-C. or 2, 1 Bᵈᵉ Major, and a civil Secretary. It will not be so pleasant as hitherto. Patience, it is a million times better than a transport.

From your ever affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

Pray desire Hawkes Piccadilly to send me a Hat and Feather, the same shape exactly as the last, by 1st opportunity; my old one is gone to pieces. Adieu.

Cove, June 17, 1808.

My Dear Father,

I have to thank you for your kind letter on the 11th inst., and for that you wrote to Genl. Payne, in which you have said everything that can be said. I am much afraid he is offended with my carrying my point in spite of him.

It is however of consequence my remaining in the Regiment, as more Captains are quitting it I hear, and I have therefore this day written to Greenwood’s with the enclosed paper of exchange signed, of which letter you have an extract annexed. It may do good, and cannot do any harm.

Seymour, I think, will do what he can for me; his letters are as friendly as possible, though he will not allow me to take Rankin, which is very annoying, particularly now that I have bought a horse, nor do I know what to do for a servant here. There is no such thing, and as all the troops are now embarked, and we may be ordered to sail every hour, I have no time to write for one. I should therefore be much obliged to you, if you would enquire about some honest, trusty man, who must understand horses, and send him out to join me at Gibraltar. Agree about wages, clothes, etc., and send him out to join me at Gibraltar, or off Cadiz, as soon as a conveyance offers. To be on service without a trusty servant will be exceedingly unpleasant.

We know nothing further of our destination or plans. We have been here amusing ourselves in perfect idleness, though very gayly. We yesterday dined on board Ld. Thomond’s yacht, and went in the evening to a play, acted by the Officers of the Resistance, for the poor of Cove. It was exceedingly crowded, and went off very well. I have bought a nice little hack, a mare, the only thing of the kind I could get for the price, 30 guineas Irish, for which I drew yesterday on you. They ask 50, 60, 70, for nice hacks, and the Genl. and Mellish have been obliged to pay it. I got mine from an Artillery Officer, through a friend of mine, and am very lucky. I also further drew upon you for £20 British to Mr Mayhew, of which Mellish has half and is to pay me in the money of the country we go to. I hope we shall now leave this very soon. All the Regts. are embarked, and we only wait for orders. I will write as soon as they arrive. I rejoice to hear that dear Tom[4] was safe at Stockholm, and daily expected. God send him safe, dear fellow. It would have been great happiness to have seen him before I sailed, but I shall now be satisfied with hearing of his safe arrival. Give him my kindest love and welcome home.

Pray assure Lord Rosslyn when you see him of my high sense of his Lordship’s goodness, and that if I must quit the 23rd, I shall feel highly gratified by being in his Regiment. Pray get my uncle to get the Duchess to speak to Gordon about the exchange. As things are now, it is really a very hard case that I must give up my chance of advancement because I am anxious to learn experience of my profession, and it has disgusted me not a little. In the midst of this idleness, such is the confusion and hurry that we can scarcely settle to anything. Report says we are going to Spain. I am working hard at Spanish, as is Mellish, who is a very clever fellow.

Stuart, my old friend, embarked to-day. His Regiment marched in, in the finest order, and got great credit. He desires to be most kindly remembered, as does the General. I believe General Hill, who commanded at Fermoy when I was there, goes with us in the Resistance. He is a very pleasant, mild man, and much liked. He commands here till the arrival of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir A. Wellesley, I believe certainly; but whether he will come here, or we join him at sea, is not known.

Wm. Warre.

Extract of my Letter to Greenwood & Cox.

“June 17, 1808.

“The objection to my accompanying Major General Ferguson (the number of Captns. then on the Staff from the Regt.) being now removed by Captn. F’s exchange, I hope H.R. Highness and Major-General Payne will be pleased to allow me to remain in the 23rd, to which, independent of the number of steps I shall lose by the exchange, I am much attached, and shall only quit from my great desire of acquiring experience in my profession on actual service, of which I saw but little prospect in the Regt. at present. Any emolument I can receive from my Staff situation, I can assure H.R.H., is not an object, my only wish being to render myself, as far as lays in my power, useful in the service, however great the loss [I may] suffer by entering another Regt. as younger Captain from one in which I am so high up.

“I have the honour to request you will lay this before H.R.H., at the same time assuring him of my willingness to fulfil the conditions under which he was pleased to allow me to accompany Major-Genl. Ferguson, by exchanging into any Regt. of Dragoons H.R.H. may think proper. I have the honour, etc., etc.”

I have desired them to write to me what answer the Duke gives.

[4] Thomas Warre, second son of James Warre, a merchant in St Petersburg, escaped from Russia to Sweden after war had been declared against England.

Cove, June 22, 1808.

My Dearest Father,

I have this morning received your kind letter of the 16th, and am very much obliged to you for the Maps, which will be most acceptable, as I have hunted all over Cork without finding anything of the kind, and I think there is little doubt of Spain’s being our destination in the first place. I shall offer them to the General, but I fear he will not be prevailed on to accept them. He is always ready to oblige or give anything away himself, but would not take a pen from anyone, if he thought he deprived him of it. I shall note carefully what you say respecting ... though on his score of fortune, I think you have been misinformed. He is not amiable in his manners, but very clever, and though very good friends, we are not likely ever to be very intimate or confidential. A sort of outward cordiality must seem to exist, placed as we are together in situation.

I am most sincerely rejoiced that Douglas is coming to join us. For him I have really a very warm regard, and should Johnstone succeed, shall have with me two of my greatest friends. Our General has nothing to do with the present Expedition. He belongs to Spencer, and is ordered to proceed by the first safe conveyance (a man-of-war) but, should one not offer, to remain in the Resistance; this entre nous. He has applied, but none offers, and I think there is very little doubt of our all having the same destination. He is naturally very anxious to join his Brigade at his post off Cadiz, but we should all quit the Resistance with very great regret. Nothing can be more pleasant than our situation with so excellent a fellow as Adam.

I was in great hopes of hearing of dear Tom’s safe arrival, and hope still to have that happiness before we sail. Enclosed I send him a few lines welcome home. They but faintly express a brother’s feelings at his escape, and return, after so long an absence, to the bosom of his family.

All the troops are embarked, and certainly finer, as far as they go, never were seen. We now only wait for orders and Sir A. Wellesley, who is expected to-day, and will I hope bring some further orders for Genl. Ferguson. As to Rankin, I have written to Seymour to allow him to exchange into the 9th Foot. Stuart has been so good as to promise to get one of his men to do so, and I trust the General, who, by the bye, it was that wrote, will have an answer.

I have no answer to my letter about buying his discharge, which I fear will not be allowed. It will be abominably unpleasant to embark with a horse and no servant. As to Payne [nothing] but the steps and prospects I have in his Regiment would induce me to remain in it, though Seymour’s letters are highly kind and flattering. Payne considering dispassionately, has but little right to be angry at my using all my endeavours to get a very advantageous situation, although in spite of him; nor can I rate my services so low, as to suppose they are a matter of indifference to my Regiment, particularly considering the sacrifices I offered to make on my return to England. His not answering your letter is want of good breeding. Seymour’s letter to him, however, perhaps makes him hesitate.

We have been endeavouring to establish a ball here this evening for the relief of the poor distressed wives of the Soldiers, but it is a very bad day and I fear we shall have but thin attendance. I have been much troubled with the toothache, and yesterday had the unruly member drawn with much difficulty, and to-day my face is very sore and swelled; but, as I was one of the chief instigators of this ball, I must go, though not at all in the humour for it. Adieu, my dearest father. Ever your most affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

The Genl. thanks you for your kind messages, and desires to be most kindly remembered.

Cove, June 27, 1808.

My Dearest Mother,

Even had I not this morning received your most kind and affectionate letter by Douglas with the locket, it was my intention to have written a few lines, nor have I time for much more, as we dine at a Mr Frankland’s some way in the country, and I have a good deal of writing on hand. Accept my best thanks for the letter and locket which shall never quit me, though you know I did not want it as a souvenir. I wish it was the Talisman, so famous in the “Arabian Nights,” that conveyed its possessor in an instant wherever he wished. I should often visit the happy circle at Hendon.

We really know no more of our destination than you do, except that we all belong to the same, and are to join General Spencer at Gibraltar, which is a great satisfaction. Hitherto we have been longing for an opportunity to get out to him, not knowing but this expedition might have quite a different destination.

We have a large list of the Staff, among which are many friends of mine. Sir A. Wellesley, Lieut.-Genl. commands in chief, and under him are Major Genls. Spencer, Hill, Ferguson, Br. Genls. Fane, Crawford, Nightingale. Col. Torrens is Mily. Secretary, and a long list of Staff-officers, which I need not trouble you with reading. Genls. Fane and Crawford go in the Resistance with us, which will take away greatly in point of room. The latter and his Brigade Major I know very well, the former not at all, though I hear he is a very good man. I could have dispensed with him very well, as they just turn us poor ADCₛ out of our snug berths, and strangers will prevent that pleasant gaiety and freedom we have enjoyed hitherto.

It is very uncertain when we shall sail. We are waiting for the Donegal 74, Capt. Malcolm, and Crocodile frigate, and for some transports, with Artillery and Cavalry, and some empty ones to thin those now here, which are very much crowded, though hitherto quite healthy. The additional room allowed looks like a longer voyage than we expected, though Cavalry and our taking horses seems to contradict this idea. I am rather for going to Spain. It is a noble service assisting a nation fighting for its independence, and it is impossible to say what a brave people fighting for liberty, and actuated at the same time by resentment for great injuries, and a bigoted attachment to ancient customs may do, if properly supported. At all events, our assisting to the utmost of our power the mother country will greatly facilitate our establishing the independence of America, whither I hope will be our ultimate destination.

Sir A. W. is a very good officer, and much esteemed, and I trust we have neither a Whitelock or Gower amongst us. I have not been very well to-day—I expect from the effects of bad water—and so liable to catch cold, that the General has made me put on flannel, and I find myself better since I have ordered a dozen of waistcoats of it at Cork.

We had a gay ball here on Friday, in a storehouse fitted up with flags, for the relief of the distressed soldiers’ wives. We had a good many people, and collected about £50 free of expenses, little enough among so many objects. I have had a good deal of trouble, but who would grudge it in such a cause? To-morrow there is a ball for the poor wounded Dutchmen taken in the Guelderland. I have never seen greater objects. Poor fellows! they fought very bravely, but knew nothing of their business. Our Frigate only lost one killed and one wounded, and they 60 in both.[5] I went to see them, and the Genl. has sent the Officer refreshments and wine. He is an excellent man. His purse is always open to distress, even too much. He is, I fear, often imposed upon. I am much pleased for many reasons, you may suppose, with Mr Adamson’s kindness. Pray thank him most kindly from me. As for Moll, I shall be much affronted if he talks of paying for her. He must accept her as a very small proof of my friendship and very high regard for him, to say nothing of his kindness to me and my gratitude for it. I hope Hardy will suit dear Emily, and she will have him as a present from her affectionate brother. I shall be able to afford not to sell him, if we have a long voyage, and think she will like him with greater pleasure as a present from me. I was rejoiced to see my friend Douglas, he is gone in to Cork to-day and returns to-morrow....

I am anxiously waiting to hear of dear Tom’s arrival. Write to me the moment he does. We are not likely to sail for some time,

Yrs., etc.,

Wm. W.

[5] See James’s Naval History, vol. iv., p. 324 ff. May 19, 1808. “Guelderland,” Dutch 36-gun frigate taken by the “Virginie.”

1808
CHAPTER II

INTRODUCTION

After long delay the expedition under Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley sailed from Cork on 12th July. Meanwhile the Government had altered its mind as to the command of the army, and, after Sir Arthur Wellesley had sailed, entrusted the command of the whole force to Sir Hew Dalrymple. Under him were, in order of seniority, Sir Harry Burrard, Sir John Moore, Sir Arthur Wellesley, who thus, after his arrival in Portugal, found himself as the junior Lt.-General only fourth in command.

On 26th July the fleet reached Porto Roads, and on 1st August and the following days, the troops were landed at Figueira, in Mondego Bay, not without difficulty, owing to the surf, which from the open Atlantic beats with violence on the unprotected coast.

It was not till 9th August that the army was able to move forward. Difficulties as to transport were almost insuperable, and some guns had to be left behind. Wellesley had determined to take the coast road, wishing to pick up on his way towards Lisbon the Brigades of Anstruther and Acland which had sailed on July 19th, but had not yet arrived. His impression was that Junot, the French Marshal, had 10,000 troops under his command, but he had under-estimated these, which amounted in reality to about 26,000; though it was true that Junot had detached about 7000 under Loison to quell the insurrection in the Alemtejo.

On hearing of the landing in Mondego Bay, Junot hastily recalled Loison, with orders to join De la Borde, who, with 5000 men, was sent forward to observe and check the British army, till a concentration of the French forces could take place. Loison, however, whose force had a long and weary march, was delayed at Santarem, and, on the day of Roliça, was full fifteen miles away from the scene of the fight. De la Borde, who left Lisbon on August 6th, advanced as far as Alcobaça, but fell back on a position he had selected near Roliça. On August 16th the forces came into contact, and on the 17th was fought the first combat of the Peninsular War, which takes its name from Roliça. The action is described in the letter from Lourinhao. Wellesley after the action moved on still by the coast-line, neglecting Loison and allowing him unmolested to join Junot at Cercal. He was anxious to pick up Acland and Anstruther, who were reported off Peniche. They landed at Porto Novo, at the mouth of the little river Maceira, 12 miles south of Roliça.

Meanwhile Junot, after many delays, had moved by Villa Franca on Torres Vedras. It was not until the 20th that he learnt for certain that the British force was keeping the coast road. On the evening of the 20th he was ten miles south of Vimiero, where the British army lay covering the disembarkation of the two Brigades. During the night the French army marched, and at dawn on the 21st found itself close under the British position. Followed on that day the Battle of Vimiero, which is graphically described in the letters.

The victory was won; but to the disgust of the army, and afterwards of the whole British nation, it was shorn of its glory, and possible advantages, by the command of Sir Harry Burrard, who landed in the course of the morning of the 21st, superseding Sir Arthur Wellesley, and forbidding all pursuit. Burrard himself was shortly superseded by Sir Hew Dalrymple, and the result which ensued, in the Convention of Cintra, is too well known to need comment here.

After the battle of Vimiero, William Warre was laid up with an attack of enteric fever, which brought him to death’s door. He recovered slowly, and by the month of October was sufficiently well to see active service again as A.D.C. to General Beresford, who commanded a brigade in the army of which Sir John Moore was the C.-in-C. General Ferguson had not, as he had expected, returned from England.

LETTERS

Porto Roads, July 25, 1808.

My Dear Father,

We arrived this morning off this place, which was the appointed Rendezvous. I have not been able to communicate with the shore yet, and it is very uncertain whether I shall be able to see my friends there, or land at all. I have just heard a Frigate is going to England, and the boat is waiting to take my letter, so I have only time to say we are all well. I think we are to land at Lisbon and attack Junot. This is my idea, but nothing is known. To express my feelings at seeing the spot of my birth, the place in which I spent some of the happiest days of my life, would be impossible, or how tantalised at not being able to communicate. Should we land, you shall hear further and by first opportunity. At present they are calling for my letter.

Your ever affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

I have opened this to say that I have a message from the Commodore, saying he is sorry it will not be possible for me to land, as they only wait for Sir A. Wellesley’s return from shore to make sail. They are making dispositions for the anchoring of the fleet and landing. Spencer is to join us. I am much disappointed at not landing or communicating with shore.

A Deos,

Com as mayores saudades.[6]

[6] “With greatest regrets,” or, as we should say, “With much love.”

Monday evening, July 25th, 1808. Off Ovar.

Dearest Father,

The enclosed is a second time returned to me, and as the Peacock’s boat, by whom it is to go, is delayed a few minutes, I have opened it to tell you we are making all sail for Figueira, where we are to land to-morrow morning in order, I understand, to cut off a French Corps marching to Lisbon to Junot’s assistance, and then to march to Lisbon and try his mettle. I cannot imagine what Corps is meant, as the annexed is the official account of their disposition in Spain (minus 18,000 said to be killed in Spain, and some must have been in Portugal), viz. (?9000) at St Sebastian, 6000 Pampelona, 15,000 Barcelona, closely besieged by the Patriots in great force, 10,000 Burgos, 2000 Vittoria, 50,000 Madrid and adjacent country, 16,000 Lisbon, said to be now reduced to 12,000. I have no accounts of the state of the country. We made sail to the southward immediately, and not a single boat came on board. Adieu.

I will write after our landing, if opportunity offers. The most anxious moment I ever felt was seeing Porto and not being able either to write or go near. Every house I could see looked beautiful to me who felt how happy I had been there.

Camp Lavos, Nr. Figueira, Aug. 8, 1808.

My Dearest Mother,

I have seized the opportunity of a few leisure moments to write a few lines just to tell you I am quite well, though a good deal fagged and burnt by being constantly exposed to the sun, and the exertions, which my knowledge of the language, and our situation, render indispensable; though I feel the sincerest pleasure in being in any way useful to my country or the service, and fully recompensed by it for every fatigue.

We disembarked the first of this month. It took three days to land the whole army, and had we been opposed from the land I am positive we could never have effected it, so great is the surf both on the coast and the bar. However, thank God, the whole army landed without any loss but a horse or two, and now occupy a position at this place, or rather with our left to the village and right to the sea, where we have been waiting for the arrival of General Spencer and his Corps, who arrived, and have been landing yesterday and to-day, I trust without any loss, though the surf is very heavy.

We advance to attack Monsr. Junot the day after to-morrow; the advance guard, under Genl. Fane, to-morrow. It is several days’ march. The severest part of the business is in these infamous roads and scorching sun, which with the large train of Artillery and Baggage will oblige us to move very slow. Junot has in all about 14,000 men, but he cannot long resist, being about to be completely surrounded by us, about 13 to 15,000 in all, from the North, and by a corps of about 6000 Portuguese; and from the North bank of the Tagus, from Badajos, by a corps of 10,000 men from General Castanhos’ army in Spain, I hear, the bravest fine fellows possible, as is their General, and indeed the whole of the Spaniards in arms. Nothing can exceed their courage and enmity to the French. Hitherto their conduct has been most noble, and their praise in everybody’s mouth. Andalusia is clear of French. Dupont and his army capitulated to be sent to France with his arms, a curious concession from the Spaniards, who are so much in want of them. Three armies of French have been taken or destroyed, and Castanhos is in full march towards Madrid, and every hope entertained of his success. 8000 of the French who had surrendered were massacred by the Spanish peasantry, so great is their animosity. All this is positive information. Castanhos has 45,000 men, 4000 of which excellent cavalry, and about 23,000 Regulars. He is a very mild man, but a fine fellow as ever was. Whittingham was in the action with Castanhos; his conduct most gallant, and his praise universal in the army. He is appointed a Colonel in the Spanish service, as a proof of the esteem he is held in. The Portuguese have about 28,000 men in all the kingdom, in arms of all descriptions, all badly armed, and I fear not so enthusiastic in the cause (though they boast much) as their neighbours the Spaniards. As to what the English papers say, do not believe a word of it. I never read such a parcel of nonsense.

General Ferguson’s staff here occupy an old fellow’s house, where we are comfortable enough, from Mrs Wm. Archer of Figueira’s attention in sending us out everything we can want. Otherwise I know not what we should have done, as Figueira is 4½ miles off, and not a thing eatable or drinkable (besides the rations) nearer. We are up in the morning at 3 A.M., and, what with visiting the outposts, or line, and guards, 7 or 8 hours a day on horse or mule back, so that we are quite ready to lie down 3 in a small room (for which luxury we are not a little envied), at nine o’clock, and sleep as sound as on the finest down beds in the world, but for turning out now and then in the night, to interpret or some other trifle (from nobody speaking the language but me in the Brigade), which now consists of the 66th, 40th, 71st Highlanders, all tried Regiments on service, and longing to meet these so much vaunted Frenchmen....

From your ever most affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

The General desires kindest remembrances. He is the best man almost I ever met.

Lourinhao, 12 miles from Peniche (South), August 19, 1808.

I have just time to tell you I am well and quite safe. We had a very sharp action the day before yesterday, at a strong position at Roliça, near Obidos. The French were strongly posted at first in the plain, and then retired to a mountain almost inaccessible. But what could resist the gallantry of our brave fellows? They clambered up exposed to a tremendous fire, and drove them for several miles, killing a great many and taking two pieces of cannon. Our army lost about 500 men in killed and wounded, and a very large proportion of Officers. The 29th Regt. suffered most, and lost 19 Officers killed and wounded, the Col. (Lake) among the former. The 9th also suffered, and my poor friend Stuart badly, I fear mortally, wounded. Capt. Bradford of 3rd Guards, and a Lieut. R. Dawson[7] killed, a fine gallant fellow. Our Brigade having been sent to turn the right, arrived rather late, and were scarcely engaged. We lost a few men—5 or 6—and poor Capt. Geary of the Artillery, after firing 4 shots at the enemy in most masterly style.

The French fought most gallantly, and their retreat does honour to their military character. They were inferior to us greatly in numbers. First commanded by Laborde, who it is said is badly wounded, and then by Junot, who arrived from Lisbon, though his column did not get up in time. Their loss from every account is nearly 1000. General orders to-day thank 9th, 29th, 5th, and Rifle corps for noble conduct. Though obliged at times to climb on hands and feet, nothing could restrain their impetuosity. Poor Stuart fell calling to his officers to see that his young Regt. did their duty, and not to mind him. Poor, dear friend, I fear he cannot live. We marched to this place yesterday to cover the landing of the troops under Genl. Anstruther, and have just received orders to advance towards Lisbon.

The French retreated, all night of the action, by the new road. I wish we had pursued them, but feel every confidence in Sir A. W.

Hitherto we have had a most harassing march in the sun, and suffered much from the heat, though all healthy and in high spirits. We shall give the French a good dressing wherever we meet them, and in 3 or 4 days shall be in Lisbon victorious....

[7] 45th Reg., carrying the King’s colours.

Vimiero, August 22nd, 1808.

My Beloved Parents,

Since I wrote to you a few days ago by Col. Brown we have had a most glorious and memorable day for England. The French attacked us yesterday in our position with their whole force, near 15,000 men. The attack was expected at daybreak, and would have been so, had they not been delayed by the roads. We had laid by our arms about 2 hours, after turning out before daybreak as usual, when the 40th, part of General Ferguson’s Brigade, had their picquet driven in, and beat to arms.

Our noble General, of whose gallantry and conduct it is almost impossible to give an idea, was soon on the mountain, our quarters being about ½ mile off in a small town, Vimiero. From thence we could perceive the enemy advancing to attack the centre of the army, and a strong column marching to turn the hill on which the General’s Brigade was, with Cavalry and Artillery; but as they had to make a considerable round, we had full time to prepare.

Sir A. W. (who commanded, Sir H. Burrard not having landed) ordered up several Brigades, and made the most masterly disposition. The centre of the army, from which we were divided by a deep valley, was soon attacked with great vigour, but they received such a check, that we had soon the glory of seeing the French staggered and then relax in their attack. At this time General Ferguson’s Brigade, and those under General Spencer, who commanded this wing, were briskly attacked, but our noble General in about ½ hour after the fire commenced ordered his Brigade to charge, leading himself in a manner beyond all praise (it is enough, too, that the Commander-in-Chief considers him to have most contributed to the completest victory that could be obtained without cavalry to follow it up). The French gave way, and were followed with three cheers by the whole Brigade. A part rallied, but the 36th and 71st charged them with an irresistible impetuosity, led on by our brave General, and drove them from their guns, of which they took four, with as many tumbrils. The victory was now certain, though they again rallied once more, and were again dispersed by the 71st. Our Artillery completed the triumph of this glorious day. To speak of the conduct of any body would in me seem presumptuous. Every soldier seemed a hero. The fire for some time was tremendous, and the field strewed with our brave fellows in charging the guns. My horse, a beautiful, nice creature, I had received but a few days before from Porto, which cost me 38 Moidores, was shot in several places and fell dead. I got on another belonging to a Dragoon, but so tired he could not move; and when I had the cloak shot away from before me, I thought it high time to dismount and join the 36th, who were advancing, and with them I had the honour to remain during the rest of the action. The loss of the French is very great, upward of 1200 killed and wounded left on the field, besides prisoners. Our army lost about 500 in killed and wounded, and a good many Officers. The only one you know is little Ewart, shot through the leg, not dangerously I hope. The French army was commanded by Junot, Laborde, Loison, Charlot, Brennier. The two latter were taken with a great many Officers, and thirteen pieces of cannon.

We could adore Ferguson for his bravery and skill and coolness in a fire like hail about him. His orderly, a very fine trooper of the 20th Drns., was shot close to me, and I fear cannot live. My poor friend Stuart of the 9th died two days ago, after the fight at Roliça, universally lamented—to me a loss I have not yet recovered. I was much attached to him. I have not time to write any more particulars. I am very much fatigued, having been yesterday till past 5 P.M. collecting the wounded English and French, and conducting them to a place of safety from the Portuguese cowards, who won’t fight a ⅟₁₆ of a Frenchman with arms, but plunder and murder the wounded, poor wretches. Had I time I could tell you such things of these countrymen of mine,[8] that you would not wonder at my despising them and having unpleasantly changed my opinion of their character.

I am very happy to tell you none of our Staff were killed. I have suffered a good deal all night and to-day from a bowel complaint, but am better. I wish we had advanced to-day and followed up our victory, without giving them time to rally from a check they are so little used to.

Adieu; God bless you all. Kindest love to them, from your most affectionate son,

Wm. Warre.

[8] William Warre was born in Portugal.

Buenos Ayres, Lisbon, 17 Sept. 1808.

My Dearest Friends,

I should be most ungrateful did I let another opportunity pass of thanking you for your very kind letters of 25 July, 1st Aug., 3 Sept., which latter I received yesterday, and am, believe me, most sensible to the praise and approbation of friends so infinitely dear to me.

You will long before this have heard of the dreadful illness and narrow escape I have had since the action, the extreme weakness occasioned by which alone prevented my writing to you and my uncle William by the Donegal, who went home as one of the escort to the Russian Fleet. I never suffered so much in my life as during those 14 days I was at the worst, though the fever left me on the 4th or 5th day for a time. I had very slender hopes I should ever again see my beloved family and friends. I have now been on shore a week, and so much recovered and gaining so much strength that I am able to take a walk every day a short way, and am getting my flesh again, though still very thin, the disorder having left me a perfect skeleton. I even yesterday paid a visit to some friends of the Barnardo Bettrão’s, and sat there a considerable time. To the Friar (Frè Barnardo), one of the family, I am indebted for the most friendly attention and kindness. He has been most anxious to procure me every comfort and supply every want I could have in my situation.

I think of going to Cintra next week for a few days, for change of air and quiet. As soon as I am able to undertake the journey, I shall go to Porto, as Genl. Ferguson is going to England for a short time on particular family business. I have determined to remain behind, as I consider myself bound to join my Regt. should I return to England, and have great doubts whether they would allow me to return, which would be provoking, if there was anything to be done, and I am the more inclined to do this, as from the Government of this country having written to beg my worthy kind friend in the Albany to come over, I have great hopes of embracing him once more at Maçarellos.

I feel great “Saudades,”[9] notwithstanding, at being obliged to postpone the happiness of seeing you all, after such a narrow escape, but trust the time is at all events not very far distant, and that we shall yet talk over dangers past with additional accounts to tell and battles to fight over, for I hope they will not leave so fine an army idle at such a time....

You ask me for some account of the battle. I will give it you nearly in the same words as I have written to my friends and Uncle William. After having had all the fag and labor, it is hard not to have been able to partake in the least of the exultation and joy of the victory, or enter into the rejoicings of this place, for eight days illuminated, and every heart elated at the French having left it. The last division embarked two days ago, but have not sailed. The 1st and 2nd, I believe, have.

The Natives have murdered every straggler or unfortunate Frenchman they met behind the column, and, but for very strong English guards and patrols, would destroy every person who supported them, and their houses. It is cowardly in them now, but when we hear of the ferocious cruelties and insolence, of the system of robbery and plunder and murder, almost incredible had we not seen such proofs of it, we cannot wonder at the fury of this naturally passionate and revengeful people.

Now to the battle. We had received information on the evening of the 20th that the enemy intended to attack us next morning, but this was generally discredited. We were as usual every morning under arms an hour before daybreak, and remained after daybreak longer than usual, when, not perceiving anything of the enemy, the troops were dismissed, and Genl. Ferguson and his Staff again retired to our straw at a house about ½ a mile from Camp at the town of Vimiero. About 8 I was woke by a Serjeant, who told me our picquets of the 40th on the left were driven in and the enemy advancing. I ran to tell Genl. Ferguson, and we were soon on horseback and on the hill on the left, from whence we had a full view of the French Army, on its march to attack us in two strong columns. The strongest and principal attack was on our centre, and the other against the hill, and left of our position, which was separated from the centre by a deep valley covered with vineyards, occupied by our light troops, and to the top of which Genl. Ferguson ordered his Brigade to advance to await their attack.

Sir A. Wellesley arrived soon after, as I had been sent to tell him of the attack, and perceiving the intention of the Enemy, ordered Genl. Bowes’ and Genl. Ackland’s brigades to support Genl. Ferguson’s; and made his dispositions in the most cool and masterly style, as from our commanding situation we could see all the movements of the French and of our own army. Our light troops in the centre, consisting of the 60th 5th Batt. (Riflemen) and 95 Rifle Corps, supported by the 50th, were by this warmly engaged and with various success, though they behaved most nobly; but were at last forced to retire before the French column, who advanced with the utmost confidence to the attack, expecting, as we have since heard, that we should have given way immediately, but were so warmly received that they retired.

They made several attacks, and endeavoured to turn both flanks of the centre, but were received on their left by the 97th, who charged them and drove them through a wood, and on their right by the 52nd 2nd Batt. and 50th, and 43rd 2 Batt., who defeated them also, though very unequal in numbers, and very hard pressed by the French columns.

The enemy suffered so much that they soon retired in confusion. Our Artillery was excellently well served, and they were pursued by our handful of Cavalry of the 20 Dgns. and some Portuguese Dgns., but who, venturing too eagerly in pursuit, the French rallied, and our people extricated themselves with great difficulty, losing a great many Officers and men, among the rest Col. Taylor killed.

While part of this was going on, we were spectators of the fight from the hill, and the account I gave of the rest of what passed in the centre is from what I can collect. The column that was to attack us had a round to make, and did not arrive till long after the centre was engaged. They advanced in column—cavalry, infantry, artillery—with great confidence, and were well received by our light troops. As soon as they were within reach Genl. Ferguson ordered his Brigade to charge them, which was done with all the intrepidity and courage of British soldiers, and the enemy retired before us, keeping up a sharp fire. A part of them rallied, but Genl. Ferguson hurraed the 36th, a very weak though fine Regt. to charge, which was done in great style three successive times, till, as they were very much thinned, and in some disorder from the rapid advance, I was sent back to hasten the support which was far behind, the gallant little Regiment forming to rally again under cover of a hedge of American aloes though much pressed. I just returned in time to join the 71st, who were charging 6 pieces of the enemy’s cannon that were retiring, and the fire at this time from the enemy was really tremendous.

The enemy attempted to rally and advanced with drums beating, but the 71st charged them so manfully that they retired in confusion, and the retreat became general.

Thus ended this glorious day, in which the valor and intrepidity of our gallant fellows was most conspicuous. Their appearance would have made a stone feel in such a cause. As to Genl. Ferguson, all I could say would not be half what he deserved in praise. His gallantry and judgement decided the day on the left. My only astonishment and that of everybody else is how he escaped. He was always in advance in the hottest fire animating everybody by his noble example. I have not seen any return of the killed and wounded.

The general idea is that we lost about 5 or 600 men, about as many as in the affairs of the 16th and 17th, when we lost a great many officers, our fellows storming an almost perpendicular rock in face of the enemy, who own they were never more astonished. I there lost my dear friend Stuart of the 9th, one of my oldest and greatest friends. It appears odd to weep in the midst of an action, but I was so shocked by the sudden change of a friendly shake of the hand about two hours before, (when our Brigade parted from them with Genl. Bowes to turn the enemy’s flank), and his dying in great pain, exclaiming to his officers to see that his young Regt. did their duty, that the tears ran down my face like a child’s. The 29th had 15 officers killed, wounded, and prisoners in that affair.

The loss of the French in the first affairs must have been from 800 to 1000 in killed and wounded, on the 21st near 4000 in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Our Artillery, which was extremely well served, did great execution, particularly the new shells filled with Musquet Balls invented by Major Shrapnell. The action was over before 2 P.M., and I was left the whole evening to collect the wounded French, and save them from being massacred by the natives, who plundered everyone they could. I remained till evening on this harassing and affecting duty, contemplating all the miseries and tortures war can inflict on human nature in all shapes. To this, added to the anxiety and fatigue I had previously undergone in the sun, and being very unwell before, I attribute the severe illness, which has prevented my partaking in the general joy and exultation at our success, but from which I am recovering very fast.

I was much surprised to see D’Aeth, who is a charming fellow. He is going to Porto in the Eclipse, to which he is appointed Acting Commander. I have given him some letters, which I hope will make it pleasant to him; but I was much more astonished to see Wm. Archibald, whom I thought in the Warrior with Spranger. He came and dined with me, and comes to-morrow to breakfast to take this and some other letters on board a ship that is to sail for England. He is very well, he says, and very happy in his ship and Captn., but I think he looks very pale and thin. He is very much grown. It is some years since I saw him and I should scarcely have known him again.

I must mention to you two instances of noble conduct in and among many others I had an opportunity of observing. These are of the two cousins M’Kayes of the 71st. One of them was Piper to the Regt., a remarkably handsome fine fellow, and was playing to the men while advancing to charge, when he was wounded badly in the lower part of the belly and fell. He recovered himself almost immediately and continued to play on the ground till quite exhausted. I afterwards saw him in a hovel, where we collected the wounded, surrounded by them, both French and English. I shook him by the hand and told him I was very sorry to see so fine a fellow so badly hurt; he answered, “Indeed, Captain, I fear I am done for, but there are some of these poor fellows, pointing to the French, who are very bad indeed.” The other a Corporal had taken the French General Brennier prisoner, who offered him his watch and money, but M’Kay told him to keep his money, he would have need of it, and took neither. A rare instance of forbearance in any soldier in action.

I have written till I am so tired, I fear I cannot write more. I will if possible in the morning, but I wish at all events you would send my dearest Mother this letter as it gives so much detail, and, having written so long a one to my uncle William, I cannot write another account and know she will like to hear all these particulars. If I do not write to-morrow I will by the very first ship that goes.

Sept. 18th.—I am very much better to-day, so much that I intend going into Lisbon in a carriage.

Yrs. affecly.,

W. Warre.

Direct to me, care of any resident here to forward it by enquiry where I am. I know none but Portuguese.

[9] Regrets.

Lisbon, Sept. 29, 1808.

My Dear Father,

I wrote a few lines by General Ferguson who went home in the Plover, and by the same ship were also, I believe, forwarded two long letters with some details of the action, which you will of course see.

The indignation expressed in all the English Papers at the Capitulation made subsequent to that is scarce equal to what has been felt by every individual of the Army, whose glory and the gratitude of their countrymen (their best reward) has been so completely frittered away. This in a political point of view is the least of its evils. The consequences of sending to France 25,000 to join Buonaparte in his reconquering Spain and Portugal, men who have marched, and countermarched all over the country, may still be most disastrous, for I never can imagine that the struggle of these countries, (I should rather say Spain, for this country is not in a state to do anything for itself), is more than begun. The Tyrant will not so easily give up his point, but will march all his disposable force, and best Generals against her, unless indeed some unforeseen diversion in the north, or on the Continent, put some weight in the balance, in favour of Spain.

As the French retreat and approach France, they come nearer their supplies, etc., properly their base of operation. While in separate armies the gallant Spaniards could by numbers surround and cut off their supplies and communications, and by enthusiasm and impetuosity overcome them. But the case is far different, when a regular army is collected and within reach of its supplies, nor have we of late heard of any material success of the Spaniards. I do not mean by this, that a nation like Spain urged by such motives for enthusiasm and revenge is not able, if unanimous, to gain at last and maintain its independence, but that it must be at the expense of many thousand lives, of proofs of the greatest fortitude and constancy, not, if, as they are doing in this country, they totally neglect their army, who instead of learning the very elements of their duty, of which they are totally ignorant, are employed in rejoicings and illuminations, or talking big of actions and valour, who never saw a shot fired.

I live almost constantly with Portuguese, and have had a great deal of conversation with them. Some of the most enlightened foresee the consequences of the Government as now established, and the utter ruin of the Country. They speak sensibly on the subject, and affect to feel its situation, but no one steps forward to point out the defects.

The Regency as appointed by the Prince in the midst of hurry and confusion, was as lame a Government as could well be, mostly all old superannuated Generals, who had never seen an enemy, or lawyers, who if they knew anything of the jurisprudence of their country, are entirely ignorant of Politics and Finance. Pedro de Mello is supposed to understand the interior regulation of the country, its police, and resources in men, etc., but little of finance. He has been very properly removed for his conduct during the stay of the French, as were Principe al Castro, Conde de St Payo, and the Marquez de Abrantes, the latter being a prisoner in France. To supply these they have chosen the Bishop of Porto, and the Marquez das Minas, a very young man, of whom I hear that he has no other merit than that he wears a very gay uniform and a very long feather. Thus in a country, whose finances are in such a deplorable condition that they have been obliged to pay the Police Guard out of the funds voluntarily raised for the support of the Army on its march, they have not chosen one man who has the least practice or knowledge in that branch, nor have they attempted to improve the state of their army.

Their decrees since they came into power are as puerile and weak as might be expected. In short, all classes call out against the want of vigour and (the) ignorance of their rulers, though themselves wrapped up in the most unaccountable apathy and egotism.

I am getting my strength and health very fast. I removed last week from the lodgings I was in to the house of a Senhor Manoel Maçedo, who married Lucas Siabra’s daughter. Nothing can exceed his kindness and attention. We were going for billets in the town, but having been introduced to us by Frè Bernardo Bettrão (by us I mean also Major Wilson 97th, who was wounded on the 21st, and we have been ever since together) he called and insisted upon our coming to his house, and would take no apology, assuring us that we should go and dine and live where we pleased. But since we have been in his house he not only feeds us but any friend who comes to see us. He is a man of very large property, but only lately married. He is very much attached to everything that is English. He has lived a great deal in Brazil and shewed me some curious accounts of the natives of the interior, and a plan he proposed for their civilization, very well written and with wonderful liberality and tolerance for a Portuguese. Frè Bernardo Bettrão has been most friendly and constant in his attention, and introduced me to several of my Uncle’s friends, who have been very attentive, particularly Lucas Siabra, the Lieutenant-General of the Police, to whose house we are at all times welcome. Society in Lisbon, or amusements, there are none. The opera is closed for want of funds, and in private families, that is the few that are in Lisbon, people meet of an evening, sometimes with great formality, but the change, and distrust of difference of opinion, while the French were here, and petty intrigues, evidently cast a gloom over every Portuguese.

In the town, but for the strong English Guards and Picquets, the mob would have murdered, and destroyed the houses of everybody connected with the French, and even now, if a French deserter, or spy (for I am informed many have been detected) is found, the cry of “Hè Francez” is enough, unless some English are near, to have him murdered without mercy, and many have been murdered.

I intend setting out from this for Porto about the end of next week, with Frè Bernardo. We shall travel slow as I wish to see Coimbra, and am not yet equal to long journeys, though quite wonderfully recovered, considering how ill I was. I will write as soon as I arrive there and have seen how things are going on. I am very anxious to hear from some of my dear friends. Except a letter of the 3rd from Hardy I have not a line from home, though all my friends have heard since, and therefore suppose my letters are wandering about Lisbon. I have made every enquiry for them. Having been so little out, nobody knows where I am to be found, and I fear they are lost, if any came. In future pray direct to the care of Senhor Carlos Oniel or any of your correspondents, who will easily find me out. I called yesterday on Madame Mantzoro. She received me with great politeness and attention, and desired me to remember her most kindly to you and my Uncle. She and all the family are well.

If the 23rd have sailed, or are to sail, and that Genl. Ferguson should not return, or be employed elsewhere, pray send me out the things I wrote for, and also in addition a white Dragoon sword-belt which is in George Street; and from Hoby, who had my measure, two pairs of long Regent boots, but these only if 23rd should embark, and the General not be employed, as if he is, I should hope he would wish to have me with him anywhere. I long to see him back here. In his absence I am quite desamparado.[10] Adieu, my dear Father. Daily in my own quiet hermitage, ...

When I think of my own native land,

In a moment I seem to be there;

But alas! recollection at hand,

Soon hurries me back to despair;

“to despair” is too strong, but certainly to great Saudades. Pray remember me to all my friends also in the village, and believe me ever, Yr. most affectionate and dutiful Son,

Wm. Warre.

P.S.—Lane the tailor having sent me a coat I cannot wear, it is so tight, and with Buff lining, I have written to him for the last he shall ever make for me, though he alone has my measure, and I will thank you to send it to me to this place, as soon as possible, as I have not a coat to wear of an evening, owing to this disappointment. Pray direct your next to Porto, as I shall most probably be there for the next month or 6 weeks, unless something unexpected happens. We have sent 8000 men to Elvas and several Regiments into Cantonments at Abrantes, Santarem, Almeida, etc., etc., which does not look like the armies moving at present into Spain—to re-embark, there are but few Transports. 4000 Dons were to sail to-day for Barcelona.

[10] “Unsupported.”

1808-9
CHAPTER III

INTRODUCTION

Between the 29th of September and the 23rd of December 1808 no letters have been preserved in this collection. But in the interval much had happened.

After the Convention of Cintra, the French evacuated Portugal, though slowly. It was not until the second week of October that the last of them were embarked. The exasperation of the Portuguese against them, as well as against the Convention, was great, and it was with difficulty in some cases that they were protected from the fury of the populace in Lisbon and in Oporto.

In the month of October, Sir John Moore took over the command of the British army. He found to his hand a fine body of troops, but an absolute want of organisation as regards transport and commissariat. It was a full month before he was able to move, and even then want of knowledge of the roads led to the sending round of the Artillery with Sir John Hope by a circuitous route, causing many days’ delay. During the whole of this time, great pressure was brought to bear on him, urging him to advance towards Madrid to the support of the patriot armies in Spain. On 11th November he entered Spain, and reached Salamanca on the 13th, but it was not till 23rd November that his army was concentrated. A force under Sir David Baird, which had been landed at Corunna, was ordered to move through Galicia and to effect a junction with him, which, however, owing to counter orders which were in turn countermanded, did not take place till nearly a month later.

Meanwhile, Napoleon, set free for the moment from complications in Central Europe by the Treaty of Erfurth, was pouring reinforcements amounting to 200,000 men into the Peninsula.

The Spaniards, defeated utterly at Burgos (10th November), at Espinosa (11th November), and at Tudela (23rd November), were now practically without any organised force in the field, and it seemed as if Sir John Moore would find himself in the presence of overwhelming French forces.

Fortunately for the British army, Napoleon, who arrived at Madrid on 4th December, was unaware of the position of Moore at Salamanca, and believed that the English were in full retreat for Lisbon.

On 13th December, an intercepted dispatch revealed to Moore the distribution of the French forces, and more especially the isolated position of Soult with 16,000 men at Saldaña. Accordingly, he determined to move north to Mayorga, where on 20th December he was joined by Baird. On 21st December, the combat of Sahagun occurred, the most brilliant exploit on the part of the British cavalry during the whole war.[11]

On the evening of 23rd December, when the army was just starting to attack Soult at Saldaña, Moore received the news that Napoleon had turned north from Madrid and was hastening with all his forces to overwhelm him.

The letter of William Warre dated 23rd December, 5.30 P.M., is singular in noting the exact time at which the orders were given to march against Soult at Saldaña. Among the letters it is unique in its tone, as if the writer was oppressed with a presentiment that he was marching to his death. It reflects in some measure the feeling which had been current in the army owing to the period of uncertainty and disappointment through which it had been passing. Within half an hour of the time at which the letter was written, Moore had received the news of Napoleon’s advance. The columns which had marched to attack Soult were ordered to return to Sahagun, and within twelve hours the celebrated retreat on Corunna had begun. The next letter belongs to 1809.

The new year saw the army of Sir John Moore toiling through the snows of the highlands of Galicia on its disastrous retreat to Corunna, of the miseries of which a glimpse is given in Letter of 4th January 1809 from near Lugo.

Then came the battle of Corunna, and the tragic death of the Commander of the army in the moment of victory. General Beresford’s Brigade covered the embarkation. The General and his A.D.C. were the last men to get into the boats.

They arrived safely at Plymouth in H.M.S. Barfleur on 23rd January. But the stay at home was not to be for long.

Before the end of February, Beresford, who understood and spoke Portuguese, was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Portuguese army. He retained the services of Captain Warre as his A.D.C. They arrived in Lisbon early in March.

The work before him was the organisation of the Portuguese forces, a task of no little magnitude and difficulty, to which there is abundant reference in the letters.

Sir A. Wellesley arrived in Lisbon towards the end of April, and within a short time important movements were on foot. The French under Marshal Soult had moved southwards from Galicia, and in March had taken Oporto.

Before the end of May, Sir A. Wellesley had retaken Oporto, and Soult had been driven northward, leaving his baggage and artillery and his sick behind him, into the wilds of Galicia.

There followed, after an interval, the summer campaign, which ended with the battle of Talavera. After this, owing to the behaviour of the Spaniards, the British army retired on Badajos, and went into cantonments.

The Portuguese army, which had not taken any part in the Talavera campaign, was meantime growing steadily in numbers and discipline.

In October the Spaniards gained a victory at Tamames, but in November suffered two disastrous defeats at Ocaña and Alba de Tormes.

Peace had now been made between France and Austria, and the French paused while awaiting the reinforcements which were pouring into the Peninsula preparatory to an attack on Portugal, and the attempt to drive the British army to the sea.

During this year Captain Warre was fully occupied with the work of organising the Portuguese forces, translating drill books, visiting and inspecting various corps, and other necessary work. His time was much disturbed by two anxieties. His servant Rankin, of whom he had thought well (see Letter of 23rd December 1808), turned out to be a rogue and a thief. He was tried by Court Martial and shot, in accordance with the severity of martial law which was prevalent at the time.

His elder sister, Clara, who was a Roman Catholic, had taken the veil and was a nun in the convent at Lamego. On the invasion of Portugal by the French from the north, the question of how she could be removed into a place of safety exercised her brother’s mind greatly. The French were notorious for their ill-treatment of convents and other ecclesiastical establishments. But the difficulties in the way of her removal, added to her own desire to stay with the rest of the nuns, were insuperable.

Fortunately, after Soult retired from Oporto, they were not molested, and the good lady lived on to a good old age in the convent at Lamego.

The letters to his father with regard to expenses, which the latter deemed excessive, illustrate the financial difficulties with which a good many officers serving in the field and their families must have been troubled during those years of strife and bad business.

A note on the back of the last Letter of the year seems to indicate the nature of a reply to application for clothing for the Portuguese troops made to some English firm.

[11] Vide Oman, vol. i., sec. viii., chap. iv.

LETTERS

Avanilla, Nr. Sahagun (5½ leagues from
Saldanha), Dec. 23, 1808, ½-past 5 P.M.

Though, as you will suppose, my beloved Parents, not a little hurried, I cannot leave this place to march towards the enemy at Saldanha, without a few lines, which although I am sure not necessary to convince you how much I feel, or how grateful for all the affection, love, and kindness I have ever received, will I am sure be a gratification in case of the worst. Should I fall, my dearest friends, do not grieve for me. It has been the fate of many and much finer fellows than I am, and I fall in a just and glorious cause, trusting to my God and my Saviour to forgive me and have mercy on my soul. I do not know of any crime that I have committed, that should make me fear death, but we are all liable to err. At all events I have not disgraced myself or my family. That would be worse than a hundred deaths, or to lose your affection.

The French are at Saldanha, 5¾ leagues from this. We march at 6 this evening to arrive at daybreak, not much over-matched in numbers. I have not a doubt of the issue of the contest. Our cavalry have hitherto behaved most gallantly and taken in all from 500 to 800 men, great booty, and 26 officers....

Rankin has served me very faithfully and honestly, particularly during my severe illness. I would like him to have his discharge bought, and 10£ to take him home. We shall have a cold march to-night, but shall be warm when we see these so vaunted robbers. The Last Bugle sounds. Adieu, may every happiness attend my dearest Parents. Do not regret, I conjure you, the loss of an individual in so glorious a cause. Your ever attached and affecte. son,

Wm. Warre.

My heavy baggage is at Lisbon at Senhor Manoel de Maçedos, 68 Rua das Tunas.

Sobrado, between Lugo and St Jago, Jany. 4, 1809.

My Dearest Father,

I have only time to say I am quite well, thank God. We have been rather harassed lately, having retreated from Sahagun to this place sometimes by night and forced marches, which have nearly knocked up all our men. We have not halted for 22 days, and marched in that time near 70 leagues. For myself I have fared very well compared to officers not on the Staff and men. I suppose no men ever did more, or any army, some even officers barefoot.

We are now ordered this instant to return to Lugo, which has disappointed our hopes of returning home. For this country we can do nothing. They will do nothing for themselves. Never have a nation been more infamously deceived than the English about this country. The people are willing, I believe, but neither army, officers, clothes or anything necessary; and I fear many traitors. We have not seen, since we have been in the country, a symptom of organisation, or, till lately, even a Recruit. Nothing can be more really despicable than their army, and in want of everything; though in abundance—Such miserable arrangement! In short, I have no hopes of any success, and am not a little annoyed at our return.

I had intended to go to Porto, and had leave if we quitted the country. I might be of use to my family, particularly my dear Uncle, in getting his things away. My name would, I know, and some firmness be required. Clara could not remain in Portugal. From some French officers, Prisoners to us, I know Priests, Nuns, and Friars, would not be spared. Write to me implicitly your wishes on this head. I dare any trouble or risk, you know, for any of my Family. Also send your instructions as to my conduct at Porto, and if your letter is likely to reach me in time, whether I shall go there or no. I can get leave, I know, and intended going from St Jago.

Kindest love to my beloved Mother, Brothers and Sisters, and to my Uncles. I have never had an opportunity even of writing to say I am well, and am uncertain whether you will ever receive this. Pray write to me. I have no greater happiness than your letters. I have only received yrs. of 24th Dec. in postscript to my Uncle’s, and one before (date I cannot recollect), also one from Genl. Ferguson, whom I shall be most happy to see, though I rejoice that he has escaped this winter campaign. I never wish to serve another, particularly for such a morose uncivil set, who will only talk. Adieu, may God bless you all, and may I soon have the happiness of embracing you. Remember me most kindly to the Adamsons, and believe me, ever most affectionately yours in the greatest haste,

W. W.

P.S.—Everything should be moved from Porto, I think. I will write by first opportunity.

Our cavalry have distinguished themselves. This letter in perfect confidence from Yrs.

W. W.

We have had tremendous weather, particularly during our march over the mountains. As long as I have health, however, I do not care for myself, though I am not yet really hardened enough to misery and wretchedness, not to be unhappy at contemplating the miseries of war in our men and the wretched inhabitants of the country. May our beloved country never be a scene of warfare. Better ½ of its men should die on the beach.

Barfleur, at Sea, Jany. 18, 1809.

My Dearest Friends,

I have just time to say I am quite well, and happy in the prospect of soon seeing all my beloved friends, after our disastrous and most harassing retreat from Lugo. We arrived at Coruña and found no transports, they arrived a few days after, but before we could embark the French attacked us on the 16th, with all their force, in our most disadvantageous position. They were repulsed by a valour which only English troops can possess, though exposed to a tremendous commanding fire of cannon. Poor Sir John Moore was killed. Sir David Baird lost his arm. Our loss in killed and wounded is very great, though not so much as that of the enemy.