Transcribers Note: Original spelling has been retained.
Readers should be aware that this volume contains translations from original German documents and thus may contain translation/spelling errors.
Use of asterisks in text denote missing/illegible words.

NAZI CONSPIRACY
AND AGGRESSION

VOLUME III

Office of United States
Chief of Counsel For Prosecution
of Axis Criminality

United States Government Printing Office
Washington · 1946

Sold in complete sets
by the
Superintendent of Documents U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D.C.

CONTENTS

Document number 001-PS through document number 1406-PS, arranged numerically 1-1003

(A descriptive list of documents appears at the end of the last volume.)

A Collection of Documentary Evidence and Guide Materials Prepared by the American and British Prosecuting Staffs for Presentation before the International Military Tribunal at Nurnberg, Germany, in the case of

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, and THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS

—against—

HERMANN WILHELM GOERING, RUDOLF HESS, JOACHIM von RIBBENTROP, ROBERT LEY, WILHELM KEITEL, ERNST KALTENBRUNNER, ALFRED ROSENBERG, HANS FRANK, WILHELM FRICK, JULIUS STREICHER, WALTER FUNK, HJALMAR SCHACHT, GUSTAV KRUPP von BOHLEN und HALBACH, KARL DOENITZ, ERICH RAEDER, BALDUR von SCHIRACH, FRITZ SAUCKEL, ALFRED JODL, MARTIN BORMANN, FRANZ von PAPEN, ARTUR SEYSS-INQUART, ALBERT SPEER, CONSTANTIN von NEURATH, and HANS FRITZSCHE, Individually and as Members of Any of the Following Groups or Organizations to which They Respectively Belonged, Namely: DIE REICHSREGIERUNG (REICH CABINET); DAS KORPS DER POLITISCHEN LEITER DER NATIONALSOZIALISTISCHEN DEUTSCHEN ARBEITERPARTEI (LEADERSHIP CORPS OF THE NAZI PARTY); DIE SCHUTZSTAFFELN DER NATIONALSOZIALISTISCHEN DEUTSCHEN ARBEITERPARTEI (commonly know as the "SS") and including DIE SICHERHEITSDIENST (commonly known as the "SD"); DIE GEHEIME STAATSPOLIZEI (SECRET STATE POLICE, commonly known as the "GESTAPO"); DIE STURMABTEILUNGEN DER N.S.D.A.P. (commonly known as the "SA") and the GENERAL STAFF and HIGH COMMAND of the GERMAN ARMED FORCES all as defined in Appendix B of the Indictment,

Defendants.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 001-PS

Copy to Regional Leader of the NSDAP
Extract of par. 1 to DEGENHARD 15 April
SECRET
Documentary Memorandum for the Fuehrer
Concerning: Jewish Possessions in France

In compliance with the order of the Fuehrer for protection of Jewish, cultural possessions, a great number of Jewish dwellings remained unguarded. Consequently, many furnishings have disappeared, because a guard could, naturally, not be posted. In the whole East, the administration has found terrible conditions of living quarters, and the chances of procurement are so limited that it is not practical to procure any more. Therefore, I beg the Fuehrer to permit the seizure of all Jewish home furnishings of Jews in Paris, who have fled, or will leave shortly, and that of Jews living in all parts of the occupied West, to relieve the shortage of furnishings in the administration in the East.

2. A great number of leading Jews were, after a short examination in Paris, again released. The attempts on the lives of members of the armed forces have not stopped, on the contrary they continue. This reveals an unmistakable plan to disrupt the German-French cooperation, to force Germany to retaliate, and, with this, evoke a new defense on the part of the French against Germany. I suggest to the Fuehrer that, instead of executing 100 Frenchmen, we substitute 100 Jewish bankers, lawyers, etc. It is the Jews in London and New York who incite the French communists to commit acts of violence, and it seems only fair that the members of this race should pay for this. It is not the little Jews, but the leading Jews in France, who should be held responsible. That would tend to awaken the Anti-Jewish sentiment.

BERLIN 18 Dec 1941
R/H
signed: A. ROSENBERG

COPY OF DOCUMENT 001-A-PS
19 November 1945

I, Major William H. Coogan, 0-455814, Q.M.C., a commissioned officer of the Army of the United States of America, do hereby certify as follows:

1. The United States Chief of Counsel in July 1945 charged the Field Branch of the Documentation Division with the responsibility of collecting, evaluating and assembling documentary evidence in the European Theater for use in the prosecution of the major Axis war criminals before the International Military Tribunal. I was appointed Chief of the Field Branch on 20 July 1945. I am now the Chief of the Documentation Division, Office of United States Chief of Counsel.

2. I have served in the United States Army for more than four years and am a practicing attorney by profession. Based upon my experience as an attorney and as a United States Army officer, I am familiar with the operation of the United States Army in connection with seizing and processing captured enemy documents. In my capacity as Chief of the Documentation Division, Office of the United States Chief of Counsel, I am familiar with and have supervised the processing, filing, translation and photostating of all documentary evidence for the United States Chief of Counsel.

3. As the Army overran German occupied territory and then Germany itself, certain specialized personnel seized enemy documents, books, and records for information of strategic and tactical value. During the early stages such documents were handled in bulk, and assembled at temporary centers. However, after the surrender of Germany, they were transported to the various document centers established by Army Headquarters in the United States Zone of Occupation. In addition to the documents actually assembled at such document centers, Army personnel maintained and secured considerable documents "in situ" at or near the place of discovery. When such documents were located and assembled they were catalogued by Army personnel into collections and records were maintained which disclosed the source and such other information available concerning the place and general circumstances surrounding the acquisition of the documents.

4. The Field Branch of the Documentation Division was staffed by personnel thoroughly conversant with the German language. Their task was to search for and select captured enemy documents in the European Theater which disclosed information relating to the prosecution of the major Axis war criminals. Officers under my command were placed on duty at various document centers and also dispatched on individual missions to obtain original documents. When documents were located, my representatives made a record of the circumstances under which they were found and all information available concerning their authenticity was recorded. Such documents were further identified by Field Branch pre-trial serial numbers, assigned by my representatives who would then periodically dispatch the original documents by courier to the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel.

5. Upon receipt of these documents they were duly recorded and indexed. After this operation, they were delivered to the Screening and Analysis Branch of the Documentation Division of the Office of United States Chief of Counsel, which Branch re-examined such documents in order to finally determine whether or not they should be retained as evidence for the prosecutors. This final screening was done by German-speaking analysts on the staff of the United States Chief of Counsel. When the document passed the screeners, it was then transmitted to the Document Room of the Office of United States Chief of Counsel, with a covering sheet prepared by the screeners showing the title or nature of the document, the personalities involved, and its importance. In the Document Room, a trial identification number was given to each document or to each group of documents, in cases where it was desirable for the sake of clarity to file several documents together.

6. United States documents were given trial identification numbers in one of five series designated by the letters: "PS", "L", "R", "C", and "EC", indicating the means of acquisition of the documents. Within each series documents were listed numerically.

7. After a document was so numbered, it was then sent to a German-speaking analyst who prepared a summary of the document with appropriate references to personalities involved, index headings, information as to the source of the document as indicated by the Field Branch, and the importance of the document to a particular phase of the case. Next, the original document was returned to the Document Room and then checked out to the photostating department, where photostatic copies were made. Upon return from photostating, it was placed in an envelope in one of several fireproof safes in the rear of the Document Room. One of the photostatic copies of the document was sent to the translators, thereafter leaving the original itself in the safe. A commissioned officer has been, and is, responsible for the security of the documents in the safe. At all times when he is not present the safe is locked and a military guard is on duty outside the only door. If the officers preparing the certified translation, or one of the officers working on the briefs, found it necessary to examine the original document, this was done within the Document Room in the section set aside for that purpose. The only exception to this strict rule has been where it has been occasionally necessary to present the original document to the defendants for examination. In this case, the document was entrusted to a responsible officer of the prosecution staff.

8. All original documents are now located in safes in the Document Room, where they will be secured until they are presented by the prosecution to the court during the progress of the trial.

9. Some of the documents which will be offered in evidence by the United States Chief of Counsel were seized and processed by the British Army. Also, personnel from the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel and the British War Crimes Executive have acted jointly in locating, seizing and processing such documents.

10. Substantially the same system of acquiring documentary evidence was utilized by the British Army and the British War Crimes Executive as that hereinabove set forth with respect to the United States Army and the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel.

11. Therefore, I certify in my official capacity as hereinabove stated, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that the documents captured in the British Zone of Operations and Occupation, which will be offered in evidence by the United States Chief of Counsel, have been authenticated, translated, and processed in substantially the same manner as hereinabove set forth with respect to the operations of the United States Chief of Counsel.

12. Finally, I certify, that all Documentary evidence offered by the United States Chief of Counsel, including those documents from British Army sources, are in the same condition as captured by the United States and British Armies; that they have been translated by competent and qualified translators; that all photostatic copies are true and correct copies of the originals and that they have been correctly filed, numbered and processed as above outlined.

[Signed] WILLIAM H. COOGAN
Major, QMC, O-455814

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 002-PS

SECRET
25 March 1943
President of Reich Research Dept.
Head of Executive Council
To the Reichsminister of Finance
Berlin W 8
Wilhelmplatz 1-2
Ref 503/43 G SR/GE

In regard to your correspondence of the 19th Dec (J 4761-174 I g III. Ang) to which I gave you a preliminary communication on the 19th Feb, I finally take the following position:

The Surgeon General-SS and Police, in a personal discussion, told me that the budget which he administers concerns primarily the purely military sector of the Waffen SS. As for the small part used for the enlarging of scientific research possibilities, it pertains exclusively to such affairs that can be carried out only with the material (prisoners), which is accessible to the Waffen SS and can therefore not be undertaken by any other experimental agency.

I cannot object therefore on the part of the Reich Experimental Counsel against the budget of the Surgeon General-SS and Police.

Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor

SECRET

Reich Leader SS
Reich Surgeon SS and Police
File: 135/ Secret / 43 TG, NR 24/43 geh.
Berlin 26 Feb 43
Subj.: Scientific Institutes
Ref to: Correspondence of 19 Feb. 43 Rf. 234/43 SR.—
To the Head of the Executive Counsel of the Reich Research
Counsel Ministerialdirektor Mentzel
Berlin-Steglitz
Grunewaldstrasse 35
My dear Ministerialdirektor:

In acknowledgment of your letter of the 19th Feb 1943, I am able to reply the following to it today:

The appropriation for the 53 key positions for my office which you made the basis of your memorandum was planned for peace times.

The special institutes of the SS which are to be partly staffed through this appropriation are to serve the purpose to establish and make accessible for the entire realm of scientific research, the particular possibilities of research only possessed by the SS.

In view of the further developments of this war, I have already shelved this plan for the time being as the result of negotiations with the Reich Finance Minister in the past year, so that my authorized personnel amounts to 25 key positions only. Of these positions, only 5 are filled at present.

Under these circumstances your objections with regard to an unreasonable overlapping of work of scientific institutes for the war's duration are void.

I will gladly be at your disposal at any time, however, to discuss the particular research aims in connection with the SS, which I would like to start after the war according to the direction of the Reich leader SS.

Furthermore, it is important that these researches—once their realization appears possible, will be tied in with the related research aims of the state.

Hoping to have served you with my preliminary summary, I remain with best greetings and

Heil Hitler
GRAWITZ

25 March 1943
Pres. of Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel
To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz
Berlin W 15
Knesebeckstr. 51
Rf. 504/43 g SR/Ge.
Pertaining to: Letter of 26 Feb. 43
File: 135/geh. 43-Tgb.—Nr. 24/43 g.

I am sending the enclosed carbon copy of my letter to the Reichsminister of Finance in regard to the conversation of 11 March, this year, for your information.

Heil Hitler!
[rubber stamp] Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor SS Major General

Berlin-Steglitz
Grunewaldstr. 35
19 Feb 43
Pres. Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel
To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz
W 15 Knesebeckstr. 51

Sent on: 20 Feb 43
Received on: 22 Feb 43
[Seal] [Signature illegible]
SS Lt. Col.
Signature of person receiving and opened registered letter

SECRET

19 Feb 43
Reich Research Counsel
Rf. 234/43 Sr.
The Head of Executive Counsel of the Reich Research Counsel
To the Surgeon General SS and Police SS Lt. Gen. Prof. Dr.
Grawitz
Berlin W. 15
Knesebeckstr. 51

The Reich minister of finance told me that you requested 53 leading positions (BES. GR C3-C8) for your office, partly for a new research institute.

After the Reichsmarshall of the Great-German Reich had, as President of the Reich Research Counsel, taken over all German research, he issued directives, among other things, that in the execution of militarily important scientific tasks, the available institutions, including equipment and personnel, should be utilized to the utmost for reasons of necessary economy of effort.

The founding of new institutes is therefore only possible in as far as there are no institutes available for the furtherance of important war research tasks.

As I don't know your personal purpose and have insufficient information from the explanation the Reich finance minister gave me about the planned institute, I would be thankful if you would further explain your plans and purposes.

I will gladly be at the disposal of one of your co-workers for an interview or would be ready to call upon you personally.

I wish you would inform me as to when and where these discussions may take place.

Heil Hitler!
[rubber stamp] Signed: Mentzel
Ministerialdirektor SS Major General

SECRET

19 Feb. 1943
REICH RESEARCH COUNSEL
Rf. 232/43 Sr.
To the Reich Minister of Finance
Head of Executive Counsel of the Reich Research Counsel
Berlin W. 8
Wilhelmplatz 1-2

You notified me on the 19th Dec. (J4761-174 I g III, Ang) concerning the research work by the Surgeon General SS and Police, and asked me what stand I take. Since the work of the state chief of research started originally in the armament department, I was unable to clear up any questions pertaining to the medical department, which came up in the last weeks. But I shall do so in the near future, and I believe I can already say that the new institutes requested by the surgeon general of SS and police will be unnecessary since other institutes can cover these planned missions.

I shall have a conference with the surgeon general SS and police pertaining to details of this planned work and, at that time, I shall let you know what my final stand will be. I would like to suggest, therefore, to defer the decisions at this time.

In this connection I state that the health officer, State Secretary Conti approached the president of the research counsel requesting funds to establish an institute for virus research in Frankfurt on Main.

Investigations to date have shown that the institute is not necessary since the planned work can, without doubt, be done * * *

Pres. Reich Research Counsel
Head of Executive Counsel
Berlin-Steglitz 19 Feb. 43
Grunewaldstr. 35
To the Reichsminister of Finance
W. 8, Wilhelmplatz 1-2

Sent on: 2 Feb. 43
Received on:
Received 22 Feb. 43 Reich Finance Minister
[Seal] [Signature illegible]
Signature of person receiving and opening

SECRET

The Reich Minister of Finance
J4761-174 I g III, Ang
Berlin 19 Dec. 1942
Wilhelmplatz 1/2 Tel. 120015 Postal Check Acct. Berlin Nr. 25955
Assumption of Research Mission By the Surgeon General SS and
Police

The surgeon general SS and police has requested 53 key positions for the new organization of his office (Bes. Gr. C3-38). The organization plan shows that the surgeon general SS and police plans not only special experts for "Research" in pharmaceutical chemistry, in dental and clinical services and a special section of scientific service, but also that plans are desired for a string of institutes which likewise deal mainly with research work:

1. Central Institute for Medical Scientific Exploitation
2. Institute for the History of Medicine
3. Pharmaceutical Chemistry Research Institute
4. Pharmacy for Military Requirements
5. Special Institute Sachenhausen
6. Pathological Institute
7. Hygienic Research Institute

In the informal discussions it was referred to the fact that the plans for the research arrangements for the Waffen-SS can only be granted if the research missions which the Surgeon General SS embarked upon are not already undertaken by other independent institutes, resp. by the universities, or belong to their sphere.

The Hygienic Institute, according to the proposed plan, includes the following seven divisions:

1. Division for combating epidemics with bacteriological and serological laboratories

2. Division for hygiene with corresponding laboratories

3. Division for chemistry with chemical laboratories

4. Division for geology and hydrology

[Reich Research Counsel
In care of Ministerialdirektor, Prof. Dr. Mentzel]

5. Division for climatology and geography, especially in preparation for cultural waging of war in sub tropical and tropical lands in Africa

6. Division for statistics and epidemic forecast which will, with new developments, work against the spreading of epidemics for the coming years

7. Division for the elimination of epidemics which will chiefly concern itself with new installation of apparatus for delousing and sterilization of drinking water for the fighting troops

I lack accurate data for other institutes. I have set aside the decision on this budget.

Regarding the decree of the Fuehrer of the 9th June 42, (RGBL. I, 389), and the emphasized necessity of coordinated scientific research, I ask for your immediate opinion on the matter.

By order of
Signed: Dr. Bender
Certified Cunsich Chief Tax Secretary
(RGBL I 389)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 003-PS

A Short Report of the Activity of the Foreign Policy Office (APA)

The mission of the Foreign Policy Office (APA) of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) could not from its founding be considered a replica of the development of the Foreign Office, but is restricted in a very definite manner. From the entire foreign policy complex the following concrete problems have been selected:

The German-English Relationship, the North Eastern Region, the South Eastern Region (Danube Region) along with boundary peoples holding interests in these regions, and Soviet Russia.

With the realization that the entire present day foreign policy is tied together in the closest manner with the question of foreign trade, a definite division was established to deal with this subject. Thus the following divisions were set up in the APA.:

England, the North, the South-East Region, the Near East, Foreign Trade, and the Press.

1. England: The attempts to find persons in England who had the desire to understand the German movement date back to 1929. Our English agent R. in Berlin made possible my first trip to London in 1931. There a number of connections were made which worked out well in a practical fashion to bring about a German-English understanding. Above all was Group Leader W., member of the Air General Staff, who was firmly of the belief that Germany and England must stand together in the defense against the Bolshevist danger. These different voicings of opinions had the result that the circle in the English Air General Staff enlarged and the Flying Club became a center of German-English understanding. In 1934 Group Leader W. came to Germany where he was received by the Fuehrer (Hitler). The utterances of the Fuehrer had the result to further strengthen these already favorably inclined policies, and since this time this cordiality has not been broken. The Air General Staff always inquired of us what they could state to refute the anti-German elements in London in a manner favorable to us. The German arguments were then applied in a corresponding manner. In contrast to certain English persons who would speak out very fervently for Germany, only to speak the contrary some months later, this staunch group, namely, the Air General Staff which was run by the younger officers, had proven itself to be a solid and conscious support in all changing situations. Not least in this influence was the great speech of Baldwin of the previous year in which he promised Germany the right to air protection. The English periodical "The Airplane" which is printed under the guidance of the Air General Staff, began to express against Bolshevism in an always increasing sharper tone, and always declared, when there was agitation against German militarism, that one could today feel well pleased if Germany had a strong air force to combat the Asiatic barbarism. The English ministers who did not wish to adopt this point of view were sharply criticized. In the change of foreign ministers the pro-French candidate for foreign office was not selected, but rather the ex-Minister of Air, Samuel Hoare, who till this day still keeps up his personal contacts with the Air Ministry. Upon his request a memorandum on the spiritual foundation of national socialism, inspired by us, was translated to him; it being his desire to understand our movement more fully.

During the reign of MacDonald this feeling of cordiality was supported through the private secretary of MacDonald, Mr. Badlow whom I also met in 1933 and with whom I had extensive discussions. Since this time he has constantly been informed through us, and has had more than one heated difference of opinion with MacDonald over this subject.

A resulting activity of this connection with the British Air General Staff was the establishment of a liaison between our Air Ministry and the British fliers. However, before it was possible for us to reveal our armament, W. revealed to me on official stationery of the British Air Ministry, a representative of the airplane motor factory which was engaged in producing motors for the British Air Force, and which said representative I later met here in Berlin. Since the German industry itself had attained production capacity by now, this almost official British offer for German air arming could not be fully accepted. However, the Chief of our England Division (Kapitaenleutnant Obermueller, reserve) took two representatives of the German Air Ministry to London and himself undertook several trips to London. He was the first German to receive an invitation from the vice-Air Marshal to view the British Air Force and British air strength. The APA had placed an automobile at the disposal of this same Air Marshal in which to tour Germany when he was in Germany last year. A firmer bond has also been accomplished between our English Division and Henry Deterding and his associates. Misunderstandings in matter of taxes pertaining to the German possessions of Deterding could be removed, thus preventing a change of management in respect to Deterding and the Shell Works whereby Germany would have lost some large contracts.

At the close of last year we received the message that the King of England has expressed himself to be very dissatisfied over the official press agency. The visit of the Duke of Kent to Munich had made matters still worse pertaining to the King's views on the press agency. Consequently we one day received the request from London to make possible that our English agent take a trip to London in order to orient the Duke of Kent in every detail pertaining to national socialism in order to convey this information to the King. R. went with me to London exactly as requested and there had an over three hour long unobserved conference with the Duke of Kent, who then conveyed this to the King of England. One can assume that this instruction has served its purpose and exerted a definite strengthening pressure for change of cabinet and head it in a direction of closer cordiality for Germany.

A number of Englishmen were invited to the Party Day of 1934, of which some at least portrayed a favorable attitude towards Germany. Above all was Captain McCaw, semi-official counsel of the English Ministry of War and liaison man between other ministries. McCaw was previously adjutant to Lord Kitchener, and as we ascertained, has worked for a German-British understanding in official quarters. Besides, there was also the truly enthusiastic adjutant of the Duke of Connaught (uncle of the English King), Archibald Boyle, who was called upon all matters of foreign policy by the Air Transport Ministry, and who worked for the same purpose. To these important contacts may be added a great number of other connections with British politicians, officers, and members of Parliament.

It naturally is to be understood that other personalities of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) had important connections in England and have utilized them. In conclusion I believe I can say that the England Division of the Foreign Policy Office (APA), in spite of many difficulties and counter-currents upon which I will not enter any further, has done its duty in the special purpose of helping to create a German-English understanding.

2. Northern Division: The winning over of the Scandinavian countries to the side of Germany appears as a foregone necessity for future German foreign policy, but the necessity is also as great to prevent the Scandinavian countries from making a clean entry into the circle of anti-German countries. The political possibilities towards these Marxist governments were extremely difficult. Trade policies, according to my belief, have suffered most through sins of omissions, hence the APA restricted itself more to the cultural political field. For this purpose it expanded the Nordic (Scandinavian) Society. This formerly small society has grown to be a decisive bond in the German-Scandinavian relationship since its support by the APA two years ago. The society's leader, Lohse, is selected by the APA. The offices in all sections [Gau] are headed by corresponding section chiefs [Gauleiter]. Trade groups and other organizations and branches of the party which have dealings with Scandinavia have come to agreement so that almost all of the traffic between Germany and Scandinavia today passes through the hands of the Nordic Society. The society has to date celebrated in Germany all memorial days of great Nordic scientists and artists (Hamsun, Holberg, Heidenstam) and has brought a number of Nordic conductors to Germany, as well as having furthered Nordic literature. Through its periodical "The North" [Der Norden] thoughts have been exchanged. Finally, personal relations were increasingly favored through conventions. Especially was the Convention of 1935 a complete success. This convention met under the sanctity of the Scandinavian ministers in Germany and the German ministers in Scandinavia, as far as it applied to the Nordic Music Conclave as the main purpose of the convention. The committee was composed of the authoritative Nordic Music Society. Fourteen sold out concerts and over 200 Scandinavian visitors attest to the success of the convention.

Thereupon the First National Finnish Art Exhibition came to Germany, followed by the request of the Finnish Government to the APA to hold a German exposition in Helsinki in March of 1936. These psychologically valuable affiliations have undoubtedly loosened the tension in many circles and it would do well for a clever trade policy to make use of this loosened tension, as for example, the trade treaties between England and Finland expire in 1936. The Chief of the Northern Division is my private secretary, Thilo von Trotha.

3. Southeast (Danube-Region): Since the Fuehrer (Hitler) has reserved Austria for his own, the APA has relayed on to the responsible places any reports from Austria, and has not dealt in Austrian politics. Relations with Hungary were immediately established. The APA invited Premier Gombos to Berlin in 1933 for a private visit where he was presented to the Fuehrer. The Fuehrer took him along to Erfurt to observe a review of the SA. Specific discussions were undertaken with Hungary to convince her of the futility of her demands for 100 percent revision of boundaries. Finally in August of 1935 I spoke with his excellence von Angian and made clear to him that although we well understood her own interests, the necessity that Hungary must decline its revision demands upon Yugoslavia and Rumania and address its demands to Czechoslovakia. One can assume that the Hungarians are now ready to realize the necessity of the boundary revisions as proposed.

Exceptionally long and drawn out discussions were in process with Rumania because definite measures were necessary, not because we did not wish to be intervening in Rumanian affairs without being called, but because we had to await the attitude of the Party as a result of the King of Rumania sending a friend to Berlin. Here on Rumanian soil a bitter battle was going on between the pro-French Titulesco and Jewish elements on one side against the anti-Jewish elements on the other side. The King is well aware of the fact that in the end his support of Bolshevism may cost him his throne. However, he is so intimidated by the threats of France, so as not to call for an election, and hopes only that the powers of the people, which are mounting against Titulesco, are so strong that he can support himself upon the will of the people. In order to create unity of expression the APA suggested formation of a large German-Rumanian Chamber of Commerce in Berlin. The profits of this business were not to benefit any private associates, but were to go to those groups that worked for a German-Rumanian understanding. Because of a false report of Herr von Neurath to the Fuehrer (Hitler) in which it was stated as though the action were taken in the name of the Fuehrer, the work was delayed and hindered and finally stopped, even though all of the ministers concerned had agreed to the plan. Through this many costly months were lost and the APA was forced to try other means. Since it was not possible to work with money, many conferences were arranged between the coming Premier Goga. Finally, an agreement which had been considered impossible, was concluded between Goga and the anti-Semitic leader Cuza. Cuza, upon my wish, deleted several points from his program, after which he informed us that it was necessary in the interest of his fatherland (Rumania) and a German-Rumanian understanding that he comply with my wish, as he had recognized in me an unyielding anti-Semite. I have informed the Fuehrer of the complicated later relationships in numerous reports. Germany is fighting France and Bolshevism in Rumania, and when affairs have progressed so as to warrant further discussion, the King of Rumania will invite me to a visit to discuss the matter further.

Feelers have been sent out to Belgrade through Rumania. Here also exists the possibility of splitting the "lesser entente," but as far as I can ascertain, Yugoslavia is not considering withdrawal from this alliance singly under certain guarantees, but will withdraw together with Rumania. The work in Rumania has to a part been undertaken by Herr Duckwitz, but especially by Party-Member Schickedanz.

The Near East: Next it was necessary that the position of the national socialistic movement be secured not only within the confines of the Party but also in public life. This was the more so necessary since the old Rapallo Treaty was constantly being discussed in the universities in numerous lectures. In relation with this was the Near East Ideology of Moeller van dem Brock which exerted its influence deep within the Party. The APA proceeded in the most tenacious fashion to prevent the proponents of the Rapallo school from coming to the universities, although this was not always possible. The APA prevented that instructional lectures of the School of Rapallo and Moeller van dem Brock were held within the Party and other societies. Through the Reich Ministry for the Furtherance of German Literature were issued many sharp criticisms over the eastern ideology of Moeller van dem Brock to all government and party offices. Furthermore, Dr. Leibrandt, the Chief of the Near East Division delivered several speeches on this matter to Party Conventions, student societies, and so forth. It was this activity which caused the APA to make enemies with many governmental offices until the Fuehrer in his speech of May 21 set forth the authenticity of this work and forced a withdrawal of those who opposed this activity of the APA. From there on the Near East Division has pursued the entire current Russian political activity, collected and examined current Russian reports, made an exact study of the minority feelings in Russia, and contacted anti-Soviet circles, although only for purposes of study. The Near East Division has supplied other divisions, namely the English Division with necessary material about Russia, as well as making available to the Press Division material for "Dem Voelkischen Beobachter" [official Nazi Party newspaper].

Foreign Trade: In all these political connections the question of foreign trade played an important part. Reluctantly one must say that it was just in this field, according to my view, that much opportunity has been lost. First of all, the Manchuko Incident, which came to the attention of the Fuehrer, was without question sabotaged in the worst fashion by the Foreign Offices in Berlin and Tokio. Still, it is of significance that the form of the reciprocal trade treaties which were written up by the Foreign Trade Division serve as models for many other governmental treaties. In many instances the division was able to establish order when things had been greatly neglected, as the German-Finnish Discussions (for which the chief of the Foreign Trade Division received the Finnish decoration), the German-Norwegian Wal Agreement, and a great number of other questions. Problems dealing with the foreign trade of Germany and the middle east (Turkey and Iran) were also attacked. One may say today that a very cheerful cooperation has been established in this field between the representatives of the Foreign Office and our Foreign Trade Division. The German-Rumanian question was tackled by our Foreign Trade Division during all this time, but unfortunately did not produce the desired results. The Foreign Trade Division produced a stimulus for German industry on the question of German-Russian credit. As things stood, greedy circles in heavy industry threatened the interests of the medium and small industries whom they were willing to sacrifice for the tempting Soviet business. Seventy million marks would have been lost in this deal because Russia would not accept the decisions of the Board of Arbitration, while heavy industry was willing to forego this sum. Through the intervention of the APA the situation was changed. Shortly thereafter the Board of Arbitration again met and acknowledged the claims of little and medium business, and divided among the several categories, thus saving the German Reich 70 million marks.

The Foreign Trade Division worked under the theory, that the question of foreign trade would be a rapid development, and therefore formulated exact recommendations in the discussions. The recommended foreign trade drafts, as were recommended in these discussions, were not refuted by Wagemann nor Josias Stamp in London. Opposition, however, has arisen in the Reich Ministry of Commerce, which apparently, however, has not given the matter a very exact examination. Thus the matter rests. German foreign trade has not progressed, and the forced taxation by means of export duties of over 700 million marks for German industry in 1935 can only be considered an emergency measure and not a fundamental policy. Here again the APA recommends to the Fuehrer to give these proposals a trial.

Party Member Daitz has worked with initiative on questions of foreign trade. Party Member Malletke, who has proven himself to be a far-seeing associate, has conducted the daily administration and the examination of all problems.

The Press: The Press Division of the APA is comprised of persons who together master all the languages that are in use. Daily they examine approximately 300 newspapers and deliver to the Fuehrer, the deputy Fuehrer, and all other interested offices the condensations of the important trends of the entire world press. I know that these press reports are highly praised by all who constantly follow them. The Press Division furthermore conducts an exact archives on the attitudes of the most important papers of the world and an exact archives on the most important journalists of the world. Many embarrassments during conferences in Germany could have been avoided had one consulted these archives (case of Leumas, Nurnberg, 1934; case of Dorothy Thompson; and others). Further, the Press Division was able to arrange a host of interviews as well as conducting a great number of friendly foreign journalists to the various official representatives of Germany. Hearst then personally asked me to often write about the position of German foreign policy in his papers. This year five continuous articles under my name have appeared in Hearst papers all over the world. Since these articles, as Hearst personally informed me, presented well founded arguments, he begged me to write further articles for his papers.

The Press Division of the APA was able to step into a position of arbitration in the conflict which arose between the representatives of the foreign press in Germany and the Office of Propaganda because of the general attack that the Minister of Propaganda, Dr. Goebbels had made upon the combined world press in July of 1934. Thus from the combined press representatives it was able to select and take care of those who were of a pro-German opinion, or at least conducted themselves in a neutral manner. Because of the willingness to cooperate that the Press Division under the skillful guidance of Dr. Bomer showed the foreigners, the Press Division has won a position of honor, and can today claim to have a truly personal and factual knowledge of world journalism.

In general the APA has attempted in the last 1-1/2 years to establish contact between diplomacy and the world press in Germany. For this purpose the APA held a Beer Party [Bierabend] each month. On each of these evenings a prominent representative of the party or government spoke about the work of his division. The most prominent national socialists spoke at these gatherings (Goering, Rust, Todt, Schirach, Hierl, Dr. Gross, Frau Scholtz-Klinck, Frank, Ley, and others). These evenings were constantly attended by the majority of the diplomatic representatives. We could always count on having at least 350 to 400 visitors. Since we invited a great number of representatives of the German ministries and party offices in the last year, a hefty traffic has developed. Many items which later appeared in the papers can be accredited to the personal clarification of a national socialistic party member who attended these evenings. The APA furthermore conducted a great number of foreigners to the labor battalions [Arbeitsdienst] or acquainted them with other establishments. That has been a bit of work that has constantly been going on so that the APA here too has experience to answer all questions which may arise.

The School of Instruction [Das Schulungshaus]: The 2-1/2 year work of all those active in the APA has given them a very exact picture of the practical workings of foreign policy and foreign trade. It has also enabled them every bit of knowledge which can be obtained from a national socialistic point of view in order to accurately judge the questions of foreign policy at all. In order to also develop potential and interested capable powers arising from the people and develop them as successors in the movement of national socialism the Foreign Policy School of Instruction [Aussenpolitisches Schulungshaus] was founded in Dahlem in 1935. Students from all over Germany who displayed an interest in foreign policy were assembled at this school. They were here instructed and schooled through lectures and cooperative work similar to seminars. Into this school were drawn the Hitler youths, SS, and the plan exists to have persons who will later travel abroad as representatives of large German concerns undergo an extensive course of instruction. Furthermore, the foreign Policy School of Instruction should also examine those students which the Academic Student Exchange is sending abroad. Lectures at the school were given by a number of German economists, as well as the Japanese and Chinese military attaches. The Chief of the APA himself lectured there.

The administration of the APA as well as the School of Instruction rest in the hands of Party Member Knauer, who in his youth was party to the March on Coburg.

In conclusion I may well say that these 2-1/2 years were rich in experiences and have tested people in their capacity to perform work. These 2-1/2 years have led to the elimination of one or another incompetents, but at least a dozen people have become so enriched through experience that they can be a great help to the Fuehrer in the field of their enterprise.

The lack of necessary and sufficient means naturally prevents a complete exploitation of the entire activity, which surely would be desired. But in spite of this one can say that the most humanly possible was accomplished here with sacrifice, sense of duty, and energy.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 004-PS

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The Political Preparation of the Norway Action

(The enclosures mentioned in the report have been omitted from this paper since they are only relative to specific matters. The complete report including appendices has been submitted to the Deputy of the Fuehrer by Reichsleiter Rosenberg on 17 June 1940)

The Office of Foreign Relations [Aussenpolitisches Amt] of the National Socialist Party (NSDAP) has had contact with Vidkun Quisling, leader of the Nasjonal Samling in Norway, for years. The director of the "Office North" [Amt Norden] of the office of Foreign Relations—later victim of a fatal accident—paid him (Quisling) a personal visit on one of his trips to Scandinavia.

When in 1939 the general political situation was beginning to grow critical Quisling gave the Office of Foreign Relations an estimate of the situation and his opinion about the possible intentions of Great Britain with relation to Scandinavia in case of conflict (Great Britain's) with the German Reich. Prior to the convention of the Nordic Association [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck, Quisling was received by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in Berlin. He (Quisling) pointed out the decisive geopolitical importance of Norway in the Scandinavian region and the advantages gained by the Power in control of the Norwegian coast in case of conflict between the German Reich and Great Britain. He further explained the extraordinarily clever, democratic and particularly anglo-saxon propaganda which had been accepted favourably by almost the entire nation, also because of Norway's economic dependence on the seas and therefore on England. Since he did not believe that the small nations would remain neutral in case of conflict—as had been the case in the World War of 1914—but was convinced that they would become involved in one way or the other he requested support for his party and press in Norway, basing his request on the "pangermanic" ideology. Reichsleiter Rosenberg also requested Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt to arrange a meeting between Quisling and his Deputy Hagelin with State Secretary [Staatssekretaer] Koerner, bearing in mind that this matter might be of particular interest to General Field Marshall Goering with regard to air strategy. This meeting with the State Secretary Koerner did take place. At the same time Staff Director [Stabsleiter] Schickedanz, directed by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, submitted the attached memorandum to Reich Minister and Chief of the Chancellery [Reichsminister und Chef der Reichskanzlei] Lammers for the information of the Fuehrer by the end of June 1939 (Enclosure No. 1).

After the Luebeck convention Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt took a vacation trip to Norway to further pursue this matter. His observations are found in the attached report (Enclosure No. 2). Even during his presence in Germany Quisling had requested a short, pertinent training program for reliable party functionaries especially selected by him. This request was granted by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. In August 1939 a 14 day course was held at the School of the Office for Foreign Relations of the NSDAP [Aussenpolitisches Schulungshaus der NSDAP] in Berlin for 25 followers of the Nasjonal Samling who had been selected by Quisling.

In September Burgermeister Dr. Winkler revealed that he had been charged with the financial aspects of Quisling's request by General Field Marshal Goering through State Secretary Koerner. The outbreak of war and the beginning of the Polish campaign delayed the decisions (Enclosure No. 3). A further reminder of Reichsleiter Rosenberg to General Field Marshal Goering in the course of a talk about the importance of Norway in connection with the matters set forth originally by Quisling had no practical results.

At the same time political tension increased in Norway as Russian activity made itself felt in the Baltic regions. Of this Quisling kept the office (APA) informed through his deputies in Germany. The outbreak of the Russo-Finnish war at the end of November helped to further increase the anti-German currents in all Scandinavia and played into the hands of the anglo-saxon propaganda which was now building up to full strength. Greater Germany was represented as a secret ally of Soviet Russia and as the real culprit in Finland's misfortune. At the same time the Western Powers promised Finland military support which could only be supplied via Norway and Sweden. The possibility of a plan by Great Britain to occupy Norway and possibly Sweden to effectively close the blockade against Greater Germany and further to gain convenient air bases against Germany began to take shape under the pretence of altruistic help to Finland. Its aim was to involve also the Nordic Nations in a conflict against Greater Germany. Quisling informed the office (APA) about these new possibilities shaping on the political scene, acting through his deputy in Germany.

As the activities of the Allies became more and more noticeable in Norway Quisling again came to Germany to voice his fears. He was received by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the early part of December and he again presented his ideas. Firmly convinced that in the long run a genuinely neutral position in the great conflict would become impossible for the small nations and in his firm faith in the victory of Greater Germany in this conflict which also was an ideological one, Quisling considered it his duty—supported as he was by a small but determined minority—to tie Norway's fate to that of Greater Germany as the new centre of strength of a nordic-germanic life community. We knew that his courageous group was the only pro-German Party. His deputy in Germany, Hagelin, had also arranged for a talk between Quisling and Grand Admiral Raeder which took place about this time. During a report to the Fuehrer Reichsleiter Rosenberg again mentioned Norway. He particularly pointed out her importance in the case of England deciding to occupy Norway with the tacit consent of the Norwegian Government, for the purpose of strengthening the blockade and under the pretence of help for Finland. Grand Admiral Raeder, too, upon his request, was called to the Fuehrer in connection with his talks with Quisling. As a result of these steps Quisling was received by the Fuehrer for personal instructions on the 16th of December and again on the 18th of December. During this interview the Fuehrer emphasized repeatedly that the most preferable attitude of Norway as well as all of Scandinavia would be one of complete neutrality. He had no intentions to enlarge the theatres of war to draw other nations into the conflict. If, however, the enemy were preparing an enlargement of the zones of war with the aim to further throttle and threaten the Greater German Reich then, of course, he would be obliged to arm against such steps. Then the Fuehrer promised Quisling financial support for his movement based on the pan-germanic ideology and for the purpose of combatting the increasing enemy propaganda. The military matters of the questions were now transferred to a special military staff which assigned special missions to Quisling and heard his opinions (Encl. No. 29). The political treatment was to be handled by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, expenses were to be carried by the Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] and Reichsminister for Foreign Affairs [Reichsminister vom Aussenpolitischen Amt] was to be kept informed at all times. Maintenance of liaison with Quisling was assigned to Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt who, as matters developed further, was attached to the Naval Attache in Oslo, Commander [Korvettenkapitaen] Schreiber. Strictest secrecy was ordered for the entire matter.

Then, in January, during a conference between Reichsleiter Rosenberg and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop it was decided to appropriate to Quisling an initial sum of 200,000 Goldmark. This money was to be taken to Oslo, in two instalments, by the liaison agent Scheidt where it was to be handed to Quisling. In the Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] Privy Councillor [Geheimrat] Von Grundherr was the only one to be told of this arrangement (Encl. No. 3).

As shown in the attached documentary memoranda Quisling's reports transmitted by his deputy in Germany Hagelin concerning the possibility of active intervention of the Western Powers in Norway with consent of the Norwegian Government became more and more alarming. These reports continuously supplemented with more and more accurate confirmations by Quisling's confidants were in certain contrast with the opinions of the German Legation in Oslo. The Legation believed in the neutral intentions of the Norwegian Government of that time, the Nygardsvold, and was further convinced that the Government would take arms in defence of its neutrality policy. The Foreign Office [Auswaertiges Amt] held the same opinion as is shown in the attached documentary memorandum dated January 8 which is the result of a talk between Director [Amtsleiter] Scheidt and Privy Councillor [Geheimrat] Von Grundherr (Encl. 8). It is of special interest that Hagelin, Quisling's Deputy in Germany, whose intimate connection with Quisling was not known in Norway succeeded in getting a foothold in the circles of the Nygardsvold Government. Thus he heard the uncolored opinions of the members of the Government who conducted themselves like a secret Norwegian-Anglophile society.

In the documentary memorandum of January 13 he relates the opinions expressed to him by two Norwegian Ministers. The gist of the opinions was that Germany had already lost the war and that Norway—if only because of its large Merchant Marine—could not do other than favour England in her politics, in war even more so than in peace. And further that the entire nations agreed with this policy (Encl. 9). During the night of February 16 to 17 the English raided the "Altmark" in the Joessingsfjord. The reaction of the Norwegian Government to the Altmark-affair seemed to indicate that certain secret arrangements had been made between the Norwegian Government and the Allies. This was further emphasized in Director Scheidt's consolidated report covering January 20th to February 20th (Encl. No. 11) after he had received Hagelin's report. Hagelin had overheard the conversation between two members of the Storting during which one member said to the other that the actions of the two commanders of the Norwegian torpedo boats had been a "prearranged affair." The same report also refers to the English demands for air bases in Norway and for freedom of trade in the Norwegian waters. It goes on to say that although the Norwegian Government refused those demands it was agreed that violations by the English would be answered with paper protests only. Such reports, and confirmations thereto were time and again supplied through Quisling. In complete contrast to those opinions the German Legation, even after the Altmark Affair, relied fully upon the good will of the Norwegians. The Ambassador cited the signing of the Norwegian-German trade agreement as weighing heavily in favour of his point of view. He already considered the Norwegian Government Nygardsvold somewhat dependent on the Greater German Reich (Encl. Nos. 11 and 12). All these reports were currently submitted to the Fuehrer by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. Quisling always emphasised that more than 90% of the country was behind England and that he only represented a minority which, however, was chosen by virtue of its intuition to take charge later on as representatives of a new Norwegian nation.

Apart from financial support which was forthcoming from the Reich in currency, Quisling had also been promised a shipment of material for immediate use in Norway such as coal and sugar. Additional help was promised. The shipments were to be conducted under cover of a new Trade Company to be established in Germany or through especially selected existing firms while Hagelin was to act as consignee in Norway. Hagelin had already conferred with the respective Ministers of the Nygardsvold Government as for instance the Minister of Supply and Commerce [Versorgungs-und Handelsminister] and had been assured permission for the import of coal. At the same time the coal transports were to serve possibly to supply the technical means necessary to launch Quisling's political action in Oslo with German help. It was Quisling's plan to send a number of selected, particularly reliable men to Germany for a brief military training course in a completely isolated camp. They were then to be detailed as area and language specialists to German Special Troops who were to be taken to Oslo on the coal barges to accomplish a political action. Thus Quisling planned to get hold of his leading opponents in Norway including the King, to prevent all military resistance from the very beginning. Immediately following this political action and upon an official request of Quisling to the Government of the German Reich the military occupation of Norway was to take place. All military preparations were to be completed previously. Though this plan contained the great advantage of surprise it also contained a great number of dangers which could possibly cause its failure. For this reason it received a quite dilatory treatment while, at the same time, it was not disapproved as far as the Norwegians were concerned.

In February, after a conference with General Field Marshal Goering, Reichsleiter Rosenberg informed the Secretary in the Office of the Four Year Plan [Ministerialdirektor im Vierjahresplan] Wohlthat only of the intention to prepare coal shipments to Norway to the named confidant Hagelin. Further details were discussed in a conference between Secretary Wohlthat, Staff Director Schickedanz and Hagelin. Since Wohlthat received no further instructions from the General Field Marshal, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop—after a consultation with Reichsleiter Rosenberg—consented to expedite these shipments through his office. Based on a report of Reichsleiter Rosenberg to the Fuehrer it was also arranged to pay Quisling ten thousand English pounds per month for three months commencing on the 15th of March, to support his work. This money was to be paid through liaison agent Scheidt.

Meanwhile Hagelin, through his connection in Norway as trusted agent of the Norwegian Navy, had been commissioned with the purchase of German AA-guns (Flaks) through the German Navy Ministry. Through this connection he gained more and more insight into the actual ideas and intentions of the Norwegian Nygardsvold Government and into the Allied preparations which had already started in Norway. While in Germany on the 20th of March to attend conferences regarding the delivery of the German AA guns, he made a detailed report about the increasing activities of the Allies in Norway, tolerated by the Nygardsvold Government. According to his reports the Allies were already checking the Norwegian coastal towns for landing and transport possibilities. He also stated that the French Commandant Kermarrec who was charged with this reconnaissance had a confidential talk with Colonel Sunolo, Commandant of Narvik, who is a follower of Quisling; during the course of the talk he told him of the Allied intentions to land motorized troops in Stavanger, Dronthoim and possibly also at Kirkenes and to occupy the airport at Sola (Encl. no. 14).

At the same time Hagelin increased his oral and written warnings regarding the confidential agreements between the Allied and the Norwegian Governments stipulating that in case of an Allied occupation of coastal towns the Norwegian Government would not go beyond paper protest, as was the case in the Altmark Affair. And again, in his report of March 26 (Encl. Nos. 15 and 16) he pointed out that the speech of the Norwegian Foreign Minister Koht dealing with Norwegian neutrality and containing some protests was not being taken seriously either in London by the English nor in Norway by the Norwegians. It was well known that the Government had no intentions to take a stand against England. However, to keep up appearances towards Germany up to the last minute the Norwegian Government intended to issue an order to fire. This was to demonstrate that everything within their power had been done. There was a continuous series of conferences between the King, the Commanding Admiral, the Crown Prince and the newly appointed Minister of War Ljundberg who had been placed in office at the special request of England as early as January. A person close to the King as well as the commanding Admiral explained to Hagelin that the above mentioned actions by England were quite unavoidable since she knew that she could only win the war if she were in control of the Norwegian ports. Furthermore England feared a German counterblow which was not to be allowed to materialize. The Norwegian Government was also notified by London that Germany intended to mine the waters between Jutland and the Norwegian coast. Based on a message from England this plan was revealed on or about March 15 during a secret session of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Storting by Foreign Minister Koht. As a matter of fact, during the course of the military preparations for the occupation of Norway this plan had been adopted by the German military authorities and to this day it is a mystery how this plan got to London. In view of all this news Quisling could no longer back his earlier advice to continue watching the development of the situation in Norway. He now had to point out that any further delay would mean a grave risk. The above was probably the most decisive report ever to be submitted here by Hagelin. Reichsleiter Rosenberg immediately transmitted it to the Fuehrer (Encl. No. 15).

While still in Berlin Hagelin was requested by Colonel Schmundt to make speedy arrangements for a conference between Quisling and a Colonel of the General Staff, at some neutral location. This conference was held in Copenhagen in the beginning of April.

In confirmation of all this information coming from Quisling and his confidants and in contrast to the opinion held up to the end by German Legation in Oslo and by the Foreign Office, the Allies, on April 8th. initiated their first major blow as an introduction to their intended occupation of Norway. During the night from the 7th. to the 8th. of April they mined the Norwegian coast and made public announcement of this act. Norway's reaction, consistent with the reports always received by the Office of Foreign Relations [Aussenpolitisches Amt] of the NSDAP, was nothing more than protests on paper growing weaker by the hour. Then, after proper preparations and by command of the Fuehrer Greater Germany undertook the counterblow in the morning of April 9th. and occupied the most important Norwegian airfields and seaports.

Reports about the further political developments in Norway proper are found in the appended documentary memorandum (Encl. Nos. 18 to 30).

After the success of the occupational operations in Norway seemed assured the Fuehrer called for Reichsleiter Rosenberg for a short talk before lunch, on April 25th. He oriented him (Rosenberg) about the developments of the military action in Norway where the English Auxiliary Corps had just suffered a decisive defeat combined with the capture of important documents and plans. He further revealed to Reichsleiter Rosenberg that he had based this most daring decision which was now approaching successful completion on the continuous warnings of Quisling as reported to him by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. And that it actually happened in the Drontheimfjord that behind the stern of the last German Troop Transport there appeared the bow of the first English destroyer which convoyed the Allied Troop Transport fleet. This destroyer was wiped out by the German Navy.

Berlin, June 15th. 1940

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 007-PS

Brief Report on Activities of the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the Party from 1933 to 1943

When the Foreign Affairs Bureau [Aussenpolitisches Amt] was established 1 April 1933 the Fuehrer directed that it should not be expanded to a large bureaucratic agency, but should rather develop its effectiveness through initiative and suggestions.

Corresponding to the extra ordinarily hostile attitude adopted by the Soviet Government in Moscow from the beginning the newly-established bureau devoted particular attention to internal conditions in the Soviet Union, as well as to the effects of World Bolshevism primarily in other European countries. It entered into contact with the most variegated groups inclining towards National Socialism and combatting Bolshevism, focussing its main attention on Nations and States bordering on the Soviet Union. On the one end those nations and states constituted an Insulating Ring encircling the Bolshevist neighbor; on the other hand they were the lateral of German living space [Fluegelstellung zum deutschen Lebensraum] and took up a flanking position towards the Western Powers [Flankenstellung Gegenueber Den Westmaechten] especially Great Britain. In order to wield the desired influence by one means or another, the Bureau was compelled to use the most varying methods, taking into consideration the completely different living conditions, the ties of blood, intellect and history of the movements observed by the Bureau in those countries.

In Scandinavia an outspoken pro-Anglo-Saxon attitude, based on economic considerations, had become progressively more dominant after the World War of 1914/1918. There the Bureau put entire emphasis on influencing general cultural relations with the Nordic peoples. For this purpose it took the Nordic Society [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck under its protection. The Reich conventions of this society were attended by many outstanding personalities, especially from Finland. While there were no openings for purely political cooperation in Sweden and Denmark, an association based on Greater Germanic ideology was found in Norway. Very close relations were established with its founder, which led to further consequences. (See annex I for more detailed exposition).

South-Eastern Europe was dominated by the French post-war system of alliances. The countries united in the Little Entente were aiming at a more favorable defence of the booty accumulated during the war. In addition each one of these countries sought to gain through this mutual-assistance pact safety against a superior opponent: Czechoslovakia against Germany; Yugoslavia against Italy; Rumania against the Soviet Union. In Czechoslovakia a common hatred against everything German united the still remaining, partly pan-Slavic, Masonic and pro-Jewish tendencies. In Rumania the feeling of insecurity and fear of the superior neighbor, from whom she had taken Bessarabia was growing. In Rumania a primitive anti-Semitic group still existed. Its academically doctrinaire attitude precluded large scale political effectiveness, but nevertheless offered points of mutual interest. The Foreign Affairs Bureau picked these up, developed them, instigated the formation of a new party and thereby forced a decisive change in the whole political situation in Rumania, which is still having its effect today. (See Annex II for more detailed exposition).

Hungary and Bulgaria alone, Allied nations of the World War which had formerly been completely deprived of their rights, were attracted by the newly-formed center of gravity in the north. This attraction was nourished by the hope of obtaining an expansion of their own power through the increasing strength of Germany. However, National Socialism met a certain reserve or antipathy in Bulgaria because of widespread contagion of the Communistic blight. In Hungary it met similar reserve due to the still-fashionable feudal leading circles, who are bolstered by Jewish capital. At any rate it may be mentioned here that the first foreign state visit after the seizure of power took place through the mediation of the Foreign Affairs Bureau. Julius Gombos, who in former years had himself pursued anti-Semitic and racial tendencies, had reached the Hungarian Premier's chair. The Bureau maintained a personal connection with him. In September 1933 he paid a visit to Germany and was received by the Fuehrer in Erfurt. With this visit the official cordon of isolation surrounding National Socialism was pierced for the first time. This visit had been preceded by the Fuehrer's reception of the Rumanian poet and former minister Octavian Goga through the Bureau's mediation. Goga later became the decisive exponent of a political reproachment with Germany.

In Yugoslavia other German Reich agencies had become active in the same direction, so that the Foreign Affairs Bureau remained in the background and shifted its efforts to the purely commercial sphere. It initiated the first contracts with Croation and Serbian cooperatives.

Motivated by reasons of War Economy, the Bureau advocated the transfer of raw material purchases from overseas to the areas accessible by overland traffic routes, i.e. primarily in the Balkans, naturally insofar as practicable. At first little heed was paid to the Bureau in these endeavors, but it later secured the active support especially of the Food Estate; through its cooperation, e.g., on the subject of fruit and vegetable imports, a very substantial shift in the source of imports was attained, particularly through the currently initiated cooperation with Croatian and Hungarian cooperatives as well as with commercial associations all over the Balkans.

From the beginning, work in Italy was out of the question because ever since the days of our struggle for power ties of a personal nature have existed, which were taken over by official institutions or cultivated by individual personalities. Work in Austria was also excluded, since a special "Provincial Directorate for Austria" existed within the Nazi Party.

The Bureau declined to concern itself with questions of Racial Germans [Volksdeutsche] abroad. For this phase of the problem the "Racial Germans" Central Agency [Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle] was later created.

Towards Western European States the Bureau limited its activities to simple observation of existing conditions, or to the establishment of relations, especially of a commercial nature, primarily in Belgium, Holland and Luxemburg.

In accordance with the attitude on foreign policy laid down by the Fuehrer, the Bureau endeavored to establish far-reaching connections with England through continuous personal contacts with influential personalities of English political life. Eminent Englishmen were invited to the annual Party Rallies.

Pursuant to its self chosen task the Bureau devoted its attention to the Near East. Turkey, newly consolidated by Mustapha Kemal, adopted a hesitating attitude of watchful waiting. This position was probably due to military impotence against Soviet Russia, clearly recognized, on the one hand, and also to hostility to Fascist Italy, already previously manifested, on the other hand. In Iran, however, the Bureau's initiative in the economic field to stimulate the mutual exchange of goods encountered greatest understanding and the greatest readiness in carrying it through. The Bureau's initiative in developing with the head of commercial circles, entirely new methods for the economic penetration of Iran found expression, in an extraordinarily favorable way, in reciprocal trade relations. Naturally in Germany, too, this initiative at first encountered a completely negative attitude and resistance on the part of the competent state authorities, an attitude that had first to be overcome. In the course of a few years the volume of trade with Iran was multiplied five-fold, and in 1939 Iran's trade turnover with Germany had attained first place. Even Soviet Russia, the competitor who had been biggest and most dreaded previously, had been eliminated from the running. Concurrently with the activation of commercial relations the Bureau had also intensified cultural relations and had, in conjunction with growing commercial influence and in closest collaboration with the Iranian Government, created a series of cultural institutions headed and directed by Germans. In consequence the dominant French cultural influence in Iran has already been broken since the year 1936.

The Bureau simultaneously attempted to also draw Afghanistan into its orbit. Relations established with leading individual personalities led to the willing opening of this country, which had formerly been rather neglected by Germany. All the leading personalities of Afghanistan were guests of the Bureau. The Bureau favored the taking part of German economy in the industrial upbuilding of the country; German experts in all fields were called to Afghanistan in increasing numbers through the Bureau's mediation. The German Colony became the dominant one in Afghanistan. The preparation for expansion of the Afghan army was in German hands; carrying it through was prevented by the outbreak of war. Even though the German Colony had to leave Afghanistan later on, Afghanistan's neutral position today is largely due to the Bureau's activity.

The Arab question, too, became part of the work of the Bureau. In spite of England's tutelage of Iraq the Bureau established a series of connections to a number of leading personalities of the Arab world, smoothing the way for strong bonds to Germany. In this connection, the growing influence of the Reich in Iran and Afghanistan did not fail to have repercussions in Arabia. All these relations took place on a purely economic basis and fostered the systematically directed advancement of German influence and prestige in the domains reserved by the Western Powers for themselves. In this connection it may be mentioned in general that the internal peril to England's preponderance in those areas would have been considerably more pronounced, if the Bureau's foresighted initiative, which took Oriental conditions very well into account, had not been forever ignored by official authorities.

The Bureau foresaw the necessity of technical improvement of the Danube water route to facilitate traffic, because of the shift in the increase of the exchange in goods, especially in the Balkans and in the Orient. On its own initiative it attempted to influence competent authorities (especially of the Bavarian Government), together with particularly interested private commercial circles, to enlarge our Danube shipping facilities (primarily the port of Regensburg). Although the Bureau throughout the years, asserted this necessity, which was becoming more and more urgent, and although the Bureau relentlessly maintained its initiative, its endeavors in this matter were unfortunately not crowned by any success. Presumably all responsible authorities regret it bitterly to-day.

Among other projects due to the Foreign Affairs Bureau's initiative, endeavors to grow the rubber-fibered Kok Sagys plant in Germany deserve to be emphasized. This plant is being cultivated in the Soviet Union. In spite of efforts during many years, no success was attained in planting sizeable experimental crops, because of latent disunity among competent authority. The Bureau was compelled to resort to experimental fields in Greece through its own connections in the Balkans.

Somewhat off the beaten path was the Bureau's undertaking in Brazil, which grew out of personal connections, large quantities of cotton (60,000 tons) were successfully brought to Germany under a clearing agreement at a time when imports of this raw material had become very critically short, already necessitating work outs. A Bureau representative was twice the Brazilian Government's guest. Brazil and Iran were the only nations from whom Germany could purchase this indispensable raw material for Reichsmark. The Brazilian Minister expressed his thanks for this initial step to the Head of the Bureau in an address delivered at the occasion of an exposition.

About 40 lecture evenings for diplomats and the foreign press should also be listed. They dealt with the construction of the new Germany, and speakers included many leading personalities of the Reich.

The Bureau has carried out the initiating of all politically feasible projects. With the outbreak of war it was entitled to consider its task as terminated. The exploitation of the many personal connections in many lands can be resumed under a different guise.

Signed: ROSENBERG
2 Inclosures
I Norway
II Rumania

Annex I to Brief Report on Activities of the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the Nazi Party from 1933 to 1943.

The Political Preparation of the Military Occupation of Norway During the War Years 1939/1940.

As previously mentioned, of all political groupings in Scandinavia only "Nasjonal Samling", led in Norway by the Former Minister of War and Major of the Reserve Vidkun Quisling, deserved serious political attention. This was a fighting political group, possessed by the idea of a Greater Germanic Community. Naturally all ruling powers were hostile and attempted to prevent, by any means, its success among the population. The Bureau maintained constant liaison with Quisling and attentively observed the attacks he conducted with tenacious energy on the middle class which had been taken in tow by the English. From the beginning it appeared probable that without revolutionary events, which would stir the population from their former attitude, no successful progress of Nasjonal Samling was to be expected. During the winter 1938/1939, Quisling was privately visited by a member of the Bureau. When the political situation in Europe came to a head in 1939, Quisling made an appearance at the convention of the Nordic Society [Nordische Gesellschaft] in Luebeck in June. He expounded his conception of the situation, and his apprehensions concerning Norway. He emphatically drew attention to the geopolitically decisive importance of Norway in the Scandinavian area, and to the advantages that would accrue to the power dominating the Norwegian coast in case of a conflict between the Greater German Reich and Great Britain. Assuming that his statements would be of special interest to the Marshal of the Reich Goering for aero-strategical reasons, Quisling was referred to State Secretary [Staatssekretaer] Koerner by the Bureau. The Staff Director [Stabsleiter] of the Bureau handed the Chief of the Reich Chancellery a memorandum for transmission to the Fuehrer. It dealt with the same subject, still taking into account the then doubtful attitude of Soviet Russia. After the outbreak of German-Polish hostilities and of the Soviet-Finnish war, tensions in Scandinavia became more strained and facilitated the work of Anglo-Saxon propaganda. It began to appear possible that, under the pretext of altruistic aid to Finland, Great Britain might intend to occupy Norway, and perhaps Sweden, to complete the anti-German blockade in the North Sea for all practical purposes, and to gain comfortable airplane bases against Germany. The aim would have been to drag the Northern countries, too, into a military conflict with Germany. Apprehensive about this development, Quisling again appeared in Berlin in December 1939. He visited Reichsleiter Rosenberg and Grand Admiral Raeder. In the course of a report to the Fuehrer, Reichsleiter Rosenberg turned the conversation once more to Norway. He especially pointed to Norway's importance should England, to tighten her blockade and under the pretext of aid to Finland, take steps to occupy the country, with the Norwegians' tacit consent. On the basis of his conversation with Quisling and at his own request, Grand Admiral Raeder, too, had been asked to see the Fuehrer. In consequence of these steps, Quisling was granted a personal audience with the Fuehrer on 16 December, and once more on 18 December. In the course of this audience the Fuehrer emphasized repeatedly that he personally would prefer a completely neutral attitude of Norway as well as of the whole of Scandinavia. He did not intend to enlarge the theaters of war and to draw still other nations into the conflict. Should the enemy attempt to spend the war, however, with the aim of achieving further throttling and intimidation of the Greater German Reich, he would be compelled to gird himself against such an undertaking. In order to counterbalance increasing enemy propaganda activity, he promised Quisling financial support of his movement, which is based on Greater Germanic ideology. Military exploitation of the question now raised was assigned to the Special Military Staff, which transmitted special missions to Quisling. Reichsleiter Rosenberg was to take over political exploitation. Financial expenses were to be defrayed by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs [Auswaertiges Amt], the Minister for Foreign Affairs being kept continuously by the Foreign Affairs Bureau. Chief of Section [Amtsleiter] Scheidt was charged with maintaining liaison with Quisling. In the course of further developments he was assigned to the Naval Attache in Oslo, Lt. Commander [Korvettenkapitaen] Screiber. Orders were given that the whole matter be handled with strictest secrecy.

Quisling's reports, transmitted through his representative in Germany, Hagelin, and dealing with the possibility of intervention by the Western Powers in Norway with tacit consent of the Norwegian government, became more urgent by January already. These increasingly better substantiated communications were in sharpest contrast to the view of the German Legation in Oslo, which relied on the desire for neutrality of the then Norwegian Nygardsvold cabinet and was convinced of that government's intention and readiness to defend Norway's neutrality. No one in Norway knew that Quisling's representative for Germany maintained closest relations to him; he therefore succeeded in gaining a foothold within governmental circles of the Nygardsvold cabinet, and in listening to cabinet members' true views. Hagelin transmitted what he had heard to the Bureau, which conveyed the news to the Fuehrer through Reichsleiter Rosenberg. During the night of 16 to 17 February English destroyers attacked the German steamer "Altmark" in Jossing fjord. The Norwegian government's reaction to this question permitted the conclusion that certain agreements had been covertly arrived at between the Norwegian government and the Allies. Such assumption was confirmed by reports of Section [Amtsleiter] Scheidt who in turn derived his information from Hagelin and Quisling. But even after this incident the German Legation in Oslo championed the opposite view, and went on record as believing in the good intentions of the Norwegians.

Thanks to his connections in Norway as agent of the Norwegian Navy, Hagelin had succeeded, in the meantime, in being entrusted with the purchase of German AA guns through the German Navy Ministry. Through these connections he gained more and more insight into the real views and intentions of the Norwegian Nygardsvold cabinet, and into the preparations already initiated by the Allies in Norway. At the occasion of his presence in Berlin on 20 March to negotiate about delivery of German AA guns he mentioned that the Allies were now even examining Norwegian ports for loading and transportation facilities. The French Kommandant entrusted with this mission was said to have revealed Allied intentions in confidential conversations with the commander of Narwik, an adherent of Quisling. These intentions were to land motorized troops at Stavanger, Drontheim and perhaps Kirkenes, and to occupy Sola airdrome near Stavanger. Hagelin also re-emphasized his warnings about agreements secretly concluded between the Allies and the Norwegian government according to which the Norwegian government would content itself solely with paper protests in case of a possible occupation of port cities by the Allies. He pointed out that the Norwegian government had never intended to seriously oppose England, and that it was playing a two-faced game with Germany solely to gain time for faits accomplis. He also mentioned that the Norwegian government had been informed by England that Germany intended to lay a minefield from Jutland to the Norwegian coast. In view of all the information that had reached him, Quisling could no longer stand by his advice to await developments in Norway for a little while longer; he was compelled to point out that any delay of the German counter-thrust would entail extraordinary risks. These reports were immediately transmitted to the Fuehrer by Reichsleiter Rosenberg. On 8 April the Allies struck the first blow in preparation for their intended occupation of Norway, thus confirming these reports made by Quisling and his agents, and in contrast to the views held to the end by the German Legation in Oslo and by the expert of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs [Auswaertiges Amt]. During the night from 7 to 8 April minefields were laid alongside the Norwegian coast by the Allied fleet, and the Allied governments informed the world of the steps they had taken. In accordance with indications given by the Bureau, only progressively more tepid protests were made by Norway. By order of the Fuehrer Greater Germany counter-attacked, after corresponding preparation, in the morning of 9 April and occupied the most important Norwegian sea ports and airdromes.

Annex II: Rumania (From the overthrow of Titolescu to Marshal Antonescu)

In spite of almost complete occupation by the Central Powers in the last World War, Rumania was indebted to Versailles for her re-creation, which was effected partially even at the expense of her one-time Eastern ally. A basically sound anti-Semitic tendency existed in this post-war country, which was torn asunder by dynastic squabbles and innumerable party fights. But in spite of repeated efforts this tendency had never risen above the limitations of a club, because of solely scientific doctrinaire leadership. What was lacking was the guiding leadership of a political personality. After manifold grouping trials the Bureau believed to have found such a personality—the former Minister, and poet, Octavian Goga. It was not difficult to convince this poet, pervaded by instinctive inspiration, that a Greater Rumania, though it had to be created in opposition to Vienna, could be maintained only together with Berlin. Nor was it difficult to create in him the desire to link the fate of Rumania with the future of the National Socialist German Reich in good time. By bringing continuing influence to bear, the Bureau succeeded in inducing Octavian Goga as well as Professor Cuza to amalgamate the parties under their leadership on an Anti-Semitic basis. Thus they could carry on with united strength the struggle for Rumania's renascence internally, and her affiliation [Anschluss] with Germany externally. Through the Bureau's initiative both parties, which had heretofore been known by distinct names, were merged as the National-Christian Party, under Goga's leadership and with Cuza as Honorary President. The attempts concurrently undertaken by the Bureau to amalgamate this Party with the much more youthful, but energetic Iron Guard movement were initially frustrated by the apparently insurmountable personal incompatibility of Cuza and Codreanu. At any rate these attempts led to the secret establishment of good personal relations between Goga and the mystic-fanciful Codreanu.

In the course of the years after his return, the king had succeeded in becoming the country's decisive factor through crafty tactics in dealing with the dominant political parties. Had the Bureau also succeeded in merging the National-Christian Party with Codreanu, Rumania would have obtained sharply anti-Semitic leadership based on strong mass support. Such leadership could have attained its aims even against the will of the king. However, surviving rivalries between the country's anti-Semitic trends later enabled the king to use them separately for his plan, in order to destroy them as far as possible.

The struggle for re-orientation of Rumania's foreign policy was taken up by Goga with bold elan. He had earlier succeeded in upsetting the position of Foreign Minister Titulescu, the agent of Franco, of the Geneva League of Nations and of the Little Entente. Titulescu was later overthrown. Among the numerous, not very significant splinter parties, the "Young Liberals", founded by George Bratianu, supported Goga's campaign, without joining the anti-Semitic trend. The Rumanian front of Vaida Voevod, wobbling to and fro among all camps, adopted a similar position for some time.

Through intermediaries, the Bureau maintained constant contact with both tendencies, just like it constantly consulted with Goga, through Staff Director [Stabsleiter] Schickedanz, about tactics to be followed. The whole struggle was accelerated by Soviet Russia's increasing pressure in the Bessarabian question, and by the process of political rapprochement with Moscow, which was supported by Paris and Prague. Following a long period of recurring political trials involving scandal and graft, Rumania's internal struggle for the future make-up of the country had been aggravated by the coming to the front of the Christian-Nationalist Party and of the Iron Guard. This struggle was being fought with increasing bitterness. The king's attitude towards the national movement was procrastinating and underhanded. The movement was agreeable to him for eliminating the two parties which, by tradition, took turns in the government. But he intended to prevent the unequivocal victory of anti-Semitic and racial [Voelkisch] principles, influenced by growing Nationalism, in the country. That is why the Nationalists' foreign policy, secretly projected by Germany, did not fit into his plans. Because he was in possession of the police and of the army, he remained the decisive factor in the country. After repeated postponement of the elections, which were legally due, the king decided to hold an election. The decision was based on a very reliable report of his then Prime Minister Taterescu. Taterescu was convinced that the Liberal Party would again receive 40% of all votes, through the machinations customary in Fomia. However, after a bitter election campaign the Liberal Party suffered painful defeat. The opposition National Movement had achieved indisputable victory in spite of all chicanery and machinations by their opponents. The Iron Guard received about 16% of the total vote, the National-Christian Party Goga-Cuza about 11%, the government party about 35%. The rest of the votes were scattered. After some vacillation and hesitancy, the king appointed Goga Prime Minister on 27 December 1937 with a binding promise that Parliament would be dismissed and new elections held within the legally prescribed time limit. In spite of warnings by the Bureau Goga believed the promise given by the king. But the king was only attempting to gain time.

Thus a second government on racial and anti-Semitic foundations had appeared in Europe, in a country in which such an event had been considered completely impossible. The government immediately made known its intention to proceed against Jewish predominance in the country and declared repeatedly that it would have to subject Rumania's previous foreign policy to re-examination and reform. In the meantime the Judaic-Masonic and liberal opposition did not lose time. Passions were inflamed and became increasingly more envenomed. It looked like a hot and bloody election campaign. The prospects of Goga's Christian-Nationalist Party pointed to a big victory with sure certainty, especially since, with the Bureau's cooperation he had on the sly made a secret agreement with Codreanu. To be sure, Goga did not act on the Bureau's advice to immediately develop his party cadres, to expand his party machine all over the country and to permeate the police and gendarmerie. Goga postponed the execution of organizational reform, which he also intended, until after the election. He considered himself to be under obligation to the king not to undertake anything until the electoral decisions had been rendered, but to take steps all the more incisively after legally attaining the majority.

In innumerable interviews the opposition must have succeeded in convincing the king that an electoral victory of Goga would react most acutely against the king himself. In that case he would no longer be able to get rid of the ghosts he had called in; if Goga attained a two-thirds majority, he, the king, would be Goga's captive. These expostulations, and the uncontrollable Judaic influences of the Jewish clique at the Rumanian court, plus the pressure of the French and British Ministers led to a change in the king's attitude, assuming that this change had not already been anticipated by him at the time of Goga's appointment. The king decided to prevent the elections. Goga resisted. Thereupon the king offered Goga the formation of an authoritarian government, i.e., a government created solely by virtue of royal sovereignty. That meant a coup d'etat. Goga declined. Thereupon the king informed Goga that he would accept the cabinet's resignation, which, however, had not even been offered to him. Goga realized too late that the strength at his disposal was entirely inadequate to thwart the king's plans. He resigned.

But the course once embarked upon forced even the king to pay heed to the mood that had been created in the country. Also, a return to the disrupted foreign-policy ties was no longer possible. Although an authoritarian system had been built up, Rumania found herself without her former backing. The French security system had been ruptured and could not be re-established, if only in view of Yugoslavia's attitude in the South-East, where relations established by other German agencies had simultaneously loosened the cohesiveness of the Little Entente. That, at any rate, was the Goga government's success.

In his last great speech to the Rumania Academy, shortly before his death, Goga welcomed Austria's affiliation with Germany, and affirmed for the last time his belief in adherence to new Greater German Reich and to Fascist Italy, a belief he had struggled for.

Now the king's war of extermination against the Iron Guard began. Codreanu was arrested with his closest collaborators, to face a specially convoked court-martial. Sole basis for the prosecution was an alleged communication from Codreanu to the Fuehrer, which was proved to be a forgery, and a telegram addressed to the Fuehrer. On the basis of these "records" he was sentenced to ten years' hard labor. In vain did the Bureau attempt to bring about an intervention of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in this episode, which diminished the whole prestige of the German Reich. It did not prevail against the official agencies, which condemned the entire project of the Bureau in Rumania, because the official German delegation expected their sole salvation from the attitude of the king and his creatures. Logically, the acceptance without dissent of this challenge was interpreted in Bucharest as granting carte blanche and Codreanu was shot with his closest collaborators for establishment of the first personal contact between the King and the Fuehrer.

This appeared to doom the Iron Guard, too, Goga's party, deprived of his leadership, was submerged into insignificance. But Goga left behind a personal heir, who is now Marshal Antonescu. Against the king's wish, Goga had appointed this politically insignificant provincial general, with whom the king was on bad terms, as his Minister of War. At first, completely pro French in outlook, Antonescu gradually adopted a different view under Goga's influence. After Goga's resignation, Antonescu still remained in the king's cabinet at Goga's wish. He also maintained continued relations with the Iron Guard. Thereby the possibility of eliminating the king was at hand—and was exploited. Antonescu's to-day appears in practice as executor of the heritage bequeathed to him by Goga, who had led him from political insignificance into the political arena. Thereby a change to Germany's liking had become possible in Rumania.

[signed] ROSENBERG

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 014-PS

Report to the Fuehrer

I report the arrival of the principal shipment of ownerless Jewish "cultural property" [Kulturgut] in the salvage location Neuschwanstein by special train on Saturday the 15th of this month. It was secured by my staff for Special Purposes [Einsatzstab] in Paris. The especial train, arranged for by Reichsmarschall Hermann Goering, comprised 25 express baggage cars filled with the most valuable paintings, furniture, Gobelins, works of artistic craftsmanship and ornaments. The shipment consisted chiefly of the most important parts of the collections Rothschild, Seligmann, Bernheim-Jeune, Halphen, Kann, Weil-Picard, Wildenstein, David-Weill, Levy-Benzion.

My Staff for Special Purposes started the confiscatory action in Paris during October 1940 on the basis of your order, my Fuehrer. With the help of the Security Service (SD) and the Secret Field Police [Geheime Feldpolizei] all storage—and hiding-places of art possessions belonging to the fugitive Jewish emigrants were systematically ascertained. These possessions were then collected in the locations provided for by the Louvre in Paris. The art historians of my staff have itemized scientifically the complete art-material and have photographed all works of value. Thus, after completion, I shall be able to submit to you shortly a conclusive catalogue of all confiscated works with exact data about origin plus scientific evaluation and description. At this time the inventory includes more than 4000 individual pieces of art, partly of the highest artistic value. Besides this special train the masterpieces selected by the Reichsmarschall—mainly from the Rothschild collection—have been forwarded in two special cars to Munich already some time ago. They have been deposited there in the air raid shelters of the Fuehrer-building.

According to instruction the chief special train has been unloaded in Fussen. The cases containing pictures, furniture etc. have been stored in the castle Neuschwanstein. My deputies accompanied the special train and took care of the unloading in Neuschwanstein too.

First of all the paintings have to be unpacked to determine any possible damage suffered during the transport. Furthermore, the observation of climatic influences upon the paintings and their future careful maintenance necessitate their unpacking as well as their skillful setting-up. Due to lack of time a part of the shipment has not yet been fully inventoried in Paris. This has to be taken care of by my co-workers on the spot in Neuschwanstein to supplement the inventory in full. I have detached for Neuschwanstein the necessary technical and scientific personnel of my staff for the execution of this work. The required time for the unpacking and arranging in Neuschwanstein as well as the preparing of the exhibition rooms will take approximately 4 weeks. I shall report the completion of the work to you then, and request you, my Fuehrer, to let me show you the salvaged works of art at the spot. This will give you a survey over the work accomplished by my staff for Special Purposes.

Over and above the chief shipment there are secured in Paris a mass of additional abandoned Jewish art possessions. These are being processed in the same sense and prepared for shipment to Germany. Exact accounts about the extent of this remaining shipment are at the moment not available. However, it is estimated that the work in the Western areas will be finished entirely within two to three months. Then a second transport can be brought to Germany.

Berlin, 20 March 1941

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 015-PS

[Rosenberg Letter and Report to Hitler]

16 April 1943
673/R/Ma
Mr Fuehrer:

In my desire to give you, my Fuehrer, some joy for your birthday I take the liberty to present to you a folder containing photos of some of the most valuable paintings which my special purpose staff [Einsatzstab], in compliance with your order, secured from ownerless Jewish art collections in the occupied western territories. These photos represent an addition to the collection of 53 of the most valuable objects of art delivered some time ago to your collection. This folder also shows only a small percentage of the exceptional value and extent of these objects of art, seized by my service command [Dienststelle] in France, and put into a safe place on the Reich.

I beg of you, my Fuehrer, to give me a chance during my next audience to report to you orally on the whole extent and scope of this art seizure action. I beg you to accept a short written intermediate report of the progress and extent of the art seizure action which will be used as a basis for this later oral report, and also accept 3 copies of the temporary picture catalogues which, too, only show part of the collection you own. I shall deliver further catalogues which are now being compiled, when they are finished. I shall take the liberty during the requested audience to give you, my Fuehrer, another 20 folders of pictures, with the hope that this short occupation with the beautiful things of art which are nearest to your heart will send a ray of beauty and joy into your revered life.

Heil, my Fuehrer

Intermediate Report of the Seizure of Ownerless Jewish Art Possessions, by the Special Purpose Staff [Einsatzstab] of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the Occupied Western Territories.

The seizure action began in compliance with the Fuehrer order of 17 Sept 1940. At first those art collections were seized which the Jews, fleeing from occupied territories, left behind in Paris. The seizure action was extended to all remaining cities and villages of the occupied French territory where it was thought that Jewish art collections might be hidden. By using all possible ways and means we discovered and seized all Jewish art collections which were hidden either in Jewish homes in Paris, in castles in the provinces or in warehouses and other storage places. The seizure action was in part very difficult and tedious and, up to now, not all completed. The escaped Jews knew how to camouflage the hiding places of these objects of art, and to find them was made more difficult by the Frenchmen originally charged with the administration of the hiding places. The special purpose staff [Einsatzstab] in connection with the security police [Sicherheitsdienst-SD], the squad for the protection of the foreign currency market [Devisenschutzkommando] and by using their own ingenuity succeeded in securing the main part of art collections, left behind by the escaped Jews, and bringing it safely to the Reich. The most important part of the action was the securing of 79 collections of well-known Jewish art collectors in France. The list of collections is attached hereto. Top place on the list is taken by the famous collections of the Jewish family of Rothschild. The difficulty of the seizure action is shown by the fact that the Rothschild collections were distributed over various places in Paris, in Bordeaux and in the Loire castles of the Rothschilds, and could only be found after a long and tedious search. Although the action covered the past 2 years, we discovered and secured, through the use of trusted agents, quite a large part of the Rothschild collection in 1942.

Besides the seizure of these complete Jewish art collections, we also searched all vacant Jewish apartments in Paris and other places for single art objects which might have been left behind. The main job in this action was to ascertain all addresses of Jews, escaped from the occupied territories, since we had to overcome quite a few difficulties on the part of the French police force which naturally tried their best to retard our progress. During this search through hundreds of single Jewish apartments a large amount of art objects were secured.

These in this manner secured collections and single pieces of art were transferred to central collecting points in Paris, located in the so-called Jeu de Paume and rooms of the Louvre. The art expert of the special purpose staff inventoried, photographed and packed all secured objects of art. Taking the inventory was made more difficult by the fact that all data pertaining to the collection were suppressed by the former owners. For this reason each art object had to be examined separately for origin, place where found, and period. The work is so designed that at its conclusion the finished inventory will represent an unimpeachable document, as far as the historical background of the art collection is concerned. It will show, on one side, the monetary, and on the other, the historical value. The Jewish owners and collectors only judged these collections by their material value. Consequently they did not recognize the historical value and therefore showed no inclination to make these collections available for research. However, this research has now been accomplished by the sorely understaffed special purpose staff. All their findings were incorporated into 3 temporary books which will serve as basis for one catalogue, soon to be compiled.

During the time from 17 Sept 1940 to 7 April 1943, 10 transports of 92 cars or a total of 2775 crates were sent to Germany. The contents of the crates were: paintings, antique furniture, Gobelins, objects of art, etc. Besides all this another special transport of 53 art objects was shipped to the Fuehrerbau in Muenchen, and 594 pieces (paintings, plastics, furniture, textiles) delivered to Reichs Marshal [Goering].

Castle Neuschanstein was designated as the first shelter. After this castle was filled, the Bavarian administration for state-owned castles and parks saw fit to relinquish several rooms in the castle Herrenchiemsee for further shipments.

Since these 2 shelters were not enough and since the Bavarian administration could not supply any more we rented 2 more in the neighborhood; it was made possible through the intervention of the State Treasurer [Reichsschatzmeister]. We rented several rooms in the former Salesianer monastery at Buxheim near Memmingen in Schwaben and the privately owned castle Kogl near Voecklabruck at Upper Austria [Oberdonau]. The location and condition of these 2 shelters is such that they are perfect in regards to safety against air attack and fire, and can easily be guarded. All art objects are so divided between the 4 shelters that it is possible to continue the inventory and care, and that no large collections of valuable art objects will be concentrated in any one place. All measures for safety are taken care of by the combined efforts of: 1. the Bavarian administration for castles and parks, 2. the central control of the fire prevention police, and 3. the local representatives of State and Party. In this way the highest degree of safety has been achieved.

9455 articles in the aforementioned shelters have been completely inventoried, as of 1 April 1943. The inventory is as follows:

5255 Paintings
297 Sculptures
1372 Pieces antique furniture
307 Textiles
2224 Small objects of art, including East-Asiatic art

The inventory in addition to records of seizure and lists of seizure and transport, follows the pattern of the enclosed file card [Karteikarte]. On this file card is noted all information necessary to characterize all objects as to origin, master, technique, time, etc. These file cards together with the extended explanations of the men charged with taking the inventory constitute the basis for the editing of the master catalogue. Besides this there is in preparation a photo-library in one of the central offices in Berlin, as well as in Neuschwanstein. Since the number of technicians was small, the time short, and the necessity of a quick expert from Paris was paramount, only the most valuable objects were inventoried in Paris. Therefore the inventory has to be continued in the shelters. According to the latest count there are approximately 10,000 more objects to be inventoried.

At present there are 400 crates in Paris, ready for shipment which will be sent to the Reich as soon as necessary preliminary work in Paris is completed. Should the present 4 shelters not prove sufficient for consequent shipments, 2 more places, namely the castle Bruck near Linz and the camp Seisenegg near Amstetten on the lower Danube have been prepared.

For reasons of fire prevention all art objects in the shelters had to be unpacked skillfully. These measures were also necessary to accomplish the inventory and to continue with the care of the valuable art objects. Restoration has begun since many needed it when we acquired them. At present a repair shop with all necessary tools is being outfitted in Fuessen in which all paintings, pieces of furniture and other objects will be restored, to safeguard preservation. The unpacking, the continuation of the inventory, and the establishment of the photo-library, and too, the editing of the master catalogue, will take considerable time.

The action of seizure [Fassungaktion] in Paris and occupied Western territories will be continued, although on a reduced scale, since there are still new art objects of great value to be found. The administration of the East not only will seize furniture, but also the art objects which might yet be found there. Here too valuable art objects were found in the last months. These art objects, found during the collection of furniture, were also sent to the shelters and will receive the same treatment as the others. Besides these objects, whose art value is established, hundreds of modern French paintings were seized which from the German standpoint are without value as far as the national-socialist art conception is concerned. These works of modern French painters will be listed separately, for a later decision as to their disposition.

On orders from the Reichs Marshal some of the works of modern and degenerate French art were exchanged in Paris for paintings of known value. The exchange was of great advantage to us, since we received 87 works by Italian, Dutch and German masters who are known to be of great value. We shall continue to trade whenever a chance presents itself. At the completion of the action a proposal as to the disposition of the modern and degenerate French paintings will be presented.

Berlin, 16 April 1943

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 016-PS

The Deputy for the 4 Year Plan
The General Plenipotentiary for Labor Mobilization
GBA
Berlin W 8, 24 April 1942
Mohrenstrasse 65 (Thuringia/House)
Phone: 126571
Bureau of Ministry [Ministerburo] received 27. April 1942, No.
0887 Min. 28/v
Dr. K.P. has been informed
Very esteemed and dear Party-member Rosenberg!

Inclosed please find my program for the mobilization of labor. Please excuse the fact that this copy still contains a few corrections.

Heil Hitler!
Yours
[signed]: Fritz Sauckel
5 copies
copy for Mr. Wittenbacher
[signed]: WACHS
70x
[Stamp]
Chancellory 1 May 1942 (Kanzlei) Mischke
read: ILFL/KS 45.42
filed: I-5, 5/5 42 Pg
To The "Reichsminister" for the Occupied Territories of the
East, Party-Member Rosenberg
Berlin

The Deputy for the Four Year Plan
The Plenipotentiary for Labor-Mobilization
20 April 1942
Sckl./We.

The Labor-Mobilization Program

On the occasion of the Hero/Memorial Day, in 1942, the hardest and most gigantic commitment of German soldiery in all history was announced to the German people by the Fuehrer. Besides the heroic and victorious conduct against an enemy of an unheard of superiority in number and material, and fighting with the courage of utter despair and beastly brutality, stands the endurance of hardships unparalleled in history of severest winter of cold, ice, snow and story since 140 years. The conquest of the unbelievable difficulties arising from such a climate and terrible weather conditions elevates our soldiers of the East Front, by comparison with the human and soldierly efforts of all times up to now, without exaggeration, to supermen.

It is now the duty of the Home Front towards those soldiers to summon all its strength for an equally gigantic effort to enable them to win complete, final and most rapid victory.

All the burdens and further necessary restrictions, even in the field of nutrition, must be endured with proud determination in consideration of the shining example of the soldiers.

Our Armed Forces of Greater Germany surpassed themselves in heroism, resistance and endurance at the Front of the East, in Africa, in the air and on the sea. To insure their victory in any case, it is necessary now to produce more and better weapons, materiel and ammunition through another increased effort and endeavor of the entire German people, that is, all the producing workers, intellectual and manual, the women and the entire German Youth.

In this manner will the German Home Front contribute decisively to the frustration of the hopes of our enemies to again escape their complete and final defeat.

The aim of this new, gigantic labor mobilization is to use all the rich and tremendous sources, conquered and secured for us by our fighting Armed Forces under the leadership of Adolf Hitler, for the armament of the Armed Forces and also for the nutrition of the Homeland. The raw-materials as well as the fertility of the conquered territories and their human labor power are to be used completely and conscientiously to the profit of Germany and their allies.

In spite of the fact that most of the German people capable of doing so have already made a most commendable effort for the war economy, more considerable reserves must be found and made available under any circumstances.

The decisive measure to realize this is in the uniformly regulated and directed Labor-mobilization of the nation in the war.

To reach this goal, the following principles must be worked out and executed:

A. All important Production Programs, actually in progress, must under no circumstances be disturbed by the new measures. On the contrary, they should even be increased.

B. All orders of the Fuehrer, Reichs-Fieldmarshal of the Greater German Reich and the "Minister" for ammunition and armament are to be carried out as quickly as possible. Labor supply necessary for that purpose must be freed and made available either in Germany or in the occupied territories.

C. The task concerning the seed and harvest of German peasantry and all the territories under German control with the view to secure the largest production is just as urgent. The lacking laborers must be made available as quickly as possible.

D. A supply system for the vitally necessary materials for the German people will be assured.

The realization of these principles for labor-mobilization requires:

1. The cooperation of all the forces of the party, economy and the state under coordinated leadership.

2. The best will of all the German people.

3. The most far-reaching measures to imbue all the employed German workmen and women with the highest confidence in the justice of the consideration of their own personal welfare and their salaries as well as the best possible care for their health and shelter under the actual war circumstances.

4. The quickest and best solution of the question of the use of women and youth labor.

To reach the goal determined by the Fuehrer the simultaneous and quickest use of numerous different measures of unified purpose are absolutely necessary. As any one of those must not interfere with the others, but rather complement them, it is also absolutely necessary that all the offices [Dienststellen] in the Reich, its territories and communities, in party, state and economy, participating in this decisive task act according to coordinated, synchronized directives.

Thus, the labor-mobilization of the nation contributes extraordinarily to the quickest and victorious termination of the war. It requires every effort of the German people on the Home front. It is for that German people, for their preservation, their freedom, happiness and amelioration of their nutrition and standards of living that this war is being fought.

Basic Principles

I. In the districts [Gau], it is the task of the district-chief [Gauleiter] to take in his hands the propaganda and orientation of the German people concerning the necessity of labor-mobilization and to carry out important measures for the care of the employed youth and women as well as to supervise the condition of camps and shelters.

They also assure themselves of the closest and friendliest cooperation of all the participating institutions.

II. It is not only the most distinguished duty of the General Plenipotentiary, but a condition sine qua non for the success of his task, to assure himself of the utmost cooperation and understanding of all the highest Reichs-Bureaus [Reichs-stellen], especially those offices [Dienststellen] of the Armed Forces whose departments are concerned with his task.

III. Equally necessary is the mutual understanding of all the Reichs-leaders [Reichsleiter] of the party, especially the cooperation of the German Labor Front [Deutsche Arbeitsfront] and the institutions of economy.

IV. The General Plenipotentiary for labor mobilization will therefore use with the help of the smallest, personal staff of assistants the existing party, state and economic institutions and assure the quickest success of his measure with the good will and the cooperation of all concerned.

V. The General Plenipotentiary for labor mobilization has therefore, with the consent of the Fuehrer and the knowledge of the Reichsmarshal of Greater Germany and the director [Leiter] of the Party Chancellory [Reichskanzlei] appointed all the district chiefs [Gauleiters] as his plenipotentiaries in the German Districts of the National Socialist Party.

VI. The plenipotentiaries for labor mobilization are using all the offices of the Party in their district. The chiefs of the highest offices of the State and economy of their districts will assist and advise the District chiefs in all matters concerning the labor mobilization.

The most important for that purpose would be the following:

The President of the Land Labor Office [Praesident des Landesarbeitsamtes],

The Trustee for Labor, [Treuhaender der Arbeit],

The leader of the Peasants [Landesbauernfuehrer],

The economic adviser of the district [Gauwirtschaftsberator],

The District Superintendant of the German Labor Front [Gauobmann der Deutschen Arbeitsfront],

The leader of the womanhood of the district [Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin],

The leader of the Hitler Youth of the region [Gebietsfuehrer der Hitler-Jugend],

The highest representative of the interior and general administration, and of the office for Agriculture [der hoechste Vertreter der Inneren und Allgemeinen Verwaltung bzw. des Landeswirtschaftsamtes].

Should the confines [Bezirk] of a Land-Labor Office comprise several Districts, it seems advisable that the President of the Land-Labor Office in question should make available to the District Chief, in whose district capital there is no Land-Labor Office, his closest and most capable assistants in such a way that also in those offices the continuous information and instruction of the district-chiefs about all the measures concerning the labor-mobilization remains assured.

VII. The most distinguished and important task of the district-chiefs of the National Socialist Party in their capacity as plenipotentiaries in their districts consists in assuring the best understanding and cooperation of all the offices of their districts participating in the labor-mobilization.

Nevertheless, it must be strictly observed that the dignitaries of the party and the offices of the National Socialist Party, its organizations, sub-divisions and attached institutions do not assume functions coming under the jurisdiction of the State, the Armed Forces or economic institutions and for which only those authorities are responsible; they are not to interfere with official business not coming under their jurisdiction, according to the wish of the Fuehrer.

Should we succeed with the help of the Party in convincing all the German intellectual and manual workers of the great importance of the labor-mobilization for the outcome of the war, and succeed in taking good care and keeping up the morale of all the men, women, and the German youths who work within the labor-mobilization program under extraordinarily strenuous circumstances, as far as their physical and mental capabilities of endurance are concerned, and should we furthermore be able, also with the help of the party, to use prisoners of war as well as civilian workmen and women of foreign blood not only without harm to our own people but to the greatest advantage to our war and nutrition industries, then we will have accomplished the most difficult part of the labor mobilization program.

The Task and its Solution

(No figures are mentioned because of security reasons. I can assure you, nevertheless, that we are concerned with the greatest labor-problem of all times, especially with regard to figures.)

A. The Task:

1. The conscription of new soldiers to a gigantic extent for all branches and services of the Armed Forces has been rendered necessary by the present war-situation.

This means:

a. The removal of workers from all professional enterprises, especially of a great number of trained personnel from armament producing war industries.

b. Also the removal of especially non-essential personnel from the war nutrition industry.

2. The war situation also necessitates the continuation of the tremendously increased and improved armament programs as ordered by the Fuehrer.

3. The most essential commodities for the German people must continue to be produced for minimum requirements.

4. The German housewife's health, particularly the health of those on the farms, must not be endangered in their quality as mothers by the war. On the contrary, they must be relieved in every possible way.

B. The Solution:

1. All skilled workers removed from defense plants through induction into the Armed Forces must absolutely and immediately be replaced in such a way that no bottleneck or decrease in the production of the war product results. It is the responsibility of all the authorities for the labor mobilization to make sure that this directive is considered in each case.

The most capable workers must, therefore, be removed from the reserves of discontinued, lesser defense installations, and the discontinued construction industry and be made available to the enterprises from which specialists are being called into the Armed Forces, 8 weeks before their actual induction, in order to enable them to instruct and familiarize their replacement with their work.

2. Workmen or women available because of destruction or damage of their installations must just as quickly be made available and incorporated again in the war industry.

3. The Armament and Nutrition tasks make it vitally necessary, not only to include the entire German labor power but also to call on foreign labor.

Consequently, I immediately tripled the transport program which I found when I took charge of my mission.

The main effort of that transport has been advanced into the months of May-June in order to assure in time and under any circumstances the availability of foreign labor power from the occupied territories for an increased production, in view of coming operations of the army, as well as agricultural labor in the sector of the German Nutrition Industry.

All prisoners of war, from the territories of the West as well of the East, actually in Germany, must be completely incorporated into the German armament and nutrition industries. Their production must be brought to the highest possible level.

It must be emphasized, however, that an additional tremendous quantity of foreign labor has to be found for the Reich. The greatest pool for that purpose are the occupied territories of the East.

Consequently, it is an immediate necessity to use the human reserves of the conquered Soviet territory to the fullest extent. Should we not succeed in obtaining the necessary amount of labor on a voluntary basis, we must immediately institute conscription or forced labor.

Apart from the prisoners of war still in the occupied territories, we must, therefore, requisition skilled or unskilled male and female labor from the Soviet territory from the age of 15 up for the labor-mobilization.

On the other hand, one quarter of the total need of foreign labor can be procured in Europe's occupied territories West of Germany, according to existing possibilities.

The procurement of labor from friendly and also neutral countries can only cover a small part of the total need. Practically only skilled workers and specialists can be considered in this case.

4. In order to relieve considerably the German housewife, especially the mother with many children and the extremely busy farm-woman and in order to avoid any further danger to their health, the Fuehrer also charged me with the procurement of 400,000-500,000 selected, healthy and strong girls from the territories of the East for Germany.

5. The spring cultivation of the fields [Fruehjahrsbestellung] will be assured by the use of the German youth in class-formation, together with their teachers according to an agreement with Reichs-Youth-Leader [Reichsjugendfuehrer] and the responsible, highest Reichs-Authorities.

6. The labor mobilization of the German women is of very great importance.

Examining this very difficult problem and after getting thoroughly acquainted with the fundamental opinion of the Fuehrer as well as of the Reichsmarshal of the Greater German Reich and my own most careful inquiries and their results, I must absolutely reject the possibility of having an obligatory service decreed by the State for all German women and girls for the German War and Nutrition industry.

Although, at the beginning, I myself, and probably the majority of the leading personalities of the party and of the womanhood with me, believed that for certain reasons an obligatory service for women should be decreed, I am of the opinion that all responsible men and women in party, state and economy should accept with the greatest veneration and gratitude the judgment of our Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, whose greatest concern has always been the health of the German women and girls; in other words, the present and future mothers of our nation.

I cannot enumerate all the reasons which made me come to that decision. I only ask for confidence in me as an old fanatical district chief of the National Socialist party and to believe that this could be the only possible decision.

We all agree that this decision might appear unjust towards millions of women who are engaged in defense and nutrition industries under the most strenuous conditions but we also realize that an evil cannot be remedied by spreading it to the utmost.

The only possible way to eliminate the existing injustices and hardships consists in winning the war in order to enable us to remove all women and girls engaged from jobs unsuitable for women, namely endangering their health, the birth-rate of our nation, and family and national life.