Transcriber’s Note: Evident printing errors have been changed in the English. In the passages in French, accents have been added/removed where necessary, but otherwise the spelling, complete with errors, is as printed.

MEMOIR
OF THE
LIFE AND SERVICES OF VICE-ADMIRAL
SIR JAHLEEL BRENTON,
BARONET, K. C. B.

EDITED BY
THE REV. HENRY RAIKES,
CHANCELLOR OF THE DIOCESE OF CHESTER.

LONDON:
HATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY;
SEACOME AND PRICHARD, CHESTER.
1846.

Dedication.

TO LADY BRENTON.

Dear Lady Brenton,

In dedicating to you the Memoir of which I have been permitted to be the Editor, I cannot but feel how inadequate the portrait, which I have been endeavouring to sketch, must appear to you, to whom it now is offered.

I undertook the work indeed, chiefly from a sense of public duty; though without much hope that I should satisfy myself, or those by whom the charge was entrusted to me. It seemed fit and proper, that the world should be made acquainted with a character of such rare and peculiar excellence as that of your husband; and I felt that it was due to the naval service generally, and in particular to the younger members of it, that they should see how qualities of a very different kind might be combined in one man; and might render him, who was the ornament of his profession, a model of what man ought to be in every relation of life. My desire therefore was to do good to others, rather than to do justice to my subject; and instead of dwelling, as to you might seem natural and proper; on those various graces which endeared him to all, and to those most, who knew him best; I have endeavoured to shew what he was, by describing his behaviour under the several trials of his eventful life; and to extend the benefit of his example by making it more generally known.

I dare not suppose, therefore, that the offer of the following Memoir should have any other value in your eyes, than as a token of the affectionate remembrance, with which I dwell upon the character of your much loved husband. In this respect, had I attempted more, I should not have succeeded better; for language never satisfies the requirements of the heart; and you would still have felt, that the half was yet unsaid; after I had written all that I could, in endeavouring to express my admiration and regard.

My chief anxiety is, that the volume may be in some degree acceptable to those, whose benefit has been always contemplated during its preparation; and that the navy may not lose the benefit, which the example of Sir Jahleel Brenton is so well calculated to give. In my solicitude to secure this object, I have retained as much as possible of the language of the original memorial, which forms the basis of the narrative. I have sacrificed all attempt at forming a regular biography, that I might preserve its originality. I have allowed inequalities of style to remain, which may offend fastidious minds, that I might not weaken the effect of particular expressions; and the little that I have ventured to add, has chiefly been done for the purpose of enabling readers to draw those inferences from the events recorded, which he, writing with another object in view, and regarding what was written as merely a memorial addressed to his children, naturally assumed as certain to be drawn by those for whom he wrote, and did not think it necessary to add.

In these respects I have endeavoured to speak with the reserve, which should be felt when professional questions are discussed by one, who is a stranger to them; and trust, that I have only said, what he would have wished to have added under similar circumstances. It is satisfactory to me, however, to think, that whatever may be the deficiencies of the Memoir, it will at least draw attention to the man, while his qualities still linger in the recollection of his friends and his associates; for if the narrative does but lead to enquiry as to the character of the subject, I feel that there is no doubt as to the result that may be expected.

Though I feel it necessary therefore to apologize to you for the very inadequate portrait that is now presented, I am not without hope, that under God’s blessing, the exhibition of such a life may be beneficial to the world; and if this be the case, I trust that you will merge private disappointment in the consideration of general good, and be satisfied with what is done, in the hope it may do good to others. As for the comfort to be derived from such a memorial, I know you need it not; and would not seek it in such monuments as man can raise. Your consolation under loss is drawn from higher sources, and needs not the support of human praise bestowed on him, who was dearer to you than life itself. The recollection of his holy, humble walk, of his work of faith, his labour of love, his cheerful submission to pain, his forgetfulness of self, and his zeal for the good of others, forms for you a source of comfort, which no human honour can equal, and no earthly possession rival. This is your real consolation, and to the convictions on which this rests, the opinion of the world can add nothing.

But though you do not look to such a memorial as this for the comfort that you need; I am willing to hope, that if it should be the means of doing good; if it should make the memory of him you loved, as beneficial as his example was, it may be acceptable. The great and the good live not for their own generation only, but for those that follow. They bequeath their characters to mankind; and it seems an act of justice to them to collect, and to offer to public notice, the record of efforts which may awaken the emulation, or strengthen the faith of others; and lead them to excellence by the knowledge of the victories achieved by those who went before them.

If it should please God, then, to make this imperfect notice of Sir Jahleel Brenton’s course useful to that service of which he was so bright an ornament while living; you will forgive the insufficiency of the representation which meets your eye; and I shall be thankful, if in paying this tribute of respect to the memory of a friend whom I revered and loved, I can communicate any of his feelings to that profession, to which the country owes so large a debt of gratitude.

Believe me to remain,

Most truly and faithfully your’s,

H. RAIKES.

Chester, Sept. 30th.

CONTENTS.

MEMOIR
OF
VICE ADMIRAL SIR JAHLEEL BRENTON, K. C. B.
BARONET.

It may appear presumptuous in one not connected with the naval service, to attempt the biography of an officer so distinguished as Sir Jahleel Brenton; and it may appear a graver, a less excusable offence, that one belonging to another profession, and that a profession, which requires the devotion of the whole mind to its own peculiar objects, should be undertaking an office so foreign from his usual employment and proper duties. I have, therefore, no hesitation in saying, that if Sir Jahleel Brenton had merely been the man, whom the world knew through the medium of gazettes, and the record of public services, and looked up to as a gallant and distinguished officer; whatever might have been my feelings towards him as a personal friend, whatever my admiration of him as a public character, I never should have undertaken the office, which I am now attempting to discharge. I must also add, that under other circumstances I must have shrunk from the duty, as involving enquiries which I had neither leisure nor means to prosecute; if its labours had not been so far anticipated by documents drawn up by his own hand, and left to his family; that little more seemed left to his biographer, than to arrange that which was already written; and to select out of a memorial designed for the benefit and instruction of his own children, those parts which might be offered to the public, without trespassing on the sacredness of a private, a domestic record.

I must again mention, that I was aware that even this portion of my duty was anticipated, and would be performed in my behalf by one, who, with a single exception, might be regarded as most identified in feelings, views, and mind, with the subject of the memoir.

The delicate and difficult task of selecting from a long and confidential memoir, written with all the fulness of a father’s heart, and intended to be perused as a sort of sacred record by his children; oftentimes too minute or too particular for publication; and still exhibiting in general so much of the character that it was desired to pourtray, that it was difficult to know how to resist insertion; this task was, I say, undertaken by another, who has discharged it with as much fidelity as discretion; and who left nothing to me, but to peruse and confirm that, which had been thus arranged and prepared for the press.

But even these advantages; assisted and increased as they are by the affectionate recollections of the members of his own family; while they promised to render the labour of the undertaking easy, would have been insufficient to determine me to attempt a work for which I was so incompetent, if I had proposed to offer to the public a memoir of the professional life, and of the naval achievements of the man whom it was impossible to know without honouring or loving him. But this seemed unnecessary to be done, and certainly was not to be done by me. His public services, both as a seaman and an officer, have been long known and fully appreciated by the public, and thus have had their appropriate record in the naval histories of the last war. His professional character still lives in the recollection of the service. It therefore is not necessary that naval events should be narrated here, which have been better told in other places; nor that exploits should be dwelt upon, which though they never can be heard without emotion, it may be sufficient for all present purposes to refer to, rather than to repeat.

I would, therefore, beg leave to state at once, that the only aim I venture to propose to myself, is one which differs essentially from that, which has been generally followed by the writers of similar memoirs.

I am not anxious to describe the subject of my narrative, in the form in which he was known and honoured by the world; but in that in which he was known to those who lived with him, and served with him; to his family and his friends; to the men who shared his hardships and dangers, as well as his successes and triumphs. I am not attempting to represent him as the man of courage, enterprise and decision, formed for the hour of peril and contest, fitted to lead and direct the energies of his service, and carrying every heart with him, from the enthusiasm which his example inspired; but I am desirous to shew that those qualities, for which the world would easily give him credit, were united with elements of which the world knew little, and perhaps thought less; but which had their effect in forming the general character of the man, and made him what he was in the different relations of life. I feel it due to him, and still more to those who may be profited by his example, to trace the peculiar qualities of his character to their source, and to shew the principles from which they flowed; so that if there be in his life any thing lovely and of good report; and this there is no one who ever knew him that can doubt; it may be referred to its proper cause, and be ascribed to that, which he himself knew, and felt to be the origin.

It will be my aim, therefore, in these pages, chiefly to dwell on those features of mind, which though seen by few and observed by few, gave to his whole character its peculiar dignity and grace. I shall endeavour to shew, that the courage and enterprise, the firmness and self-resource which rendered him while he lived the ornament of his profession, were accompanied by qualities, not generally found in combination with these, but which enhanced their value, and contributed to their excellence; with patience, with meekness, with the tenderest consideration for others, and the most unbounded benevolence. I wish to shew, that the brilliancy of his public life was equalled by the purity and correctness of his private life: that he was as amiable in every domestic relation, as he was admirable in all official duties: and still knew how to keep the warmth of his affections, in such subordination, that the call which summoned him from that home, where all his happiness was centered, was obeyed without a question or a doubt, whenever the interests of his country and the service required it. Above all, I wish to shew, that the secret, but the only cause of this unusual combination of qualities, not often found in his profession, and sometimes considered as incompatible with it; was that instinctive subjection of the heart to God, which growing as he grew, and gaining strength and expansion by the trials of his life, raised him from the state of a conscientious and upright man, to that of a mature and confirmed Christian; which sustained him under the various difficulties and burdens of his lot, by teaching him to look to God in all emergencies, and to cast himself on His mercy under every doubt; which finally regulated the enquiries which it prompted, and realizing the divine promises, “that the meek shall He guide in judgment,” “that God giveth grace to the humble,” brought him through all the conflict of religious opinions, to that simple child-like faith, which formed the substance of his happiness in life, as well as of his hope in decay.

The description of a character such as this, together with a narrative of the events under which it was formed and perfected, may, under God’s blessing, be made profitable to many; and as the circumstances of his story are such as must interest every reader, it is to be hoped that the memoir of such a man may be offered without presumption to the world at large, as including much that may be generally useful as well as amusing. But there is one class of readers to whose attention it may be more particularly recommended, and to whose improvement and welfare it is specifically dedicated. I mean the young aspirants to honour and distinction in the navy, the rising members of that profession, of which Sir Jahleel was so fine a specimen; and for whom he always felt and expressed so strong and so paternal an interest. I could wish, that they who are taught to emulate his character as an officer, and who are animated by hearing of the gallantry of his actions, should know more of the man whom they are led to admire, than can be learnt from gazettes or naval histories; and that they should be made acquainted with the real secret of the excellence which is held up to them as a model for imitation. I wish that they should know from his example, that the most brilliant courage, the greatest firmness in action, and the most perfect self-possession in the moment of danger, are not only compatible with deep religious impressions, and personal piety; but that they never can be looked for with so much confidence, nor will ever be found so largely developed, as when combined with these as the habitual principles of the life. And as example is generally more conclusive than theory, it seems expedient that they should above all others be reminded, that the man, who in his day, was the model of all we wish to imagine in a British officer, and a British seaman; the man whose daring courage made him at one time the chosen associate and friend of Sir Sidney Smith; who was afterwards selected by that acute and discriminating judge of character, Lord St. Vincent, out of the number of eminent and gallant officers around him; and appointed to situations which required all the combination of naval skill and firmness; was, and avowed himself to be, in the full sense of the word, a Christian; confessed Christ and His words in every situation, and under every circumstance with uncompromising firmness; and still maintained his profession of religion with such gentleness and dignity, that those who differed from him never failed to respect and to love him; and could not help venerating the man, even while they felt that his principles condemned their practice.

In this point, indeed, a memoir of Sir Jahleel Brenton seems an important opportunity for bringing the example of such a man before the younger members of his profession as a model for imitation; and an office which might have been urged upon me, as due to the memory of a deceased friend; and might still have been urged in vain, to one so occupied and pledged to other duties; may be viewed in a different way, when it is considered in reference to those who may be benefited by acquaintance with his character, and are not likely to know from other sources what were its peculiar and distinctive qualities.

The name and profession of the editor will, therefore, it is hoped preclude the possibility of disappointment to those, who having been attracted by the title of this memoir, may take up the volume as a subject of mere professional interest, a record of naval struggles or naval triumphs. The achievements of Sir Jahleel Brenton have been already appropriately recorded, and may be read elsewhere by those who wish to enquire into his services It is proposed to give to the public now, that which the public has not hitherto known, but which may be profitable to general readers; and which must be full of value to those of his own profession; the narrative of a life not unmarked with trial, not devoid of the interest arising from great dangers undergone, and great qualities of mind and heart evinced in meeting them; but exhibiting in the midst of these, and of other circumstances not less perplexing or less afflicting; that consistency of moral conduct, that steady persevering patience, that cheerful hope, and child-like submission to the will of God, and above all, that uniform and prevailing benevolence of spirit, which belong to the Christian character, and which flow from the one single principle of Christian faith. That the union of these qualities may be seen in many individuals at present in the royal navy, I am thankful to believe and know; but their occurrence is not so general as to render example useless; while we also know, that men are more easily led to imitate the practice of one, who has taken his place in the annals of his country, than that of contemporaries; and that no line of conduct can be so safely recommended for adoption, as that which has already won the esteem and admiration of the world. I trust, therefore, that the memoir of such an officer as Sir Jahleel Brenton may be no unacceptable offering to a service, which must ever be regarded with the deepest gratitude and interest, as the instrument of God’s protecting providence to this country, and as the means of enlarging its beneficial influence; and I hope that the hours, withdrawn from other duties and given to this, have been transferred rather than stolen, and transferred to purposes of wider usefulness and more extensive good, than those which belong to ordinary employment.

In my own profession, the biography of pious and devoted men has long been regarded as one of the most profitable lines of reading. It has been felt that the knowledge of truth is likely to be most effective when combined with its application, and exhibited in practice; and as example is generally admitted to be more powerful than precept, and men are more easily led to imitate than to obey; the memorials of those who have been eminent for zeal and holiness in the work of the ministry, have been multiplied largely of late years, and are recommended with confidence as among the most effectual means of raising the tone of feeling and determining the line of practice among the clergy. In this respect, every year adds to the resources of the church. Those who are removed from this field of labour testify to the living. One generation contributes the encouragement of its experience to the other; and each pious, faithful, and zealous minister, whose labour and self-devotion are commemorated in this way, leaves in the record of his example that which may strengthen the faith, or stimulate the energies of those who are to follow him.

But while the church as a profession, is receiving this increasing advantage, and sees its means of improvement enlarged by the recollections of those who are removed from their field of suffering or of labour; there is reason to presume that other professions are not equally benefited by the biographies of their distinguished members. They also have their memorials. The world is anxious to learn the particulars of their early life and education, as well as of their subsequent achievements; and those who are called to imitate their example or to rival their exertions, are naturally desirous to study the secret of their excellence in the causes which conduced to it. But in cases such as these, in the narratives of men who have been distinguished in the naval and military services, or even in the profession of law or medicine, it is natural that professional excellence should form the chief object of attention to those who write, as it is probable it will be the chief object of interest to those who read. The soldier and the sailor, the lawyer and the physician are described, rather than the man; and the qualities which raised the individual to distinction, are in these cases so separate from those, which formed his value as a man, that it is possible the latter may be wholly lost sight of, while every effort is being made to do justice to the former. There is danger, therefore, in all such memorials, that much that is great and good in the individual, may be merged in the merits of the officer, or in the brilliancy of the career pursued in practice; and that private excellence, that which constitutes the real foundation of the man’s value, and makes his life most profitable as an example, may be lost sight of, while justice is being done to that which only made him an ornament to his profession, or an instrument of national advancement.

In a clergyman on the contrary, the chief if not the only claim that he can possess on the recollection of others, the only sense in which his life can be held up as an example to those of his own profession, consists in his personal piety; in the remembrance of that eminence to which the grace of God had raised him, as a holy, humble-minded, faithful man; and that is, therefore, told of him, and that is dwelt upon in him, which it is most useful for other men to know, but which is equally and alike useful to all of every profession and of every rank. The world estimates its heroes by a different rule, and looks in consequence to qualities of a different kind. It dwells on that which is professional to the exclusion of that which is personal. It dwells on those things which catch the eye, and fill the ear, and arrest the imagination; while that which passes within, that which constitutes moral eminence, and which renders a man a model for a Christian to follow, is overlooked in the more exciting narrative of contests for distinction, as irrelevant to the character which is being exhibited; and thus, the benefit of example, in cases such as these, is lost to men, because men are more interested in results, than in causes; in the things that have been done, than in the principles of those who did them; and regard the subjects of biography as successful candidates for the world’s applause, rather than as models for private imitation.

It has also sometimes happened, that religious feelings, when strongly developed, have led a man to withdraw from the active duties of his profession, either in the army or navy; and have made his example less profitable to others, by making it less peculiar, less specific than it would have been, if he had continued where he was; and thus, these professions have lost a benefit, which seemed to be their right, by losing those individuals whose moral character would have reflected additional lustre on their public services. It is impossible, indeed, to deny that the first impulse of strong religious conviction, must lead a man to wish to withdraw from every thing that separates him from God; and to live to Him alone, whom he has now found to be alone worth living for. It is equally certain, that the fear of falling back, the dread of being entangled again in sins, which the soul has learnt to hate, may reasonably lead a man to fly from associations, which he knows from experience to be dangerous; and to endeavour to secure his own weakness by saving it from exposure. Excellent men are continually found arguing and acting in this manner; and where the grounds are so reasonable, and the object at stake of such incalculable importance, it is not easy to resist or to controvert their plea. But if some feel it necessary to quit the field, and to withdraw from a contest they are unfit to meet, or in which they see reason to distrust their means of standing firm; the greater must be our gratitude for those who venture to remain, and who dare to be strong in the Lord, and in the power of His might. The testimony that they then bear, is one of peculiar value; and we may venture to hope, that where the danger is considered before it is braved, and man only exposes himself from the conviction of duty, and under the confidence of support from heaven, he will not be allowed to fail. As his days are, so shall his strength be; and we may trust that God, who sees the principle on which the man continues at the post of danger, will not forsake His faithful sentinel, but will make His grace sufficient for his trial, and cause his own strength to be perfected in the weakness of His servant.

On this principle we cannot doubt, that the determination to which Colonel Gardiner came, and in which he was encouraged by the excellent Doddridge, to continue in his original calling, and not to quit the army when he came under deep convictions of religion, has rendered him a far greater blessing to the world, than he could have been, had he yielded to his first impressions, and left the service. His memoir would in that case have remained a record of the unspeakable goodness of God. He might have edified the world by the piety of his life, and he might have been named to succeeding generations as a monument of Divine Grace, rescuing man from the bondage of sin, and plucking him like a brand out of the fire. But the memoir, as it now stands, is rendered still more valuable by the testimony of his later life, and by the evidence it contains to that faith by which he lived; and the power of the grace of God is manifested more signally in upholding him amidst the opposition which he at one time thought himself incapable of meeting, than in enabling him to fly from it at first. Whatever might have been thought then of Colonel Gardiner’s determination at the time, there can be no doubt, that Christ was more nobly confessed in the midst of a sinful and adulterous generation, than He could have been in the retirement of religious life; and that the doctrine of the gospel was more visibly adorned by the example of one, who lived in the world without belonging to the world, than it could have been by the piety which withdrew its subject from general observation, and led him to seek security by withdrawing from the scene of temptation. But it is obvious that the value of such memoirs is enhanced by their rarity. Probably from the causes which have been enumerated, the narratives which exhibit the moral and religious character of men belonging to the army or navy are comparatively few; and those professions in consequence lack the benefit, which example and experience offer in other cases.

But the loss is not confined to them. There are reasons why it may be regarded as a general, a public loss; and why all may have cause to regret that which seems to be a professional want. Whether it be that the character of these two professions, whether it be that the familiarity with danger, the necessity for energetic action and quick decision, carries into the religion they profess, something of its own nature, and leaves its own particular stamp and impress on its qualities; it seems admitted, that the men who have been called by the grace of God to a profession of religion, under such circumstances, have been, generally speaking, marked and decided Christians. It was a centurion of the Roman army to whom Christ bore that noble testimony, that He had not found so great faith, no not in Israel; and we may reasonably think that that power of grace which sets the soul at liberty in cases such as his, and enables it to break the ties by which it has been bound, may go on and carry it to higher attainments than are accessible to other men. But it may be also confidently asserted, that if the testimony which is there borne to truth, is not more clear and decided than in common instances, it is more unquestioned and more unquestionable. The statement that comes from one, born and bred under the influence of religion, is always liable to suspicion. It probably may bear upon its surface some traces of the work of man, in the tone which education has given to the habits of the mind, to the language and opinions; and in that respect, it may seem to want the simplicity which belongs to the works of God, and which shews the source from which the impressions spring. But let the tone of religion be what it may, it carries a sort of professional stamp upon it, and is less appreciated than it ought to be, whenever men think that it is the effect of circumstances, the result of care, and that it could not have been otherwise. On the other hand, whenever it happens that conviction is effected under different circumstances, when religion is found growing where it was least expected, and where it is obvious that there was nothing to favour or encourage it; when it is found taking its stand in the midst of opposition and rebuke; overcoming the world by a power which is not of the world, and which the world cannot understand; and enabling a man to resist the persecution of which the world is most sensitive, the persecution of ridicule and contempt, exercised by associates or superiors, and applied with little consideration or regard for feeling; when this is seen to be the case, then we cannot be surprised, if the world is convinced that an influence more than human is at work; while it sees that done, which seems to be impossible to man; and men are compelled to feel that it is the power of God by which the change is effected, while they see a change accomplished, which to them, and according to their own views and feelings, is nothing less than miraculous. The unwillingness of the heart to admit a truth which involves its own condemnation, will naturally induce men to suppress the acknowledgement of what they feel on such occasions. But the conviction may be deep, though no confession follows. The testimony which is borne to truth under circumstances such as these, will possess an authority and weight which nothing else can give, from a sacred and unuttered reverence of the power that has produced it; and the results may be perceived at distant times and in distant places, when the facts had been forgotten by all, except the persons who had appeared at first most opposed or most indifferent.

But beyond these reasons, which may shew the value of the memoirs of men belonging to the naval and military professions, it cannot be denied that the situations in which such men are placed, and those qualities which may be called their professional qualities, must add an interest to the narrative; and make their examples more profitable, in proportion as their lives have been more interesting. The narrative of hardships endured, of dangers braved, has always been one of the most legitimate sources of delight. The description of man rising superior to the fear which overcomes and subjugates others; daring things, from which other men shrink; and making a way through difficulties which seemed insuperable; has ever possessed a charm which no other narrative could rival; and while human nature remains what it is, and the world is constituted as it is, the qualities of courage, energy, and activity, will give an interest to the character with general readers, which the higher graces of humility, patience, and love might be incapable of imparting. But as it is important that truth should be presented in the form most likely to secure its acceptance, no opportunity should be lost which offers religion to the eyes of the world in the history of those, whom it respects and admires for excellencies of another kind; and whenever religion is combined with these, it is little less than an absolute duty to give publicity to the character, and to admit the world to benefit by the example.

Whatever then be the quality which excites admiration, whether it be professional talent, or intellectual superiority; or whether it be simply that energy of mind which enables man to overcome difficulties and to struggle through trials; the certainty that the exhibition of such a character will be read with interest, makes it valuable as a vehicle for truth; and renders it desirable that such a vehicle should be improved. But we must also feel that of all the various qualities which have this effect, and which may in consequence be turned to such a purpose, there is hardly one which arrests attention so generally, and carries so much interest with it to common readers, as boldness or contempt of danger. All men cannot appreciate the higher qualities of mind, the powers of reasoning or imagination, which lead to literary or political eminence; but all seem capable of understanding the value of that sort of firmness which enables man to bear hardships, or to rise superior to fear. It thus has happened, that in all works of fiction, courage has been the principal feature of the character held up to admiration, and cowardice has always been regarded as the reverse; while we know that in real life, no narratives have been so acceptable to general readers, as those which described dangers and hardships met and overcome by the firmness and energy of those, who were exposed to them.

There need therefore be no hesitation in saying, that as every thing which raises man above the weaknesses of his nature, adds dignity to his character; the contempt of danger must always entitle him to respect; and this feeling which adds a sort of grandeur to the bad, gives a sort of heroic magnificence to the good.

But while we believe that this admiration of courage is inherent in our very nature, and is felt even by those who are unwilling to confess it; we cannot be surprised if the admiration which is due to courage, comes gradually to be limited to such courage as a Christian is capable of exercising. The boldness which shuts its eye on danger, and rushes on destruction, may astonish, but it cannot continue to interest the mind, because it does not satisfy the reason. Men gradually cool on their impressions, and begin to calculate instead of wondering. They examine the principle of the action which is set before them. They compare the risk run with the advantage to be gained; and if they find the risk infinitely exceeding the value of the prize, or perceive that it was braved under the mere impulse of passion, in defiance of reason rather than in subordination to reason; they learn to separate the courage of the animal from that of the man, and expect that the boldness of the latter should be regulated by that which is the glory of his nature; and that even his daring should be reasonable in order that it should be honoured. In this way the world distinguishes the frenzy of the drunkard, or that recklessness of life which is found in the infuriated savage, from the well ordered deliberate firmness, with which a disciplined mind meets every emergency of trial; and refuses the very name of courage to the madness, which rushes on death, from the mere impulse of excited passion.

But under circumstances which seem more favourable; after the first comparison has been made between the object sought and the danger run; and there has been found reason enough to justify the exposure according to the world’s principles; another comparison is apt to follow, which is conducted on Christian principles, and subjects courage, or contempt of death, to a different analysis. To a Christian mind death is invariably connected with the judgment that is to follow. Viewed as the end of the present state of being, it is necessarily considered as the entrance to that which must succeed it; and an event which puts a close to the concerns of time, carries the mind, by an inference which cannot be resisted, to the contemplation of eternity. But he, who has allowed his imagination to dwell on the secrets of that unexplored abyss, which commences when life ceases; and has weighed calmly and deliberately the value of things that are infinite and eternal; turns back to life with a conviction which cannot be uttered of the vanity and nothingness of temporal objects, when once compared with those which are to come hereafter. To him, the eagerness with which the world is pursuing the various prizes of gain, honour, pleasure, wealth, seems nothing less than madness; and all that is called good, and all that is called evil among men, will shrink into nothing, in comparison with the good and evil with which he has been conversant in meditating on the prospects of eternity.

To such a man, death appears in a very different character from that in which it is viewed by the savage, or by man, when his moral state resembles that of the savage. Death thenceforth may be braved, but it cannot be despised. At the call of duty it will be met without hesitation; but it will not be met with indifference or carelessness. The man who meets it will know what cause there is to fear it; though he may be able to rise above the sense of fear, and despise it. But the victory which he thus gains over fear, the principle by which he overcomes the terrors with which he has become acquainted, must be the result of very different elements from those which he acted on before; and must be formed in a very different manner from that which constituted courage in a less enlightened state of mind.

Now, that there are means of doing this; that the gospel offers to man, what may be called the whole armour of God; that the power of meeting and overcoming him, who is called the King of Terrors, may be possessed, and has been, and is continually exercised by those who seem the weakest of our race, is happily a subject of such general notoriety, that it does not require a proof or explanation. But till this power is acquired; until these means of victory are possessed; the contingency, the inevitable contingency, in every case where life is risked, involves such awful consequences; that the mind may be justified in shrinking from the prospect of danger, where the loss of life must be followed by the destruction of the soul; and even the narrative of perils becomes too painful to be a source of pleasure to the reader. Courage under such circumstances may be an object of wonder, but it cannot be a legitimate object of admiration; and the reader must shudder while contemplating results, on which men rushed without thought or preparation; and dangers, which were boldly braved, merely because they were not understood.

The impression made is widely different, when self-possession and calmness in the midst of danger, are regarded as the effects of faith; and man is seen rising superior to the fear of death, because he feels that he is raised above its power. This is Christian heroism; and compared with this, all other heroism sinks into feelings which cannot be reconciled with reason, or be recommended for imitation.

I admit that it may be thought the interest of States to encourage and foment a courage of another and a lower kind, even that animal courage which rushes upon danger without consideration, and shuts its eyes on the real nature of the evil that is braved. The pride of men may be gratified by the imagination of superiority above other men, which this indifference to danger gives them; or by the distinctions to which it leads; and the world may concur in admiring that which feeds or flatters the imagination. But reason, sooner or later, must be heard; and reason will gradually make itself heard, in a voice which cannot be resisted; and reason must refuse its sanction to a judgment which teaches men to throw away eternity for a temporal advantage; and encourages the exposure of the soul to consequences, the amount of which cannot be calculated.

And yet, let it not be supposed, that courage loses its real character, because the occasion for its display is mistaken by the world at large; or that the effect of religion is to make men cowards. So far from this being the case, courage, even courage of the highest kind, is not only indirectly inculcated, but is absolutely commanded in the gospel; commanded by Him whose word is truth, and who alone can enable his servants to do that, which He in His wisdom sees fit to command. The only difference is, that the courage which the gospel teaches is reasonable in its exercise; a courage, which has reason on its side, and aims at nothing which cannot be justified; which only despises death, because it has seen that death need not be feared; and only defies suffering, from the conviction that it is to be borne as submission to the will of God.

Acting under these principles the Christian hears his blessed Master say, “Fear not them who can kill the body, and after that have no more that they can do;” and feels his heart respond to the exhortation. He reads the experience of the Psalmist, “Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death I will fear no evil, for Thou art with me;” and he rejoices to think, that he can anticipate the same support in corresponding circumstances. He hears the apostle say, “Add to your faith, courage;” and the faith by which he walks, and by which he overcomes the world, raises him above the power of the world’s disturbances: and thus, in those things which are, and must be the causes of alarm and terror to men in general, he feels himself a conqueror, and more than a conqueror, through Him that loved him. With him then it is no struggle to rise superior to the fear of death, for it is habitual to him to despise it. The sting is taken out, its terrors are gone; and Christ, who commands him not to fear death, has delivered him from its power.

If the Christian, therefore, is not only encouraged against fear, but is actually commanded not to fear; if he is taught to regard courage as a duty; and to glorify the Master whom he serves, by the firmness with which he overcomes that, from which other men are shrinking; we see that it is not without reason that he is daring; and that he is bold in the midst of danger, only because he is superior to it.

High as the standard is, which the gospel proposes; and much as it exceeds all the bearings of the mind in general, it is as reasonable as it is lofty. The grounds on which the duty is enforced are unquestionable and undeniable; and man cannot dare too much when he only dares according to this direction.

One great advantage therefore with biographies like the present, consists in the exhibition which they offer of courage, based on Christian principles, and regulated by Christian feeling; and there are special reasons why this connexion between courage and Christian principle should be traced and noticed. It is hardly possible to doubt, that the first effect of religious impressions on a mind previously untouched and unenlightened, will be to awaken such a sense of the importance of things spiritual and eternal, as will overpower all other feelings, and overwhelm the mind with the discoveries which have been made. The soul then, for the first time perhaps, becomes an object of anxiety to the man, who previously had never given it a serious thought. The vague inexplicable fear of death, of which he had been always conscious, grows then into a firm and settled conviction, that of all objects, death is the most tremendous; since it is obvious that its consequences may be the most awful. He feels that with such a subject it is madness to trifle, and folly to be indifferent. His former carelessness is regarded with wonder and astonishment; and the mind is lost and bewildered in endeavouring to comprehend the truths which have thus suddenly burst upon it, and which seem too tremendous to be contemplated.

In fact, such is the character of those truths which religion includes, and which, on such an occasion, we suppose to be suddenly and powerfully revealed, that it would seem probable that the equilibrium of the mind should be disturbed by their discovery; and that every consideration should be lost sight of, in comparison with the one great question, “What shall I do to be saved.” That such should be the effect seems natural, reasonable, and probable; and if it did not generally happen, that a fresh and livelier sense of duty is awakened at the same moment, when these impressions are produced; and that conscience becomes more active, as a sense of responsibility is formed; it might have seemed inevitable, that the first burst of religious feeling should weaken and unnerve the man, and lead him to fly from an exposure which he had learnt to fear, without consideration of the consequences that might follow. Whatever may be the causes which regulate the first impulse of these religious feelings, it is satisfactory to know from experience, that this excessive and violent action is seldom exhibited. The moral character is generally strengthened in proportion as the conscience is awakened; and the faith is strengthened, and the man gains firmness in the perception of every relative duty, in the same degree in which he is brought under the influence of religion. To this it must also be added, that the impressions which the gospel forms, are not those of fear alone, even when the conscience is most strongly touched; and that terror, in a Christian’s view, is never so entirely separated from hope, as to justify any desperate or violent departures from ordinary practice. “We have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear, but we have received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry Abba Father:” and this, which forms the comfort of the advanced Christian, is not without its effect in mitigating the first agonies of conviction in the convert. Duties are recognized, while every thing else is forgotten; and men feel that whatever may be their anxiety about their souls, their salvation will not be forwarded by the neglect of that which they see and know they ought to do.

There is in truth a sort of general conviction in men, that if religion merely taught them what they had to fear, and did not combine with that the knowledge of what they have to hope; if it awakened us to a sense of our responsibility, without shewing how the claims of that responsibility had been met, it would have been a gift of very questionable value; for in that case it would have darkened all the present scene of trial, without shewing an horizon on which a better light was falling. It thus happens, that though the effect of first impressions may be to awaken fear; the effect which follows, when these impressions are retained and improved, is to relieve or remove fear; and every subsequent advance in knowledge, has a direct tendency to cast out fear, to substitute love as the principle of action, and to make hope the character of the mind, until hope rises to the very level of assurance.

Those therefore, who think that religion is likely to unnerve the man, and to unfit him for the hour of danger, by making him aware of the reason there is for fearing death: betray their ignorance of the subject; and shew how little they are acquainted with the principle they are traducing. All men know enough to make them afraid of death. Independent of any sufferings which the body may undergo, there is a shrinking from extinction, which belongs to our very nature; and is found acting with almost equal influence in every member of the human race; except in the few and rare cases where man has sunk himself to the level of the brute; and thus it is evident that man needs not the light which religion gives, in order to fly from that which human nature dreads. But this feeling, the fear of death, which religion does not create, she can regulate, control, and conquer; and while all men in their hearts feel the fear of death, and are obliged to close their eyes against their own convictions, or to harden their hearts by habitual submission to other principles, while pretending to despise it; the Christian alone is capable of looking forward to death with calmness, and of exercising a deliberate and rational contempt of it.

So long then as the present state of things exists; so long as the blessings of peace are to be preserved by war; and the security and the comforts of the many are to be purchased by the exposure of the few; there must be professions where the call of duty may imply the risk of life, and where courage must be the character of the men who belong to them. Courage will then become a duty; and men must be found by whom death shall be braved without hesitation, whenever the interests of the service require it.

But a Christian community, while it admits this painful necessity, and tracing the origin of wars and fightings to the lusts which war in our members, sees in them the marks of the universal corruption of our nature; and looks on war as the disgrace rather than the glory of man; must still feel anxious, that the courage which it cherishes and honours as the means of national security, should be the courage formed on those bright and lofty principles, which shall discharge its duty to the public most effectually, without any unjustifiable risk to the individual. There is an obvious necessity that the public peace should be protected; but there still may be a question, whether this protection may not be too dearly purchased; if a limited measure of temporal advantages were to occasion the loss of an eternity of happiness to those by whom it is preserved.

It is surely no idle refinement, no morbid spirit of argument, which compares an infinite loss occurring to an individual, with a definite and limited loss occasioned to the community of which he forms a part. Men have not hesitated to say, that the security of property would be purchased at a price too dear, if it was to be maintained by capital punishment; and if political wisdom condescends to note the value of an individual life, can it, with any consistency, deny the value of an individual soul?

A Christian community is, therefore, not only justified in taking every measure, which may raise the moral character of those employed in its defence, and may make them bold and courageous upon principle; but it is also bound to use every means which may render those whom it exposes, as superior to the power of death, as they are, or endeavour to be, to its terrors.

It is easy to state the almost insuperable difficulties which here at once present themselves. The habits of life, which have rendered the military and naval professions proverbial, and which seem inseparable from their position in society; the withdrawal from domestic ties, and from all the usual restraints of the tendencies of men; these may be named at once, as rendering the attempt at such a moral improvement chimerical; and these will long continue to render its accomplishment difficult. In the meantime the world at large, either indifferent to the consequences, or despairing of a cure, have found it a much cheaper, and a much more compendious way, to teach their defenders to forget death, than to endeavour to prepare them to despise it; and lamentable as it is to say, grave men, and men who were thought wise men, have argued as if it was necessary that men should be immoral in order that they might be brave; and have tried to shew that it was expedient that thousands should be eternally miserable, in order that some temporary advantage might be achieved by their exertions.

But the difficulty of a work does not imply that it is impracticable. Something may be done, if all cannot be accomplished: and wherever any great and undeniable evil exists in society, it is so obviously the will of God, that it should be abated or removed; that man ought to think of nothing, but the means of attempting that, which he may leave to the power of God to perform.

It is therefore manifestly expedient that men engaged in those professions, where life is of necessity most exposed, should be prepared to meet death with firmness. The world has its nostrums for effecting this object, and these it is always ready to supply. It has a sense of honour for the high-minded and noble. It has levity and carelessness for the unthinking. It has brutish indifference for the multitude. With one or other of these, it drugs the men, who are to be the protectors of their country’s welfare; and sends them forth to danger, like those who are blinded and intoxicated. We admit the efficacy of the means, but we are compelled to feel that the remedy is worse than the disease: and we dare not purchase courage for our soldiers and sailors, at a price which compromises all the highest hopes of man.

Without dwelling at present on other resources for accomplishing this important end; on resources, which might be made to act directly on the habits of these professions; it seems that example might in some respect be more beneficial than precept; and that the narrative of one, who exhibited, in his public life and conduct the model of what a British officer should be, while he was, at the same time, in the full sense of the word, a Christian; of one, who might have been described through life as “sans peur et sans reproche;” and who became the ornament of his service, while living in close communion with his God; might be useful to others, as shewing that religious principles and professional excellence are not incompatible; and might encourage the young to pursue a course which should make them all that their profession implies, and all that their country can require, without forfeiting that inward peace, and that future hope, which belong to the true Christian, and make up the sum of his privileges, as well as the substance of his character.

To those who knew Sir Jahleel Brenton, or who can now recall the singular combination of qualities which formed his character; qualities which impressed respect while they conciliated the affection of every one around him; it is unnecessary to dwell upon features not likely to be forgotten. But it still may be useful to remind others, and especially those who may be tempted, in running over the following pages, to smile at the tone in which this great and good man speaks, when occupied with questions of a religious nature; that there have been few men, whom an Englishman would have been more desirous, on any occasion of importance, to put forward, as the representative of his country, than the subject of this memoir. The description which the great historian of Rome applied to the man whose merits he has immortalized by his biography, might have been with equal justice applied to him, “Bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter.” Goodness seemed to belong to him; and it sate so easily on him, that it coloured every word, and look, and gesture. No one ever met him, without feeling convinced that the qualities which conciliated and pleased, were in his case not the incidental expression of a courtesy assumed to serve a particular purpose; but that they were qualities on which dependence might be placed, as exhibiting the real feelings of the man; dignified, and yet kind; indulgent to others, and yet firm in principle; as playful in the hour of repose, as decided and energetic in the time of peril. Carrying with him, in the stores of a well disciplined mind, and a refined taste, ample resources for profitable conversation, he was fitted to take his place in any form of society, and would have done justice to any situation to which his country could have called him; while his country might also have felt, that the man selected to represent her character, and to maintain her claims, would have also been what few could be; would have been the Christian representative of a Christian people; and would have shewn the lustre which consistent religion spreads over that which is admirable in man, by the effect produced on his own life and conversation.

To prolong the memory of such a man seems nothing less than a duty. To extend the knowledge of his excellence; and before that knowledge is effaced by the competition of other claimants for distinction, to shew the secret springs of the excellence which is admired; to trace to its real source, all that in him was distinctive and peculiar; to shew that it was to the grace of God, and to that alone, he owed the combination of qualities so rarely met with as united, and so much heightened in value by combination; to encourage imitation by example; and to hold up to the future defenders of our country, one, whom they may be proud to follow in the course of service, and whom it will be their happiness to imitate in private life; this seems a debt, which every one who feels the blessings of security he owes to their exertions, and who glories in his country’s honour, should endeavour to discharge.

Conscious of my own inadequacy for the office, which I am describing, I am still sustained by the hope that the reader will afterwards learn what the writer cannot teach; that inferences will be drawn, and conclusions formed from the narrative, which shall realize the purpose with which it has been undertaken; and that the familiar acquaintance that may be gained by admission to the private thoughts and feelings of so good and great a man as Sir Jahleel Brenton, may lead many a mind to adopt the sentiments which are here recorded, and that many a high-spirited and gallant youth may be induced by his example to follow the steps of one who never forgot his God, while engaged in his country’s service; and was as faithful to his Saviour as he was obedient to the call of duty.

CHAPTER I.

SETTLEMENT OF THE BRENTON FAMILY IN AMERICA,—AND DESCENT.—BIRTH OF THE SUBJECT OF THE MEMOIR.—BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR AND REMOVAL TO ENGLAND.—EDUCATION AND INTRODUCTION TO NAVAL SERVICE, IN THE DIDO.—PASSES FOR LIEUTENANT, AND ACCEPTS AN INVITATION TO SERVE IN THE SWEDISH FLEET.—ADVENTURES ON WAY TO JOIN, AND CONCLUSION OF SERVICE.—APPOINTED AS LIEUTENANT TO THE ASSURANCE.—TRANSFERRED TO THE SPEEDY, AND SENT ON COMMAND OF THE TREPASSEY TO NEWFOUNDLAND.—RETURN TO ENGLAND AND APPOINTED TO THE SYBIL.—VOYAGE HOMEWARDS IN THE CLEOPATRA, AND IN A SPANISH MAN OF WAR FROM CADIZ.

Sir Jahleel Brenton was the eldest son of Rear Admiral Brenton, a native of Rhode Island. The family appear to have emigrated to America in the early part of the reign of Charles the First, probably from apprehension of the coming troubles of the times. William Brenton, who settled as a merchant at Boston, in Massachusets, about the year 1634, came from Hammersmith, in England. He must have been a person of some wealth and consideration, as he became a freeman, and a select man of the Colony, the same year; and in the following year, 1635, was chosen a deputy of the general court. He afterwards removed to Rhode Island, and then returned to England, from whence he finally removed from Hammersmith, with his whole family, consisting of three sons, Jahleel, William, and John, and settled at Newport, in Rhode Island. In 1663 he became Deputy Governor of the Colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations in New England, under the charter granted to that Colony by Charles the Second, in the fourteenth year of his reign. In 1667-8 he became Governor of the Colony, and died in the year 1674.

Jahleel, his eldest son, resided in Newport, Rhode Island. A great part of his father’s property was bequeathed to him; and in the year 1691 he was appointed by commission, in the second year of William and Mary, Collector, Surveyor, and Searcher of the Customs within the Colonies of New England.

William, the second son, great grandfather to the subject of the present memoir, took up his residence either at Taunton in Massachusets, or at Bristol in Rhode Island, though some doubts exist as to which of these places became his home. He married Martha Church, by whom he had three sons, Jahleel (grandfather to the Baronet), Ebenezer, and Benjamin.

Of John Brenton, the third son of William, nothing farther is known except that he went to a settlement called Bellevoir, in New England; and was not afterwards heard of.

Jahleel, the collector, died at Newport unmarried, about the year 1732, and bequeathed the greater part of his large estates in New England to his nephew Jahleel, who had married in the year 1714-15, Frances, daughter of Samuel Cranstoun, who was Governor of the Colony, and who died in 1727, aged 68 years. He was the son of John Cranstoun, the former Governor of the Colony, who was lineally descended from the Scottish Baron, James Lord Cranstoun, as appears by the inscription on his tombstone in the churchyard at Newport, in Rhode Island.

Of the brothers of this Jahleel, Ebenezer and Benjamin, nothing has been recorded, though Jahleel, the Collector above-mentioned, made several bequests to them. Where they resided, or whether they left any descendants does not appear. Jahleel, the grandfather of the Baronet, had by his first wife, Frances Cranstoun, fifteen children—eight sons and seven daughters. Jahleel, his fourth son, the father of our present subject, was born October 22nd, (O.S.) 1729, died 29th January, 1802. He married in December 29th, 1765, Henrietta Cowley, daughter and coheiress of Joseph Cowley, Esq. formerly of Worcestershire, in England, and Penelope his wife, who was the daughter of —— Pelham of Laughton, Esq.; whose ancestors had removed to Rhode Island during the civil wars in the reign of Charles the First.

Jahleel, the subject of this memoir, and the eldest son of Jahleel and Henrietta, was born the 22nd of August, 1770. There were besides four sons and five daughters; of the latter, all are still living; of the former two died in their infancy; the other two, with their eldest brother, followed the profession of their father, who had very early in life entered the British Navy. Edward Pelham was born the 29th of July, 1774. Of his active and useful life a sketch has already been given to the public, from the pen of his affectionate surviving brother. James Wallis lived to be a Lieutenant in the British Navy, and was killed in action when First Lieutenant of H.M.S. Peterel, in the command of a boat expedition in chase of an enemy’s vessel near Barcelona.

The seven elder children, were born in America, on the patrimonial property at Rhode Island; but the circumstance that the father of Sir Jahleel belonged to the service of Great Britain obliged him to relinquish his home, and the place of his nativity, at the time of the civil war, which ended in the separation of the colonies from the mother country. Urgent entreaties were used on the part of the Americans to induce Mr. Brenton to join their cause. He was even offered the highest naval rank which the Republic could bestow; though he was at that time only a Lieutenant in His Majesty’s service; but that inflexible loyalty, which was always a strong feature in his character, rendered him alike insensible to bribery and persecution. That he might take an active part in the cause of his king, he was obliged to escape clandestinely from Rhode Island, where he left his wife and infant family, exposed to considerable hardships and difficulties; from which they were however soon happily relieved by the efforts of the British cruisers stationed on the coast.

The whole family were removed to England in the year 1780, when the young Jahleel was placed in a school at Enfield, in Middlesex. In the year 1781 he embarked as a Midshipman in the Queen, armed ship, commanded by his father, who had been promoted to the rank of Commander; and whom he shortly after followed into the Termagant, then a post ship; from which it may be reasonably inferred that the additional rank of Post Captain had been bestowed upon this loyal subject as soon as possible.

At the conclusion of the war in 1783, the young sailor had time to resume his studies on shore, and for that purpose was sent to the maritime school at Chelsea, where, for the space of two years, he successfully pursued those branches of learning more particularly suited to the profession he had chosen. He always retained a grateful recollection of the advantages he had derived from this establishment, where the best education was afforded on the most reasonable terms to the sons of naval officers, who, from their limited income, might have found it impossible to procure the same advantages for their children in any other academy.

In the year 1785 he was removed to France, where his family then resided, as the acquisition of the French language was thought an important point. He has left a remark upon record which will exhibit the state of his mind at this time. “To shew,” he says, “what an important influence the most trifling circumstances may have upon a man’s life, I may mention that, whilst living at St. Omers, in 1786, I was considered to be in very feeble health from the return of an ague, first experienced in the preceding year at St. Vincents; and having at the drawing school evinced a strong inclination for painting, my parents thought of sending me to Italy, with a view of making that my profession, a plan which I eagerly caught at for the moment; but thinking it over in my own room, where my sword was suspended over the chimney, my eye no sooner rested upon it, than old associations and prospects instantly crowded in upon me, and induced me at once to reject the tempting offer of a journey to Rome, and renewed my determination to go to sea.”

In 1787 his father returned with his family to England; and the Dutch armament having taken place, Jahleel set off for Portsmouth to join the Perseverance, commanded by Captain, afterwards Admiral, Sir William Young, a valued friend of his father. This ship was however paid off soon after his arrival, in consequence of the restoration of tranquillity; and Jahleel embarked on board the Dido, Captain Sandys, who constantly employed him in sounding and surveying different bays and harbours on the coast of Nova Scotia. It was at this early age that his affections were bestowed upon one, who was well worthy of them; and of the rise and growth of this attachment, as romantic in its commencement as happy in its results, he has left some touching and affecting records in three manuscript volumes addressed to his children. A few extracts from these, to exhibit the character of the writer, without encroaching on the sacredness belonging to a domestic memorial of such a kind, will be introduced in the present notice.

In the year 1789, the time then allotted for the service of a midshipman having nearly expired, he returned to England, and joined the Bellona, commanded by Captain, afterwards Sir Francis Hartwell. In the month of March, 1790, he passed his examination for a Lieutenant; and foreseeing no chance, either of promotion or active employment during the profound peace, then subsisting between Great Britain and her neighbours, he, with a view of gaining experience in his profession, accepted a Lieutenant’s commission in the Swedish navy, then engaged in active operations against the Russians in the gulf of Finland. Of his later and better thoughts on this subject he has left a valuable record in the manuscript before alluded to. He there says, speaking of the period in question, “In after life, when better acquainted with my religious duties, I have felt and acknowledged the guilt of this step, for such it was; but I was led away by the idea of acquiring distinction and eminence, so natural in youthful minds, and so powerfully excited by the biography of those whom the world holds up to admiration for their conduct in arms, without any reference to the cause which alone can render war justifiable.”

Leaving England for this purpose, he did not reach Carlscrona until the fleet had sailed; and before he could join them in the gulf of Finland, it was already blocked up in the bay of Wyborg, by the Russians. The vessel on board of which he was embarked was lying in the port of Lowisa, when the action took place off its mouth on the 3rd of July, which nearly annihilated the Swedish fleet, by depriving them of seven sail of the line out of twenty-one, while the remainder with difficulty reached Helsingfors. Hither Mr. Brenton proceeded, and undismayed by this mortifying defeat of the power which he came to serve, presented his commission to the Duke of Sudermania, then commander in chief; and was immediately appointed Lieutenant of the Konig Adolf Frederic, bearing the flag of Vice Admiral Modée. He, at the same time, received orders to introduce the British system of discipline among the men, for which purpose he was fully supported by the Vice Admiral and Captain.

Of this period the following record has been left in his own hand, “On arriving at Gottenburg, I found a carriage there waiting for Sir Sidney Smith, who had also volunteered his services in the same cause, and was expected from England. It had been sent there by the Duke of Sudermania; and as Sir Sidney was known to have taken another route, General Toll, the governor of Gottenburg, offered it to me; and he, at the same time, requested me to superintend a convoy of British sailors, provided it would not delay me too much. The number of these men amounted to twenty or thirty; each had a horse and cart for the conveyance of himself, and chest, and hammock; and in each of these was a Swedish driver, in many instances this was a female.

“This cavalcade had, previously to starting, been drawn up in a line in the market-place; and this line the sailors had arranged in three divisions, naming an admiral in each, and hoisting a handkerchief for a flag. The procession was very orderly while passing through the streets; but we had no sooner got upon the broad road than there were evident attempts made to try the respective rates of sailing; and at length the signal was made for a general chase. The Swedes, and particularly the women, soon lost all controul; the most prudent jumped off; and in the course of a short time many of the carts were upset, some in the ditches on each side of the road, and there were but few to which some disaster had not happened.

“But little progress was made in the course of this day; and fearing I might not reach Carlscrona before the fleet should sail, I left my countrymen to the Swedish officers, and proceeded without stopping day and night. I was however too late. The fleet had sailed, and I was obliged to wait for the Hecte, a Swedish frigate then preparing for sea; and at length, with the English sailors who arrived in the course of a week, I embarked in her, and proceeded to Helsingfors. Here I was put on board the Hussar, a two decked brig carrying twenty twelve-pounders on the lower deck, and fourteen four-pounders on the upper; or as Johnny facetiously said, ‘My eye, here is a craft; a two-decked brig, the quarter deck got forward, and the captain’s cabin under the forecastle.’ The fact was, that the upper deck came no further aft than the mainmast, and was rather a prolonged forecastle; the captain’s cabin was under the deck, and next to the galley or cook’s room.”

On the 9th of July the battle of Swinkasund took place between the Swedish and Russian Galley fleets, when the skill and gallantry of the British officers serving in the latter made the fortune of the day for a long time doubtful. That of Sir Sidney Smith and his followers however, on the side of the Swedes, was more successful, by whose exertions a brilliant victory was gained. This circumstance convinced his Majesty Gustavus the Third, that none were so fit to oppose Englishmen as Englishmen; and he accordingly directed that all the British officers should be immediately sent from the grand to the galley fleet. They arrived there a few days after the action, and were distributed amongst the flat bottomed frigates. Mr. Brenton was appointed to the Sturkollen. The following is the record he has left of some circumstances belonging to this period.

“On reaching Swinkasund, the English officers were presented to the king of Sweden, Gustavus the third, on board his yacht, the Amphisis, where his Majesty’s flag was flying. Their reception was most cordial. I was the only officer who spoke French, and therefore became the organ of communication. The bay at this time was covered with the wreck of the late battle. The wrecks of two fine frigates were lying on the beach, besides those of other vessels. Three frigates, a fifty gun praam, and innumerable gallies and gun boats had been sunk. The masts of the larger vessels were out of the water; and many of those of the smaller ones, according to the depth of water where they had sunk. All were abandoned as irretrievably lost; whereas, had the victors been English instead of Swedish, it is not too much to say that nearly all, if not the whole, of these vessels would have been weighed. One frigate in particular had received but little damage. She was on shore, and lying with her starboard gunwale in the water; her masts had been cut away by the Swedes, who never thought of attempting to get her off. The Englishmen regretting to see so beautiful a vessel consigned to destruction, waited upon the king, and volunteered to save her, at which he was greatly pleased, and ordered every assistance and material they required to be given to them. They accordingly set to work with all the ardour and confidence of their profession; cleared the vessel of whatever could be got at, and laid out anchors and purchases in such a manner as to give every hope of success; expecting, on the following day, to have their triumph. In the course of the night however, the gear they had prepared was cut away, and carried off by boats sent from the Swedish ships; the officers alleging that they were ordered to collect whatever blocks or ropes could be found amongst the wrecked vessels; but there was reason to ascribe this conduct to the jealousy of the Swedish officers; a jealousy easier to be accounted for than excused. It must at the same time be allowed that the king was imprudent in the partiality he evinced towards foreign followers; and as those in question were all young and thoughtless, and arrogant, neither concealing their fancied superiority over the Swedes, nor using any endeavours to conciliate them, it is only providential that more serious events did not occur. All hopes of getting off the frigate were now abandoned, and the Englishmen were sent to their respective ships.”

From this time there was no active service, peace being proclaimed in a few weeks. His Swedish Majesty invited the British officers to continue in his service; but as there was every probability of Great Britain being involved in a war with Spain at that period, Mr. Brenton preferred returning to England. Of this time he has also left a record. He says, “In the month of August the peace was proclaimed at Kymena. The king assembled the British officers on board his yacht, and addressed them in the most flattering manner; telling them that he was well assured how greatly they would have distinguished themselves had an opportunity offered; and that if they would remain in his service he would insure their advancement. Four out of the eight accepted his offer; but three besides myself declared our intentions of returning to England, and expressed our anxiety to have means provided for our return as soon as possible; as we had every reason to believe that our country was upon the eve of a war. The Spanish armament having taken place, the king recommended us to the care of the Commander of the Galley fleet, with directions that we should be immediately paid, and have a conveyance to such place as might enable us to procure a passage to England.

“His Majesty had no sooner gone than the British officers were embarked in a galley, with orders to proceed to Helsingfors, the great naval seaport in the gulf of Finland, where we were told we should receive our pay. On entering the bay, the galley hauled into the rocks; and having landed the Englishmen upon them, proceeded in execution of other orders, leaving us to get to Helsingfors as we best could.

“On reaching the town, we were told by the authorities that no order had been received for our payment, but that we must proceed to Stockholm, a journey of many miles, besides having to cross the gulf of Bothnia. One of our party having a sum of money in hand, generously assisted us; we must otherwise have been greatly delayed. We set out from Helsingfors through Finland, in the common cart of the country, which consists merely of a pair of wheels, and two small spars lashed to the axletree, forming the shafts, and at the same time the only body of the carriage; upon these the chest and cot of the travellers were secured, making a very comfortable seat. We took our provisions for the journey, which consisted of hard bread, a ham, and a bottle of spirits. We could depend upon no supply on the road except a few eggs.

“In this manner we began our journey through Finland, not knowing a word of the language: we at length reached Abo, and procured an open boat to cross the gulf of Bothnia. The weather had become very tempestuous, and we were obliged to take shelter for a day or two on a small island in the gulf.

“At length we reached Gustihamnan, and from thence proceeded to Stockholm. Here we were obliged to wait for some days; the Swedish ambassador in England, it was said, had sent no account of the terms on which the British officers had been engaged. It was at length determined to give them a sum on account, leaving the ambassador in England to make a final settlement. The sum was twenty pounds to each; but one half of this was given in a bill on Copenhagen, done evidently with a view of getting the Englishmen out of the country as soon as possible, lest they might appeal to the king. We accordingly sailed for Copenhagen in an English merchant ship, landed at Elsineur, and had to proceed from thence to Copenhagen, where we remained a week, and left it at that time with but little more of the twenty pounds than would enable us to pay our passage to England, where we arrived about the middle of November.

“By this time the Ambassador was changed, and his successor pleaded ignorance of our concerns; nor was it till the year 1796 that any settlement was made. This only amounted to twelve pounds, making in all thirty-two pounds to each officer, instead of more than seventy-two pounds which had been promised.”

On the 22nd of this month, Mr. Brenton was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant in the British Navy, through the interest of Lord Hood. Of this period he speaks thus:—“My first appointment of Lieutenant was second of the ‘Assurance,’ a troop ship, ordered to take troops to Halifax, a station of all others I should have chosen, having numerous friends and relations at that place; but particularly, from having formed an early attachment there. I was, however, destined not to perform this voyage, nor to see the object of my affections for the next ten years. I had been sent on shore at Rochester, in the pursuit of some deserters from my ship, when I was surrounded by a mob, and arrested by the civil power, on a charge of impressing within the limits of the city of Rochester. The Mayor, upon this vague charge, and without taking any evidence in support of it, committed me and four midshipmen to Bridewell. It was pointed out to the Mayor that an infuriated mob was waiting at the door, with the intention of attacking the officers on their way to prison; regardless of the warning, he sent us under a few constables. I was immediately knocked down, dragged through the streets, and narrowly escaped with life, losing nearly all my clothes. We were liberated the next morning, and a representation having been made at the Admiralty, their Solicitor was ordered to enter a prosecution against the Mayor of Rochester; and I was superseded from the Assurance, and appointed second of the Speedy Sloop of fourteen guns, on the home station, that I might be at hand to attend the trial. This did not take place till many months afterwards, when it came on at Maidstone. The Mayor suffered judgment to go against him by default, and in consequence paid the penalty of seven hundred and fifty pounds, which sum no doubt was supplied by the corporation. I continued for some time second of the Speedy, and was at length made first Lieutenant. I was generally kept in the command of the boats cruizing after smugglers. The Speedy was paid off in the autumn of 1791.”

Having remained from this period till the summer of 1792 upon half-pay, Mr. Brenton was then appointed to command the Trepassey, a small cutter at Newfoundland. The only personal recollections which have been found of Newfoundland, are contained in the following anecdote.—“In an excursion made in the winter of 1792-3, from St. John’s to the Bay of Bulls, Captain, the late General, Skinner forming one of our party, we had, on our return, to cross a large lake over the ice, some miles in extent. When about the middle, Captain Skinner informed me that he had long been severely pinched by the cold, and found an irresistible drowsy fit coming on. I urged him to exertion, representing the fatal consequences of giving way to this feeling, and pointing out the state in which his wife and family would be found, should the party arrive at St. John’s without him. These thoughts roused him to exertion for some time; but when we had reached the margin of the lake, he gave way, and declared he was utterly unable to struggle farther, delivering at the same time what he considered his dying message to his family. As there were some bushes near the spot, I broke off a branch, and began to thrash my fellow-traveller with it; at first without much apparent effect, but at length I was delighted to find that my patient winced under my blows, and at length grew angry. I continued the application of the stick, until he made an effort to get up and retaliate. He was soon relieved from the torpor; and as we were now but a few miles from St. John’s, I pushed on before the party, leaving the captain under their especial care. I left also the stick, with strong injunctions that it should be smartly applied in the event of the drowsiness returning. I soon reached the town, and having had some warm porter with spice prepared against the arrival of my friends; with this and considerable friction he was enabled to proceed home, where he arrived perfectly recovered. He himself related the story at the Earl of St. Vincent’s table at Gibraltar, many years afterwards; expressing, at the same time, much gratitude for the beating he had received.”

In the early part of 1794 Mr. Brenton returned to England, and was appointed second of the Sybil, of twenty-eight guns, in which situation he remained for a few months and then became first lieutenant of that ship; but with regard to the intermediate steps, by which he rose to this command, his own pen must supply the narrative. He says, “I was appointed, in the summer of 1792, to the command of the Trepassey cutter, at Newfoundland, a very small vessel, and facetiously termed by naval men, a machine for making officers. There were two cutters built, it might be said for this very purpose, on an understanding that a lieutenant should be made into each, every year; one from Admiralty patronage, and the other by the commander in chief for the time being. The first two were Lieutenants Rowley and Halket; the next pair Caithen and Gilbert; then Herbert and Holme. I name these officers that the regularity of the system may appear. The lieutenant at the end of the year, or just previously to the sailing of the Admiral for England, (for he never wintered on the station) went through a nominal invaliding; and their successors were appointed from the cockpit of the Admiral’s ship.

“At length, in the year 1792, the Admiralty decided upon putting an end to this certainly most exceptionable method of patronage, and ordered two lieutenants out from England to command these cutters. I was one of these, and arrived at Newfoundland in September. I found the Trepassey a very extraordinary description of a man of war. She was only forty-two tons; something about the size of one of the Gravesend boats, previously to the adoption of steam vessels upon the Thames. Her crew consisted of five men, and a pilot, who performed the functions of every class of officer below the commander. She had four swivels mounted; and was employed in going along the coast to protect the fisheries, and to enquire into abuses. On the last appointment the Admiral added two midshipmen to each cutter, making the whole number of each complement eight. These vessels lay in the harbour of St. John’s during the winter, and were fitted out in the spring, to be in readiness to visit the different ports on their station, as soon as the harbour was clear from ice.

“In the month of March, 1793, a small vessel arrived under a flag of truce from the island of St. Pierre, with a letter from the Governor, requesting to know what news had arrived from Europe. It was addressed to the Admiral, and contained evidently an indirect offer of surrender of the islands to his Britannic Majesty, made with a view of putting them under our protection, and of saving them from the sanguinary republicans, who had begun to shew themselves amongst the population. The Admiral was of course in England; and the question was, who should open the letter. There was a military force of one company of the fourth regiment, and another of artillery; and the naval force consisted of the two cutters, Placentia and Trepassey, commanded by Lieutenant Tucker and myself. The dispatches of course were received by Mr. Tucker, who forthwith called upon the captains of the army to consult as to what steps should be taken.

“At this meeting the question arose as to who was the representative of the Governor. The commission of the Governor stated, that in case of his death, the government was to devolve upon the senior officer of the navy; and it was maintained that the provision made against death, must be equally applicable to his absence. This was denied on the part of the military officers; and until this point was settled no consultation could take place. Mr. Tucker acted for himself, and proceeded to collect a body of volunteers on the island, with which he contemplated sailing for St. Pierre, as soon as a sufficient number could be got together. In the meantime he sent me in the Trepassey, with a flag of truce, to give the information to the Governor of St. Pierre, and to prepare him for the event, that he might be in readiness to act in concert.

“On my arrival I found that the island had been taken possession of the day before, by a detachment from Halifax; and the Alligator frigate, which had brought them, was then lying in the harbour. The Trepassey was immediately dispatched to take possession of Miguelon. On the return of the Trepassey to St. John’s I found the Pluto, sloop of war, had arrived, having captured a French corvette from Martinique. News also from Europe had reached us, with an account of the murder of the French king, and the commencement of the war. The action of the Boston and the Ambuscade soon after took place. The Admiral (Sir Richard King) reached his station in July; and having received a letter which informed me, that it was the wish of my friend, Captain E. Pakenham, to have me as his first lieutenant in the Resistance, of forty-four guns, I procured the Admiral’s permission to go to England, taking my passage in the Cleopatra, with that most amiable and distinguished character, Sir Alexander Ball; a circumstance invaluable to me from its being the means of my acquiring the friendship of such a man.

“We took a convoy to Cadiz, and while waiting there to collect one for England, it was understood that a Spanish seventy-four was upon the point of sailing for Falmouth with money; as an indemnification of the Nootka Sound affair, in 1790. I eagerly caught at the opportunity of seeing the system of the Spanish navy; and my wish being made known to the Spanish commander, he immediately invited me to take my passage to England with him, in the St. Elmo, where I was treated with the greatest hospitality, and marked attention. We sailed for Ferrol on the following day, and from that port the 24th December, and arrived at Falmouth early in January.

“This ship had been selected as one in the best state of discipline in the Spanish navy, to be sent to England. She was commanded by Don Lorenzo Goycochca, a gallant seaman, who had commanded one of the junk ships destroyed before Gibraltar, in 1781. I had during this voyage an opportunity of appreciating Spanish management at sea. When the ship was brought under double reefed topsails, it was considered superfluous to lay the cloth for dinner; and when I remonstrated, I was told by the captain, that not one officer would be able to sit at table, being all sea-sick; but that he had directed dinner to be got in his own cabin for himself and me. It was the custom in the Spanish navy for the captain and all the officers to mess together in the wardroom, which was appropriated to this purpose. We had henceforth a very comfortable meal together, whenever the weather prevented a general meeting.

“As the safe arrival of this ship was deemed of great importance, an English pilot from Falmouth was sent into Ferrol, for the purpose of enabling her to approach the coast of England with safety. A few nights before our arrival at Falmouth, the ship having whole sails and topping sails, was taken aback in a heavy squall from the N.E. and I was awoke by the English pilot knocking at my cabin door, calling out, ‘Mr. Brenton, Mr. Brenton, rouse out, Sir; here is the ship running away with these Spaniards.’ When I got upon deck, I found this was literally the case. She was running away at the rate of twelve knots, and every thing in confusion: she was indeed, to use the ludicrous simile of a naval captain, ‘all adrift like a French post-chaise.’ It required some hours to get things to rights, and the wind having moderated and become fair, we then resumed our course, and safely reached Falmouth. The Spanish Inns, (the Posadas) are proverbially bad, wretched in the extreme; and great was the astonishment of the officers of the St. Elmo on reaching Williams’s Hotel at Falmouth, by no means at that time a first rate inn. Still, such was the effect produced by the carpet, the fire, and the furniture in general, that it was some time before they could be persuaded that I had not conducted them to some nobleman’s house, in return for their hospitality to me; the bill however dispelled this pleasant delusion.”

CHAPTER II.

SERVICE IN THE SYBIL.—STORY OF THE CORFIELDS.—SEVERE WINTER AT SEA.—STORY OF JOHN ICEBERG.—INVALIDED AND COMES ASHORE.—APPLIES FOR EMPLOYMENT, AND APPOINTED TO THE ALLIANCE.—FEELINGS ON THE SUBJECT.—GOES OUT TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—MADE KNOWN TO SIR JOHN JERVIS, AND APPOINTED TO THE GIBRALTAR.—STORM AND EXTREME DANGER OF THE SHIP.—MADE FIRST LIEUTENANT OF THE AIGLE.—BUT THE AIGLE BEING LOST, HE REMAINS FIRST LIEUTENANT OF THE BARFLEUR.—INTERVIEW WITH LORD ST. VINCENT AND THE SUBSEQUENT DECISION.

Soon after his arrival in England, Mr. Brenton was appointed Second Lieutenant to the Sybil; and while the ship was lying at Gravesend, and previous to her quitting the river, an interesting little event occurred, which is so descriptive of the warm-hearted and affectionate character of the Irish, that it seems due to our countrymen of the sister isle to mention it, as related in the journal.

“A boat full of men was seen proceeding to an East Indiaman, and I, who was at the time walking the deck with the captain, was ordered to take a boat and examine them. I found them sheltered under a regular protection signed by the Lords of the Admiralty, and stated to be in force for three days from its date. The date had been omitted, perhaps purposely; and the paper had probably been procured by a crimp, in order to cover the men he was in the habit of sending down to the ships at Gravesend. The boat therefore was brought alongside the Sybil; and the captain, not finding any prime seamen amongst them, was satisfied with taking two healthy looking Irish lads, Mike and Pat Corfield by name, one about twenty years old, and the other under nineteen. The lads were greatly distressed at being put on board a man of war, of which they had undoubtedly heard many terrible things. It was however past twelve o’clock when they arrived, and the pipe had been just given for dinner. The young Irishmen were accordingly supplied with their portion of bread, soup, and meat; when Pat smiling through his tears said, “Mike, let us send for mother.”

This little speech, so original, and so full of affectionate expression, was related to the amusement of the officers for the moment, and was soon forgotten; but many weeks afterwards, when the ship was at Spithead; a boat came off, in which were not only the mother but also the little brother of the Corfields. Their meeting was, as may be supposed, affecting in the extreme, and seemed to interest every one in their favour. The whole family were of course to live, while they remained together, upon the allowance of the two sailors; but the officers having interceded with the captain; little Edmund, the younger brother, about ten years of age, was put on the books, which gave a third allowance; in the mean time the two elder had procured and slung a hammock for the mother, and another for the little fellow, and every accommodation was given them by their shipmates to whom this conduct had endeared them. The mother by washing more than furnished her quota for the mess; and the whole were kept by her care so clean and tidy that they were noticed for their good appearance.”

In the course of the autumn of this year, 1794, the Sybil formed part of the squadron under Rear Admiral Harvey, and was lying many weeks in the Scheldt, for the protection of Flushing; the French being in possession of the isle of Cadsand, and menacing that fortress. This service was at once harassing and mortifying; having none of the excitement or prospect of advantage which a cruize invariably holds out; while it was in no ordinary degree exposed to anxiety and hardship.

The Sybil was at length ordered to cruize on the Flemish bank, between the coast of Holland and the Goodwin Sands; and was kept on this duty during the whole of that very severe winter of 1794-5, occasionally calling at Sheerness, to refit and complete provisions. Mr. Brenton was appointed First Lieutenant of the ship in the October of this year. In the month of January, 1795, the ice extended far beyond the great Haze, and the Sybil was for many days frozen in at the little Haze, without any communication either with the shore or other ships. The squadron, under Commodore Payne, consisting of the Jupiter, Royal Yacht, and other ships, were lying at Sheerness at this time, waiting for the ice to break up, that they might proceed to the Elbe, in order to bring over the Princess Caroline, afterwards Princess of Wales, and of so much notoriety in this country. Of this period of service the following notices are given:—

“In February the Sybil was sent to the Weser, to assist in bringing away the British army, after their disastrous retreat through Holland in that awful winter. The sufferings of the troops had been dreadful during the march. They were embarked as they reached Bremer Lee, and sailed in detachments for England. The Sybil and her convoy were to take off the rear, and remained in consequence until the latter end of March. Colonels Barnes and Boardman, the first of the Guards, and the latter of the Oxford Blues, were embarked in the Sybil. About this time an extraordinary species of disease had begun to manifest itself among the marines of the Sybil; and as the discovery of its cause, and the means of its cure, must be ascribed to the acuteness of the latter of these two gentlemen, it may be regarded as a subject of thankfulness that they were passengers. Many of the men were afflicted with an ossification, or hardening of the knee joint; and this had proceeded to such an extent in several cases, that the men were lame for life. The surgeon, who was himself afflicted in the same way, and had been lame from childhood, was at a loss as to the cause of the malady; but Colonel Boardman at once threw a light upon the subject by a remark not unlikely to suggest itself to the mind of a military man. He had observed that the marines, when dressed, had thick woollen breeches, and long worsted stockings, so that during the day time, when on their post, the men had the knees doubly covered. After sunset, when off guard, the parade dress was laid aside, and canvas trowsers substituted, leaving the knee with little protection from the cold air of the night; and he inferred that the mischief in the joint arose from the sudden and violent change in the temperature maintained around it. The result proved the justness of his conjecture as to the cause of the malady; for on taking proper precautions to maintain the warmth by clothing, no further cases occurred; and the surgeon himself recollected, what it is singular he should ever have forgotten, that his own crippled state had been occasioned by exposure to cold. Trifling as this matter may seem, it is not without use to point out the benefit that may be derived from the observation of intelligent men, even of a different profession.

“One amusing circumstance occurred also at this time aboard the Sybil, which it may not be improper to add, as evincing great readiness of resource in a sailor, though in a case of much less importance than the preceding. One of the quarter-masters, familiarly called by everybody, “Old John Iceberg, a Swede,” had a favourite cat, which, contrary to the reputed character of those animals, evinced as much attachment to her master as a dog is used to do. It slept in his hammock, and when he had the watch on deck amused itself with playing in the rigging, leaping from it to the spanker boom, and from thence to the boat which hung over the stern. It happened one night that the boat having been kept on shore by bad weather, and puss not being aware of its absence, in the course of her gambols she went overboard, to the utter despair of poor Iceberg. He however soon recollected himself; threw the captain’s dog overboard, and reporting to the officer on watch that the dog was in the water, volunteered his services to go after it. While in the boat it may naturally be supposed that the first object of his care was the cat, and having picked her up, he proceeded at his leisure to the relief of Echo.”

Ill health, the natural consequence of a service so fatiguing, and so exposed to extremities of cold, rendered it necessary for Mr. Brenton to come on shore, in the latter end of 1795. On his recovery, and application to the Admiralty for employment, he found himself appointed Second Lieutenant to the Alliance store ship, under orders for the Mediterranean, a situation but ill according with the feelings of an officer, ambitious of rising in the service, and who depended solely on his own exertions, and the opportunities that might offer for distinguishing himself. Of this illness, and the results to which it led, Mr. Brenton speaks thus in his private memoranda, “I became very unwell, and was recommended to go ashore for the winter of 1795-6, which I the more regretted from the circumstance of Captain Douglas, now Admiral John Erskine Douglas, having been appointed to command the Sybil, an officer of distinguished merit, and great abilities, and from whom I felt that I should learn much. I proceeded immediately to Edinburgh, where my father was regulating captain. I was put under the care of Dr. Munro, by whose judicious treatment I was soon in a state of convalescence. But the idea of being out of employment during an active war, preyed upon my mind. I wrote to the Admiralty in the middle of December, stating my ability to serve again, and requesting an appointment. Not receiving an early answer, my impatience to be afloat again induced me, contrary to the advice of my physician, to set off for London. On my arrival I had the mortification to find that I was appointed Second Lieutenant of the Alliance store ship, a station that I at once considered disgraceful and degrading to an officer, who had been for some time First Lieutenant of a frigate. I went to the Admiralty, and laid my case before Admiral Young, then one of the board, by whom I was kindly received. Having heard my story, he acknowledged that the Admiralty had resolved to discountenance any officer going to sick quarters. He admitted that in many cases the innocent would suffer with the guilty; he believed my case to be one of this description, and recommended me to join my ship, in the expectation that I should soon receive something better. I went away, deeply depressed by what I had heard. I felt that all my prospects of promotion and distinction had vanished; and was only supported by the conviction that the disgrace, for such I considered it to be, was unjustly inflicted; that it was contrary to my wish that I had left my ship, but that my physician had declared that my life was endangered by remaining.”

In order to explain the violence of the feelings produced in Mr. Brenton’s mind by this appointment, it may be necessary to state his own remark. “It had been then for some time the practice, impolitic in every point of view, to appoint officers who had fallen under the censure of a court martial to these store ships. This had been done in forgetfulness of the value of these vessels, of the very great importance of their cargoes to the fleets and arsenals in foreign stations, and of the small number of officers allowed to them; which seemed to require that the few in command should be men of experience, and men on whose character reliance might be placed. The officer who had been appointed first of the Alliance refused to join her. One who had been just dismissed from his ship, by a court martial, for intemperance, was appointed second; and I was finally appointed first of this store ship. Captain Cumming (late Rear Admiral) commanded her, and did me ample justice by bearing testimony to my conduct, and giving full credit to my exertions under circumstances so discouraging and humiliating.

“The ship was fitted out and sailed in the latter end of March, with a convoy of more than 300 sail for different parts of the world, which were to separate at Cape Finisterre for the several places to which they were bound.

“When crossing the Bay of Biscay a letter was sent from the Admiral’s ship, which had been probably forgotten in England, by which I was informed that I was to be appointed First Lieutenant of the Diamond, of thirty-eight guns, under the command of my friend, Sir Sidney Smith, who had commenced his career in the navy under my father, in the Tortoise store ship; and who, while we were together in Sweden had evinced much regard for me. Hence this intended appointment.

“It is hardly necessary to add, that had this appointment taken place, which but for the singular oversight that led to the delay of the letter, most certainly would have been the case, I certainly should have followed the fortunes of Sir Sidney Smith, and should probably have shared his long and perilous captivity in France; while I must have forfeited the benefits arising from the patronage of my constant friend, Earl St. Vincent, who, from the moment he first became acquainted with me, lost no opportunity of forwarding my interests, and of placing me in important posts.”

On receiving the letter Mr. Brenton says, “I shewed it to my captain, requesting permission to return to England, some vessel probably leaving the fleet, being bound thither at the time. Captain Cumming kindly appealed to me, whether, knowing the state of the ship, and the utter incapacity of the other Lieutenant to do the duty, he could possibly accede to my request. The argument was but too well grounded, and I was under the necessity of submitting. And here we have a striking instance, that the most gloomy and unpromising circumstances may eventually lead to the completion of our most sanguine expectations; whilst the gratification of our immediate wishes might only end in disappointment. I have often felt that the hand of a kind providence was peculiarly manifested in my favour upon this occasion. The Diamond was sent to cruize off the coast of France, and Sir Sidney Smith soon after was taken prisoner, having landed near Havre in an enterprize against the enemy. He was confined for a long time in the Temple. If I had not accompanied my chivalrous friend on this occasion, which it is not improbable might have been the case, I should at all events have lost the benefit of his influence, and have had very little chance of promotion; whereas by proceeding to the Mediterranean in the Alliance, I was placed in the way of success, and in a short time attained what I had hitherto hardly ventured to hope.

“On the arrival of the Alliance at St. Fiorenzo I addressed a letter to the Commander in chief, Sir John Jervis, detailing the circumstances of my present appointment; and requesting that he would not attribute it to misconduct on my part; referring him to the different captains with whom I had sailed for my character and abilities. To my great delight, in a short time I received an appointment to the Gibraltar, of eighty guns, a situation most highly gratifying, and beyond my most sanguine wishes. The Alliance being ordered with supplies of stores to the fleet off Toulon, I had an immediate opportunity of joining the Gibraltar; having first waited on the Commander in chief, to thank him for the appointment. Sir John Jervis received me in the kindest manner, saying he considered the sons of officers as children of the service, and that he felt it his duty to provide for them.

“On joining the Gibraltar I found the ship had been in a most unpleasant state in consequence of a litigious spirit, which had crept in among the officers, and which had led to numerous courts martial; so that the captain and officers were not upon friendly terms. Captain Pakenham however came forward upon this occasion in the handsomest manner, saying to the officers whom he assembled for the purpose, ‘Come, gentlemen, let us now give the new First Lieutenant a fair chance. Let us bury the hatchet and be friends.’ The greatest cordiality and comfort ensued; and consequently the discipline of the ship was rapidly improved. This the Admiral attributed to my exertions, while it was the natural result of restored harmony between the Captain and those under his command.

“The summer was passed in blockading Toulon. In the course of this season evident indications appeared of hostile intentions on the part of the Spaniards, who had a very powerful fleet in the Mediterranean. Sir John Jervis felt it necessary to concentrate his force as much as possible; and for this purpose repaired with the fleet to Fiorenzo bay, in Corsica, leaving a small but active force off Toulon, to watch the movements of the French in that port.

“In the latter part of October, it was found necessary to evacuate Corsica; and the Smyrna convoy having arrived there, the Admiral sailed with fifteen sail of the line for Gibraltar, in the beginning of November; each ship of the line with a Smyrna man in tow. The weather was very bad, and the winds generally shifting, adverse, and squally, so as to render the towing of the convoy a service of difficulty and danger; two of them were lost in consequence, being run down. The fleet arrived at Gibraltar early in December. The Spaniards had by that time declared war; and there was no longer any impediment to their forming a junction with the French fleet, which would make their force exceed forty-three sail of the line. Sir John Jervis, that he might be in readiness to sustain the attack of the enemy, moored his ships in the form of a crescent, extending from the Ragged staff to Rosia bay; the sternmost ship of the weather line lying off the former place; and the last of the sea line, the Gibraltar, being off Rosia bay, in a most exposed situation, with scarcely any hold for her anchors from the steepness of the bank. Here, on the 10th of December, a most tremendous gale of wind from the E.S.E. came on, at first in heavy squalls with long intervals. The Gibraltar brought her anchors home, and great exertions were made during the lulls to lay them out again. As the night approached the wind increased to a hurricane. I stated my opinion to the captain that the ship could not hold on during the night; he appeared to be of the same opinion, and expressed his intention, should the ship drive, to cut, and make sail at once, so as to keep the straits open. A very heavy sea was at the time breaking round Europa point, and against the Spanish shore on the lee side of the bay. The captain recommended me to retire to my cot, and get a little repose, as I was evidently unwell. I had hardly gone down, when a tremendous squall came on, and the ship began to drive. I ran upon deck as soon as possible; but before I reached it, I heard the sheet cable running out, the anchor having been let go by the captain’s order. This change of mind is to be accounted for only by the apprehension the captain was under of the Admiral’s displeasure; and the hope he entertained, however feeble, that the ship might be brought up; but of this it soon appeared there was no prospect. She was off the bank in a few minutes, with her three anchors hanging to her bows.

“The cables were immediately cut, and sail made upon the ship; but as the topsails had been furled double reefed, it became necessary to close reef them before they could be set. The foresail was set at once, and the main-tack got on board; but in hauling aft the sheet, it was found to have got a round turn, round the main top gallant yard, in the lee rigging; nor could any efforts clear it from the shaking of the sail, the violence of the wind, and the darkness of the night. The yard was cut away from the main chains, and flew out to leeward, still confined by both parts of the sheet round it, and it was found impossible to get the sheet aft for some time. In the meantime, the topsails split, as they were loosed from the yards; the ship had now lost the shelter of the rock of Gibraltar, and felt the full force of the heavy sea rolling into the bay. It was also seen breaking to a fearful height over the Pearl rock off Cabritta point, which was under our lee; and in order to run her out clear of it, the jib was set; thus co-operating with a deep pitch in a heavy sea, carried away the foretopmast. She now rapidly approached the rock; was soon in the foam occasioned by the breakers; and in another moment struck upon the rock with a dreadful crash, and was thrown nearly on her beam ends; but most providentially this latter circumstance, by decreasing for the moment her draught of water, was the means of carrying her over the rock, when she righted without striking again.

“The panic was great as may easily be conceived, and a general cry of ‘Cut away the masts’ was heard from every part of the ship. The captain having been carried into the cabin severely hurt from a fall, just before the ship struck, the command had devolved upon me. I prevented the masts from being cut away, not from any prospect of saving the ship, but in the hope of being able to run her into a sandy bay, near Cabritta point. The first order I gave was to sound the well; when, to my great surprise, it was reported that there was no water in it. I therefore ordered the ship to be kept away, under her tattered sail, so as to give her fresh way, and hauling up, gradually succeeded in getting her into the Gut, and free from any danger of the land; when we proceeded to clear the wreck, to shift the sails, and to bend a cable to the spare anchor. It happened providentially that there were on board two anchors belonging to the Censeur, a French seventy-four, a prize which had been burnt by accident in Fiorenzo bay, and which were to have been landed at Lisbon, when the fleet should have arrived there. These anchors were immediately got up from the main hatchway, where they had been stowed; and after being stocked, had cables bent to them.

“The gale continued during the remainder of the night, and through the following morning. In the afternoon it became quite moderate, and the Zealous, commanded by Captain Hood, was seen standing out of Tangier bay, and approaching the Gibraltar. A boat came on board, bringing information to Captain Pakenham that Captain Hood had slipped the cable, by which the Zealous was riding in Tangier bay, and had left a buoy on the cable, with a boat fast to it, in order that the Gibraltar might run in and take advantage of it, in the natural expectation that she must have lost her anchors in driving out of the bay.

“This was a most judicious measure, and quite characteristic of the excellent officer who suggested it. The Gibraltar availed herself of it; and having got to snug anchorage in smooth water, was soon able to get the anchors which had been stocked, over the bows; which it would not only have been difficult, but dangerous to do while exposed to a heavy sea.”

The perilous situation of the Gibraltar, in this awful night, has furnished an interesting subject for Captain Brenton’s pencil; when in a leisure hour, many years afterwards, he made a drawing from recollection of the ship during the most critical moment, and it may perhaps assist the reader to form a notion of the extreme peril to which the ship was exposed, when the circumstances are named, which, under providence, seem to have been the means of her preservation.

The Gibraltar was a Spanish built ship, and on examining the injuries done to the vessel, when docked for repairing; it was found that the whole of the lower part of the ship was a solid mass of mahogany. No other fabric could have stood the violence of the shock when she struck on the reef; and enabled her to float after she was righted.

Captain Pakenham having spoken very highly to the Commander in chief of Mr. Brenton’s conduct on this trying occasion, he was pleased to express himself most favourably towards him; and as the Gibraltar, on being surveyed at Lisbon, was found to have sustained so much damage that it was necessary to send her to England; Sir John Jervis sent for Lieutenant Brenton, and informing him of the Gibraltar’s destination, asked him at the same time whether he had any objections to remaining in the fleet; adding, that if such was his wish, he could give him the choice of two ships, the Diadem, of sixty-four guns, or the Aigle frigate of forty, to either of which he might be appointed First Lieutenant. After some hesitation, and not a little reluctance to quit the Gibraltar, to which ship he had become much attached; he chose the Aigle, in the hope that in a cruizing ship, he might have the means of distinguishing himself; and obtaining promotion; at least, greater means than could be expected in a ship of the line. Sir John Jervis entirely approved of his choice, and gave him a commission as First Lieutenant of the Aigle, then up the Mediterranean; and placed him pro tempore in the Barfleur, at the request of Vice Admiral Waldegrave, whose flag was flying in that ship. In this situation he was present at the battle of the 14th of February, off Cape St. Vincent; but being now a junior officer, he consequently derived no promotion from the circumstance.

The Aigle was about this time lost off Cape Farina; and Admiral Waldegrave having shifted his flag from the Barfleur to take the command at Newfoundland, Mr. Brenton, from seniority, became First Lieutenant under the command of Captain Dacres. The events of this summer were confined to the bombardment of Cadiz. At one of these attacks Mr. Brenton volunteered his services, and was engaged in the command of the Barfleur’s boats. In the month of August he was removed into the Ville de Paris, bearing the flag of Earl St. Vincent; and the fleet soon after sailed for Lisbon.

On the subject of this appointment the following particulars are mentioned by Lieutenant Brenton, “In the month of August, Earl St. Vincent sent for me, and informed me that it had long been his intention to have taken me into the Ville de Paris, as one of his Lieutenants. He said there was now a vacancy; but observed at the same time that he scarcely thought it worth my while to quit the Barfleur (where he understood I was very happy) for he was firmly convinced that peace with France was at that moment signed; (this was the period of Lord Malmesbury’s having been sent to Lille to negociate). In proof that he held this opinion, his Lordship added that he had just laid a wager to this effect with Sir James Saumarez of one hundred guineas. Under these circumstances I declined the appointment, and returned to my ship.

“On communicating to my excellent friend, Captain Dacres, the result of this interview with the Earl, I found him quite of a different opinion. He expressed great regret at my decision, which he considered as ruinous to my prospects, convinced as he was that there was no prospect of peace.

“Captain Dacres was to dine with the Admiral on that day, when he took an opportunity of requesting him to renew the offer, pledging himself that it would be accepted. The Earl, who had not yet filled up the vacancy, ordered a commission to be made out, appointing me to the Ville de Paris, which he gave to Captain Dacres, who, on coming on board presented it to me, saying, ‘There, I have now turned you out of my ship, an act for which you will undoubtedly thank me some of these days.’ I certainly did leave the Barfleur with a heavy heart, for I highly respected and loved my captain, and the regard was mutual. I was also much attached to my brother officers, and had every reason to believe I carried with me the good wishes of all the ship’s company. The Barfleur might have emphatically been called a happy ship.”

During the winter of 1797-8 Mr. Brenton was employed by his lordship in sounding the Tagus, between Lisbon and Salvatierra, for the purpose of facilitating the passage of the transports up the river to procure water. Mr. Brenton was also sent in the Thalia, commanded by Lord Harry Paulet to survey Jeremie Bay, in order to ascertain whether there existed any good anchorage for the fleet. In the following spring the fleet resumed the blockade of Cadiz. The Vengeance, French frigate, was lying there ready for sea, and was expected to take advantage of the first opportunity which should offer of making her escape. In order to watch her movements narrowly during the night, two boats belonging to each ship were ordered to rendezvous every evening off the light house, under the command of a Lieutenant of the Ville de Paris. This command was latterly confined to two of the Lieutenants, of whom Mr. Brenton was one, and Mr. Melhuish the other. The guard boats were frequently attacked by the enemy’s gun boats; and upon one of these occasions Mr. Brenton had an opportunity of distinguishing himself, so as to gain the approbation of the Commander in chief, and to induce his lordship to promote him to the command of the Speedy, the same in which he had already served as a lieutenant. Adverting to this period, Mr. Brenton says, “This was a service of much animation, and even of enjoyment. The officers in general managed to carry with them some good things, of which the midshipmen were invited to partake, nor were the boat’s crew forgotten. In calm weather their voices and their mirth were distinctly heard by the Spanish troops on the batteries; but the noble-minded Spaniard, who commanded in Cadiz, would not on any account allow them to be fired at. He however requested the Spanish Admiral to send off a flag of truce, informing the Earl how completely his boats were exposed to destruction, and requesting that they might not be permitted to persevere in behaviour, which the garrison considered as insulting. The Commander in chief immediately made known this communication to me, as it was my turn to command the boats that night, desiring it might be attended to; but he did it in these words, ‘Allow no noise to be made, Sir, by your people; but go still nearer in.’”

Captain Brenton says, relative to his appointment to the Speedy, “It was a singular circumstance that I had already served in the Speedy, both as second and first lieutenant; and while talking over expected promotion with my messmates, who were naming the favourite sloops to which they should prefer being appointed, I always named the Speedy.”

Captain Brenton took his passage in the Blenheim, which was bound to Lisbon; but the day after leaving the fleet, the Blenheim having put into Lagos bay, he decided upon going to Lisbon by land, which he did, accompanied by Mr. Jephson, Judge of the Admiralty, and afterwards Sir —— Jephson, Bart. They had a most agreeable and interesting journey; and in a few days after their arrival at Lisbon the Speedy entered the Tagus, and her new commander joined her. From this period (the beginning of September) until the month of February following, the sloop, of which he had taken the command, was kept cruizing off Oporto, for the protection of the wine trade.

CHAPTER III.

SERVICE IN THE SPEEDY.—ACTION WITH GUN BOATS OFF GIBRALTAR.—SENT TO PENON DE VELEZ.—ACTION ON THE COAST, AND WITH GUN BOATS.—HIS BROTHER’S DEATH FROM WOUNDS RECEIVED IN ACTION IN THE PETEREL.—LETTER TO HIS FATHER.—MADE POST, AND APPOINTED TO THE TEMPORARY COMMAND OF THE GENEREUX AT PORT MAHON.—SAILS TO GENOA.

In the month of February, 1799, Captain Brenton was charged with a valuable convoy of victuallers from Lisbon, to supply the fleet off Cadiz. The latter had by stress of weather been driven up the straits, and great apprehensions were entertained for the safety of the convoy under so weak an escort. They were attacked in the bay of Gibraltar, by twenty-three gun boats, and Captain Brenton had the satisfaction of receiving the thanks of the Earl of St. Vincent (who was an eye witness) for the manner in which he had defended his charge. It is fit that on this occasion he should be his own historian, and that the account of the action should be given from his own pen.

“Early in February, I was sent with a convoy of victuallers to the fleet blockading Cadiz; and on my approach towards San Lucar, not seeing any of the look-out ships, which were usually stationed far to the westward, I suspected that in the preceding very heavy gales from the westward, the fleet might have been driven through the straits, and I felt a considerable anxiety for the fate of my convoy. I in consequence made the signal for them to make all sail for Cape Trafalgar, whilst I proceeded towards Cadiz, taking my station on the foretop gallant yard, with my spy glass, to be in readiness to communicate the earliest information of danger to the convoy, which were not likely to be out of sight, before I should have a full view of Cadiz. I found my expectations respecting our fleet were realized, but the Spaniards were still in port. I then rejoined my convoy, and made all sail for Gibraltar.

“By the repeated signals flying along the coast, I was well aware that the Spanish gun boats were prepared to attack the convoy, and I accordingly formed them into two very clear and compact lines, directing them to preserve this order of sailing by every effort in their power. On passing Cabritta point, I observed the whole of the Spanish gun boats lying under it, evidently waiting for the convoy. They immediately pushed out with sails and oars, and began the attack. The Speedy wore round ahead of the convoy, in order to close up the lee line, which seemed disposed to straggle; and then taking our station on their larboard quarter, we brought to ahead of the gun boats, which immediately desisted from their attack on the convoy, and seemed to unite their efforts upon the Speedy. As soon however as the convoy was so far advanced as to ensure their getting under the guns of Gibraltar, the Speedy followed them. There was but one ship of war in the bay, which was the Montague, with the flag of Lord St. Vincent; and a boat came off from her, with orders for me to take my convoy over to Tetuan bay; where I was informed the fleet was lying under the command of Lord Keith. I accordingly proceeded thither, and found my arrival had been most anxiously looked for; as the fleet had been on short allowance of some species of provisions, and greatly in want of all to enable them to resume their blockade off Cadiz.

“When the signals were made by the Spaniards, the garrison of Gibraltar, to whom these signals were known, felt great uneasiness at the imminent danger to which the supplies for the fleet were exposed, upon which so much depended. This feeling was very strong in the breast of Lord St. Vincent, who had no means of increasing the force of the convoy; and he was in proportion relieved and gratified by the safe arrival of the convoy. He expressed his warmest approbation to Captain Brenton on his return from Tetuan, as did the Governor and principal officers of the garrison. But little injury was done to the Speedy, or any of her convoy.”

It is a subject of regret that the official letter, giving the account of this spirited, and well conducted action, does not appear in the public records of the day.

Early in March Captain Brenton says, “The Speedy was ordered to cruize off Penon de Velez; and my orders, when delivered by Earl St. Vincent were accompanied by the following observation, ‘You are to understand that the Spaniards have a garrison at Penon de Velez—that they have no communication whatever with any part of the coast on which this place is situated—that they get their food, their raiment, and even the water they require, from Malaga, which are carried over to them by vessels under convoy of two rascally brigs—just like your own. Now, Sir, be off; I hope you will fall in with them.’”

Having returned from this duty (the wished-for rencounter, as it appears, not having taken place); Captain Brenton continues, “The Speedy was ordered to proceed to Oran, in order to bring down some prizes, which had been taken in there to wait for a convoy to Gibraltar. The wind, during March and April, blew almost a continued heavy gale from the westward. I made various attempts to get down to Gibraltar with my convoy, but without success, bearing up again for Oran.

“On one occasion, having been joined by the Espoir sloop of sixteen guns, I had got as far as Cape de Gatte, and observing a very suspicious looking brig come out from under the land, I made the signal for the Espoir to chase. Both vessels made all the sail they could carry; and towards evening a very heavy squall coming on with thick weather, the chase and the chaser were both lost sight of. Towards evening the latter came down, not having been able to keep sight of the stranger, and apprehensive of losing the convoy. A heavy gale came on from the westward in the course of the night; and on the following evening, as there was no appearance of its abating, I made the signal to bear up for Oran, where we arrived on the next day; but the gale continuing, no boat was sent on shore. On the second day after we anchored in Oran, some seamen in blue jackets were seen coming over the hills; and as no boats from any of the convoy had reached the shore, I was anxious to know from whence these seamen could have come, concluding some wreck had taken place upon the coast. By great exertion a boat was got on shore, and soon returned with the captain and five seamen of the brig which had been chased off Cape de Gatte, by the Espoir; and which, as I have mentioned, was lost sight of in the squall. The fact is, that in that squall the unfortunate brig was upset; and as she went down, the captain, boatswain, and five men jumped into the boat, and cutting the lashings, were left on the surface as the vessel sank. There was neither oar nor rudder in the boat, but providentially the rudder of the boat was found, amidst other things washed out of the vessel, and a couple of oars. On the following morning, in the height of the gale, the weather being clear, they distinctly saw the convoy, and endeavoured to make signals to them, but without effect, from the sea running so high. When the convoy bore up in the evening for Oran, the captain, finding it impossible, from the direction of the wind, to approach the Spanish shore, kept before the sea, spreading shirts upon the oars for sails, and endeavoured to find shelter in some of the bays of the coast of Africa. Providentially they reached a little cove with a sandy beach, just to the westward of Oran; and having caught a hawk’s bill turtle as they approached the shore, by devouring it raw, they acquired sufficient strength to land in a heavy surf, and to beach their boat. The boatswain, who was a strong powerful man, sank under exhaustion before they reached the land. They were received on board the Speedy; and by the judicious conduct of the surgeon, were soon restored to perfect health.

“The vessel lost was an American brig from Baltimore. Her commander’s name was Brand, and twelve men were lost in her. Mr. Brand’s escape was the more providential, as he was asleep below when she upset; and being thrown out of his bed, by the sudden movement, was enabled to get up the ladder, before the hatchway was filled with water.”

A few days after the convoy had reached Oran, the gale continuing to blow with great violence at times, but at others more moderately; the Terpsichore frigate commanded by Captain Gage, entered the bay of Oran with her convoy from Minorca, bound to Gibraltar also; and about a week later, at the close of a day on which there had been almost a hurricane, a Spanish line of battle ship, with only her foremast standing, and her mainmast lying buried on the poop, came into the bay, and let go her anchor about half a mile from the Speedy, which happened to be the farthest out.

Captain Gage directed Captain B. to watch the motions of the Spaniard, expressing his intentions to attack him, should he move beyond the limits of neutrality. At daylight the Spaniard was seen to cut his cable, and put to sea: the wind had greatly moderated, but a heavy sea continued. The Terpsichore and Speedy slipped their cables, and were immediately in pursuit. The Spanish ship was rolling her main deck ports in the water; the weather was very thick; the Speedy had approached nearly within gun-shot, and was preparing to open her fire, with her four pounders, into the stern of the enemy, whilst the Terpsichore’s fire, which would soon have followed, would, without doubt, have insured the surrender of the helpless Spaniard; when at the moment, the fog cleared away, and shewed the Spanish fleet of eighteen sail of the line in the offing, and at a very short distance. The expected prize at once vanished, and it became necessary for the English vessels to seek their own safety. The Terpsichore returned to Oran, and the Speedy running close in shore got to the westward of the bay.

Of the Spaniards six sail had lost their lower masts, and many their topmasts. The Spaniards availing themselves of a strong S.W. wind shaped their course for Carthagena. On the following morning, the Speedy fell in with a British squadron of five sail of the line, under Admiral Whitshed; who, on being informed by Captain Brenton of the crippled state of the Spaniards, made sail in pursuit of them; and the Speedy returned to Oran, where, having joined the two convoys, they proceeded together to Gibraltar, where they arrived early in May. The Speedy was then sent to resume her station off Oporto, but in the month of July was again detached to take the English mail from Lisbon to Gibraltar. Here upon examining her defects, she was found in such a state as to render it necessary to heave her down.

Earl St. Vincent having given up the command of the fleet to Lord Keith, was at this time at Gibraltar, with his flag in the Argo, waiting for wind to sail to England. The Channel fleet, under Sir Alan Gardner, had formed a junction with the Mediterranean fleet, and had gone up the Mediterranean in pursuit of the combined fleets of France and Spain.

While the Speedy was undergoing repair, and was keel out; the combined fleet was seen approaching the straits from the eastward; and a cutter sent out to reconnoitre, was captured by them, in consequence of a partial breeze favouring a Spanish frigate while the cutter was becalmed. Earl St. Vincent ordered the Speedy to be immediately righted, and to prepare for sea. Copper was nailed over the defective parts; and by the assistance of the Argo, she was ready to proceed on the following evening, with orders to look for Lord Keith, and to communicate to him the information, that the enemy had left the Mediterranean. He fell in with his lordship off Cabrera, in the course of a very few days, after leaving Gibraltar. He had already received the intelligence from some merchant vessel, that the combined fleet had been seen near the straits, steering to the westward, and was in pursuit of them. The day was beautiful when the Speedy fell in with the Admiral; and the immense fleet of thirty-two sail of the line sailing in two divisions, formed a most magnificent spectacle. Lord Keith sent the Speedy to Minorca with dispatches, with orders to resume her station off Oporto on her return. He continued his pursuit; but the enemy had got far too much start of him, and reached Brest, long before the British fleet could get up with them.

The following letter from Captain Brenton to his father may here be introduced as carrying on the narrative.

“Speedy, off Cape de Gatte, July 17th, 1799.

“My dear Sir,

“Since my last off Lisbon no opportunity whatever occurred for my writing, I had scarcely time to reach Oporto, Lisbon, and Gibraltar, before our quarantine expired; we were ordered instantly into the mole, to heave down. On Sunday, the 8th, the Speedy was keel out, having her copper repaired, and on Tuesday was at sea, on her passage to join Lord Keith, with the intelligence of the Spanish fleet, in conjunction with the French, having passed the straits of Gibraltar to the westward; the particulars you will have, long before you receive this, as the Haarlem, and other vessels, were instantly dispatched for England.

“The Haarlem had but just time to clear the Gut, when the van of the enemy’s fleet appeared in sight, and the rear of them had only passed the rock, when the Speedy came out; but by favour of the night we escaped a rencounter with the gun boats, who were waiting behind Europa, to intercept any vessels going to the eastward. We fell in with Lord Keith yesterday, but have not yet spoke him; his lordship has, as yet, only received the intelligence of the enemy being off Gibraltar, and is in full cry with thirty-two sail of the line, we are however coming up hand over hand with him, owing to light winds and smooth water. I expect to be on board the Queen Charlotte in two hours; and as there is a strong probability of my being ordered to part company instantly, I shall have this letter ready to dispatch, and take another opportunity of being particular. I have the mail on board and passengers for Minorca, by which means I hope to see Wallace, who is in that neighbourhood.

“Lord St. Vincent arrived at Gibraltar a few days before we left it. His lordship is not well. This unexpected event has been of no service to him. His behaviour to me, has (if possible) been kinder than ever; he appeared pleased with our exertions, and has, I believe, given me some good recommendations to his successor, Lord Keith. I believe I may deem his lordship one of the best friends I ever met with, and should he become premier at the Admiralty, which is by no means impossible, I hope we shall all feel the good effects of his patronage.

“Remember me most affectionately to my mother; I will give her the earliest information of our destiny and late proceedings. If Captain Berkeley of the 90th regiment, should call upon you at Edinburgh, may I request you will deem him a welcome guest. I have much esteem for him, and he deserves it. He is but slowly recovering from a fit of illness, which had for some time deprived him of the use of one side. I was to have given him a letter, but was prevented by his sudden departure.

“Adieu, my dear Sir; I beg my best love to the girls, and to be considered as your ever dutiful and affectionate son,

“J. BRENTON.”

“7 p.m. Just spoke Lord Keith, and have received orders to proceed to Minorca.

“Jahleel Brenton, Esq.
Regulating Captain, Edinburgh.”

After remaining a few days at Port Mahon, the Speedy directed her course for Gibraltar; and when off Cape de Gatte gave chase to three large armed Xebecs, which ran in and anchored in a close line, in a sandy bay to the westward of the cape. The Speedy immediately attacked them under sail, and was joined by the Defender, a brig privateer, belonging to Gibraltar, of twelve guns. Captain Brenton finding he could not keep up an effectual fire under weigh, pushed in, in hopes of finding soundings, which he at length did within pistol shot of the enemy, and let go his anchor. The engagement continued for more than half an hour, when the Spaniards took to their boats, and their vessels were captured and brought off by the Speedy and Defender. The largest mounted twelve, the second ten, and the third six guns; and in a few days with the Speedy arrived at Gibraltar.

The Speedy again visited Oporto, and was again dispatched from Lisbon to Gibraltar with the mail. On her way back from the rock to Oporto, she chased three Spanish vessels, and drove them on shore; but the surf was so heavy they could not be got off.

The following official letters describe some of the actions in which the Speedy was engaged, and the opinions pronounced on her commander by his superiors.

From the Gazette, Admiralty Office, 21st September, 1799.

Copy of a letter from Earl St. Vincent, K.B. Admiral of the White, &c. to Evan Nepean, Esq. dated 17th Sept. 1799.

“Sir,

“I enclose for the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, a letter I have received from Captain Brenton, of His Majesty’s Sloop Speedy, giving an account of the capture of three Spanish armed vessels.

“ST. VINCENT.”

“Speedy, Gibraltar, August 21st, 1799.

“My Lord,

“I have the honour to inform your lordship, that on the 9th inst., in company with the Defender, British Privateer of Gibraltar, of fourteen guns, we captured the Spanish armed vessels, as per margin, after an action of two hours and a half. Upon seeing us they ran into a small sandy bay, five leagues to the eastward of Cape de Gatte, and moored in a close line, within a boat’s length of the beach; we engaged them an hour and three quarters under sail, before we could gain soundings, although not more than a cable’s length distant from the rocks; but finding the enemy had much the advantage, from our constant change of position, I determined to push for an anchorage, and was fortunate enough to effect one within pistol shot of the centre vessel. After three quarters of an hour close action, the Spaniards took to their boats, cutting the cables of two of the vessels which drove on shore; they were, however, all brought off by our boats, under a constant fire of musketry from the hills. The privateer, having but twenty-two men, was obliged to stand out, to procure assistance from a boat she had in the offing, and could not reach the anchorage, till the conclusion of the action. The conduct of her commander was highly meritorious throughout, and must have considerably accelerated the event. The officers and men under my command behaved in such a manner as would have ensured our success against a more formidable enemy. The Speedy had but two men wounded, the Defender one, neither dangerous. We found two men dead on board the Spaniards; the remainder of the crews escaped on shore.

“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”

Ships mentioned in the margin:

“Santo Christo de Garcia, eight guns, six and nine pounders.

“Name unknown, ten guns, six and nine pounders.

“Name unknown, four guns, sixes.”

“Admiralty Office, October 26, 1799.

Copy of a letter from Rear Admiral Duckworth to Evan Nepean, Esq., dated Leviathan, off Lisbon, the 13th inst.

“Sir,

“You will be pleased to lay before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty the copy of a letter from Captain Brenton, of the Speedy, relating the destruction of three Spanish vessels he chased on the 3rd inst.; it is but justice to this officer to observe, that his exertions and gallantry at all opportunities do him the highest honour.

“I have the honour to be, &c.

“J. J. DUCKWORTH.”

“Speedy, at Sea, October 4, 1799.

“Sir,

“I have the honour to inform you, that yesterday, whilst running through the gut of Gibraltar, in sight of the British convoy, I observed a number of small vessels, coming out of Algesiras, and concluded they were Spanish gun boats, endeavouring to cut off some of the merchant ships; I therefore steered for them, in order to keep them as far as possible from the body of the fleet; but upon our near approach, perceiving they were Spanish coasters, eight in number, under the protection of a cutter and schooner, made all sail in chase, and soon separated the two sternmost from the body; they ran under the guns of a castle, which opened a fire upon us, and prevented our bringing them off. We continued the pursuit of the others, passing under the shot from Tariffa castle; and at four p.m. came up with four more in a bay to the eastward of Cape Trafalgar: one immediately anchored near a fort, and the other three under a castle which had one gun mounted; as it blew very heavy from the eastward, and being on a lee shore, we could not go as near them as I could wish, but anchored within four cables’ length, and bringing our guns to bear upon the castle (which appeared to be in a very ruinous state, and did not return our fire,) and the vessels; we in a short time, compelled the Spaniards to abandon them all, first cutting their cables, by which means they drove on shore. I then sent Lieutenant Parker to endeavour to bring them off, and shortly after Mr. Marshall to assist; or if that was not practicable to set them on fire; neither of which could be effected from the heavy surf breaking entirely over them, and rendering our approach dangerous to the boats. They however boarded them, brought away some of their fire arms, threw the remainder overboard, leaving them full of water, and complete wrecks. One vessel was laden with brandy and paper; one with English manufacture (cutlery, hardware, &c.); and the third in ballast. I beg leave to express the high satisfaction I received from the conduct of Lieutenant Parker, in boarding the vessel under the walls of the castle, while exposed to musketry from the beach; also of Mr. Ricketts, the purser, who was a volunteer upon that service. The attention of Mr. Marshall, the master, to the anchoring his Majesty’s sloop, and the able assistance I have received from him on former occasions, renders him worthy of the fullest confidence.

“I have the honour to be, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“To Rear Admiral Duckworth,” &c.

Early in November of this year, the Speedy was again sent from Lisbon, with a convoy to Gibraltar; and on entering the bay was attacked by twelve gun boats, and a ten gun French privateer. They came down in the most determined manner; and surrounded the Speedy off Europa point, with the intention of boarding; which Captain Brenton observing, directed the guns to be loaded with grape as far as it could be done with safety; and reserved the fire until the Spaniards rose to board, when the Speedy’s fire was so destructive as to induce the Spaniards to sheer off, and run to leeward with great precipitation. The convoy in the meantime got safe into Gibraltar, and the Speedy was endeavouring to follow them; but it was soon found she had received so much damage, below the water line on the starboard side, from the enemy’s shot, that she was filled with water to the lower deck. It became necessary immediately to veer her: and by carrying as much sail as her wounded rigging would bear on the starboard tack, the leak was got out of the water. But to keep her in this position it became indispensible to stand across the straits, and run for shelter into Tetuan bay; which they reached late in the evening; and having repaired their damages, sailed early the next morning for Gibraltar. The Speedy had two men killed upon this occasion.

It was a subject of universal astonishment, that the Spaniards should have made so daring an attempt, as to attack the Speedy under the batteries of Gibraltar, actually within hail, as conversation passed between Captain Mottley (the resident agent for transports at Gibraltar) and Captain Brenton before the Spaniards surrounded the Speedy.

Upon Captain Brenton’s return to Gibraltar, he received the thanks and congratulations of Governor O’Hara, and the garrison. “Speedy” was given out that evening for the parole, and “Brenton” for the countersign. Perhaps the full force of this flattering testimony can only be felt by those connected with the military profession.

On arriving at the rock, Captain Brenton waited upon the Governor, to remonstrate upon so extraordinary a circumstance; but the Governor, General O’Hara, anticipated his complaint, by explaining that in consequence of the Spanish authorities having threatened to bombard Gibraltar from Fort St. Phillip, on account of some fishing-boats having been fired at from the batteries by mistake, having been taken for row boat privateers, he (the Governor) had been obliged to prohibit all discretional firing; directing that no gun should be fired without his express permission. He added, however, that the events of the preceding day convinced him that such a regulation could not be persevered in; that he had that morning issued orders that a most vigilant look out should in future be kept from the batteries; and a signal made when any privateer was seen under weigh, when she was to be fired at on her approach.

Rear Admiral Duckworth was at this time lying in the bay of Gibraltar; and reported Captain Brenton’s conduct to the Admiralty, in a manner most flattering to his feelings, as did the Governor, and the Commissioner. The Governor’s letter was addressed to Earl St. Vincent, then in England; and his lordship happened to be with Sir Evan Nepean, at the Admiralty, when it arrived. He had no sooner read the forcible appeal made by General O’Hara in favour of Captain Brenton, than he went to Lord Spencer, and laying the letter before him, said, “My lord, I will not leave your room until the request contained in that letter is complied with;” and Lord Spencer immediately wrote an order for Captain Brenton to be put into the first Post vacancy, that should occur in the Mediterranean.

It may perhaps be allowable to introduce here the description of this gallant action as given in the Naval Chronicle; and to add the official letter addressed to Admiral Duckworth.

“It is somewhat astonishing that the following remarkable instance of naval gallantry should never yet have been published; we therefore consider ourselves exceedingly obliged by being enabled to bring before our readers such particulars, as must be read with the greatest admiration of the distinguished prowess they describe, and which so eminently redound to the credit of the officers and crews, who so ably and bravely defended themselves against such a very superior force. We have also subjoined the official letter sent by Captain Brenton[1] to Admiral Duckworth, on the occasion; documents which will prove completely illustrative of the whole transaction. The action certainly merits every commemoration, and the annexed plate is taken from a drawing representing the most interesting period of it.

“On the evening of the 6th of November, 1799, His Majesty’s sloop, Speedy, commanded by Captain Jahleel Brenton, and her convoy, consisting of a ship (transport) laden with wine for the fleet, and a merchant brig bound to Trieste, were attacked upon their entering Gibraltar bay, by twelve Spanish gun boats; two of which were schooners, carrying two twenty-four pounders each, and fifty men; and the other, one twenty-four pounder and forty men; besides a Xebec, French privateer of eight guns. They first attempted the ship, and were prevented from carrying her by the Speedy passing between them, which enabled her to reach her anchorage in safety: their efforts were then united against the brig, when the Speedy bore up through the centre of them, and in three quarters of an hour obliged them to run for shelter under the guns of Fort Barbary.

“The crippled state of the Speedy’s rigging, masts, and hull, and especially as the water was up to the lower deck, from shot received below, prevented Captain Brenton from pursuing the advantage he had gained. She had two men killed, and one wounded. The transport was most ably managed by her master, and worked round Europa Point through a very galling fire; the brig took advantage of a strong westerly wind, which sprung up after dark, and continued her voyage to Trieste. The Speedy was under the necessity of running for Tetuan bay, to stop the leaks; which being done, she returned to Gibraltar the following day.

“The Spanish gun boats, after remaining under Fort Barbary for three days, bore up for Malaga, and did not return to Algesiras for two months, leaving the trade unmolested in the Gut of Gibraltar. The Spaniards acknowledged they lost eleven men; four of their boats were seen to strike to the Speedy during the contest, by the inhabitants of Gibraltar, and the report was corroborated by a Danish brig from Malaga a few days after.”

“Speedy, Gibraltar, November 21, 1799.

“Sir,

“I have the honour to inform you, that on the 6th instant, coming into Gibraltar, with two vessels under convoy, a ship and a brig, we were attacked by twelve of the Spanish gun boats from Algesiras. Having a commanding breeze, we were soon enabled to rescue the ship. The gun boats then united their efforts upon the brig, but bearing up upon their line with a well directed fire, we in a short time obliged them to relinquish their design also; and take shelter under the guns of Fort Barbary. The situation of the Speedy prevented my pursuing the advantage we had gained, having most of our running rigging cut away, our main top sail yards shot through, and our fore rigging much cut, besides the water being up to the lower deck, from shot received below the water line. Not being able to carry sail upon the larboard tack, I was under the necessity of running for Tetuan Bay, to stop the leaks, and arrived here the day following. I cannot say too much in praise of Lieutenant Parker, Mr. Marshall, the master, and the remainder of the officers and men under my command, from their spirited exertions, and strict attention to their duty, we were enabled to save our convoy and His Majesty’s sloop.

“I beg leave to enclose a return of our killed and wounded, and at the same time to add, that much praise is due to Mr. George Robinson, master of the transport Unity, for the manner he worked his ship during a very galling fire.

“I have the honour to be, Sir,

“Your very obedient servant,

“J. BRENTON.”

“Patrick Blake and Wm. Pring, seamen killed.

“Thomas Riley, seaman wounded.”

“To Admiral Duckworth,” &c. &c. &c.

A few days after the action, Admiral Duckworth sent for Captain Brenton, and gave him the painful intelligence, that his brother, Lieutenant Brenton, of the Peterel, had been dangerously wounded in the boat of that ship, in capturing a Spanish privateer, and had been taken to the hospital at Port Mahon. He kindly ordered the Speedy to proceed thither with dispatches; and held out the hope that the wound might not be mortal. This flattering expectation was unhappily not realized, for upon the arrival of the Speedy at Port Mahon, Captain Brenton found that his brother had died a week previously, and had been buried with the honours of war. The amiable character, and gallant conduct, of this promising young man had excited an universal interest.

The letter which Sir Jahleel Brenton wrote to his father on this occasion may be justly inserted, as exhibiting the simple and affectionate feelings which lived within the breast of one so distinguished for daring enterprise. In later years those feelings would have assumed a different form, and been expressed in a different manner; but it is the object of the memoir to present the man as he was, and the change that was effected will be most completely understood, by comparing what he was at different periods of his life.

… “Accustomed hitherto to receive only the most pleasing accounts from your sons, I feel an additional pang at the cruel necessity I am under, of destroying that happiness I had long indulged the idea, would last the remainder of your days. You will naturally conceive the nature of this melancholy event; but will at the same time, I trust, derive comfort and consolation from the circumstances attending it, and assist my dear mother in bearing her loss with resignation. Poor Wallace is no more; he died of his wounds the 15th of last month. He died as he lived, a hero; and a pattern to every young man both in public and private life, universally regretted and esteemed. The loss is only on our side. His amiable conduct through life has ensured him felicity for ever: and as a time must arrive when we must quit all who are dear to us, I can conceive no greater alleviation to our grief, than the object having fallen in his country’s service, whilst nobly distinguishing himself, which was the case with my dear brother, who had already acquired a high reputation with his brother officers. I shall not attempt to offer consolation; besides feeling the want of it myself, I am convinced your own reflections will have more effect than all I could say on the subject.

“I was in some measure prepared for the melancholy event. Admiral Duckworth’s account alarmed me, though it left me hopes which I suffered myself to indulge when I wrote you from Gibraltar. The Admiral with the goodness of heart for which he is distinguished, sent me here in hopes of our meeting; a circumstance I shall ever remember. But whilst I am on the subject of gratitude, let me take the earliest opportunity of saying, how much we are all indebted to Lieutenant W. Pemberton, and his amiable wife, for their unwearied care of the poor fellow during his illness. To them he owed much of the comfort of his last moments. Pemberton seldom left him; and his wife was ever studying what was most grateful to his taste, and that in a country where the common necessaries of life were scarcely to be procured. Through their friendship, and the general interest every one took in his welfare, he wanted for nothing. I have long been in habits of intimacy with this worthy couple; they are now endeared to me; and I trust, some day, to have it in my power to acknowledge their kindness.

“I arrived here late last night, and shall sail immediately for Palermo, with dispatches for Lord Nelson. L’Alceste sails directly for England; by her you must receive the distressing intelligence. I shall avail myself of the same conveyance to suggest the steps which are likely to be of any service to Edward. Captain Western was promoted to Commander, from his brother having fallen, before Wallace did, and Edward has the same claim. I don’t see how Lord Spencer can refuse it, when you apply to him. Let me request, my dear Sir, that you will use all your interest in his favour with Admiral Young, Lord Hood, or any one you think can serve him. I have fortunately had opportunities of acquiring myself friends, who I hope will enable me to go on by myself, and in some measure compensate for your loss. I mean in taking care of my sisters; in other respects I never can. I have a power of attorney to receive my brother’s pay and prize money, which he wished to have laid out, either in an annuity for his sisters, or in a purchase, the interest of which might be for them, and the principal their property. I think it will be something considerable, and shall inform you as soon as possible, and request your advice upon the subject. In the meantime, my ever dear Sir, let me entreat you to remember, you have still two sons, whose only wishes are your happiness, and that of their dear mother and sisters. May my next be of a more cheerful nature, and that you may see many happy days, is the sincere wish of

“Dear Sir,

“Your ever dutiful and affectionate Son,

“JAHLEEL BRENTON.

“January 19th, 1800.”

The Editor is happy in being allowed to add from the recently published Nelson Dispatches, a letter from Lord Nelson, as characteristic of that great and gallant man as it is honourable to the subject of this memoir.

Palermo, December, 7th, 1799.

“Sir,

“Captain Brenton, of Her Majesty’s sloop the Speedy, having on the 6th of November, with a convoy from the coast of Portugal, when attacked in the Straits by twelve Spanish gun boats, displayed uncommon skill and gallantry, in saving the sloop under his command, and all his convoy; I beg leave to recommend him to their lordship’s notice; and if the merits of a Brother may be allowed to have any weight, I have the sorrow to tell you, that he (the brother James Wallace Brenton) lost his life, when Lieutenant of the Peterel, attempting, with great bravery, to bring off a vessel which the sloop had run ashore. He died of his wounds a few days ago at Minorca Hospital.

“I have the honour to be, Sir,

“Your most obedient servant,

“BRONTE NELSON.”

The Speedy again returned to Gibraltar, and was immediately sent off again with dispatches to the Commander in chief, then supposed to be off Malta; but on her arrival at St. Paul’s bay, Captain Brenton found Nelson with his flag in the Foudroyant, and a squadron, co-operating with the land forces employed in the siege of Valetta. His lordship had recently had the satisfaction of seeing another of the French fleet, which he had so nearly annihilated in Aboukir bay, captured by the Northumberland and Success frigate. This was the Genereux. She had been sent to Minorca; and Lord Nelson, after warmly applauding Captain Brenton for his conduct, in his late encounter with the gun boats at Gibraltar, congratulated him upon his being made Post, from information which he had received from Lord Keith. The arrangement, by which this promotion took place, was that Captain Dixon, of the Lion, (the late Admiral Sir Manley Dixon) should be removed to the Genereux; that Lord William Stuart commanding the Souverein (the Sheer hulk at Gibraltar, which ship at the time was commanded by a Post Captain, and had charge of the general duties of the port of Gibraltar) should succeed to the Lion, and Captain Brenton to take command of the Souverein, to be succeeded in the Speedy by Lord Cochrane, who was made Commander.

The Speedy proceeded through the Phare of Messina on her way to Leghorn, where Captain Brenton was informed he would find the Commander in chief. He arrived there on the 18th of March, but saw no ship of war in the road. He soon however received the melancholy information that the Queen Charlotte, the flag ship, had taken fire on the preceding day, and had blown up; scarcely two hundred men having been saved out of a complement of nearly eight hundred. The cause of this dreadful event arose from a quantity of hay being taken on board, and placed under the half deck, in readiness to be pressed; an operation that was then generally performed by having a strong wooden case placed in the after hatchway, to which a screw was applied, and a bag fitted to receive the hay, when it was brought into a portable compass. This was always a most dangerous operation, and should never be permitted; as the hay when purchased might be pressed on shore. In the present instance, the hay being brought on board loose, was carelessly thrown under the half-deck, between the guns. A match tub with a lighted match had been left there in readiness for a signal gun, and being unobserved by the man who carried the first truss of hay, it was covered over by it, and the whole space soon filled. The hay must have been a long time ignited, but no one coming to it, the fire did not shew itself until the moment when the ship getting under weigh, the wind rushed in through the weather ports, and caused it to break out in a fearful volume of flames, which catching the mainsail was soon at the mast head. Captain Todd, who commanded the ship, with admirable presence of mind, caused the anchors to be immediately let go, which brought the ship head to wind, and gave all who could get forward, a chance of saving their lives. Numerous boats pushed off from Leghorn, as soon as the ship was discovered to be on fire, but as they approached her, her guns becoming heated and being shotted, the Italians were alarmed and could not be persuaded to approach her. Her own boats, such as could be got into the water, or were already out, were soon filled; and some from the English shipping in the harbour, getting under her bows, enabled the few who escaped to save their lives. The ship at length blew up. Captain Brenton met the few survivors of the officers at the Admiral’s table at Leghorn on his arrival. It was a melancholy party, where mixed feelings were evident, and highly contrasted; gratitude for their own escape, being mingled with grief at the loss of so many friends and companions.

Lord Keith presented Captain Brenton with his Post commission, and an order to assume the temporary command of the Genereux at Port Mahon; until Captain Dixon, then employed in the Lion, at the siege of Malta, should be relieved by Lord William Stuart. The Speedy sailed immediately for Minorca, and Captain Brenton took command of the Genereux on the 19th April, 1800; giving up the Speedy to Lord Cochrane, who was in charge of the Genereux, having brought her in after her capture.

The Genereux was lying at the dock yard dismantled, and with every thing taken out of her, guns included. Her crew consisted of two men sent from every ship in the fleet, of course not the best; and two hundred and seventy Maltese; but the latter were invaluable; and by their steadiness and exertion Captain Brenton was enabled to get the ship in readiness for sea, and to join the Admiral off Genoa, in the month of May.

Genoa had been invested by the Austrian army for nearly six months, and so closely blockaded by the British squadron, that very few vessels could get into it. It was obstinately defended by Massena, but reduced to the greatest extremities, for want of provisions. On the 4th of June it capitulated; but such favourable terms were granted to it, by the Austrian General, that the French were great gainers, by its surrender; as it gave freedom to the army shut up within its walls, and enabled them to contribute greatly to the issue of the battle of Marengo, which occurred ten days afterwards. It has too often been the fate of England to be involved in these short-sighted treaties, by which all the advantage has been forfeited that valour and enterprize had gained.

By the terms of this capitulation British transports were to convey the French troops to Nice, with all their military baggage; and while receiving it on board, a bale, marked military clothing, burst while hoisting in, and displayed some beautiful Genoa velvet. This occasioned an examination of all the packages already on board, and led to the discovery of an immense quantity of similar plunder. Massena was exceedingly angry at this detection, and accused the English of a breach in the terms of the capitulation, although it had been acted upon, up to that moment to the very letter; but the fact was, that it deprived him of much, which he had expected to carry off with impunity.

About 12 o’clock on the 4th of June the squadron entered the harbour of Genoa, and at once fired a royal salute in honour of the birth-day of their sovereign. The scene was truly beautiful; presenting as it did that superb city, rising above the shores of the bay, and its harbour covered with boats, with splendidly decorated flags, and filled with gaily dressed people of both sexes. These boats thronged round the British ships, and shewed but too plainly the misery that had been endured by the wretched inhabitants. The countenances of the company, ghastly with famine and disease, but ill accorded with their gay, and often rich costume. Many were too feeble to mount the side of the ships; and men as well as women were happy to have the aid of the chair for that purpose. The declared object of the visit was to pay respect to the British flag; but the real one was to obtain food at the earliest possible period. They were gladly received. The cabin, the ward room, and in short every part of the ship was filled by them, and a succession of meals brought upon every table, as one party was succeeded by another. But the most delightful circumstance connected with this day, was to see the British seamen, handing out of the ports, their own rations of provisions to the starving multitude who could not get on board. On their landing, the English officers observed the streets on each side strewed with the dead and dying; and although on the opening of the gates, immediately after the surrender, an abundance of provisions was poured in, it was long before the people again enjoyed the blessings of plenty; disease invariably accompanying famine, and shortening life, when the means of supporting it were restored.

CHAPTER IV.

DISAPPOINTMENT OF PROMOTION.—APPLIES TO LORD ST. VINCENT, AND THROUGH HIM APPOINTED CAPTAIN TO THE CÆSAR, UNDER SIR JAMES SAUMAREZ.—BATTLE AT ALGESIRAS.—EXERTIONS OF CAPTAIN BRENTON IN REFITTING THE CÆSAR, AND SUBSEQUENT VICTORY.—TEMPTING OFFER OF GOING TO ENGLAND WITH DISPATCHES DECLINED.—DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE SIGNED.—SQUADRON AT GIBRALTAR.

On the 14th of June Captain Brenton being superseded by Captain Dixon, left Genoa in the Culloden for Minorca, on his way to join his ship at Gibraltar, and from Mahon proceeded to Gibraltar in the Mondovi. On his arrival at Gibraltar he had the mortification to find the Souverein had been paid off, in consequence of an altercation between Lord Wm. Stuart and the Commissioner; and he received orders to return to England on half pay. The disappointment was the more severe, as Captain Brenton had been assured by Lord Keith, that the Souverein was to be considered as a stepping stone to Post rank; and that every vacancy in a Post ship was to be filled up from her, consequently that the last made Post Captain would always have that appointment. He was also well aware of the difficulty which existed in England of getting employed from half pay; that it was only those that were in the stream that were carried along with it; whilst many officers, who had gained their promotion by a succession of gallant achievements, were passing their days in helpless indolence. They had got into the eddy, and had the mortification of seeing those whom they had left far behind, bringing up the breeze, and passing by them.

This was particularly the case with the greater part of the first lieutenants of line of battle-ships, promoted after general actions. They had received the rank of Commander with the delight so natural to the attainment of such a step: but wanting interest to obtain a command, they were soon forgotten; and many had to regret that they had gained their promotion.

Captain Brenton embarked in the Anson from Gibraltar, in July; and in crossing the Bay of Biscay they fell in with the Louisa, armed brig, on her way to join Earl St. Vincent, who had now the command of the channel fleet, and was cruizing off Brest, with his flag in the Royal George. Captain Brenton availed himself of this opportunity of seeing his kind-hearted and noble chief again, to whom he was so truly indebted for relieving him from a situation, in which he felt himself disgraced; and for bringing him on, step by step, to that situation in his profession, from which he could only rise farther by seniority. He accordingly left the Anson, and in a few days after came in sight of the fleet. He was received by Earl St. Vincent with the warmest regard, who not only sincerely congratulated him upon his promotion, of which indeed he had himself been the cause, but thanked him in the most flattering terms for the conduct which had led to it. He then said, “I will now give you a letter to Lord Spencer, requesting him to give you a ship, and should he not do so immediately, I desire you to join me in Torbay without loss of time. I shall be there in the course of a week, when I shall expect to see you, unless you receive an appointment.” He then wrote to Lord Spencer in the strongest terms, recommending Captain Brenton for immediate employment; adverting to the circumstance of his having gained both his Commander’s and his Post commission in action with the enemy.

Captain Brenton arrived the following day at Plymouth, and proceeded to London, where he delivered his letter to Lord Spencer. His lordship holding out no hopes of immediate employment, Captain Brenton set out for Portsmouth, with the intention of proceeding to Torbay by the first ship going thither. He accordingly went on board the Prince of Wales, Sir Robert Calder’s flag ship; and soon found himself on board the Ville de Paris, with his noble patron. His situation here was of an extraordinary description, and not without some degree of unpleasantness. The officers were, many of them, those who had been his messmates in the same ship, previously to his being made a commander out of her into the Speedy. They considered, and justly, that he had already had his share of promotion; and were apprehensive that his coming back to serve as a volunteer, might interfere with some vacancy to which they might be looking. This was a feeling very naturally to be expected, and for which every allowance should be made; whilst even as regarded the captain of the fleet, and the captain of the ship, he did not feel quite certain that they might approve a nondescript officer, although in their conduct they shewed only the kindest attention.

With these feelings upon his mind, Captain Brenton walking the deck one morning with the Admiral, said to him, “My lord, I do not like this kind of life; I have no business of my own to do.” His lordship answered, “I have been thinking you would not—and it has struck me that I might give you the Joseph cutter, commanded by Lieutenant Lapenotiere; that you might visit the in-shore squadron; and so give you an introduction to Sir James Saumarez, the commodore. You might there amuse yourself by making observations on the French coast; and when tired of your excursion, you may rejoin me either here or off Ushant, or in Torbay as it may be; as I mean to bear up for that place, with the first westerly gale.”

Captain Brenton was delighted with the plan, and joyfully accepted it. It was not only agreeable in every point of view at the time, but in the end it led to the most beneficial results, as regarded his professional life, by leading to his appointment as the flag captain of that great and good man, the late Lord de Saumarez. He was received with the utmost kindness by Sir James; and having passed some days in the squadron, landing occasionally upon the islands off Brest; he returned to the Ville de Paris, just as a gale of wind was springing up, and on the following day the fleet anchored in Torbay.

Lord St. Vincent always resided while on shore at Torr Abbey, and having introduced Captain Brenton to Mr. Carey, the hospitable master of the mansion, he became one of the family for some weeks. A great naval promotion being at this time expected, Lord St. Vincent made it a particular request, that Sir James Saumarez should be included in it, and have his flag flying in the Cæsar, as one of the junior admirals in the channel fleet. He at the same time wrote to Sir James, informing him of his having made this application; and requesting, in the event of its being successful, that he would have Captain Brenton appointed as his captain. This Sir James most kindly and readily granted; and on the 1st January, 1800, Captain Brenton received his commission for the Cæsar, and joined her at Spithead a few days after.

In February they proceeded to Torbay, and from thence Sir James resumed his station off Brest. This was a most arduous service in winter time, when the gales from the westward came on so suddenly, and with so much violence, that it was scarcely possible to clear the land. The Black Rocks however lost much of their terrors upon Sir James Saumarez resorting to the anchorage in Douanenez bay, which he did in the preceding November; convinced that the enemy would not dare to attack him there, from the apprehension that the British fleet might come over from the opposite coast, either during or after the attack; in which case the whole of their attacking force, with whatever ships they might have captured, would fall into our hands. It is true it required much nerve to run for the Cul de Sac in a heavy gale, with mortar batteries crossing each other from the Bec du Rez, and the Bec du Chevre; and with a shoal in the centre of the entrance. The master of the Cæsar however was a very skilful man, and an excellent pilot. He unhesitatingly took the charge, and anchored the squadron in the eastern part of the bay, just without the range of the shells from the batteries, and with only one point of the compass open to the sea. Upon the last occasion the squadron consisted of six sail of the line, and a frigate. The gale lasted three days, and upon its subsiding, Sir James left his anchorage, and resumed his station off the Black Rocks, having his ships and crews refreshed by the repose he had procured them, instead of being crippled and exhausted by being continually exposed to a heavy sea.

In the month of April a cutter joined the fleet, bringing a weekly newspaper of extraordinary importance, in which was included Lord Nelson’s destruction of the Danish block ships at Copenhagen, and the landing of the British army in Egypt, with the subsequent victories. The Admiral directed that it should be read to the ship’s company, who were accordingly assembled for the purpose, and gave three hearty cheers on hearing the news.

In the latter end of May Sir James was ordered into Plymouth, to take the command of a squadron about to assemble there for a particular service; to the great joy of every officer and man on board the Cæsar, who were heartily tired of the blockade of Brest; and who were elated with the hope, of at length seeing more active service. The squadron assembled in Cawsand bay, consisting of the Cæsar and Pompée of eighty guns, with the Hannibal, Audacious, and Spencer of seventy-four guns each. They sailed from Plymouth on the 15th of June, and reached Lisbon four days afterwards; and having sent in despatches to the British ambassador, continued their course for Cadiz, where they arrived in the latter end of June. On the 5th of July the first battle of Algesiras took place, as detailed in the following official letter.

London Gazette, August 1st, 1801.

Copy of a letter from Rear Admiral Sir James Saumarez to Evan Nepean, Esq. dated on board H.M.S. Cæsar, at Gibraltar, 6th July.

“Sir,

“I have to request you will be pleased to inform my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that conformably to my letter of yesterday’s date, I stood through the straits, with his Majesty’s squadron under my orders, with the intention of attacking three French line of battle ships, and a frigate that I had received information of being at anchor off Algesiras. On opening Cabritta point, I found the ships lay at a considerable distance from the enemy’s batteries, and having a leading wind up to them, afforded every reasonable hope of success in the attack. I had previously directed Captain Hood, in the Venerable, from his experience, and knowledge of the anchorage, to lead the squadron, which he executed with his accustomed gallantry; and although it was not intended that he should anchor, he found himself under the necessity so to do, from the wind failing, (a circumstance so much to be apprehended in this country) to which circumstance, I have to regret the want of success, in this well intended enterprize. Captain Stirling anchored opposite to the inner ship of the enemy, and brought the Pompée to action, in the most spirited and gallant manner, which was followed by the commanders of every ship in the squadron. Captains Darby and Ferris, owing to light winds were prevented, for a considerable time from coming into action; at length, the Hannibal getting a breeze, Captain Ferris had the most favourable prospect of being alongside one of the enemy’s ships, when the Hannibal unfortunately took the ground, and I am extremely concerned to acquaint their Lordships, that, after having made every possible effort, with this ship and the Audacious, to cover her from the enemy, I was under the necessity to make sail, being at the time only three cables length from one of the enemy’s batteries.

“My thanks are particularly due to all the captains, officers, and men under my orders; and although their endeavours have not been crowned with success, I trust the thousands of spectators from his Majesty’s garrison, and also the surrounding coast, will do justice to their valour and intrepidity, which were not to be checked from the numerous batteries (however formidable) that surround Algesiras.

“I feel it incumbent on me to state to their Lordships the great merits of Captain Brenton of the Cæsar, whose cool judgment, and intrepid conduct, I will venture to pronounce were never surpassed. I also beg leave to recommend to their Lordships’ notice, my flag lieutenant, Mr. Phillip Dumaresq, who has served with me from the commencement of this war, and is a most deserving officer; Mr. Lansborne, and the other lieutenants, are also entitled to great praise; as well as Captain Maxwell, of the marines, and the officers of his corps, serving on board the Cæsar.

“The enemy’s ships consisted of two of eighty-four guns, and one of seventy-four, with a large frigate; two of the former are aground, and the whole are rendered totally unserviceable. I cannot close this letter without rendering the most ample justice to the great bravery of Captain Ferris. The loss in his ship must have been very considerable, both in officers and men; but I have the satisfaction to be informed that his Majesty has not lost so valuable an officer.

“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

“JAMES SAUMAREZ.

“P.S. The Honourable Captain Dundas, of his Majesty’s Polacre the Calpe, made his vessel as useful as possible, and kept up a spirited fire on one of the enemy’s batteries; I have also to express my approbation of Lieutenant Janverin, commander of the gun boats, who having joined me with intelligence, served as a volunteer on board the Cæsar.”

The manner in which the interval between this action and that which succeeded it within a week’s distance, was passed, must be described by the subject of this Memoir himself. He says, “On the Cæsar anchoring at Gibraltar after this disastrous affair, the Admiral sent me on shore, to communicate with the Governor, (General O’Hara), who expressed much regret at the fate of the day, but was truly sensible of the efforts that had been made to ensure success.

“Before my return on board, the Admiral had retired to his cot, and in a state of mind which may be easily conceived by those to whom his character was known; so sensitive, and at the same time so devoted, to his country. He felt most keenly the apprehension that the important service, for which he had been despatched from England, might be frustrated by the unfortunate, and totally unexpected termination of the attack. On the following morning, he sent me with a flag of truce to the French Admiral at Algesiras, who on my boat coming within range of his guns, threw a shot over us. I immediately laid upon my oars, as a boat with a corresponding flag of truce was seen pulling towards me. On coming within hail, the French officer demanded what was the object of my mission; but I declined delivering it to any but Admiral Linois himself. I was then requested to wait until the officer could obtain further orders. He soon returned with directions for the Cæsar’s boat to follow to the Formidable, the French flag ship. Here I was received by a guard, forming a double line from the gangway to the cabin door; and when in the cabin, I was enclosed in a circle of officers, in the centre of which stood the Admiral. I then delivered my message from the British Admiral; which was, that an exchange of prisoners might immediately take place, which M. Linois declined; on the ground of requiring authority for such a measure from the Minister of marine, at Paris. I then requested that the officers of the Hannibal should be sent over on parole, which was acceded to, and I withdrew; the French Admiral conducting me to the gangway, in the same manner as I had entered the ship; begging that I would request the Admiral, that on any further communication he might have to make to him, it should not be by an officer of rank, but by a ‘petit midshipman.’ It was evident that M. Linois was unwilling that the crippled state of his ship should be too minutely observed; and hence the arrangement of the guard and officers, which effectually screened the internal state of the ship from observation; but I was amply indemnified by seeing the outward damages, which could not be concealed.

“On my return the Cæsar had warped into the Mole, and was proceeding to strike the masts. Both mainmast and foremast had been severely wounded, the former so much so, as to be unfit for service; and the foremast required extensive fishing. All the wounded were sent to the hospital; and the killed in the squadron sent on shore for burial. The funeral of the officers—the masters of the Cæsar and Pompée, and a midshipman of the latter, who were buried with the honours of war, formed a most imposing and affecting spectacle, from the great number of troops drawn out upon the occasion, and from the whole population of the rock being spectators.”

On the 9th day of July, three days after the battle of Algesiras, the Superb, and Thames, were seen under a crowd of sail, steering through the straits of Gibraltar; and soon after the Spanish squadron of six sail of the line, was observed in pursuit of them. The British ships anchored in Gibraltar bay, and the enemy hauled their wind for Algesiras, where they anchored with the French squadron, evidently with a view of conveying them round to Cadiz. Sir James Saumarez convinced that such was the intention, at once decided upon attacking them with four ships, as it was considered utterly impossible for either the Pompée or Cæsar to be in readiness. He sent for Captain Brenton into his cabin, and informing him of the resolution he had come to, directed that his flag should forthwith be shifted into the Audacious, and that the crews of the Cæsar and Pompée should be distributed amongst the other ships. Captain Brenton acknowledged the expediency of the flag being shifted, and the probability that the Cæsar would not be refitted in time to receive it again, before the enemy left Algesiras; but requested the Admiral to permit him to make the effort, by keeping his people on board, until the enemy were seen to be getting under sail, to which Sir James consented.

Captain Brenton turning the hands up, informed the crew of the Admiral’s intention, and called upon them to use every exertion to put their ship in a state to bear their Admiral’s flag again into battle, should the enemy give them an opportunity. An universal cry was heard of all hands, “All night and all day.” This however Captain Brenton would not permit; but he employed the whole ship’s company, from four in the morning until eight in the evening; of the remaining eight hours, each watch was alternately allowed four of repose. He alone slept not, for his active mind, and ardent disposition, were wound up to the highest pitch of excitement; and he has been heard himself to describe, the overwhelming sense of sleep and weariness, by which he was overcome, when these exertions were happily terminated.

By the most strenuous efforts of every individual concerned, on the morning of the 12th the new mainmast had been got in and rigged, and the other damages in some measure repaired. We extract a few more particulars from Captain Brenton’s note, “A great, though not a visible progress,” he says, “was soon made; indeed the latter circumstance was avoided as much as possible, in order to prevent the enemy supposing that any attack was intended. The following day was an arduous one, and on Saturday the 11th, so much appeared yet to be done, that the Admiral, who had never been very sanguine in the hope of having the Cæsar ready, again urged me to send the people away, lest they should suffer so much from fatigue, that they might become unfit for the exertions, they would be called upon to make, in the action about to take place. He added, “you now have done all in your power; you must make up your mind to the disappointment.” I replied, “you are now going on shore to dine at the Governor’s; excuse my attending you, and if, when you return on board in the evening, the ship is not ready, I promise to have the people all ready for distribution, when you give the orders.” To this the Admiral consented, and went on shore. It became now necessary rather to shew progress, than to conceal it; the top gallant yards were accordingly got up, and the yards crossed, and sails bent, before the different parts of the rigging were in the order necessary for getting under weigh. The Admiral on his return was delighted at what he saw, and relinquished all idea of removing into the Audacious.”

The enemy at the same time were in movement in Algesiras bay. By two o’clock p.m. the Cæsar warped out of the Mole, and was at the same time employed in bending sails, setting up rigging, filling powder, receiving stores of every description from boats alongside, and preparing for battle; the band on the poop playing, “Cheer up my lads,” which was answered by a regimental band on the Mole, with “Britons, strike home.” The animation of this scene cannot be described, but the recollection of it must have continued vivid in the breast of the chief mover of these heroic exertions. The scene no doubt was peculiar, and the impressions left by it can be more easily conceived than described, when the two squadrons, occupying their respective sides of a small bay, separated from each other by a distance of only four miles, were mutually engaged in preparations for combat. Thousands of spectators, occupied the surrounding hills and shores; the sea was covered with the numerous boats employed by the ships of war. And the general excitement which every where reigned, can only be imagined; as well as the feelings of Captain Brenton, when he made the signal of being ready for service, and again received the flag of his respected and gallant Admiral.

It was almost one of the latest efforts of Captain Brenton’s pencil to recall the triumphant moment of the Cæsar warping out of the Mole, under the circumstances which have been described. He has often expressed the powerful excitement, which even the recollection of this period occasioned; and he never could give the narrative, even to the latest period of his life, without the most thrilling sensation. The particulars of the action will be found in the following official dispatch, and the results which followed these exertions must be given in the language of the letter in which Sir James Saumarez communicated his victory.

“Cæsar, off Cape Trafalgar, July 13, 1801.

“Sir,

“It has pleased the Almighty to crown the exertions of this squadron, with the most decisive success over the enemies of their country. The three French line of battle ships, disabled in the action of the 6th instant, off Algesiras, were on the 8th reinforced by a squadron of five Spanish line of battle ships, under the command of Don Juan Joaquin de Marino, and a French ship of seventy-four guns, bearing a broad pendant, besides three frigates, and an incredible number of gun boats, and other vessels, and got under sail yesterday morning, together with his Majesty’s ship Hannibal, which they had succeeded in getting off the shoal on which she struck. I almost despaired of having a sufficient force in readiness to oppose such numbers, but through the great exertions of Captain Brenton, the officers, and men belonging to the Cæsar, the ship was in readiness to warp out of the Mole yesterday morning, and got under weigh immediately after with all the squadron, except the Pompée, which ship had not time to get in her masts.

“Confiding in the zeal and intrepidity of the officers and the men I had the happiness to serve with, I determined, if possible, to obstruct the passage of this very powerful force to Cadiz. Late in the evening I observed the enemy’s ships to have cleared Cabritta point; and at eight I bore up with the squadron, to stand after them; his Majesty’s ship, Superb, being stationed ahead of the Cæsar. I directed Captain Keats to make sail, and attack the sternmost ships in the enemy’s rear, using his endeavours to keep in shore of them. At eleven the Superb opened her fire close to the enemy’s ships; and on the Cæsar coming up, and preparing to engage a three decker, that had hauled her wind, she was perceived to have taken fire, and the flames having communicated to a ship to leeward of her, both were seen in a blaze, and presented a most awful sight. No possibility existing of offering the least assistance in so distressing a situation; the Cæsar passed to close with the ship engaged by the Superb, but by the cool and determined fire kept upon her, which must ever reflect the highest credit on that ship, the enemy’s ship was completely silenced, and soon after hauled down her colours.

“The Venerable and Spencer having at this time come up, I bore up after the enemy, who were carrying a press of sail, standing out of the straits, and lost sight of them during the night. It blew excessively hard until daylight; and in the morning the only ships in company were the Venerable and Thames, ahead of the Cæsar, and one of the French ships at some distance from them, standing towards the shoal of Conil, besides the Spencer astern, coming up.

“All the ships immediately made sail, with a fresh breeze; but as we approached, the wind suddenly failing, the Venerable was alone able to bring her into action, which Captain Hood did in the most gallant manner, and had nearly silenced the French ship when his mainmast (which had been before wounded) was unfortunately shot away, and it coming nearly calm, the enemy’s ship was enabled to get off, without any possibility of following her.

“The highest praise is due to Captain Hood, the officers, and men of the Venerable, for their spirit and gallantry in the action, which entitled them to better success. The French ship was an eighty-four, with additional guns on the gunwale.

“This action was so near the shore that the Venerable struck on one of the shoals, but was soon after got off, and taken in tow by the Thames, but with the loss of her masts. The enemy’s ships are now in sight, to the westward, standing in for Cadiz. The Superb and Audacious, with the captured ship, are also in sight, with the Carlotta, Portuguese frigate, commanded by Captain Crawford Duncan, who very handsomely came out with the squadron, and has been of the greatest assistance to Captain Keats, in staying by the enemy’s ship, captured by the Superb.

“I am proceeding with the squadron for Rosier bay, and shall proceed the moment the ships are refitted, to resume my station. No praises that I can bestow are adequate to the merits of the officers and ships’ companies of all the squadron; particularly for their unremitted exertions in refitting the ships at Gibraltar, to which, in a great degree, is to be ascribed the success of the squadron against the enemy.

“Although the Spencer and Audacious had not the good fortune to partake of this action, I have no doubt of their exertions, had they come up in time, to close with the enemy’s ships. My thanks are also due to Captain Holles, of the Thames, and to the Honourable Captain Dundas, of the Calpe, whose assistance was particularly useful to Captain Keats, in securing the enemy’s ship, and enabling the Superb to stand after the squadron, in case of being able to renew the action.

I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

“J. SAUMAREZ.

“Evan Nepean, Esq.”

The following circumstances not being mentioned in the official dispatch are taken from Captain Brenton’s notes. “At eight o’clock the Venerable made the signal for being on a shoal, and her foremast was seen to go over her side. Sir James ordered me to proceed to her in my gig; and to give directions to Captain Hood, not to run any risk of losing his men, but to abandon the ship, and burn her if necessary; as the whole remaining ships of the enemy were approaching from the westward, whilst the Superb, Spencer, and Audacious were still at a considerable distance to the southward. The Thames frigate was at the same time ordered to close with the Venerable, to be in readiness to receive her men. As I approached, her mizen mast fell, and she was still striking hard upon the shoal, completely dismasted. On reaching the quarter deck, I found Captain Hood sitting upon a gun, surrounded by his little midshipmen, who were looking earnestly at the gallant Captain, with a view of ascertaining how he would act in the extremity in which he was placed. Having heard my message, he said, ‘I hope the Venerable is not so far gone yet, but we may save her; but tell the Admiral to let the Thames stay by me, and I will take care she does not get into the enemy’s hands.’ The Venerable was got off by the great exertions of Captain Hood.”

Captain Brenton again speaks for himself, he says, “The Admiral informed me that it was his intention to commit the dispatches of this glorious victory to my charge, to be conveyed to England, and directed me to prepare for my immediate departure; but I was impressed with a very strong expectation, that the struggle was not yet over, but that Gantheaume might be hourly expected through the straits, and consequently that another action might ensue. I therefore resisted the temptation, which this most flattering mission held out to me, and requested that I might be permitted to remain in charge of my ship. The Admiral in consequence sent home his flag lieutenant with the account of the action, and the squadron proceeded to Gibraltar to repair their damages, and to be again in readiness for an action which few doubted would take place.” The whole merit, and self denial, and patriotism of this decision, can only be made evident when the fact is stated, that the object of Captain Brenton’s early and constant affections, was at this precise time expected in England with her brother. It is a singular circumstance that the first news Miss Stewart heard upon her arrival in England related to the battles of Algesiras.

Captain Brenton’s memoirs referring to this period, continues to be full of interesting details. “The rock of Gibraltar had as picturesque an appearance on the return of the little squadron, as it shewed on the day of their departure. Every battery, or pinnacle of rock, which overhung the bay, was crowded with spectators, all cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs. The acclamations mingled with a royal salute from the batteries (congratulatory to majesty) re-echoed over the bay, and the Admiral’s landing was most triumphant. He was received, as was most justly his due, in the most distinguished, I may add, the most affectionate manner. All who had witnessed his gallantry and devoted conduct in the preceding week, and felt for his misfortune, now sincerely rejoiced in the change. They considered that defeat had never existed; but that the action began on the 6th, and had been kept up, with inexhaustible energy through the week, terminating on the 13th with complete success. The ships were soon refitted, as none but the Venerable had received much damage.

“On visiting the hospital on my tour of duty a few days after the battle, I observed a poor fellow, belonging to the Audacious, who had lost both his arms, above the elbow. He was quite cheerful, and evidently rapidly recovering. I asked what were his wishes for the future; whether to be sent to Greenwich Hospital, or to have a pension for life, in the place of his nativity. He replied, ‘I hope, your honour, it is not so bad with me yet; I know the cook of the ——; he has lost both his arms; but there is not a handier fellow in the fleet.’

“On the day on which the Cæsar left the Mole, as I have mentioned, for the purpose of attacking the combined squadron, and while lying to, off Europa point; a small boat was seen, with two men in white dresses, pulling off to the ship; and on coming alongside they proved to be two of the Cæsar’s crew, who had been wounded at Algesiras, and sent to the hospital. Having applied to the surgeon for permission to return on board; and being refused on account of their wounds being still under cure, they actually ran away in their hospital garb, and finding a boat on the beach, took possession, and pulled off to join their Commander.”

When a ship’s company was actuated by such a spirit, it was hardly possible to doubt of the success that would attend them; but it may be well to bear in mind, that the spirit which secured this victory was formed previous to the crisis in which it was needed, and the hour of action in which it was exhibited; and that attachment to the individuals by whom they were led, and confidence in their commanders, added this extraordinary character of vigor to the natural energy and courage of the men.

Officers who would wish to have around them, in the day of action, or in the hour of great exertions, a crew like that of the Cæsar, must be known among their people as Sir James De Saumarez and Captain Brenton were; must secure affection by shewing it, and by kindness and attention must win the hearts of those who are to be the means of their success, or the instruments of their preservation.

In the latter end of August Sir James Saumarez resumed the blockade of Cadiz, but was soon after superseded in his command by Vice Admiral Sir Charles Pole, to whom he became second in command. Thus he remained until the news arrived of the definitive treaty of peace having been signed; when Sir Charles returned to England; and the squadron again under Sir James Saumarez took up their anchorage for the winter at Gibraltar. They had frequent intercourse with the Spaniards at this time, and Captain Brenton took an early opportunity of enquiring after his gallant antagonist, Captain Suadeville, who commanded the gun boats in their attack upon the Speedy, in November, 1799, which, if his conduct had been as faithfully supported by others as it shewed enterprize on his part, might have been attended with other results. The Governor sent for him, and a cordial meeting was the consequence.

CHAPTER V.

RETURNS TO ENGLAND.—RECOLLECTIONS OF THE CÆSAR AND THE CHAPLAIN.—MARRIED TO MISS STEWART.—REFLECTIONS ON THIS EVENT, MADE AFTER HER DEATH.—HOSTILITIES RECOMMENCED IN 1801, AND APPOINTED TO THE COMMAND OF THE MINERVE.—DANGEROUS ACCIDENT AND INJURY DURING THE FITTING OUT THE FRIGATE.—SAILS FOR THE COAST OF FRANCE.—THE SHIP STRIKES OFF CHERBOURG, AND AFTER A GALLANT DEFENCE IS SURRENDERED, JULY 3.

Early in February Captain Brenton received an account of his father’s death; and as peace had now taken place, he was urged to return to England at the earliest opportunity. This, however, was a measure which he could not reconcile himself to, until the definitive treaty had been signed, or a general recall of the squadron had taken place. In the beginning of March, orders arrived from England that a part of the squadron, left under the command of Sir James Saumarez, should be sent immediately to the West Indies, to watch the motions of a detachment of French ships of the line, about to proceed to that part of the world, with the expressed intention of recovering the island of St. Domingo from the empire of the blacks. But under such a ruler as Buonaparte, the French were not to be trusted with a very large force, in the immediate vicinity of some of our richest possessions.

On the first arrival of the news of the preliminary treaty being signed, the crews of the squadron off Cadiz testified the most extraordinary manifestations of joy and delight. They flew to the rigging and cheered loudly; many of them actually throwing their hats up in the air, to the almost certainty of losing them, and even kicking their shoes overboard: this was particularly the case in the St. George.

But when the order was given out for the detachment to proceed from Gibraltar to the West Indies, a general murmur of disappointment and discontent was heard throughout the ships selected; and the crews of some actually refused to weigh the anchor. The Admiral with his Captain went on board these ships; and it was only by his authority, backed by the steadiness of the faithful marines, that the men could be induced to return to their duty. Captain Brenton says, “This ill humour shewed itself in other ships, and the cables were hove in with a very snail-like movement, until all at once a French squadron of several sail of the line appeared off Europa point under a crowd of sail, on their way from Toulon to St. Domingo. No arguments were then needed. The capstans flew round like lightning; all was alacrity and energy, and the British sailor was himself again. Every ship was under weigh, and every sail spread, before the French could get far off; and they proceeded in company to the West Indies. There are fine traits in the character of the true British seamen. They never fail in the time of need. Give them your confidence, and depend upon them. Steadiness and consistency of discipline will always control them. Irritated as they had been by the severity of their disappointment, they now saw that there was a reason sufficient for it, and obeyed with alacrity; and I have no doubt they secretly regretted the pain they had given the Admiral, for want of knowing what, he could not, consistently with his duty, communicate to them.”

In the middle of March, definitive arrangements having been made for the reduction of the squadron, Captain Brenton, anxious to return to England, requested Sir James Saumarez to permit him to exchange with Captain Downman into the Santa Dorothea frigate, then under orders for England. The Admiral having consented, the Captain quitted the Cæsar, but not without great regret, from having enjoyed so much happiness in her, and seen so much brilliant service under his warm friend, his kind-hearted and gallant Admiral.

“Perhaps no ship in the British navy had ever enjoyed more comfort and harmony than the Cæsar; and much of this was undoubtedly owing to the conduct of the Chaplain, the Reverend Evan Holiday, who was indefatigable in every part of his duty. And as it is important to shew, how far benefit may arise to a ship’s company from the Chaplain’s influence, independent of the weekly instruction, to which he is bound by the articles of war on the Sabbath, it may not be amiss to describe Mr. H.’s system. In the first place his conduct was so correct, and so accordant with his sacred functions, in his intercourse with his messmates, that the same guarded and decorous manners, were preserved by them, whilst he was present in the ward-room, as though a lady had been present; and that alone was a great point where so many young and high-spirited men were collected together, in all the thoughtlessness and buoyancy of early life; whilst at the same time he never assumed authority, or discouraged innocent mirth; and on the contrary, was upon the kindest and most intimate terms with all. His public duties were most carefully and religiously performed. It was thought, and perhaps correctly, that his preaching was too exclusively moral; but it was according to the light he had acquired; and was most conscienciously given, as the best instruction he had to impart. His sermons were generally, it might almost be said always, applicable to existing circumstances, and had reference to some event, or some person, which it seemed expedient to advert to. He was most successful also in preventing the infliction of punishment, as well as in preventing the crimes which called for it. No sooner was a man put into the master at arms list as a culprit, than Mr. H. was in communication with him; got at his character, his motives, and the circumstances which had led him to commit the fault. It thus often happened, that he found out such favourable points, as enabled him to recommend the culprit to mercy, and to induce the Captain to pardon him, on such recommendation coming from such a quarter; when otherwise he could not have done it without wounding the feelings of the officer, who had made the complaint; and doing injury to the discipline of the ship. One very remarkable instance of the success of this benevolent exercise of his duty may be named as an exhibition of his general practice. One of the seamen of the Cæsar, who had been on shore on liberty at Gibraltar, was brought off under a military guard, charged with robbing his messmate in the guard house, whilst lying asleep there in the course of the preceding night. Captain Brenton knowing the man accused, to be one of the most correct characters in the ship, as well as one of the best seamen, was greatly surprised at the charge; and expressed his astonishment to the man himself, that he, of all others, should be so inculpated. The man strenuously denied being guilty, but the evidence against him was so clear and so consistent that it was not possible to disregard it. Addressing the prisoner therefore he said, “Lewis, I cannot think you guilty, nor will I take it upon my own responsibility to act upon so awful an occasion: think well upon what has passed, for if you adhere to the protestation of your innocence, I must write for a court martial to be held upon you.” The accused replied, in the most respectful manner, “Sir, I never can acknowledge being guilty of a crime, of which you may well suppose me incapable; but as I have no witness to bring forward in my own behalf, and that of the soldiers is so strong, and so positive against me, I fear I must be condemned by a court martial; and therefore I request you will cause me to be punished on board my own ship; as I feel convinced my punishment will then be less severe, than what would be awarded by a court martial.” The Captain replied, that he would never take upon himself the risk of punishing an innocent man, and again urged his confession of guilt; and then consigning him to an arrest wrote the letter; and before presenting it to the Admiral, shewed it to the accused, who however persisted in maintaining the charge to be false. The chaplain who had attended this examination, requested to speak to the captain in private; when he said, “Sir, there is something so very extraordinary in this affair, particularly as it involves such a man as Lewis, that I take the liberty of requesting that you will withhold the letter for the court martial, until I can investigate the affair; and if you will allow me, I will immediately go on shore for the purpose.” He accordingly went, and came off the following day in triumph, having detected a most abominable combination, amongst some of the soldiers of the guard, by whom the charge had been fabricated, and who had themselves robbed the sleeping sailor. This was clearly proved to the entire satisfaction of the officers of the regiment. The real culprits were punished, and poor Lewis resumed the high character he had formerly borne, to the great joy of every one in the ship, and to none more than to Mr. Holiday. Much has a really religious active minded chaplain in his power.”

The Editor cannot but be reminded at this period in the memoir, of frequent conversations which passed on the subject; and of the manner in which the effects of Mr. Holiday’s ministrations were appreciated by the captain of the Cæsar. It appeared as if the Chaplain in that ship exercised a kind of moral influence, which formed by itself no inefficient system of discipline; and certainly gave to the real and proper discipline a correctness and precision which can be seldom attained. The moral character of each delinquent was known, the degree in which it might be safe to remit punishment was understood beforehand; and it was seldom allowed to fall where any nobler principles existed, on which it might be possible to work through other means. The benefit of the system pursued was still more distinctly seen when the state of things was altered. Mr. Holiday was succeeded by a man of a different character, by one, who satisfied himself with the performance of duties which were absolutely required, and aimed at nothing more. The change was soon perceptible in the way in which discipline was maintained; and both officers and crew felt the difference arising from the new chaplain’s conduct. Hints were given, advice was tendered, but nothing produced any effect; and the Chaplain contented with the formal discharge of his Sunday’s duties, took no interest in the moral condition of the men, and as he knew nothing about their state, was never able to advocate their cause effectually or to befriend them.

On his leaving the ship, Captain Brenton entered into a long and faithful exposition of the deficiencies in his conduct, and pointed out the consequences which had ensued from the negligent mode in which he had fulfilled his office. He stated to him again the course that had been pursued by Mr. Holiday; and added his conviction, that three-fourths of the punishments inflicted during the term of his chaplainship might have been avoided, had the same paternal practice been maintained.

In the month of March Captain Brenton exchanged with Captain Downman into the Santa Dorothea, and proceeded in that ship to England. The definitive treaty having been signed, she was paid off upon her arrival, and Captain Brenton was soon after married to the object of his early and constant affections, Miss Isabella Stewart, daughter of Anthony Stewart, Esq. of Maryland in Virginia, and sister to the Solicitor-General of Nova Scotia, who, with his family was at this time in England. Of the happiness of this union, the pen of the bereaved husband has left the most affectionate testimony in the records which have been before mentioned, and which he began to arrange after the death of his wife, which took place in the year 1817.

It may perhaps be permitted to the Editor to mention here the occasion which led to the commencement of these records, as it is from them the principal materials of the present memoir has been drawn. Sir Jahleel Brenton had found amongst the papers of his departed wife, notes and memoranda written on particular occasions, which he felt a melancholy pleasure in transcribing for the benefit of his surviving children. Death had deprived him, by a most sudden and unexpected stroke of his eldest son, within a very short time of the death of his wife. Neither mother nor son were permitted to mourn for each other; and the sorrowing widower and father was comforted by this thought, as will appear from many of his reflections at the time. In alluding to the memoranda and papers he had been copying, he says, “The employment of transcribing and collecting them into one series, is to me, not only a source of comfort and consolation, but of happiness. It appears to prolong to me the blessing of her dear society; and I humbly trust it will excite me to follow her delightful example; and to offer up my most sincere and fervent gratitude for all the blessings which have been so bountifully bestowed upon me in this world; above all, for that greatest of earthly blessings, a virtuous and affectionate wife, who was not only a source of happiness to me, whilst I was permitted to possess her; but whose bright example, and endearing counsels, have been, by the mercy of God, instrumental in enabling me to elevate my soul to that blessed hope of eternal life, which He has given us in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; the sum of all blessings and of all mercies. It is now a source of indescribable comfort to me, that I have never been insensible of her value; nor have I neglected for many years, night and morning, to offer up my sincere thanks to Almighty God, for having blessed me with such a companion.

“When I first began to arrange these dear affecting notes, my intention was only to copy them, according to their dates, and without comment, leaving intervals between them, for such further fragments as I might have the happiness of finding. This I accordingly did; but after searching every place for papers, very few were to be found, so few indeed as to occupy a very small portion of the space which had been reserved for them. I then thought of filling up these spaces from recollection, with a relation of such circumstances in our eventful lives, as must be inexpressibly dear to our beloved children, when both their parents shall have long quitted this stage; and how many a proof of recorded love instantly suggests itself to my remembrance. I only regret that this idea did not sooner occur to me, that I might have begun at the very earliest period of our acquaintance. This I may yet be enabled to do, should I be spared long enough. I shall, however, in the first place, endeavour to fulfil my original intention of merely connecting the dear journals; and of thus shewing you, my dear children, how sincere, how tender, how increasing was the affection, which united your parents; how earnestly they had devoted themselves to the happiness and welfare of those, for whom all their solicitude was excited, both as to their temporal and eternal welfare.

“I know that it had been, for many years previous to our marriage, the practice of my beloved Isabella, to commit from time to time her reflections to writing; but I have not been able to discover any of an earlier date than that which begins this collection. You will, I am certain, my darling children, be deeply impressed with the strain of fervent gratitude, and humble trust in a continuance of the goodness of God, which pervades it. It will I hope elevate your hearts to those principles also, from which your inestimable mother derived her comfort and support in all her trials.”

Towards the conclusion of these records we find the original intention carried out. In the sketch of his first acquaintance with Miss Stewart, he says, “In reviewing the events of my past life, I have long felt a deep sense, and I hope a sincere gratitude, for the innumerable blessings, which a most kind, bounteous, and merciful Creator has so constantly showered down upon me; but there is none in this countless catalogue, which appears to call so loudly for every effort by which I can shew the sense of them, as the inestimable treasure which he graciously vouchsafed to me in my beloved wife.

“The parents of your inestimable mother had long been settled in America, and she was born at Annapolis in Maryland, the 22nd of February, 1771, (on which day I was exactly six months old, being born the 22nd of August, 1770). There was a considerable analogy in the fortunes of our early days; her father as well as mine having lost the greater part of his property in the American war, in consequence of his attachment and loyalty to his sovereign, and being obliged to take refuge under the protection of the British arms. Mr. Stewart went with a part of his family to Nova Scotia. He had then recently lost a most amiable and affectionate wife; one, whom your angelic mother was thought greatly to resemble in person and mind. She accompanied her father, and was indeed the solace of his sufferings (he had for some time been deprived of the use of one side by a paralytic stroke). At the same time she was the delight of all who knew her, from the peculiar sweetness of her disposition, and the animated expression of her countenance; which though by no means composed of what the world considers fine features, had in it ‘something than beauty dearer,’ indeed it was indescribably so.

“In the year 1787 I embarked on board the Dido as a midshipman; and early in the following year went out in her to Halifax; an event that I shall ever consider the most providential in my life, as it has had so strong and so material an influence upon every succeeding part of it. I then became acquainted with your inestimable mother. She had just completed her seventeenth year, and I was still in my eighteenth. I felt from the first day of our meeting a delight in her society, and a wish to be in the constant enjoyment of it, to a degree which was quite unusual with me. Our situations in life were too distant from each other for me to form any hope of gaining her affections. Young women take their place in society, so early in life, in comparison with what is customary with the other sex, that I saw her placed in a situation far above mine. She was already in the best society the place could afford; whilst I was beginning the world, in the humble though honourable station of a midshipman. She might have been justified in looking forward to an alliance with the highest individual in the colony; whilst I had still a long servitude to perform, and a very remote prospect of ever being able to gain that rank in my profession, which could authorize me to look up to the possession of her; even were it possible for me to gain an interest in her heart. That I did love her is most certain; but (I thought) it was a love arising from gratitude. I was naturally shy and diffident in society. She seemed to pity me, and to endeavour by every act of kind attention to give me comfort, and to promote my happiness. That I did frequently indulge visionary schemes of future felicity, in which she always occupied the front ground, is very true; but they were views which I thought it impossible ever to be realized. She was however, even at that early period, constantly associated with every prospect that presented itself, as I looked forward to success in my profession; and so powerful was the attraction which her sweetness of disposition, and engaging kindness had over me, that although in the midst of kind relations, I sought her house in preference to all others, and passed every hour I could get on shore, either there, or where I knew she was to be found. In the course of the next year, we were separated by my going to Quebec with my ship; and on my return to Halifax in the autumn I found, to my great disappointment, that Mr. Stewart had taken his family back to Maryland. This prevented my feeling any regret from my father’s recalling me from the station; which he did shortly after, in order to have me in a ship where I could be rated midshipman; no vacancy having occurred in the Dido. I carried home with me a sincere, a tender, and an indelible recollection of the happiness I had enjoyed in the society of my inestimable friend; an impression that no future event, changes, or circumstances could ever efface or weaken; although for many years I dared not indulge a hope of her ever becoming mine. Indeed I considered it almost impossible, that with such a mind as she possessed—so cherished as she was by all, who had the happiness of knowing her, that she could long remain single; and when I had attained to manhood, and had established in my mind the firm conviction, that this beloved and amiable creature was of all others the most likely to ensure my happiness; I did not allow myself to make an effort to obtain her affections, lest I might never have it in my power to place her in such a situation as might be worthy of her; and lest it might prevent her acceptance of the offer of some person more capable of making her happy, than myself.

“During the course of eleven years from this period of our separation, in all the varieties of service, situation, and society, in which I was placed, these sentiments never quitted me. It was not until I rose to the rank of Commander, that I thought myself justified in looking to her, as the object of my ambition. I had, during the course of this time, in a correspondence with my dear cousin, made our mutual friend the subject of the greater part of our letters; but with little hope or prospect that my wishes could ever be realized. My beloved Isabella however became acquainted, by means of these, with the steadiness of my attachment to her; and it produced, as may be imagined, a reciprocal affection.

“After having been more than a year in the command of the Speedy, and during that period having had the happiness to obtain, in several instances, the approbation of my Commander in chief, my prospects in the navy seemed so flattering, that although I had not been successful in a pecuniary point of view, I felt myself justified in endeavouring to excite an interest in the affections of her, who had so long possessed mine; and wrote to her accordingly. But after writing the letter, in order firmly to establish in my own mind, that I was acting from the deliberate conviction that I was in search of real happiness; that I was not carried away by such visionary schemes of felicity, as too often haunt the imagination of those, who from the nature of their profession, are debarred from general society; I kept the letter by me. I had given my father a promise that I would never marry until I had attained the rank of Post Captain, when I knew I should have his perfect consent and approbation with regard to the object I had in view. I was therefore resolved not to take so important a step, until I should feel perfectly justified in doing so. I frequently read over the letter, and found that my sentiments, instead of experiencing the slightest or the most momentary change, were daily strengthened; that no alteration was made either by increase of rank, which I soon after met with; by professional success, which was the cause of it; or by my more intimate acquaintance with the higher classes of society, to which, through the friendship and kindness of my excellent friend and patron, Lord St. Vincent, I was soon after introduced. On the contrary, the rank and honours acquired an additional value from the hope that they would be acceptable to my beloved Isabella; whilst her sweetness of disposition, and consistency of character, constantly rose in my estimation, by contrasting them with what I met with; however superior many of her sex might have been in beauty of person, and in the advantages of rank and fortune.

“Upon my arrival in England, in September, 1800, having been made Post in the preceding month of February; I dispatched the letter; and remained in anxious expectation of the result for some weeks. At length the answer arrived; and delightful as the contents were to me, in assuring me that I had long been the object of her affections, the ideas of happiness which it excited in my mind, were not to be compared to the real felicity which I subsequently enjoyed, during the whole course of our union. At length, after a separation of fourteen years, I met your beloved mother, and found her all that my most sanguine imagination had painted.”

It is hardly necessary for the Editor to dwell on the exquisite delicacy and self command exhibited in this touching and simple narrative of an affection as romantic as it is reasonable. He would merely say, that if ever the intrusion on private memorials is justifiable, it is when features of character such as these, so peculiar and yet so beautiful, are to be brought to light. In other cases, where the gratification of curiosity is the chief end to be answered, doubts may be felt whether the advantage gained is any compensation for the breach of confidence that has been committed. But in this, it seems due to the subject of the memoir to shew to the world what was not seen by the world; and to exhibit the real value of his services by stating the sacrifices they cost him. It is also due to those who may be benefited by his example, to let them see the power which may be given to principle, when principle is founded on religion; and the degree in which the tenderness of affection may be combined with firmness, when the whole mind is brought under the influence of the gospel.

The following extract from the pen of Mrs. Brenton, seems important as illustrative of the domestic character of the husband, as well as the wife. It is dated, Greenwich, January 1st, 1801. “To Thee, Almighty God, I return my most hearty and humble thanks, for the blessings I have, through Thy divine mercy, been permitted to enjoy during the past year, and also for the prospect of happiness on my entrance into the coming one. Grant, I beseech Thee, that I may so conduct myself as to merit a continuance of Thy goodness; and that as a wife and mother I may render myself worthy of Thy protection; and in the performance of my duty as a Christian, become more deserving of Thy divine favour, through the mediation of our blessed Saviour, Jesus Christ.”

The above prayer is inserted, not as being a model of what prayer should be, for in that respect the discernment of a religious mind will see its deficiency; but rather because it is considered valuable as exhibiting the mild, gentle, and affectionate spirit from which it proceeded, and as filling up the portraiture of her character. At the same time, and to reply at once to similar remarks, the Editor would beg leave to say, that if this prayer seems incorrect in expression, or in any sense to ask amiss; it must not be forgotten that there are seasons and cases when the heart anticipates the head, and when the warmth of feeling and simple piety supply what is wanting in theological knowledge. At this period of their lives, neither the subject of this memoir, nor his partner, saw things as they saw them afterwards; but they were faithful to the light they had, and they walked according to it; and though that light was as yet but dim, it was sufficient to guide those into the way of truth who were willing to be led. Thus proceeding, they saw more, they knew more, as they went forward. Truth was revealed, in proportion as they advanced; and in them both we may believe that the promise was verified which says, “The path of the righteous is as the shining light, which shineth more and more until the perfect day.”

To the wife’s memoranda the husband subsequently added; “This first year, or rather part of it, had indeed been a period of happiness to us. In the early part of April I returned from the Mediterranean. On the 14th I saw my inestimable Isabella, after a separation of thirteen years. And on the 19th our union took place; in which I received the utmost reward to which I had ever allowed myself to look forward—one that amply recompensed me for all my exertions, or rather which appeared a blessing bestowed upon me by my bountiful Creator, far beyond what I could have dared to hope for. We enjoyed at Bath a few months of such happiness as seldom falls to the lot of human nature; but I felt it my duty to follow up my profession, and in the pursuance of that object we quitted our happy home.”

In the autumn of 1800 the political horizon beginning to wear a lowering aspect, Captain Brenton had solicited employment, and had obtained the command of the Minerve, of thirty-eight guns; which at the date of the previous extracts, he was fitting out at Greenwich. On the 19th of January, 1801, he became a father, and gave to his first born son, whose subsequent death has already been mentioned, the name he so justly loved and respected of the Earl of St. Vincent, John Jervis.

In the month of March he sailed for Spithead, where he arrived on the very day that orders were given to prepare for war; and on that same day he met with a serious accident, by a block falling on his head, which occasioned a severe wound, and a concussion of the brain. Of this event, the following record has been found from the pen of Captain Brenton, written a few days after this period; when his wife had mentioned the christening of his son. “The ship being ready for sea, I was obliged to leave my beloved Isabella and her darling infant, in order to proceed to Portsmouth, to fit for foreign service. She was to join me there as soon as she should be able to travel. The weather was extremely severe; a succession of gales rendered our passage a very long one. It was the 12th of March before I reached Spithead; and on that day a severe trial befel my inestimable wife, by a wound which I received on the head, by a block falling on me. The accident was considered so serious as to be reported to the Admiralty by telegraph; and a Captain was immediately appointed to act for me; the ship being required on the coast of Holland, in consequence of an armament taking place in that quarter. To prevent any alarming reports reaching my beloved Isabella, I sent off a midshipman to give her an account of what had happened. Her feelings received a severe shock, but her resolution was soon formed, and in a few hours she was with me at Portsmouth,—my tender nurse—my inestimable companion—and this she continued to be during the whole course of her invaluable life; the soother of all my cares and sufferings; making adversity itself a period marked by bright gleams of happiness. With her dear society, and that of her sweet infant, my mind was soon at rest. The wound though severe, and apparently dangerous, was soon in a favourable state; and every serious symptom vanished, through the kind and protecting care of divine providence.

“When I saw the Minerve get under weigh, it occurred to me that I should derive great benefit, as well as happiness, by proceeding by easy stages to Bath, and remaining quietly in my own house, until sufficiently recovered to rejoin my ship. I had no sooner suggested the idea than my darling Bella’s eyes sparkled with delight. That home had indeed been an abode of real felicity to us; but which she had consented to quit from the noblest principles, that of accompanying me to any part of the world, to which my professional duties should lead me. She now enjoyed the pleasing prospect of our remaining there for some time. All the comforts of our home were doubly appreciated in her estimation, as they would so materially contribute to my welfare; and immediate preparations were made for our journey. Our sweet infant was by no means well, and his beloved mother seriously ill, before we reached Southampton; but a great and merciful God spared and protected us. We reached Bath on the third day, all in a state of convalescence. The tranquility I enjoyed in my happy home soon restored me to apparent health; my wound healed, and I thought myself perfectly recovered.

“My ship was on the coast of Holland, one of a squadron under Admiral Thornborough, watching an armament fitting out in the Texel and Scheldt. War was considered to be inevitable, and I became restless, and impatient to rejoin the Minerve. My inestimable friend saw the state of my mind; and though deeply suffering from anxiety on account of my health, added to the painful idea of separation, she piously acquiesced in the necessity, and resigned herself and all dear to her to the will of heaven.

“I joined my ship on the coast of Holland, but I was soon convinced that I was not fit for active service. I told the Admiral of my wish to go on shore again. He kindly sent my ship in with me, and another captain was appointed to act for me. I proceeded to London to consult Sir Walter Farquhar; who, considering the wound to have occasioned a severe concussion of the brain, recommended the utmost tranquility of body and mind. Could I have remained undisturbed with the idea of approaching hostilities, I had at Bath every requisite for the most perfect happiness.

“I reached Bath on the 13th of May: and on the 18th hostilities began with France, my own ship having on that day made many captures in the channel. It is needless to describe the state of my mind. It was by no means such as to promise much benefit from remaining on shore. Applications were also making for my ship, under the impression I should not be able to join her. I immediately formed my resolution to return to her; the exhilarating prospects of my profession bore me up.”

Captain Brenton preferred the certainty of suffering to the anxiety attached to retirement, and again resumed the command of the Minerve, employed in the blockade of Cherbourg; where several of the French flotilla had been collected, and were watching an opportunity to proceed to Boulogne. On the first of July a detachment succeeded in getting into Barfleur, at an early hour in the morning, although chased by the Topaze and Minerve. In order to prevent the escape of any more, Captain Brenton determined to keep as near Cherbourg as possible. During the afternoon of the second a thick fog obscured the harbour, but by standing in under little sail, he succeeded in getting sight of what both the pilot and himself supposed to be the Isle Pelée, at the eastern extremity of the harbour, distant about a mile. The ship was then wore to stand off under easy sail for a short time. She had scarcely come to the wind, when a number of small vessels were discovered under the land, supposed to be the flotilla; and the Minerve again wore immediately to pursue them. A cast of the lead having been obtained, the pilot declared that the ship might run into the centre of the flotilla without danger, which was instantly done; and when in the moment of bringing the guns to bear upon them, she grounded upon a shoal, and the tide ebbing fast, left no hopes of her being extricated until its return. In less than half an hour the fog dispersed, and the moon shewed them the perilous situation in which they were placed. What they had imagined to be Isle Pelée was Fort de la Liberté, at the western side of the harbour. The shoal upon which the Minerve had grounded was no other than one of the cones by which the port was formed; and the supposed flotilla, the small vessels employed in carrying stones to those works. At the same time a heavy fire was opened from Fort de la Liberté, and Isle Pelée, as well as from two intermediate small batteries, and two gun brigs lying in the harbour.

Such a situation demanded the utmost energy from every one, and certainly more could not have been shewn than was exhibited. The boats were immediately hoisted out, and Mr. Walpole,[2] the third lieutenant, was directed to proceed in the first that reached the water, to endeavour to cut out from the interior of the harbour some vessel large enough to carry out a bower anchor. As Captain Brenton foresaw that he should require the launch, with her carronade to operate a diversion upon the gun brigs; the barge was to have been sent to the assistance of Lieutenant Walpole; but this gallant young officer pushed forward, without waiting for reinforcements, and boarding a lugger under the batteries, towed her out with his single boat, under a tremendous fire of great guns, and musketry, alongside the ship. She was laden with stores to the water’s edge, consequently was incapable of bearing any addition to her burden. A new difficulty here occurred; to discharge her alongside was to increase the shoal; it was therefore necessary to veer her astern to the extent of a hawser, and to throw her cargo overboard, before she could be of any service. The fire from the batteries was very galling, and the ship began to suffer severely under it, both in her crew, and her rigging, and hull. The launch was sent with the second lieutenant, Mr. Fitzgerald, to call off the attention of the gun brigs, and had the desired effect of slackening their fire upon the ship. At midnight the lugger was hauled under the bows to receive the anchor, but was repeatedly hulled by shot, so as to render it necessary for carpenters to be continually repairing her. Whilst this tedious and laborious operation was being performed the anchor was at last placed in her, but the hawser from the kedge, which had been laid out for the purpose of warping the lugger, being shot away, it became necessary to employ the boats in towing her, a circumstance Captain Brenton would gladly have avoided, as it exposed the boats’ crews, and took too many people from the ship. The line of boats soon attracted the notice, and consequently the fire of the batteries, and gun brigs, which now became tremendous; but every discharge was answered by the most animated cheers from the boats’ crews, who gallantly succeeded in placing the anchor in its destined direction.

Every exertion was in the mean time made on board to lighten the ship abaft; as her stern hung upon a broken part of the cone, and there were six fathoms under her bows. The guns, useless under such circumstances, were all got under the forecastle, and every other weight from abaft; the two forecastle guns alone being employed against the gun brigs. At two o’clock the situation of the Minerve was so hopeless, from the wind having died away entirely, and some rise having taken place in the tide, that Captain Brenton had it in contemplation to burn the ship, taking the crew away with the assistance of the lugger and the boats. For this purpose the lugger was brought alongside; the wounded ordered to be placed in her, and every preparation made to set fire to the ship, when all other resources should fail. The capstan was however manned, and they continued heaving as the tide rose.

The day broke at three o’clock, and the batteries increased their fire with surer aim, whilst the gun brigs, finding themselves within range of grape shot, annoyed the ship exceedingly. Many of the people at the capstan were killed or wounded, but their places were immediately supplied; and the men encouraged by their officers continued the most persevering efforts. At half past four the ship floated; the cable was cut, and such sail as could be made, trimmed amidst the cheers of the ship’s company, who now considered their danger and labours at an end. The wind however again failed them, and the ship was set by the last drain of the tide upon another part of a broken cone, where she lay with only two fathoms and a quarter under her main chains. The lugger, upon which the crew depended for their escape was dismasted, and in a sinking state; (the wounded had been returned to the cockpit, as the hopes of getting the ship off had increased); she was also cut adrift, as was the launch by the enemy’s shot; no boat remained, capable of carrying out an anchor; and deprived of every hope of saving the ship; Captain Brenton to prevent the further effusion of blood, at half-past five A.M. surrendered her to the enemy, after a most anxious struggle of nine hours.

The Minerve had eleven killed and sixteen wounded. The prisoners were landed at Cherbourg, to await orders from the First Consul, relative to their future disposal. These arrived in a few days, and directed them to be marched to Epinal, the capital of the department of the Vosges, a distance of nearly five hundred miles: intelligence not very welcome to the unfortunate captives, as they had flattered themselves with the hope of being soon exchanged, and kept near the coast for that purpose. Of this event Captain Brenton speaks thus, “This was one of the most trying periods of my life, but one, in which I felt, in a peculiar degree, the benefit of a reliance on Divine Providence. When fully aware of the situation in which the ship was placed shortly after her taking the ground, by the fog clearing away, and the batteries opening their fire upon us, I remember walking aft, and leaning over the taffrail, I offered a short and humble prayer to the Almighty for my beloved wife and child. The effect appeared to be instantaneous. In no period of my life do I remember to have ever been more composed than at that moment, nor did my tranquility ever forsake me during the whole of that trying night.”

The concluding particulars of the loss of the Minerve, may be here inserted as given by Captain Brenton. “At length I put the question to my officers, whether any hope remained: all answered in the negative, and recommended surrender. The painful alternative was adopted; and the colours being hauled down, shouts of triumph resounded from the shore. I then went into my cabin, and having destroyed my private signals, proceeded to collect such things as might be most immediately necessary, threw them into my cot, which, though unoccupied through the dreadful night, was hanging up in my cabin. In this I had my plate, and such of my clothes as I could the more easily get at, lashed up and given to my servant. Whilst thus occupied, the master of the French vessel, which had been taken in the preceding evening, and who had been kept below during the night, hearing that the ship had surrendered, made the best of his way to my cabin, and began to console me, ‘Songez mon brave Capitaine, que vous êtes distingué; que vous vous êtes défendu en brave homme; que vous avez seulement subis le sort de la guerre; que les Français sont de braves gens.’ At this moment the batteries renewed their fire, and the panegyrist immediately took to his heels for his place of security, crying out, ‘O les coquins, les marauds,’ and such other terms as seemed at the moment most appropriate for this attack upon a fallen enemy. I then went on deck, and standing up upon the taffrail, waved a white flag, calling out at the same time, ‘Nous, nous sommes rendus.’ The gun brigs also repeated this information, ‘Ils se sont rendus.’

“It was some time before the firing ceased, but providentially no one was hurt by it. The reason subsequently alleged for the continuance of hostilities was, that the Minerve had not lowered her sails; but had the Commandant known of how little importance this circumstance was in our situation, he would not have incurred the risk of an useless effusion of blood. Under existing circumstances, he only added to the injury already done to a ship in his possession. A boat from the senior officer of the gun brigs soon after came alongside; and after making himself very certain that the ship had indeed surrendered, received my sword, which he imagined he had gained by his own valour; and retained it, notwithstanding the less doubtful claim of the military commander. But the same idea, which this Commander of the gun brig had taken up, was adopted by Buonaparte himself; who, having received the dispatch announcing the capture of the Minerve, whilst in the theatre at Brussels, immediately arose, and said, ‘Messieurs et Dames, la guerre navale a commencée sous les plus heureuses auspices. Une superbe frégate de l’ennemi, vient de se rendre à deux de nos bâtimens cannoniers,’ not saying a word of the batteries, or the shoal.”

CHAPTER VI.

JOURNEY PROM CHERBOURG.—KINDNESS OF M. DUBOIS.—AND ARRIVAL AT EPINAL.

A circumstance occurred previous to the prisoners beginning their march, which cannot be too generally known; as it does great honour to an individual amongst our enemies, and is one of the many acts of kindness shewn by the inhabitants of France, to the prisoners passing through the country, where the general feeling was by no means so hostile to the English, as is too frequently supposed. Hostility to this country was almost entirely confined to the military in France.

The length of the journey they had to perform, rendered the prisoners very solicitous about their pecuniary concerns, particularly as no person at Cherbourg would discount their bills. Captain Brenton, in order to increase his stock, offered his watch for sale at a watchmaker’s, who would give him only five guineas for it, though the watch was made by a first rate maker, and was of gold. He consequently left the spot with some indignation. Whilst standing at the door of the Auberge a little while after, he was addressed by a person who wished to know, if he had not a watch to dispose of. Captain Brenton expecting a similar offer to the last, answered, “Yes, but you will not buy it.” The stranger replied, “That is more than you know, let me see it.” Upon examining the watch, he asked the original price of it, and being told thirty-one guineas; he said, “Were I to buy your watch, I would only give fifteen guineas; but as I only mean to take it in pledge, I will let you have twenty-five.” Captain Brenton, surprised at so novel a mode of making a bargain, said laughing, “You are an honester fellow than I took you for; give me the money, and take the watch.” The stranger’s name was M. Dubois, a merchant of L’Orient. He came back in a few minutes, saying, “Sir, I shall never forgive myself for having accepted a pledge from an officer suffering from the fortune of war. Take back the watch and give me your note of hand.” This being done with due acknowledgments on the part of Captain Brenton, M. Dubois again left him, and in a short time again returned with twenty-five louis more, saying, that he had been examining his purse, and found that he had that sum more than was necessary to carry him to L’Orient, and begging that he would accept of that also. He then deposited it on the table, destroying the former note of hand; and requesting that another might be made out to include both sums. Captain Brenton in his additional remarks on the subject of the watch, says, “Each time that M. Dubois, the kind merchant returned, he exclaimed, “Monsieur, ma conscience me pique,” striking his breast; and the last time exclaiming, “Ma conscience me pique encore.” I observed that it must be a most unreasonable conscience, not to be satisfied with what he had done; but he rejoined, “No, Sir, I ought not to have taken any security from you.” Captain Brenton adds, “I am happy to say that in the course of this war very many instances occurred of great benevolence shewn towards the British prisoners in France; and in those cases where they experienced harsh or cruel treatment, it almost always arose from military power having been obtained by men, whose only recommendation was their bravery, and who had no kind feelings to temper it; but these instances were rare.”

It seems due to this excellent man, M. Dubois, whose singular kindness and generosity alleviated the first bitternesses of captivity for the captain and crew of the Minerve, to add a letter, which proves that the act in question was not the sudden impulse of excited feeling on contemplating their unhappy lot; but that it was part of a character in which tenderness and sympathy with suffering predominated habitually.

“L’Orient, 6 Pluviose, An. 12.
27 Janvier, 1804.

“Mon Cher Ami,

A mon retour d’une petite absence, on me remit votre lettre obligeante et amicale; et Je suis empressé d’y repondre. Il seroit en vain que j’entreprendrois de vous rendre le plaisir qu’elle m’a fait. Il n’y a, que des cœurs aimants capables de s’en faire une idée.

“Je vous croyais depuis long temps échangé, et je vois avec peine qu’il n’en est rien. Combien je partage les chagrins que vous devez éprouver, de l’incertitude continuelle de votre sort, depuis votre départ de Cherbourg; c’est de mon avis la situation la plus pénible à supporter pour l’homme dont le caractère ferme et décidé, est au dessus de tous les événemens.

“Vous êtes donc encore mon bien bon ami dans l’attente de votre échange, et vous me faites entendre que vous ne la prevoyez pas prochaine. Ah! Je sens combien votre situation est cruelle; vous êtes depuis long temps éloigné de parens et amis qui vous sont chers, et à qui sans doute vous l’êtes aussi, et c’est ce qui augmente vos peines. Combien je désirerois qu’ il fut en mon pouvoir de les alléger. Mais comment? nous sommes loin l’un de l’autre. Si du moins le lieu de votre exil étoit L’Orient, aidé par mon épouse et ma petite famille, nous vous offririons les consolations de la plus tendre amitié, et si nous ne parvenions pas à dissiper entièrement vos chagrins, au moins réunis nous les partagerions. N’en doutez pas mon bien bon ami, car nous sommes sincèrement affectés de vos peines, et mon épouse (qui brule d’envie de vous connoitre, sur tout depuis votre agréable lettre) sent aussi vivement que moi, les regrets cuisants que vous éprouvez à’ être aussi long temps privé du plaisir de revoir tout ce que vous aimez chez vous. Espérons ensemble que ce moment si naturellement désiré de vous, n’est pas éloigné, et qu’au premier instant vous jouirez enfin des tendres embrassemens de tout ce qui vous est cher.

“Etes vous au moins à Verdun d’une manière agréable? Vous laisse t’on la liberté de former quelque société, qui pourrait vous distraire de vos ennuis? je le désire bien ardemment. Je ne connais personne dans cette ville, mais si vous aviez la faculté d’aller et venir dans son enceinte je ferais mes efforts pour me procurer de divers amis quelques lettres de recommendation pour vous.

“Le Mandat que vous nous aviez remis á été parfaitement acquitté depuis plus de 3 mois; ainsi point d’inquiétude de votre part à ce sujet; et quand il ne l’eut pas été aussi promptement, ce n’aurait pas été un motif d’en avoir d’avantage; vous meritez à ce sujet que je vous gronde un peu; il ne devait plus être question entre nous de nouveaux remerciemens (m’en aviez vous pas deja trop fait?) c’était un arrêté pris avant mon départ, et vous y contrevenez; que ce soit au moins pour la dernière fois, car penseriez vous mon cher ami que le plaisir étoit pour vous seul? comptez au contraire pour beaucoup celui que j’ai en faisant la connoissance d’un galant homme comme vous, et de qui, je continue à recevoir des marques d’un obligeant attachement. Ne regardez point ceci comme un froid compliment, ma plume n’est jamais que l’interpréte de mon cœur.

“Vous me faites l’offre obligeante de votre crédit pour moi, et mes amis, que le sort de la guerre rendrait malheureux en Angleterre. Je vous aime, et vous estime assez pour l’accepter avec franchise au besoin, mais toujours avec la circonspection que l’on doit au bon cœur d’un ami.

“Vous dire mon cher Capitaine avec quel plaisir je recevrai de vos nouvelles toutes les fois que vous pourrez m’en donner, ne serait rien vous apprendre de nouveau; puisque vous ne doutez surement pas de l’attachement que je vous porte: ainsi obligez moi de m’en donner le plus souvent possible, et sur tout l’avis de votre échange quand il aura lieu.

“Je crois mon cher ami n’ avoir pas besoin de vous rappeller que vous devez toujours librement et franchement disposer de moi dans toutes les occasions; faites moi le plaisir de vous en bien souvenir, et de croire de loin comme de pres, qui si les vœux que je formerai toujours pour votre bonheur sont exaucés, il ne vous restera rien a désirer.

“Il faut que je finisse mon Epitre. On ne s’ennuye pas quand on cause avec de bons amis. Il ne faut cependant pas les fatiguer, vous ne m’accuserez pas J’espére de Laconisme. Je trouverais au surplus mon excuse dans le plaisir que j’ai á m’entretenir avec vous.

“Agréez par continuation mon cher ami l’assurance des sentimens d’estime et d’attachment avec lesquels je serai toujours votre tout dévoué bon ami,

“L. DUBOIS.

“P. S. Rappeliez moi s’il vous plait au souvenir de Monsieur Fenwick et de vos autres officiers dont je me souviens toujours avec plaisir, et veuillez leur dire mille choses obligeantes de ma part; ainsi qu’au cher fier Docteur que Je salue par trois fois trois.

“Je viens aussi de recevoir une lettre de Monsieur Black, il a fidélement rempli vos intentions près de moi, et je l’en remercierai par ma prémiére.”

The seamen and marines of the Minerve began their march for Epinal on the 8th of July; and the officers on the following day. The sufferings of the former, unprotected by their officers during this long march, were extreme; assailed as they were by fatigue, hunger, and every privation. The officers upon leaving the coast were accompanied only by three gens d’armes, who treated them with every respect. They received notice of the place which should terminate the day’s march, and made parties for performing the journey without any restraint from their guards. They, at the same time, shewed themselves deserving of such confidence by the strictest compliance with the directions they had received, and the utmost regularity of conduct.

On the third day they reached St. Lo, a military arrondisement, commanded by General Dellegorgue, an officer who had served in Egypt, and who fully appreciated British valour and British honour. He treated the prisoners with the most marked attention; and indeed the hospitality evinced by the inhabitants of St. Lo was such as to merit particular notice.

Captain Brenton’s notes have left some further particulars of this march, and of the two days at St. Lo. He says, “All was now preparation for the march, which was to commence on the 8th of July. The youngsters were all animation and glow; their spirits were buoyant; and feeling convinced that their detention would be short, they had made up their minds to enjoy the events of the day, without care and without regret. They knew that their term of service would go on in the same manner as though they were at sea; and they looked forward to the time, when they might return to their profession with much to relate, and the advantage of having acquired at least some portion of the French language. Early on the ninth we left Cherbourg, and having ascended the hill, took our last farewell of the poor old Minerve, lying dismantled in the harbour. The first day’s march brought us to Valogne, a distance of fifteen miles. The weather was beautiful, as was the scenery; and we quite enjoyed the release from the confinement of the Auberge. The ship’s company had gone on the preceding day; and subsequently during the whole course of the march to our ulterior destination, the officers arrived in the evening at the place which the seamen and marines had left in the morning. On the second day we reached Carentan; and on the third came in sight of St. Lo, a beautiful little town on the slope of a hill. This place, we had been given to understand, was to be our residence, and we rejoiced to find it possessed of so many advantages.

“On entering the town I was conducted by the gens d’armes to the General, and was received by him with all the urbanity and kindness possible. He invited me to dine with him, and to bring my first lieutenant. This officer being unwell, the second took his place. We had an elegant little repast, and every possible attention shewn us. At the commencement of the dinner I observed my lieutenant to evince a slight sign of disgust. I asked the reason; and he replied, ‘They are frogs, Sir.’ The General asked what the officer said, and on being told, was much amused at the idea so prevalent among Englishmen, and especially English sailors, that much of the French diet consists of frogs. In the course of our conversation, I expressed my gratification that St. Lo should have been made the place of our confinement. The General replied, that he regretted much that there should be any disappointment, but that he had received orders for the prisoners to march on to Epinal; and that a military escort had been sent to conduct them to Caen, the capital of Calvados, the department we were then in: and that we were to proceed on our route the next day but one. On the 14th of July the prisoners were assembled, and consigned to the custody of an officer of cavalry. General Dellegorgue was present on this occasion, and when the prisoners were ready to march, he came up to me, and embraced me in the warmest manner; wishing me a speedy release from this captivity, and health, and happiness. This interview was highly amusing to the young midshipmen, who had never before witnessed such a demonstration of cordiality. One of them was heard to exclaim, ‘See, the French General kissing our skipper;’ the familiar name by which the Captain is designated when spoken of by the youngsters.

“According to the regulations of the march, the prisoners were billeted separately upon the houses of the inhabitants. Upon repairing thither to their beds at night, they found a supper prepared, and the friends of the family invited to assist in entertaining the captive guest: nor did it end here. The following day was to be one of repose, and the march was postponed until the next. A dinner and supper was provided in the same manner; and on the morning of departure, at sunrise, breakfasts were prepared; nor could these worthy people be prevailed upon to receive any indemnification for the trouble and expence they had incurred. From St. Lo the escort was strengthened by the addition of a party of cavalry, and the prisoners were marched in ranks, from which none were suffered to deviate; an inconvenience greatly felt, when compared with the indulgence they had received at first; the more so, as it confined them to the middle of the road, covered them with dust from the horses, and kept them on too quick a pace for such a march, and in so sultry a season.”

On arriving at Caen, Captain Brenton complained to the General of such restriction being imposed on officers, who had given their parole of honour. This General was the very reverse of the last; and he replied in a brutal manner, “Je me moque de votre parole d’honneur. Je ne sais pas ce que c’est, moi.” Captain Brenton replied, “I will describe it to you. It is (with a British officer) stronger than any prison you have in France.” The General threatened to take from them their parole, but he did not put his threat in execution. After leaving Caen the restrictions gradually increased, and at length the prisoners, upon arriving at Bernay, were shut up in one room, with sentinels at the door; the commander of the escort, at the same time, offering to order every accommodation the inn could afford to be brought to them; an offer which was disclaimed with disdain, unless they should be treated differently. The commanding officer of the party then shewed Captain Brenton his instructions from General ——; which were to guard his prisoners with the utmost severity and vigilance, as well on the march as in the towns where they should stop; and to grant them no indulgences on his peril. He however said he felt so strongly the injustice that had been done them, that, if Captain Brenton would be responsible for their conduct, they should enjoy the same indulgence as when they began their march. This was a condition he gladly accepted, and which was productive of all the comfort of which their situation was susceptible. The worthy man who thus promoted the comfort of the poor prisoners is now no more, and consequently is out of the reach of the resentment of his General. The remainder of their journey was performed with ease; and they reached Epinal on the 12th of August, where they found their unfortunate shipmates, who had arrived the preceding day. Some were in the hospital, and the remainder in rags, and starving from the small quantity and bad quality of their provisions. It is due to the liberality of M. M. Peregaux to observe here, that in reply to a letter from Captain Brenton, written from Pontoise, requesting them to send his drafts, and those of his officers, to England for acceptance, and when honoured to remit the amount to Epinal; that those gentlemen sent three hundred louis d’or to Captain Brenton at St. Denis, and an order for four hundred more upon Epinal; with offers of as much as they wished to draw for under Captain Brenton’s endorsement.

Some additional particulars of this journey may be given from Captain Brenton’s private notes. “Having heard of an English lady residing at Caen, I called upon her. She immediately offered me all the assistance in her power, and amongst other acts of kindness, made me a tender of her credit with a banker, which I thankfully accepted, and procured fifty louis. This was a very timely supply, as the fifty louis of M. Dubois were not expected to last long amongst so many.”

“We were just seated at dinner at St. Denis, when a gentleman from M. Peregaux was announced, who brought me three hundred louis in gold, and a letter of credit for four hundred more upon M. Doublat, at Epinal, with an assurance that any bills endorsed by me should be immediately honoured. This conduct was truly noble, and a high compliment to the British navy. No sooner was this act of liberality made known, than there was a general cheer amongst the midshipmen, and indeed amongst all hands. ‘I will walk no more,’ cried one; and ‘I will have a carriage and drive myself,’ said another. In short, each one had some scheme of future proceeding, and all were determined to be indemnified for past fatigue. On the following day every description of carriage was put in requisition, and the whole of the prisoners were provided for; but when they found that all the carriages must be kept together, and go ‘au pas,’ in order to keep with the infantry, a portion of which formed a part of the escort; the luxury of being carried ceased to have its charms; and nearly the whole body returned to marching on foot, to which they had got so much accustomed.”

Of his own feelings during this journey Captain Brenton speaks thus in his notes, “I performed nearly the whole of the march on foot, and in the heat of summer; yet I never remember to have enjoyed better health. Indeed, under all my trials, I have experienced the same mercy and goodness from Divine providence; and this has convinced me, that under all my depressions of spirits, and despondencies, from which I have so often derived unhappiness, it has been from want of exertion, and from gloomy forebodings, in which I was most culpably indulging.”

Those who best knew him, would consider this to be more the language of humility than of truth; but they must also feel convinced that it was dictated by sincere conviction, and self-abasement. Again, adverting to the period immediately following his arrival at Epinal, he writes, “From the time of our arriving here I had frequent communication with England by letters; and our hopes were constantly excited, or depressed, by the various and contradictory reports which reached us: but I had one source of comfort which never failed me—it was the contemplation of the goodness of God towards me. I often contrasted my situation at that time, trying as it was, with what it would have been, had I been united to a woman, who would not have shared in my lot, as my beloved Isabella did. Her fond affection would have prompted her to have flown to me instantly, but for the prospect of my being immediately released. What advantages of beauty, or splendour of fortune, can be put in competition with such a heart as she possessed? with what lustre did she shine in the hour of trial. It was at this time also, whilst living in peaceful retirement at Epinal, where we certainly enjoyed tranquility, and with very few exceptions experienced the greatest kindness from the French; that I began to consider more attentively the nature of the religion I professed; and I soon found that I had hitherto been a nominal Christian only. Since that period I humbly trust every succeeding year has brought some little increase in the knowledge of my duty; although I am still at an awful distance from what I ought to be. My subsequent life has however been greatly influenced by the reflections I then made. Sweet are the uses of adversity.”

He adds these remarks on his first arriving at Epinal. “The hopes of an immediate exchange having now vanished, I considered it my duty to take the most prompt measures to render our captivity as advantageous, and as little galling as possible, particularly to the young people, and to the ship’s company. My first care was to have the young people, who had been placed under my particular charge, put en pension with respectable French families; where they might have the advantage of regular hours, and be enabled to learn the language with greater facility; instead of living together, where nothing but English would have been spoken, and much of their time passed in idleness. Here they had the advantage of such masters as the place afforded. The early hours of the French families greatly contributed to the health and comfort of those intrusted to their care; whilst the very moderate terms paid for their board and lodging, as well as for their instruction, enabled them to obtain great advantages at a very low price. In fact the misfortune of having fallen into the enemy’s hand, bid fair to be of the most essential benefit to some, who had been sent to sea very little advanced in education, particularly as their time of servitude went on as well as their pay, in the same manner, as though they had actually continued afloat. The officers and myself had of course each our private lodgings in the town; but we formed a mess at the principal inn, where we had an excellent dinner and supper, with wine included, for the very small sum of fifty francs each per month, less than one shilling and sixpence sterling per day.

“At (I believe) Gondrecourt, the march having been finished early in the day, I had laid down, and had fallen asleep, when I was awakened by English cheering under the windows; and looking out to ascertain the cause of this unusual circumstance, was told that a courier from Paris to Epinal had just passed, and had given the joyful information that he was the bearer of orders for an exchange of prisoners, and that we might expect to be marched back to the coast, even before we should reach Epinal. This was so probable, that it was easily believed, and we proceeded to Epinal, in the full persuasion that our stay there would be very short. It is likely the report was well founded, for at this time the British government had offered to exchange Captain Jurieu, taken in the Franchise, for me; but it was refused by the first consul.”

Having thus seen the Captain and crew of the Minerve arrived at the end of their journey; the Editor feels that he is justified in calling the attention of his readers, to the circumstances under which the subject of this memoir was then placed.

We have seen him in the previous narrative, slowly and gradually, amidst various trials and disappointments, winning his way to that point in his profession, which a just and reasonable ambition led him to desire. We have seen him emerging out of difficulties which were likely to have overwhelmed a man who was supported by no family or private interest, and who was to rise, if he rose at all, by personal exertions. We have seen him obtaining promotion, rank, and honour, and finally in gaining the object of his early and persevering attachment, we have seen him realizing all that he had hoped for or desired. And now at the commencement of a new career, the career which to an ardent and energetic spirit like his, must have seemed the most brilliant and full of promise; in command of one of the finest frigates in the navy, at the beginning of a war which seemed likely to be a struggle for life and death between two mighty empires, when everything that his profession could offer was before him; when rank and fortune, and what was dearer than both to a mind like his, were apparently within his reach, and might have been reasonably anticipated; he is doomed to open the campaign with a disaster, which was not only in itself most afflicting, and likely to affect his professional character; but which immediately involved a captivity of interminable duration; a captivity to be rendered more intolerable while it lasted, by hearing of what was done by others; and which might be extended to such a length, as to mar all future prospect of promotion or distinctions. It is only necessary for the reader to place himself in such circumstances, and the imagination can easily supply the pictures which might have presented themselves to Captain Brenton’s mind on the occasion; and, notwithstanding this, we find him in the hour of misfortune, calm if dejected; resigned to a lot which seemed to involve the loss of all he had been seeking; and sustained under defeat by the consciousness of having endeavoured to do his duty. Something may be ascribed to temperament; something may be ascribed to the buoyant character of a profession, which being cast in the midst of dangers, lives by surmounting them, and grows habitually indifferent to circumstances, by successfully struggling against them. But while we cede much to causes like these, we need not cede more than is due. Many officers no doubt shared the same hard destiny with him, and bore with more or less equanimity the trial of captivity. No comparison is drawn, nor attempted to be drawn, between their behaviour and his. Our object is not to raise Captain Brenton on this occasion above others; but to shew him as he was, and to describe how he felt and how he acted. It is not essential that a model should be superior to every thing else of the kind; but we feel that it is sufficient for the purpose, if it has qualities that should be imitated, and that may be imitated; and we know that that example is sometimes found to be the most beneficial, which comes nearest to the level of him who is to be encouraged or directed by its contemplation.

It is more than probable that Captain Brenton was but one of many in his cheerful submission to his lot, as he was but one of many who experienced the same misfortune during the war; and that the same discipline of mind led to the same patience under trial in cases of which we know nothing. But his circumstances it will be admitted were peculiar; and it seems unquestionable that some higher influence than that of the causes referred to, is necessary in order to account for the calmness of mind he exhibited during the action, and for the cheerfulness which he displayed at the commencement of his captivity. Temperament might have done much, but in naming temperament, it seems fit to remind the reader of the shock which his bodily system had experienced by the accident that occurred, while the Minerve was fitting out. Concussion of the brain too often leaves long and melancholy marks of the injury sustained by that most delicate of all the elements which form the body. His professional zeal we have seen had led him to anticipate the moment of recovery, and to go to sea before he was capable of enduring the fatigues of service. Reluctantly, and under a conviction of the absolute necessity of repose, he had once left his ship and gone ashore; and when at last he resumed his command, and sailed from Portsmouth for the coast of France, it is obvious that he could hardly have been fit for service: and that it was the spirit of the man which at that moment raised him above the infirmities of the body. That in such a state of health he should have undergone the trial of such a night, as that on which the Minerve was lost; that he should have developed such a variety of resources for the purpose of rescuing the ship from the position into which she had run; that he should have met each crisis in the action, with such firmness and self-possession, is sufficiently wonderful. It is equally surprising, that after the excitement of the defence was over, he should have borne the fatigues and humiliations of the march without sinking under them; and I can not but think, that any one who takes all into consideration, will come to the conclusion, that much which seems admirable, much of that which seems surprising in his conduct; cannot be accounted for through temperament or natural energy. I believe it must be referred to that habitual reliance on God, which had been instilled into his mind in childhood, which had been retained through all the trials of his youth; which if it had not grown, as it might have done, had never been obliterated or lost; but which lived to be called into activity under peculiar circumstances; and which finally, through the mercy and longsuffering of God, became that faith which works by love; and made him capable of doing all things through Christ that strengthened him.

But the conclusion renders the example more valuable because it makes it more accessible. If all was to be ascribed to natural causes, to firmness of temperament and qualities peculiar to the individual, the portrait might be admirable, but it could not be generally profitable. The many, who make no pretence to such powers, would consider themselves released from all duty of imitating an excellence which they could not attain to; and all might feel that they were invited to follow a path, which it was uncertain whether they should be able to accomplish. But when we not only see an excellence described, which excites our admiration; but also see the sources and springs from which it is derived laid open; when we are allowed to feel, that many may attain to the eminence which is held up as our example, if they will but follow the course, and adopt the means that were made use of by those whom we admire; the advantage then is multiplied, or rather an advantage is realised which before was little more than problematical; and all will be encouraged to strive when there is a hope that all may be successful.

The casual note in the private journal of the subject of this memoir as to the uses of adversity, shews that he was conscious of the change that was gradually moving forward within him, and of the need in which he stood of strength and assistance from above. The life of excitement which he had hitherto led, was not favourable to the developement or growth of religious sentiment. The grace of God had kept alive the spark, that early education had kindled; and He, who will not bruise the broken reed, nor quench the smoking flax, had mercifully preserved him from the grosser contagion of the world, through the influence of that romantic attachment which added dignity to his youthful feelings, and that thirst for glory which accompanied it. But the process which protected him from what was evil, was not equally adapted to foster the growth of what is good. The activity of service, the absorbing interest connected with his profession in the time of war, saved him no doubt from the evil inseparable from a life of ease; but his situation as an officer offered no advantages of a religious kind, nothing to encourage serious thought or reflection. In continual movement he had no leisure for reading, no access to those means which are usually thought essential to moral improvement; no opportunity of knowing how other men feel and think on matters of a spiritual nature. In all these respects, repose was necessary; and we may perhaps now be allowed to trace the hand of providence in an event, which, afflictive as it was in itself, gave him that interval of rest, which he never would have consented to seek, or to accept if offered; and sent him for a time to meditate in the retirement of captivity, on the state of his own soul, and the real end and object of man’s being upon earth.

There can be no doubt that in a moral sense this calamity, for such it seemed, and such it doubtless was for a time considered by himself, was singularly beneficial. He then found leisure, and for the first time probably in his life, to review his own principles, to consider his own state, and to examine himself whether he was in the faith. It was a blessed opportunity, but it was well that he was prepared to improve it. Other men had it, but it is feared that few used it to the same purpose. If the root of the matter had not been in him; if religion had not been long known and truly honoured; if it had not already secured a hold on his heart and affections; the leisure which was given would have been employed as leisure too frequently is, by those who pass suddenly from the excitement of active life, in indolence or folly. His time would in that case have been wasted, the opportunity would have been lost, and the gracious purpose of God would have been frustrated as to the effect it seemed calculated to produce.

Happily for him, his mind was prepared for the trial. That habit of realising God in everything that happened, and of cheerful submission to his will, which formed a chief feature in his character, led in this case to resignation. Conscious that as an officer he had done his duty, he submitted to his lot with calmness; and instead of giving way to regret and despondency as if all was lost because he had been once unfortunate; he turned at once to the duties that were before him, and endeavoured to be the protector and benefactor of those, whom he might have been otherwise leading to victory as their commander. With this wholesome occupation the mind had no leisure to prey upon itself, and to destroy its own energies by comparing what might have been his state with that which was. Captivity ceased to be irksome. The future was no longer gloomy, while the present moment was profitably employed. The withdrawal from the anxieties and fatigues of actual service was salutary, and he felt its beneficial effects in mind as well as in body; and through the influence of religious feelings on a mind prepared to admit them, an interval which might have been past in murmurings and unprofitable recollections, became, as we shall see in the subsequent pages of the memoir, a season of calm enjoyment and of real permanent improvement.

CHAPTER VII.

REMOVED FROM EPINAL TO PHALSBURG, AND THENCE TO VERDUN.—SUFFERINGS OF THE PEOPLE ON THE MARCH, AND EFFORTS MADE FOR THEIR RELIEF AND IMPROVEMENT.—THE REV. ROBERT WOLFE OFFERS HIS SERVICES AND ASSISTANCE.—MRS. BRENTON’S ARRIVAL AT VERDUN.—RESIDENCE AT CHARNI.—ILLNESS, AND PERMISSION GRANTED TO RESIDE AT TOURS.—CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE ENGLISH PRISONERS OF WAR.

The arrangements which have been mentioned, placed the officers and midshipmen in a state of comparative comfort; but it was otherwise with the crew. Upon the approach of winter, the seamen and marines being unprovided with clothes or bedding, and placed upon very slender diet, began to suffer severely. A little addition was made to their food by subscription amongst the officers, when they met as they did every week, at Captain Brenton’s lodgings, for divine service; and through the same fund a quantity of old tapestry, from some of the ruined houses in the neighbourhood, belonging to the ci-devant nobility, was purchased, as a covering for them at night.

Again we have access to Captain Brenton’s journal. “In the middle of November the negociation for an exchange of prisoners having failed, we were ordered to march to Phalsburg, a small fortress in the Vosges mountains, which was considered a more secure place for confining the prisoners than the open town of Epinal. We had however scarcely established ourselves in lodging there, before we were again removed, and sent to Verdun, now established as a general depôt. As this place appeared to be nearer the line of our probable march to the coast for embarkation; we persuaded ourselves that this sudden removal certainly indicated an approaching exchange; and our spirits were buoyed up with the hopes, which cheered us under a very severe season. Upon our arrival, however, every prospect of release seemed to have vanished, and the dispositions that were made for the regulation of the prisoners, were evidently such as foreboded the establishment being a permanent one. We had however the comfort of a regular intercourse by letter with England; and those which I received at this time were full of affection, of piety, fortitude, and resignation. My captivity, your beloved mother viewed as the greatest blessing. She had been greatly alarmed at the state of my health, when I rejoined the Minerve the last time, and attributed my recovery to my having quitted active service, which no other event perhaps could have been the means of my doing. She also derived comfort from the idea that I was sheltered from the dangers of my profession, and from the hope of our being soon restored to each other.”

In describing the state of his sailors on this march to Phalsburg, Captain Brenton says, “The weather was very severe, and numbers of the poor destitute prisoners must have perished, but for the assistance afforded to them by their officers, to which the captains of the merchant vessels very liberally contributed.

“After marching during the whole of a tempestuous day, they reached Rem, where they were to remain for the night, and were shut up in a ruined roofless chapel. A small quantity of straw thrown upon a broken pavement, was in a short time soaked with rain; and each man having received his three sols, had no other means of procuring food than purchasing it at the door, from persons who flocked there with wretched spirituous liquors, and boiled liver. The spirits were of course preferred, and the money intended for their supper was expended in the purchase, leaving the wretched prisoners no other support than their allowance of bread. To alleviate as much as possible this distress, on the following day, I requested the officer of the escort to put into my hands the daily allowance of three sols for each prisoner, to which I added a sum out of the subscription purse; and giving it to one of the gens d’armes, he was sent forward to Luneville, where it was laid out in meat and vegetables, which were cooked in the house of a bourgeois; who, as well as the messenger was remunerated for his trouble; and thus upon the arrival of the prisoners, they found at least a comfortable meal; and being confined in barracks had less cause to complain of their lodgings. So orderly and well behaved were these poor fellows, and so obediently respectful in their march, even to the youngest midshipman, as well as to their conductors, that upon their arrival at Sarrebourg, they were allowed to be billeted and quartered among the inhabitants in small parties, taking with them their respective portions of meat and vegetables, the inhabitants cheerfully finding them fire to cook it.

“At Phalsbourg the men had excellent barracks, but they were now in a most deplorable state from want of clothes, and lame from performing such a march barefoot. To supply the place of shoes, a number of sabots, or wooden shoes, in value about three pence per pair were sent in; but it was not until stern necessity rendered it necessary, that the sailors could be induced to put them on. One, actually with tears in his eyes, exclaimed with an expletive, ‘Who would have thought I should come to this:’ so inseparable was the association between misery, slavery, and wooden shoes in his mind. M. Parmentier, the Mayor, treated them with the utmost humanity and benevolence. He filled the hospitals with them, that they might enjoy the comfort of good beds, and nourishing food; and used every exertion in his power to procure them supplies of clothing, but without success. A slender provision of old blankets had been made, but they were some that had been used by the army of the Meuse, and had been kept in depôt since that time. I previously had written to the Admiralty, stating the distresses of the prisoners, and requesting permission to procure them necessaries, and advance to them a small daily sum, to enable them to live. The answer reached me at Phalsbourg, approving of my suggestion, and sending me a credit of £2000 for the purpose. It arrived most opportunely, for the prisoners were again ordered to march. Verdun was their destination, as the journal transcribed has already shewn. The order to move was peremptory, although the commandant was unprovided with funds to pay either the arrears due to the prisoners, or their daily allowance of money; and but for the remittance above-mentioned, they must have subsisted until their arrival at Nancy (three days) upon their allowance of bread only. The prisoners now amounted to four hundred, and were formed into three divisions, following each other on three successive days. With the first were all the officers, and nearly one hundred seamen. They began their march in the early part of December. On their arrival at Sarrebourg, the people were again confined in a place similar to that they had been put into at Rem; but such was the severity of the weather that few of them could have survived the night had they remained there. However, the commander of the escort declared he had neither authority, or means, to give them any other accommodation. It was in vain that I observed to him, that in that very town, only three weeks before, the men had been billeted amongst the inhabitants, and had shewn themselves worthy of such indulgence by their good conduct. I earnestly requested that application might be made to the municipality for permission for the people to be again billeted amongst the inhabitants; but this was objected to, from there being no security against their escape.

“However, on our way to consult a magistrate, I observed in the street a house to let; and it occurred to me that this house, a capacious one, might be hired for the night; and application being made to the owner, he consented to my proposal for a very small sum, about fifty francs. The officer of the escort also consented, on the condition of a further sum being given for the soldiers, for the additional duty of a night guard; I giving my parole at the same time for the prisoners not attempting to escape. The number of people to be accommodated in this house was about one hundred and fifty; two remaining divisions being expected on the two following days. The supplies of food for the people were immediately ordered to be got ready; and in the meantime a quantity of firewood was sent in, and large fires made in every room. Heaps of straw were also provided, and the meat and soup were brought in in tubs, according to the number of inmates destined for each room. By the time all was completely prepared, the prisoners arrived, and were immediately distributed according to the previous arrangement. As no communication had been made to them, from the time I left them in their prison, their joy and delight at the sight of so much unexpected comfort, may be better conceived than described; tired, and perishing with cold and hunger, their food, their fire, and their straw, were indeed luxuries, which it requires a person to be in their situation thoroughly to appreciate. This they certainly did do, nor was their loyalty to their beneficent sovereign and grateful country forgotten, in their expressions of enjoyment. Fires under a proper watch were kept throughout the night; and day-break found the poor men refreshed, and grateful, ready to resume their march, in the most contented and willing state of discipline. The good effect produced by this arrangement led me to request of the magistrate, that the two following divisions might have the benefit of the house in the same manner; to which he at once assented. A sum was accordingly left in his hands for the payment of the rent, and the provision of food and fuel; and each division enjoyed the unexpected treat that awaited them. My officers and myself, with the first division, marched on successively to Sarrebourg, Luneville, Nancy, and St. Michel to Verdun, where we arrived on the 17th of December, and were joined by the other two divisions. Here the people were allowed to repose for some days, previous to their continuing their march to their destined depôt, Givet, on the banks of the Meuse; and this time was taken advantage of, in clothing the prisoners from head to foot, in a warm substantial manner, and in providing them with blankets. In the course of a week they proceeded on their route, but having none of the officers to superintend their conduct, and watch over them; they were soon again involved in misery; and a large part of their clothes were disposed of for the merest trifle to provide for their wants. So true it is, that seamen even of experience, and of sterling abilities in the exercise of their profession, are but children of a larger growth when on shore; and hence arises the necessity for that rigorous superintendence, so much blamed by those who are ignorant of the sailor’s character. Hence also it is that officers whilst their men are under their command on board ship, are obliged to keep lists of every article of their clothing, and to call them to a rigid account, when any of them are missing. The consequence of the separation of those men from their officers in this case was, that when they arrived at Givet, after a march of five or six days from Verdun, they were again in a state of destitution. The barracks at Givet not being in readiness to receive them; they were marched up to the fortress of Charlemont, and there confined in a souterrain, with all the old system of suttlers, and wet straw, and want of clothing renewed; and this in the last days of December, in that inclement climate.”

The officers in the mean time were permanently settled at Verdun, to which place all the English detenus, from every part of France, were assembled; forming perhaps one of the most extraordinary groupes of character, that had ever been collected in the same spot. There were many highly respectable, and exemplary persons; some of whom had been travelling in France for their pleasure, some for the purpose of educating their children, and some for economy. There were others, whose sole object was curiosity, or dissipation. There were many skilful artificers, who had brought their talent to a French market, and were engaged in setting up manufactures, that might rival or surpass their own country. There were many, who from seditious conduct, and republican principles, had found it necessary to take shelter in France. There were fraudulent bankrupts, and broken tradesmen. There were many who had fled from their creditors, and even some who had fled from the gallows. With this motley assemblage the prisoners of war were involved, enveloped in one measure, subject to the same proscription, and the same parole. The amalgamation was not very favourable to the latter, particularly the younger branches of the service. Much good was done, and some striking instances of conduct highly honourable to Great Britain occurred; but all know the influence of bad example, and how easily it captivates the unwary. This very soon became evident. Gaming houses were set up by the French government’s authority, and a notice was stuck up against the door, that “They were exclusively for the English; and that the French were forbidden to frequent them.”

Captain Brenton received a letter early in January from one of the prisoners at Charlemont, informing him of the situation to which they were again reduced, and imploring him to visit them if possible. He immediately waited upon the General commanding at Verdun, and requested and obtained permission, on condition that he would take a gens d’armes with him in the carriage, and consider himself for the time in his custody. To this he readily agreed, and proceeded to Givet, through Stenay, Sedan, Rocroy, and the Ardennes. On reaching the place he immediately went to Charlemont, and found that the statement he had received was not in the least exaggerated. It was a complete recurrence of the worst days, and all was to be done over again. It is but justice however to the French Military Authority to say, that every facility was given to Captain Brenton for the purpose of carrying out the object of his journey. The barracks, very spacious buildings on the banks of the Meuse, were now ready. The rooms were large, and capable of containing twenty men in each: and the following letter from Captain Brenton to the Transport Board, will best explain the measures taken for the comfort of the prisoners.

“Verdun, January 25, 1804.

“Gentlemen,

“The British seamen, prisoners of war, having been sent to Charlemont, in the department of Ardennes, I judged it necessary to apply to the French government for permission to go there, that I might see them properly clothed, and supplied with what might be indispensibly necessary for their comfort. This indulgence was instantly granted, and I have just returned from thence. I beg leave to lay before you an account of the measures, which I have thought proper to take for the present, until I receive your orders for my future guidance. The prisoners are allowed, by the French government, three sols per day, one pound and a half of bread, a bundle of straw, and a small quantity of wood. The latter is by no means sufficient to dress their victuals, and a part of it has always been stopped to pay for the hire of kettles to dress their meat, and earthen pans to put it in when cooked.

“Upon my arrival at Charlemont, I found orders had been received there for the prisoners to be removed to the great barracks at Givet, upon the banks of the Meuse, in a healthy good situation. They are divided into rooms containing twenty men each, with brick floors. The rooms are however comfortable, spacious, well shaped, perfectly clean, with a good chimney in each. As no furniture of any kind is allowed them, I have hired ten bedsteads for each room. The bedstead with a palliasse is sufficient for two men. For the bedstead and palliasse I pay ten sols each per month. The prisoners are allowed a blanket by the French government, in addition to which I have furnished them with others, as I stated in my letter of the first. I considered this arrangement as better than purchasing bedding, which would create a great expense; and in the event of the depôt being changed, be impossible to carry. In order to prevent the stoppage taking place in the quantity of fuel, I have also hired a kettle, jug, and two earthen pans for each room, which costs thirty sols a month. Well aware that by putting any sum into the hands of the seamen, it might, in many instances, occasion intoxication and improper conduct; and that by supplying clothing only, without adding to their allowance of provisions, I should have defeated his Majesty’s most gracious intentions of succouring his distressed subjects, as their clothes would have been sold to supply their wants; I have judged it necessary, till I have received your directions, to continue their daily allowance, as mentioned in my last, viz. six sols to the people belonging to his Majesty’s vessels and packets; four sols to those belonging to merchants’ service; and three sols to boys. I have contracted with a butcher at Givet, to supply them with half a pound of good meat a day, at two sous per pound below the market price, which is brought to them every morning at nine o’clock, and distributed to the several rooms. The chiefs of the several rooms receive the payment due to their companions, from the French government, a certain part of which is appropriated to the purchase of vegetables, and the remainder distributed for the purpose of supplying their inferior wants. I have directed that the care of their clothes should be indispensibly necessary to their receiving a continuation of indulgence; that they should be regularly mustered every week; and that whosoever shall be found deficient, his allowance shall be stopped until the article missing can be purchased and committed to his charge.

“In order to insure obedience to these regulations, regularity in the payment, and good order in general, I have placed Mr. W. T. Bradshaw, acting clerk of the Minerve, a young man of excellent character, as superintendent, who will pay particular attention to the comfort and good order of the people, and have allowed him, until I can receive your directions on the subject, two shillings per day, and sixpence per league travelling expences from Verdun to Charlemont, as he belonged to this depôt, until removed by my application.

“I feel it a pleasing duty to say, that the prisoners are treated with the utmost kindness and attention by the French officer, charged with their superintendence; from whom I have received every possible assistance, and indulgence, in the performance of my duty; and it is with the most heartfelt satisfaction, I can state, that his Majesty’s most gracious bounty has been attended with the happiest effects; and that I left my countrymen on the 16th instant, cheerful, contented, and grateful in the highest degree.

“Upon my return to Verdun I found that Captain Gower and his officers had arrived there. Captain Gower, wishing to see the wants of his own ship’s company supplied, immediately set out for Valenciennes, where they are. I have in consequence given him a letter of credit on Messrs. Peregaux for £400 for the purpose.

“We have a depôt here of nearly one hundred men, provided for, as those at Givet; there is also a depôt of prisoners at Bitche, who have as yet received very little assistance, for which purpose I mean to set out for that place on the 30th instant, having procured permission. I have also clothed fifty men, left in the hospital at Phalsbourg, through the assistance of the municipality. The clothes are of a higher price than those I have purchased, but at the same time of a much better quality, as I have observed by some of the people passing through this place, on their way to Givet, the prices vary very much at the different places. I have endeavoured to unite comfort with economy. I beg leave to annex the different prices. There are here a few commissioned and petty officers, who have been passed from Toulon, and having had no opportunity of procuring supplies from England, are consequently for the moment in great distress. I flatter myself that I have only anticipated your wishes, in giving to each a small sum on account of their pay, viz. to a lieutenant £10, and to a midshipman £5. I must request you will be pleased to grant me a further supply of money, as what now remains, must in a few weeks be exhausted.

“Having met with ten masters of merchantmen in the forest of Ardenne, on their way to Verdun, totally destitute of money, having only three sols a day, and in the most wretched apparel, I gave to each of them a small sum of money for their present necessities, amounting to forty-four livres and four sols; and since my return to Verdun, have extended the like aid to several other masters in the same predicament. There is a number of men to whom such assistance would be highly useful, and who I really believe do not possess the means of procuring relief for themselves; but as they are allowed twenty-nine livres per month by the French government, I could not take upon myself to act in their favour, without your instructions for that purpose.—I have, &c. &c.

(Signed) “JAHLEEL BRENTON.”

Captain Brenton says, “On my return to Verdun, I found dissipation and extravagance the order of the day. The gaming tables were in full career, and frequented by the greater part of the prisoners, who could collect a stake whereby to try their fortune. The result was, as might have been expected, extensive misery and wretchedness, with many acts of gross misconduct. The studies of the young people were greatly interrupted, and a gloomy prospect presented itself for the remainder of the captivity.” On another occasion, it appears to have been on a visit to the depôts and hospitals of Bitche, Captain Brenton says, “I set off on the day appointed, visiting on my way the hospitals of Metz, Nancy, Luneville, Blemont and Phalsbourg, in each of which I found many English prisoners. I was accompanied in this journey by the Rev. Lancelot Charles Lee, an English Clergyman, who having been travelling in France, at the period of the war breaking out, was included in the general arrest, and sent to Verdun. This gentleman, who devoted all his time and property to the relief of his fellow sufferers, volunteered accompanying me, in the expectation of finding many of his fellow detenus in the different prisons and hospitals, we were likely to visit; nor was he disappointed; for many were found, and all were relieved to the utmost extent of his power. The society of this amiable man was a source of much enjoyment to me; and the foundation of a friendship was laid at this time, which lasted during the remainder of Mr. Lee’s life.” He died at his living near Oxford in the year 1842 or 1843. A singular instance of the ability of the persons employed in the charge of prisoners, and their fitness for the office they had to fill, occurred upon the occasion of their journey. “The gens d’armes who had been sent with me to Givet, upon my first visit there, appeared very anxious to learn English; enquiring the name of every article which presented itself in that language, and making awkward attempts to pronounce it. He at the same time gave some not obscure hints, as to his feelings respecting the situation of prisoners; shewing that he considered those who had left families at home, as almost justified, in any effort they might make to effect their escape. This at once put me on my guard, as to the treachery I might expect from my companion, if I were to give him the slightest advantage, even in common conversation; and I consequently avoided the subject of the prisoners with the greatest care, keeping my escort at as great a distance as circumstances would admit. But as it was customary for all prisoners who were placed under the particular custody of gens d’armes to admit them to their table; a custom I felt obliged to follow, as much of the good I hoped to do for the prisoners, would depend on my being on friendly terms with this man. This rendered my situation the more dangerous. The journey however was performed, and no effort made by the gens d’armes at mischief. On my next journey I was told that the same guard would attend me. He persevered in his apparent efforts to pick up a little English. Convinced as Mr. Lee and myself were of this man’s utter ignorance of the English language, we felt under no restraint before him, but indulged ourselves in talking freely upon every subject which presented itself. The French Government, the first Consul, the treatment of the prisoners, and even the conduct of this man himself, whose gluttony, and egregious vanity, and boasting, made him a very prominent subject for remark, and ridicule, were all very freely handled; but all this passed before him without producing the slightest effect upon the muscles of his countenance; and yet upon our return to Verdun, it was discovered that this very man spoke English as well as French; and had been five years in the Irish Brigade under General Stack, in the French service. This information was given to me by the General himself. That no mischief was done by this person, can only be accounted for, on the supposition, that the object of his espionage was to detect, if possible, the existence of any plan of importance, either respecting the escape of prisoners, or as connected with some of the diplomatic secrets at that time carried on by Mr. Drake, at Munich, whom Buonaparte considered as involved in the conspiracies of Georges, and his accomplices. Nothing having transpired that could have been brought to bear upon this subject, silence was imposed upon the spy, on every other point, as no good could result from the disclosure.

“Whilst changing horses on the road to Givet, a beggar came to the carriage to whom I gave a sol; which my companion, the gens d’armes, observing, said, ‘Monsieur, voila un de mes defants. Je suis trop charitable. Je ne vois jamais la misère, sans que les larmes me viennent aux yeux.’ None were however observable on this occasion, nor did he give any other testimony of his being ‘trop charitable.’ On our arriving in the evening at Rocroix, where we were to sleep, another gens d’armes presented himself, who being a brother Brigadier to my escort, was invited to join the dinner party; and the prowess of the French troops became naturally a subject of conversation. The charitable gens d’armes then observed to me, ‘Ah, Monsieur, voila un autre de mes defants. Je suis, trop brave o si vous pourriez me voir marcher contre une redonte—ah, vraiment c’est une chose a voir.’

“On our arrival at Phalsbourg we found nearly fifty men still in the hospital, of those who had been left there on the breaking up of the depôt in December; and it is but justice to that worthy man, Monsieur Parmentier, the mayor, (whose kindness to the prisoners I before mentioned) to say, that it is impossible any people could have been treated with more kindness, and real benevolence, than these people were; much praise is also due to M. Geville, the surgeon of the hospital. I mentioned in my official letter to the Transport Board, the conduct of M. Parmentier, and stated that he had a relation, M. Leopold Liot, who had been taken prisoner at St. Domingo; and requested that he might be liberated, as an expression of gratitude to M. Parmentier, and I have the impression on my mind that this was granted. From Phalsbourg we proceeded to Bitche, where we found forty men confined in a souterrain. These were generally persons who had been detected in an attempt to make their escape, and were sent here as a punishment, and at the same time for greater security. On our return we visited Nancy and Metz, relieving the prisoners in the hospitals at those places; and reached Verdun in the early part of March.”

Soon after the prisoners had assembled at Verdun, the Rev. Robert B. Wolfe, a Clergyman of the Church of England, who was a detenu, arrested while living at Fontainbleau, made an offer of his services for the performance of divine worship. Applications were in consequence made to the General, for the use of a Government building, then vacant, which had formerly been the chapel of a convent: and this being granted, the service was regularly performed every Sunday, to a congregation consisting of by far the greater part of the prisoners, and amounting to more than one hundred persons. Mr. Wolfe received frequent assistance from the Rev. W. Gordon, another very amiable young clergyman, amongst the detenus. A school was at the same time established for the children of the prisoners, and for the boys taken in the vessels of war, and merchant vessels; all of whom under a certain age had been permitted to remain at Verdun. These boys having been clothed uniformly in neat jackets and trowsers, were marched to church on the Sunday, but the display proved to be unwise. The French authorities took umbrage at it, and an order was soon received from Paris, that the whole of these children should be sent off to Sarrelibre, to a new depôt which had been formed at that place, to the great detriment of these young people, indeed it may be said, to the utter ruin of many.

In the course of the spring a very great increase had been made in the number of prisoners. The officers of several ships of war, of Indiamen, and other vessels, had arrived, as well as detenus from the more remote parts of France. Verdun began to lose the appearance of a French town; and many shops with English signs and English designations were seen, such as “Anderson, grocer and tea dealer, from London; Stuckey, tailor and ladies’ habit maker, from London, &c. &c.” The Rue Moselle, the principal street in Verdun, got the nom de guerre of Bond Street, and was often called by the French themselves, “Bon Street.” Races were established, and a race course hired, and fitted up, near the village of Charni, with distance posts, stewards’ box, &c. &c. A pack of beagles was procured, which was hunted regularly three times a week, and became a very favourite amusement. A motley groupe followed them, consisting entirely of prisoners, with horses of every description; sometimes as many as forty horsemen being seen in the field; but it was an amusement eagerly followed up, and seemed to break the monotony of the prisoner’s life, being something to look forward to.

The General in allowing the exercise of hunting, granted a Rayon of two leagues on each side of Verdun; but this was qualified by the necessity each prisoner was under of signing his name in a book kept for the purpose in an office at Verdun, twice in the course of the day; viz., once between eight and ten in the morning, and again between two and four in the afternoon. Those who wished to hunt therefore, took care to sign as early as they could in the morning, and provided they could ensure returning before four, they felt secure as to their last signature. It was necessary in consequence that the hunt should begin early, and it was seldom of long duration. This necessity of appearing twice a day was felt by the superior officers, who had been taken in arms, as a great indignity, and forcibly remonstrated against by them in the following letter.

“Sir,

“We feel it a duty we owe to ourselves, and the rank we hold in the British Navy, to remonstrate against the treatment we receive as prisoners of war. When under the necessity of surrendering the ships we commanded to the arms of the French republic, we considered ourselves under its protection. We were taken in the performance of our duty, which in all ages, and in every part of the world, has been considered as the most noble either in public or in private life; that of supporting the cause of our country in open and honourable warfare. No exertions could save us from captivity under the circumstances attending our ships; no honour was consequently lost, and misfortune ought to strengthen our claims to hospitality. The fate of war has placed us in the hands of the French republic, and from it, Sir, we have a right to demand that respect, which the customs of all civilized nations accord to officers of our rank, who have not forfeited their titles to it by improper conduct. Ours has been invariably regulated by a sacred attention to the word of honour exacted from us upon landing in France, nor can we recollect having given the slightest cause of complaint. We are now placed on a level with the lowest description of prisoner, and enjoy no distinction whatever above them. Notwithstanding we have pledged our honour not to leave Verdun without permission, we are ordered to present ourselves twice in each day, to verify our keeping it. The Captains of the French ships Carrieré, St. Nicholas, and Success, taken by the ships we commanded in the late war, can testify how differently they were treated whilst our prisoners.

“You must naturally expect, Sir, that under such circumstances we should feel and act as we do in laying a statement of these facts before you.

“We are, Sir, &c.

E. L. GOWER,
JAHLEEL BRENTON.”

“To His Excellency The Minister of Marine.”

No answer was returned to this letter; the cause probably was, that it was referred to the Bureau of the Minister of war, who was charged with the control of the prisoners, for from the invariable kindness of Mons. Decrês, the Minister of Marine, there can be but little doubt of his readiness to attend to so just a complaint. In the course of a few weeks, however, an indulgence was granted to the officers of rank to sign only every fifth day, and the same privilege was extended to the principal of the detenus.

It is proper to mention here a fact, which occurred at this period of Captain Brenton’s confinement, which is not only interesting in itself, but which eventually may have led to some important consequences to him and his associates in captivity. He was visiting at the house of a French gentleman in Verdun, and was struck by a large picture hanging up in the room, in which a person strikingly resembling the master of the house was painted, in the act of giving charity to a ragged little boy; and on enquiring what the picture was intended to represent, he received the following affecting little narrative from M. Godard, the gentleman himself. “During the reign of terror,” he stated that “both Madame Godard and himself were arrested, and confined in prison, in the hourly expectation of being sent to the guillotine; while their family, consisting of six young children, were left totally unprotected. After some days passed under the most dreadful anxiety, Robespierre having been put to death, the prisoners were released, and flying to their home found all their children but one; and after the most indefatigable search, they could obtain no information respecting him. It was supposed that he must have perished in some of the conflicts which were of daily occurrence in Paris; and he was accordingly given up and mourned over as dead. Three or four years afterwards M. Godard, having business in Holland, went to Rotterdam, and was accosted in the streets by a boy in rags, begging. The child’s accent was evidently French, and attracted M. Godard’s notice. On asking his country, he said that it was France, and that his name was Romain. And what besides, asked the gentleman with great agitation? The boy replied, Romain Godard. In fact it was the missing child. The father’s joy may be easily conceived. He found that the child expecting to be put to death at Paris, had contrived to join a party going to Holland, where he had long subsisted upon charity. He was of course soon returned to the bosom of his family, and received as one from the dead by his afflicted mother.”

On Captain Brenton’s continuing his enquiries respecting the youth, he was told that he had been sent out to St. Domingo on employment; and on that island being evacuated by General Rochambeau, in 1803, Romain had embarked in a merchant vessel for France; but he was taken on the passage by an English cruizer; and was at that time actually on board the Sultan, prison ship, in Portsmouth harbour.

Captain Brenton immediately wrote to the Transport Board, stating all the circumstances of this most affecting case, and suggesting that as M. Godard was very much respected at Verdun, the indulgence of his son’s release might have a happy effect upon the welfare of the British prisoners in that depôt. The Transport Board immediately obtained the sanction of the Admiralty to his being liberated; and in a few weeks he arrived once more in the paternal dwelling.

No comment need be made on this simple but affecting story. It shews how wonderfully, and yet how mysteriously, the purposes of Providence are accomplished; but it also shews how various are the opportunities of doing good, which are placed within the reach of those who are diligent in seeking for them.

Much real good probably did arise from this conversation. The young Godard was delivered from a very miserable and protracted captivity, and his family were made happy by his restoration. But beyond this, we cannot doubt that a kindly feeling was generated towards the English prisoners by the interference which led to his release; the bitter feelings which war has a tendency to produce in hostile nations were mitigated, and an interchange of kindness must have reminded the parties concerned, that the real happiness of man is the making others happy.

But while these were the apparent occupations of Captain Brenton, while he was thus busily employed in relieving the distresses and promoting the welfare of all around him, there was much passing within his own mind of which the world knew nothing; and his labours for the good of others were secretly promoting his own. Light broke in on his own mind, while he was endeavouring to enlighten others. His work and labour of love were made the means of awakening his mind to truths which had hitherto been partially considered and imperfectly felt; and these benevolent employments which withdrew him from the ordinary dissipations of the world led him to meditate more deeply and seriously on the real interests of man, on his own state before God, and his future final prospects.

“At this time,” his private journal says, “I began to reflect seriously upon my religious opinions. I had indeed long been in the habit of attending to the form of religion, particularly from the period of my having served under that exemplary character, Sir James Saumarez. It had been habitual to me on the approach of danger or battle, to offer up a mental prayer for support; but upon a more deliberate examination I came to the conclusion, that christianity made no part of my religion; that it was almost entirely confined to the first sentence in the Prayer book, ‘When the wicked man turneth away from his wickedness,’ &c. I had always felt some indefinite purpose of doing this, and of amending my life; but then it was only done in trying myself by the letter of the commandment; and when there was not a decided breach of duty, I felt perfectly satisfied. With regard to the New Testament, it hardly appeared to me as of any importance; it was seldom read, and less meditated upon. I was scrupulous in performing a certain round of duties, in the cold and heartless manner which may be supposed; but they were all tasks performed in fear, and none in love. The only light which seemed to break through the thick mist of utter darkness, arose from occasional glimpses of the working of Divine Providence. I had very long been in the habit of attributing my successes, and my preservation from danger, to Omnipotence, and not to second causes; but this is the utmost amount of religious feeling to which at that period I could lay any claim. The same merciful and long-suffering Being, who had spared and prospered me, still continued his divine and wonderful forbearance; and I may have been made, even under these appalling circumstances of ignorance and error, an instrument in keeping up among those around me, some faint recollection of spiritual things, so far at least as shewing the worship of God to be a duty, if it were lost sight of as a privilege.”

It may be profitable that the reader’s attention should be drawn to these expressions; and that he should trace the progress of light in the mind of the subject of this memoir, by considering the way in which he here viewed and judged himself. That the journal contains a simple artless narrative of his own experience, must be evident to every one who reads it. It was designed for the perusal of those who knew him best, to whom his heart was always open with all its workings, and who were in consequence capable of interpreting its language, and understanding its meaning; and that the writer could have wished to impose on them a notion which did not exist in his own mind, or in any degree to disguise or exaggerate his own feelings, is impossible to be believed. Still we must be surprised at hearing the language which he uses concerning his own state, and in particular the description here given of his religious feelings. At the period spoken of, he was not only a moral character, but an exemplary man. The world had not only known him as a distinguished officer, but had seen him discharging accurately and fully all the relative duties of society, as a son, as a brother, as a husband, as a friend. In the circle at Verdun, the humanity and kindness which he had exhibited towards the poorer prisoners, and the exertions and self-denial he was submitting to in their service, had probably caused him to be considered as a model of benevolence and charity; while the regularity with which he attended to his religious duties, and the efforts which he made for the moral improvement of the people, led them to regard him as a man of piety.

We cannot be surprised at this having been the conclusion which was drawn by others from what was seen; but we may with reason be surprised at the confession which we read, and at the acknowledgment thus recorded, by the object of the world’s admiration, that he was at the moment so far from what they thought him. Some allowance must be made for the humility with which a man, once awakened to the real state of his heart, will speak of his own attainments; some further allowance must be made for the circumstances of dejection under which he first drew up this memorial; but it still may be expedient to state the causes which may have occasioned this remarkable difference between the apparent character, and that which he considered to be the truth, and which raised him in appearance, so high above that which he knew and felt to be his real condition. Those who had the advantage of knowing Sir Jahleel Brenton personally, can bear witness to what may be stated of the singular amenity of his character. His natural affections were so strong, his tastes so refined, his manners so gentle, his kindness so consistent; that much of what the world calls goodness, seemed to grow up in him spontaneously, and cost him nothing. He was amiable without an effort, benevolent without reflection; and habitually thinking more of others than himself, he exhibited from his earliest years much of that love which is the fulfilling of the law, as a rule of life, without feeling that love which supersedes the law as a ground of hope. The active habits of his profession, a high sense of the character that he was to maintain as a British officer, and that thirst for glory, but too justly described as the last infirmity of noble minds; conspired to give vigour and animation to his moral feelings, and to raise him above all that was base or degrading. To these high toned principles of action, his early and persevering attachment added delicacy and tenderness of sentiment; and it is not impossible to trace the effect which these united and combined circumstances must have had, in producing as fine a substitute for that, which in reality is the work of grace on the heart, as can well be conceived. Under the influence of these impressions he was in the fullest sense what the world thought him. He was excellent in all social relations; he was brave, kind, generous, and forgiving; but he was not what he had flattered himself with being, a real Christian. Acquaintance with himself, the result of leisure, meditation, trial, all used by the Holy Spirit, and employed for the purpose of awakening his conscience, and enlightening his mind, enabled him to see the source from which these qualities proceeded, and thus to understand their real nature. He then saw, that through life he had been striving to obtain the favour of man rather than that of God. He saw that the love of men, and the praise of men had been desired, and not the praise of God. He felt that he had been touched by the love which his fellow creatures bore to him, while strange to say, he had been indifferent to the love which he believed that his Redeemer had evinced towards him. He saw that his own glory, not the glory of God had been the object of his ambition; and that though his life had been led in a very different way from that in which it was spent by others, it had not been lived to God as in duty it ought to have been. He thus learnt, that that which was highly esteemed among men, might be an abomination to God; and the twilight of his former state seemed nothing less than darkness, when compared with the brightness of the truth which burst on his mind as revealed in the Gospel. Those qualities which had won him the affections of his family and his friends, that warm and disinterested benevolence which had made him the instrument of mercy to so many in distress, were considered in a very different way, when their principles were analysed, and their real nature ascertained; and he no doubt was astonished at finding how far it was possible to go in what seemed to be the ways of God, without having really known the motives by which he was actuated. Other men less happily constituted, would have been in less danger of self deception. The evil that was in them, lay nearer to the surface, and would have germinated and shewn itself sooner. His danger arose from that which seemed to be his security; and the man whom all the world was agreeing to admire and to love, was likely to be lost, because nothing occurred to awaken his anxiety, or to lead him to suspect himself.

Adverting to the time that the British seamen remained at Epinal, during the first months of their captivity, from August to the commencement of December, Captain Brenton says, “Their conduct in general was such as to procure them the respect of the inhabitants. Some of them remarked to me, that their town had in the previous war, been made a general depôt for prisoners; that they had had Austrians, Poles, Russians, and in short men of all nations in Europe confined there; and that the consequence was, that the whole district was infested by beggars; but that although the British seamen were evidently worse off than any who had preceded them, there was no instance of any of them being seen begging. Another circumstance very creditable to the British sailor was, that the inhabitants of Epinal were anxious to get the prisoners to do labouring work for them; but none accepted this employment without my permission. I gladly consented to their having such advantage, under one only restriction, the necessity of which was obvious; that they should not engage in any of the public works usually performed by French soldiers; lest having taken the place of these men, the soldiers might be sent to the army. To these conditions they invariably adhered, in spite of threats and coercion.”

On the establishment of the depôt at Sarrelibre, Captain Brenton says, “I applied for permission to visit the prisoners who were confined there, but my request was refused. An evident feeling of jealousy began at this time to manifest itself, with regard to the influence the British officers exercised over their countrymen; and all communication was forbidden between them. In the course of the autumn I obtained permission to reside at Etain, a little village about twelve miles from Verdun. General Abercrombie was my companion, he was the son of Sir Ralph, and had been arrested at Calais, just as he was stepping into the packet for England, previous to the commencement of the war. We were enjoying with great relish this little change in our captivity, when a detenu of rank thought proper to make his escape; and having succeeded, he wrote to the French government, defending his conduct; and adding that no detenu considered his promise to be binding. In consequence of this conduct all the prisoners were instantly recalled to Verdun. The gates were shut, and all passports taken away; nor could the prisoners under such circumstances justly complain of the severity exercised towards them. The officers taken in active service again remonstrated, but for a time without effect. The measures of restraint however were soon again relaxed, and they returned to their former state.”

Relative to this period the journal supplies the following entry, as made from a paper left by Mrs. Brenton. July 3rd, 1804, she writes, “Grant O most merciful God, that my beloved husband may this day be reflecting with gratitude on his escape from the perils of this day year, and returning humble thanks to Thee for his preservation. Continue to protect him, O heavenly Father, and if it be according to Thy all wise decree, grant that he may soon return in health and safety.” To this simple and touching prayer the husband has subjoined, “I earnestly hope that I did fulfil your beloved mother’s most pious wishes in offering up on that day, my grateful recollection and praises to the Almighty, for the protection He had been pleased to vouchsafe me on the day of my capture.” I have for many years endeavoured to retain the impression upon my mind, by making it a part of my daily prayer: “O Almighty God, father of all mercies,” he adds, “from my earliest infancy Thou hast blessed and protected me. Thou didst bless my dearest parents, and make us their children, the instruments of their welfare. O Lord, in the hour of danger, and in the day of battle, on the bed of sickness, how constantly Thou hast protected me. O merciful Creator, Thou hast preserved unto me for a series of years, the greatest of earthly blessings, a virtuous and affectionate wife. Thou hast supported her in the hour of trial, Thou hast enabled her to bear her afflictions. Thou hast softened the miseries of my captivity, by the protection of my wife and child.” “Although (he continues) we had not at this time been united much more than two years, I considered that my wife had been preserved unto me, from the earliest period of my fixing my affections upon her, more than thirteen years previous to our marriage.” On Sunday, 29th July, 1804, Mrs. Brenton writes again; “I have had the pleasure of conversing with Mr. Forbes and his family about my invaluable husband, and listened with delight to the praises bestowed upon him. Continue to preserve him, O merciful God, if it be according to Thy divine will, and Thy all wise decrees. Grant that he may soon return in health and safety: this I beg through Jesus Christ our Lord.”

Captain Brenton remarks, “Mr. Forbes had been detained as a prisoner in France, with many more of his countrymen, whilst on his travels; but he was liberated at the instance of Sir Joseph Bankes, to whom he was known. Buonaparte wishing to be considered the friend and patron of literary men, and this gentleman being known to have collected materials for a very considerable work upon India, which has since been published, he was glad to take the opportunity of evincing his respect for science by granting to Sir Joseph Bankes, and in favour of a man of letters, what he would have yielded to no other application.

“Mr. Forbes was a worthy pious man, who took much delight in relieving the sufferings of his poor countrymen, who were in captivity with him. Upon his liberation, we formed the most sanguine hopes that our own would speedily follow. He shewed great kindness in charging himself with letters and presents for our dear friends in England: and promised to deliver them in person; a promise which he most punctually performed. It was indeed a great source of comfort to both of us, that this opportunity of corresponding was granted. Under any other circumstances, I should be guilty of unpardonable vanity, in transcribing the observations contained in the memoranda of this day; but, you my beloved children will read them, as coming warm from the heart of your angelic mother; dictated by that ardent affection, which was, if possible, increasing in both of us, during the whole of our union.” “A considerable period,” he adds, “elapses from this time, in which I can find no journal. It may have been lost, as in many other instances; or probably was not written, from the state of suspense in which we were constantly kept on both sides respecting an exchange. Alternate hopes and fears were excited by the rumours of the day. I had carried on a correspondence upon the subject, with the Minister of Marine, M. Decrés, who expressed in his letter a wish for the establishment of a cartel, which seemed to be retarded, more from punctilio than from any real obstacle. Buonaparte himself appeared by this time to have considered the measure of making hostages of the travellers, in a much less advantageous light than it had presented itself to his mind at first.

“Under these impressions I indulged the hope that were any considerable effort made in England, by persons in power, it might be attended with success. I therefore urged my beloved Isabella to write to the first Lord of the Admiralty in her own name, and her own words, and to urge a further official application. This she did, doubtful, and as it appears almost despairing of success, but anxious to leave nothing undone, which it was in her power to do, particularly when it had been suggested by me. But in this, as in every other act of her exemplary life, she recommended her cause to the power and protection of the Almighty, and with the most delightful resignation, placed all her hopes in him. The application was unavailing. Buonaparte tenaciously insisted upon the Hanoverians, and detenus being first exchanged, against the French prisoners taken in the beginning of the war. This sacrifice we could not expect our country to make, and the preservation of its dignity, even reconciled us to a further captivity. We felt, and appreciated the motive.”

Referring to the memoranda of October the 29th, 1804, Captain Brenton writes, “The apprehensions of our kind friends made them too solicitous respecting the consequences, to allow them to excite any sanguine hopes on either side. They rather seemed to recommend resignation, and acquiescence in what seemed to be unavoidable; and my hopes by this time had entirely vanished. From the tenor of my last letter from the Minister of Marine, I had been convinced that all prospect of an exchange of prisoners, had now become more remote than ever; and I immediately turned my thoughts towards making my captivity as light as possible, by associating with it what was dearest to me in the world. I determined to call for my beloved wife and child, and to take advantage of those blessings, which a most bountiful Providence had bestowed upon me; to enjoy them with gratitude; to resign myself to the Divine will; and to remain in peaceful expectation of the hour, when God might be pleased to liberate me. This plan had often suggested itself to me, but I deferred acting upon it, until I should be justified by having made every effort to procure my liberty. Having failed in these, M. Decrés, the Minister, had the kindness to forward my wishes to the utmost of his power, by sending me not only a passport for my family, but letters of recommendation for my beloved wife to wait her arrival at Rotterdam. Having once allowed such a prospect of happiness to present itself to my mind, I no longer gave captivity a moment’s consideration; but counted the days to the return of spring, when I might recommend my darling Isabella to begin her journey. I had travelled sufficiently as a prisoner to know that there was neither risk nor difficulty in the undertaking; and I depended upon that benignant and merciful Power, who had so often supported us, to continue His gracious mercy and protection to my beloved wife and child.”

That this meeting between the husband and the wife who came to share his captivity, was happily effected, is recorded in the note, affixed to the memoranda of New Year’s Day, 1806. “We were permitted to meet early in this year; and to pass it, I may almost say, in perfect happiness. Such at least it appears, although we had great trials in consequence of the ill health of our darling child, as well as from my own indisposition. I was attacked, in the course of the summer with a complaint upon the lungs, which to me wore a most threatening aspect. I however concealed from my dear suffering and anxious companion the most serious symptom, which was spitting of blood; and I believe she never knew it for many years afterwards, nor until I had regained perfect health, and till her’s, still more valuable to me, was menaced by the same alarming indication. I then gladly told my secret, as well to comfort my beloved invalide, as to excite my own hopes. Our dear boy also was attacked, whilst travelling with us towards Tours, with a dropsical complaint, which for some time threatened his life. How little did I think that I should have lived to weep over them both. In one short month they were both taken from me.”

Captain Brenton has left some details of his wife’s journey, which as being made through an enemy’s country, under such very peculiar circumstances, are not without interest. He says, “The vigour and energy of mind displayed by my angelic wife, were the theme of praise to all who knew her. Naturally timid and fond of retirement, her habits of life were but ill adapted to the exertion and resolution, which this journey, performed under such formidable circumstances, required. But prompted by her affection for me, and by a sense of duty, she placed herself under the care of her Divine Protector, and was immovably fixed in her purpose, incapable of being deterred by any consideration of personal risk or suffering. Even in her anxiety for her beloved child, she was supported by the same sense of piety, and confidence in the blessing of God upon her virtuous efforts; and the blessing of God attended her through life in all she did.

“My brother was at this time commanding the Amarantha, and most providentially lying at the Nore. He had been alarmingly ill, and was still in a state of great weakness; but he was all activity for the comfort and assistance of my beloved Isabella; who with her boy, and your dear aunt Mary, had embarked in a small Prussian vessel, which was hired to take them to Rotterdam. There they were most kindly received by the respectable persons to whom letters of credit and introduction had been sent, and they there also received assurances of my welfare. In your dear Aunt Mary your beloved mother had a most affectionate and active companion, as her knowledge of the French language, and the energy of her mind rendered her peculiarly well qualified for such a journey. The fears that had been excited in England, at the necessity of travelling through hostile armies, vanished entirely as the ladies proceeded; and they found the road even better protected in consequence of the vicinity of the great French army, and of the number of gens d’armes patrolling in every direction to prevent desertion. Let this part of your beloved mother’s character, which stimulated her to so much exertion, in what she considered the cause of affection and duty, be treasured up, my darling children, for your imitation. Pay a due regard to the advice of your friends, but at the same time bring your own judgment into exercise. Compare the probabilities which may threaten you, with the nature of the duty you have to perform. Pray ardently to God that He would be pleased to direct you in your decision; and then, should the object you have in view appear to be sanctioned by duty, let no circumstance arising from other considerations shake your resolution. ‘Reflect, ponder, and resolve.’ Let this be your motto, and be inflexible in every good purpose. How much happiness should we mutually have lost, had my beloved companion been deviated from her purpose, by an apprehension of danger, which she afterwards found did not exist, or had she possessed less confidence in her Heavenly Protector. In reviewing the different events of our lives, we shall always find cause to regret having allowed the consideration of present convenience and comfort to preponderate, against what conscience had placed before us, as a duty. The same principle of resolution which your exemplary mother evinced, in the exercise of her affection for me, would on greater occasions lead to the most heroic, or the most splendid actions. These always, and only originate in right motives, inflexibly acted upon, to the utter exclusion of all minor considerations. But at the same time, you must never forget, that the object thus unremittingly pursued, should be paramount to all others, and be sanctioned by religious, as well as moral obligations.”

I regret that the only memoranda I have found of this interesting journey, are merely the names of the places, with the period of arriving at each. They are as follows:—

“Thursday, April 16th, sailed from England for Holland.

“18th, arrived at Rotterdam after a passage of fifty-two hours.

“20th, left Rotterdam, took a carriage from thence to Antwerp, crossed to Williamstadt, slept at Breda.

“21st, arrived at Antwerp.

“22nd, arrived at Brussels.

“23rd, left Brussels for Namur.

“24th, arrived at Namur.

“25th, left Dinant, passed through Givet, and the forest of Ardennes, and arrived at Mezieres. Friday, April 26th, hired another carriage to take us to Sedan, or to Verdun, in case of not meeting my beloved Brenton; but heaven allowed me to enjoy that supreme happiness, and I thought no more of the fatigues of the journey. Grant, O most merciful God, that I may never cease to feel a proper sense of Thy goodness, however impossible it must be for me to express half the gratitude I feel for Thy continued proofs of mercy, and favour, to myself and all dear to me.

“Saturday, the 27th, slept at Stenay, and arrived at Verdun on Sunday the 28th.”

These memoranda may appear unimportant, and irrelevant to the subject of our present biography; but yet they seem to justify Captain Brenton in having planned a journey, which, by those less deeply interested, might have been condemned as being too full of peril, and involving too much hardship to the object of his affection. His wife’s example may also serve to animate some drooping spirits placed under similar circumstances; and if it be true, as no member of the Church of England will deny, that matrimony was ordained for the mutual society, help, and comfort, that the one ought to have of the other, both in prosperity and adversity; we cannot but feel that the purposes of this merciful ordinance were singularly realised in the case before us. His own grateful reflections on the subject, are thus further expressed. “Our meeting was indeed one of pure, and unmixed felicity. My beloved wife forgot in a moment all her fatigue, and anxieties; and the recollection of captivity itself was instantly banished from my thoughts, or if I remembered it at all, it was as a blessing which brought me the happiness I enjoyed. I had been long impatiently expecting this joyful event, and the evening before had received a letter from my beloved wife, informing me of her arrival at Rotterdam. I was then living in the little village of Clermont, a few miles distant from Verdun. On this notice reaching me, I requested permission of the General to go as far as Sedan, to meet my family, which was kindly granted. On my road I was most anxiously examining every carriage as it approached. At sunset I had got within three miles of Sedan, and had begun to give up all hopes of seeing the object of my wishes; when I espied a travelling carriage, I felt a presentiment that it contained all I held most dear in the world, and was soon convinced of it.

“We only stopped one day at Verdun, and then removed to Clermont, where we passed some days in perfect happiness. The distance however from Clermont to Verdun was too great for convenience, as the village afforded but few requisites for a family, and I was also frequently called upon in behalf of the prisoners. I therefore procured a lodging at Charni, a little village on the Meuse, about two miles from Verdun, in a most commodious house, with a very respectable family.” Of the events of the following year, which was passed in captivity, we can only find any account by referring to the memoranda and notes, out of which the following extracts have been taken.

In reference to Charni, Captain Brenton says, “Our retreat here was a most delightful one, in a spacious mansion belonging to Monsieur de Beaumont, who was of an ancient and noble family. We had an excellent suite of apartments, and the use of an extensive garden. The season of the year was particularly delightful; and every thing for some time conspired to make us enjoy as much felicity as human nature is capable of doing. If I had not entirely forgotten that I was a prisoner, I ceased to feel the pressure of captivity, and was resigned to my lot. An anxious thought of being deprived of the active exercise of my profession would now and then intrude, but it was soon dispelled in the recollection of the happiness I enjoyed. This however received some interruption a short time afterwards, from my health being seriously attacked. I had caught a cold, which in the month of June brought on spitting of blood. I hope the precaution I took of concealing this alarming symptom from my beloved companion, rendered her apprehensions less dreadful to her; but I allowed my own mind to be extremely depressed. I considered a rapid decline to be the inevitable consequence; and the thoughts of my dear and helpless family, left unprovided for, and unprotected, in a foreign land, and in an enemy’s country, preyed upon my spirits with a force that I cannot describe. It is unknown to all but myself, how many hours of dreadful anxiety I suffered on this account, and indeed on my own; for these very feelings prove that I was not prepared for death; that I was but a nominal christian. So blind, and worldly minded I was, that I derived no comfort from the assurances given in every part of scripture, of the mercy and goodness of God. I could not then comfort myself by resigning all I held dear into the hands of that Bountiful Creator, who gave them to me. I felt as though their happiness depended upon my sole exertions; and that without me they must be destitute. It is this way of thinking, this practical want of faith, disguise it as we may, which is the cause of all our anxiety, and even of all the misery we meet with. It could not exist, were we as sensible, as we persuade ourselves we are, of the Omnipotence, and the Omnipresence, and the merciful goodness of God. Often have I tried to reason myself into this firm trust and confidence in the Divine mercy, but the sick bed, the dear disconsolate widow, and the unprotected infant were objects, which with all my efforts, I could not look beyond; and yet, I should have thought the greatest injustice had been done me, if any one at the time had called in question the sincerity of my religious profession. I felt as though I were living in a general, if not a constant practice of its duties. How little do we know ourselves, till the day of trial comes. I could read treatises upon patience and resignation with the most cordial concurrence in every argument; and even wonder that they were not universally efficacious; but when called upon to practice what they prescribed, I found I was indeed living without God in the world. I did not dare to impart these wretched feelings to my beloved and inestimable wife, in the apprehension of affecting her, and thus I lost the balm of her affectionate counsels.

“The attack which I experienced, would, I am now convinced, have been of little importance, but for the effect I allowed it to have upon my mind. This aggravated its force, and it soon assumed so serious an appearance as threatened to realize all my apprehensions. What a lesson is this for you, my dear children, to teach you the folly as well as the wickedness of worldly anxiety. How often do the evils we dread never reach us; whilst the blow which humbles us comes from a quarter where we least expected it. Even the events, which seem to menace us with some serious calamity, frequently become instruments of good to us. Nearly thirteen years have now elapsed since this period; and instead of the evil I foreboded, my health has probably been strengthened and preserved, by the care and precaution which that illness rendered necessary. It was the cause of my removing from Verdun to the interior of France, to the most delightful climate, where I soon nearly recovered. All my apprehensions were groundless. I was mercifully preserved to those so justly dear to me, and preserved by a gracious Providence to be the humble instrument of their future welfare.

“It was impossible to enjoy greater advantages than we possessed, in the retired village of Charni, during the summer months; and I avoided the bustle and constant interruption, which I met with at Verdun from various quarters. We had some excellent and valuable friends, in whose society we found much gratification; their habits were similar to our own; with them we lived on terms of the kindest intimacy, and avoided, by having this residence, the necessity of keeping up an intercourse with others who found enjoyment only in society of a very different description. As the autumn however approached, we thought it necessary to remove into Verdun, as Charni was too low for a winter residence. We continued to live in retirement, as my health was too weak to admit of my entering into evening parties, and it was with great difficulty that I could prevail upon my beloved and excellent companion to leave me only for a few hours. Even the change from Charni to Verdun was beneficial to me. The progress I made towards recovery was very apparent, and my mind being consequently relieved, I was in a great measure restored to happiness. The mercy and goodness of God has visited me through life, in a very remarkable manner; and this ought to excite the warmest gratitude, and the most entire resignation to all He should in future require of me.

“One other circumstance at this period occurred most providentially, which relieved me from much anxiety. My pecuniary circumstances had always been far from affluent. The loss of my ship just fitted out; the necessity of keeping two houses; and the other unavoidable expences of my situation, had exhausted the little which I had made in the late war. At this time I received two sums most opportunely, namely £468, prize money from Genoa, of which I had given up all hopes; and nearly £400 as a remuneration from the Admiralty for the charge I had taken of the prisoners. This materially increased our comforts; but the circumstance derived its chief value in the estimation of my angelic wife, from the effect it produced in tranquillizing my mind. To please and obey her God; to share in, or contribute to the happiness of those dear to her, was the great and invariable object of her life. She thus gave additional charms to prosperity itself, by the delight she took in the joy of all around her: but how often have I felt her sweet influence of still greater value in cheering me under the pressure of adversity.

“In order to re-establish my health entirely, I was anxious to remove into a milder climate; I was also very desirous of procuring a residence for my family, at a distance from the general depôt, where much of the society was very exceptionable, and where we were constantly unsettled, by the multitude of reports daily in circulation, suggested without any foundation by the hopes and fears of our fellow prisoners, or from mere idleness. With this view I solicited permission to pass the winter at Tours. The Minister of Marine, M. Decrés again stood my friend, and after some delay, in consequence of Buonaparte being at Berlin, he at length succeeded, and informed me in the kindest manner of my request being granted. We made our preparations with almost as much pleasure, as though it had been for a journey to England. I employed myself during the remainder of our stay at Verdun, in concluding all my affairs relative to the prisoners at that depôt. The French government had recently forbidden any further supplies being given to the British prisoners, by their own country; declaring that each nation should support its own prisoners. The fact was, that whilst the Englishmen were so liberally provided for by their own government, there was no hope of inducing them to desert; and all intrigues carried on by the French to seduce them from their allegiance proved fruitless. In consequence of this new arrangement, my presence was no longer necessary at Verdun. I settled all my affairs relative to the prisoners, and this was rendered less complicated by an order recently issued by the French Government, that all supplies sent from England to her people should cease, and each nation support their own prisoners. I had nothing therefore now to do, but to close my accounts previous to my departure. The situation of the prisoners of inferior rank, became in consequence wretched in the extreme. They were now deprived of the comforts to which they had been accustomed; they neither saw nor heard of their officers; they knew nothing of the continued solicitude of their truly paternal government, and of the efforts it had made in their behalf. All hopes of exchange had died away, and complete despair seemed to have taken possession of the sufferers. Numbers attempted to make their escape, and some few succeeded; but many were intercepted and cruelly treated; whilst additional measures of severity were adopted to prevent further attempts at desertion. All who were taken at this time, were sent off, as close prisoners to the fortress of Bitche, and confined in the dark and gloomy souterrain. It was at this time that Mr. Wolfe, finding that the principal objects of his solicitude, the children, were all removed to the distant depôts, and that none would be permitted to reside at Verdun, came forward in a manner most creditable to himself, as a volunteer to reside at Givet, a depôt in which there were twelve hundred prisoners, but no officers. He was aware that he must deprive his family of all the advantages they possessed of comfort and society at Verdun, and subject them to many privations; but this excellent man did not hesitate, whatever sufferings or inconveniences might await him, to put in execution a resolution which was made in the hope of being instrumental to the temporal and eternal welfare of his suffering countrymen.”

CHAPTER VIII.

THE REV. MR. WOLFE, ONE OF THE DETENUS.—HEARS OF THE STATE OF THE PRISONERS AT GIVET, AND RESOLVES ON GOING TO RESIDE AMONG THEM.—EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK ENTITLED THE “BRITISH PRISONERS IN FRANCE.”

The name of Mr. Wolfe having been thus introduced, I feel it due to the memory of that faithful and devoted man, to leave for a moment the subject of the present memoir, in order to turn to the labours in which he was associated, and to a work which he voluntarily undertook, in conjunction with his friend, Captain Brenton. Mr. Wolfe, as has been stated, was arrested at Fontainbleau, where he was making a short stay in a tour subsequent to his marriage: and from thence was consigned with the other detenus to the depôt at Verdun. His situation there admitted many alleviations in the captivity to which he was doomed. He found several valuable and agreeable men, the associates of his confinement. He had, as we have seen, opportunities for exercising his ministry; and he must have felt, that though the situation was not one which he would have chosen, it was still one in which he perhaps had less to regret, than the greater part of those around him. But while he was thus residing at Verdun, the reports which he continually received of the state of the British seamen who were confined at Givet, awoke such feelings of pity in Mr. Wolfe’s mind, that he determined in a spirit of self-devotion, as rare as it is admirable, to move with his family to Givet, to take up his residence among them, and to try to forward the means of their improvement by personal exertions. This sacrifice can hardly be appreciated as it ought to be, by those who are ignorant of the condition to which the men were reduced, through their own vices, and the oppression to which they were at the time subjected. Mr. Wolfe’s friends remonstrated with him seriously on the danger to which he was exposing himself, and the partner of his exile, by taking up his permanent abode among men, whom despair and suffering had rendered almost ferocious; and whose sole relief seemed to be, making others more wretched than themselves. But he had seen the need to which they were reduced. He had counted the cost, and he decided on a step, which if it involved great personal privation, and some personal danger, was followed by such an amount of blessing as few have been permitted to witness.

On first removing to Givet, he found his countrymen sunk in every kind of abomination, half starved by the dishonesty of the French Commissaries, destitute of every comfort, and in a state of mind which aggravated all their external sufferings. The cruel, and unfeeling policy of the French government at the time, led them to make the condition of the prisoners as wretched as possible, that they might be the more easily tempted, by the agents employed to seduce them from their allegiance; and the evils of captivity were studiously aggravated by the want of necessary food and covering, that the seamen might be induced to enlist in the French service. This species of treatment falling on minds ill prepared to resist it, had led to a degree of frightful demoralization. Some few were drawn away by the offers made to them, and justified their desertion by the cold and hunger they had suffered. The rest seeing no prospect of release, without employment, and without resource, sought for momentary forgetfulness in intoxication, when liquor could be procured; and then sunk into despondency, and sullen discontent. A more fearful exhibition of human nature it is hardly possible to conceive; and yet into this scene Mr. Wolfe resolved to throw himself; and among men, such as these, he asked, and with some difficulty obtained permission to reside. The result of this noble enterprise of Christian benevolence, of this work and labour of love, should only be given in his own words, and having asked, and obtained the kind permission of her who was his partner in this act of self-devotion, to make this use of his publication, I do not hesitate at borrowing from the work which Mr. Wolfe published in 1830, entitled the “British Prisoners in France,” the narrative of the experiment he made, and which from that moment connected him, while life lasted, in affectionate regard with the subject of the present memoir.

“On my arrival at Givet,” writes Mr. Wolfe, “I soon discovered that I had undertaken a task of much more difficulty and danger, than I had at all been willing to believe. I found the depôt in the most deplorable state. Both in a moral and physical point of view, it would be difficult to conceive anything more degraded and miserable. And as regards religion, every appearance of it was confined to some twenty methodists, who were the objects of the most painful persecution, and often the innocent cause of the most dreadful blasphemies. For, not content with abusing, and sometimes ill-treating them, the drunken and vicious, more effectually to distress and grieve them, would blaspheme that sacred name by which we are called, and utter their contempt in the most extravagant, and offensive mockery. The bodily privations of the prisoners, and their want of the comforts, and common necessaries of life was equally distressing. The barracks were situated in a narrow pass, between the perpendicular rock of the fortress of Charlemont on the one side, and the river Meuse on the other; and all the space the men had for exercise, was between the building itself and the river, along the side of which was a wall. This slip of ground, not more than ten paces in width, and exposed to the southern sun, was in the heat of summer a complete oven. Yet here they were obliged to walk, except they should stay in a hot room, with sixteen persons crowded into it all the day. In the hospital, the sick were mixed with those of the prisoners of other nations, and were in a shocking state of neglect, and covered with vermin. Not a single prisoner was allowed to go out into the town; and even the interpreter was accompanied by a gens d’armes. It was almost impossible for any of them to get any thing from their friends, for there was no one to receive it for them; and the little that did come, was subjected to a deduction of five per cent by the marechal des logis. And so great was their distress at that moment, that unable to satisfy the cravings of hunger, they were seen to pick up the potato peelings that were thrown out into the court, and devour them.

“It appears to be the natural tendency of misery and want, to foster vice, and encourage the worst feelings of the human heart; and that effect, in its fullest sense, was produced on this occasion. The little money that was received by the prisoners, instead of being applied to the relief of their wants, and to make them more comfortable in food and clothing, was spent in riot and excess. On these occasions, sailors are, of all other men, most ready to communicate, and never think of to-morrow. And, left, as they were, entirely to themselves, no one caring for their souls, no one having the desire, or the power to restrain them, either by force or by persuasion, in the midst of the real distress which they experienced, the depôt of Givet was, perhaps, at that moment, the most reprobate spot that can be imagined.

“In addition to these discouragements, connected with the field of labour which I had undertaken; I now found, that there were difficulties in my own situation, which would probably involve me in personal danger, of a very serious nature; or at least, cause me to be sent away to the dungeons of Bitche.

“The Commandant, and those that were under his orders, from the time I arrived at the depôt, viewed me with a very evil eye. They had all a share in the spoil of the poor prisoners; and my interference on their behalf, and the opportunities which I had of detecting their extortions, enraged them exceedingly against me. Whenever I made an attempt, as I frequently did, to put a stop to the exactions upon the money which was sent in to the men; or when any complaint was made of the meat, or the bread, these officers were loud in their threats of denunciations, and of sending me off to Bitche. And for the first two years of my stay in that place, I never went to bed, without the impression upon my mind, that, ere the morning, I might probably be thus suddenly marched off.

“Before I left Verdun, I had been cautioned not to pay any money to the prisoners, which might be remitted to me, either from their friends in England, or from the charitable fund at Verdun, without express permission from the Commandant, a caution which proved most salutary. For, even though I obtained this permission, the marechal des logis came to me the next morning, in a great rage, reproached me with taking away his honest gains, and required me in future to send in the money through him. I complained to the Commandant, who inveighed against the avarice of this man; but I found that he was either unwilling, or afraid to redress this shameful abuse. And, although I subsequently made many attempts to pay the men their money without this abominable drawback, it was always without effect, and at the risk of being denounced, and sent away from the depôt.

“The exertions which were made, during the long-continued detention of the English prisoners in France, for the relief of such among them as were in want, are known to every one. The sums so raised were contributed by benevolent individuals in London; to whom the collections made throughout the country, for the same charitable purpose, were also forwarded; and by them committed to the care of some of the most respectable persons in the depôt of Verdun, who had formed themselves into a committee for that effect. These gentlemen, who were themselves liberal contributors, dispensed to the necessitous, and sent to the different depôts such relief, as the exigencies of each required. And sometimes, in the hope of more effectually relieving the sufferings of those confined in distant places, individuals from this chief depôt, went to visit them, and even took up their temporary or permanent abode among them.

“At the time these charitable contributions were received at Givet, and the payment to each prisoner was small, though the whole amount was considerable, I went to the commandant, and represented to him the charitable object of the money that was to be distributed; and said, I hoped he would not allow any deduction to be made from trifling sums, arising from such a source. He said, it would be altogether shameful, willingly gave me the permission to pay it, and granted my further request, that a certain number of the prisoners should be permitted to come into the town once a week, to lay out the money more advantageously, in necessaries for themselves and their fellow prisoners. This was very joyful to the poor men; but, unfortunately, they could not contain their triumph, and boasted, in not very measured terms, that they had at length overcome the marechal des logis. This was sufficient; the Commandant took this excuse for withdrawing the permission; and, before the next weekly pay-day arrived, I received a message from him, that he had a particular reason for desiring that I would not again pay the money myself. I said, that in that case, I would not pay it at all. And for a considerable time I resisted. But surrounded as I was with spies, I could not explain what I was doing to the men. And even if I had, the Commandant knew well, they were too impatient to receive their money, not to submit to the sacrifice, even of the half, if it were required, rather than wait.

“He, also, had his hired friends, not only among the gens d’armes, but among the men themselves, who insinuated to them that it was all my fault that it was not paid.[3] They sent in a specific message to the Commandant, that they were willing to pay the deduction as usual; and after resisting for, I think, two pay-days, I at length felt that it was wrong any longer to deprive the poor men of a charitable relief so necessary for them, and again submitted to this iniquitous tax.

“The great difficulty of my situation arose from hence. I knew that if I were found, directly or indirectly, opposing, or interfering with the business of the depôt, otherwise than with the consent of the Commandant, and as I was able to work upon his moral feeling, or regard to his character, I should be immediately sent away. I was permitted to go there only as chaplain; and it was evident, from every one else, who could have done anything for the prisoners, having been sent away, that I should not be allowed to stay in any other capacity. Traps were constantly laid for me,[4] and I knew, by examples before my eyes, that if they could find any such interfering to allege against me, they would say to me, as they always did, that the thing I complained of was a shameful abuse. But they would have denounced me, as one of the Commandants afterwards did, as having done something, which they knew the minister of war, without any inquiry would punish by sending me away from the depôt. And as they would be very angry, and their accusation be of a kind which he would consider serious, an order would come down, be put in execution, perhaps in the middle of the night; and without any explanation, or, probably, any one knowing it, till the following morning, I should have been marched from brigade to brigade, to the fortress of Bitche, subject to join company with deserters and criminals, and tied, it might be, hand to hand with them.[5] This might have been risked; but in what state would the poor fellows have been left? They would have been reduced to the same miserable condition in which I found them, with the additional oppression which would arise from the angry feeling left upon the minds of the officers who had charge of them. And thus, sound policy, and a conscientious regard to the object for which I was permitted to be at the depôt, the religious instruction and consolation of the prisoners, perfectly coincided. Under any circumstances, I could not have thought a disingenuous conduct right, and must have given up any advantage, or even usefulness, rather than resort to it. But I found that a plain and straightforward course enabled me to be more serviceable to the prisoners. And though, sometimes, I could not help making strong representations to the Commandant, I never worked indirectly, or endeavoured to set the men’s minds against him. My general resource was persuasion, and a direct appeal to his conscience, and his amour propre, which was particularly his weak side. And with the aid of a very kind and influential French officer in the Engineers, who was always ready to assist me, and favour the prisoners, I was enabled to accomplish more, by this open conduct, than I could have done by means of a more indirect and inimical nature. But it will readily be conceived, that circumstanced as I was, this would often subject me to misrepresentation, and render extreme circumspection necessary.

“In the impossibility of knowing who were in the interest of the Commandant, even among the men themselves, I had but one resource, I suspected nobody, and I trusted nobody. I never explained my views or intentions to any one, and said nothing that required the least secrecy. At one time, therefore, the men, when they could not have what they wished, suspected all was not right; at another when they complained of tyranny and knavery, the agents and subalterns of the Commandant declared, that I was at the bottom of it, and they would soon have me at the dungeons of Bitche; and, at a third, the Commandant himself would be influenced by his people, and suspect me of underhand dealing.[6]

“In the end, however, what was done spoke for itself. The men saw that every means in the power of prisoners, like themselves, were used to prevent them from being oppressed. The Commandant felt that my being there was a great check upon the rapacity and avarice of his people; and they, and often he himself, were excessively enraged. But the moral and religious feeling which was manifested among the men, rendered them so much more peaceful and sober, more satisfied, and even cheerful in their conduct, and so much more faithful to their word and engagements, that I really think he felt it a sort of personal security to himself, and upon the whole, an advantage.

“Thus exposed to many difficulties and personal dangers, as to the temporal wants of the poor men; in their spiritual concerns, and those immediately connected with them, I had abundant cause of thankfulness. On my first application for a place of worship, the Commandant expressed his readiness to do every thing in his power. But he had no place at his disposal larger than the ordinary sized room, which would not hold more than two hundred persons. This I obtained for the moment. But the Colonel-director of engineers was then with the army in Germany; and the grenier, the only place sufficiently large for the purpose, could only be obtained by a direct application to him. For the present, therefore, a room perhaps a little larger than the others, where was an oven for the purpose of baking bread for the barracks, was converted into a chapel. A small plain desk was made by one of the men, which served also for a pulpit; and the clerk made use of a common table and stool. What was wanting however in accommodation, was abundantly made up by the spirit which soon was manifested among the prisoners; and the Lord wrought powerfully among them. The place was crowded to excess, and the oven, which reached so near the top of the room, that the men could not sit upright upon it, was always covered with them, lying in a most painful position from want of room.

“The Schools were also immediately established; and though the funds for all these objects were, at that early period of our captivity, but scantily, and with great difficulty obtained, we were yet able to carry on a system of education, which, for extent, usefulness, and the rapid progress made by those that were instructed, has perhaps seldom been equalled. It is indeed wonderful, at how small an expence, a number of persons, generally amounting to between four and five hundred, were taught to read, write, go through the highest rules in arithmetic, navigation in all its most difficult branches, construct charts and maps, and work at the practical part of their profession, as far as it can be learned from the form of a vessel, which had been admirably rigged for that purpose. Yet the small sums given to those among them, who were capable of instructing their fellow prisoners, as masters or assistants, were very useful.

“The immediate results arising from this employment of their time, were beneficial, in a degree, at least equal to the professional advantages, which they might hope to experience in their future prospects. While they were thus receiving instruction and edification, their thoughts were diverted from dwelling upon those misfortunes, which had the most pernicious effect and influence upon their minds, not only in a moral and religious point of view, but, often as it regarded their health and spirits. And thus the fear of God, and the influence of moral duty and instruction, even in those who were not decidedly religious, reciprocally acted upon their minds; preserved them from that mental debasement, and those habits of depravity and vice, which are ever contracted and induced by ignorance and want of employment.

“And in the midst of these useful occupations, the Lord opened the hearts of many, to receive that heavenly wisdom, the merchandize of which is better than silver, and the gain thereof than fine gold; without which, all our attainments are nothing worth, and with which all the things we can desire, are not to be compared. The number of boys was comparatively small; the greater number were men grown; and some of those that were advanced in years, were anxious not to lose this opportunity of learning to read, at least, their bibles; to be able to study for themselves those oracles of eternal truth, which are ‘able to make men wise unto salvation, through faith that is in Christ Jesus.’

“The hospital was another object of my immediate attention. It is remarkable that this abode of sickness and misery, was also the most abandoned portion of the depôt. In this respect, the remark which I have before made is completely borne out. And here, where it might have been hoped that the afflicting hand of God, and the constant view of death, would have brought the most wicked to tremble at the thought of judgment, hardened impenitence kept pace with outward misery. And even after their wants were supplied, and every comfort was promised for them, which affliction is susceptible of, the hospital continued to be, with some exceptions, much less under the influence of religious improvement, than any other part of the depôt.

“My first object was to obtain for my countrymen a ward to themselves, separate from the prisoners of other nations. One of the prisoners had already been employed in the joint capacity of interpreter and nurse. He was by birth a Portuguese, but had been many years in the English navy, and spoke English nearly as well as a native. He was however a person in whom I had not the least confidence, was hardened in all the callous and profligate practices of the French nurses, and was evidently in the pay of the Commandant. For the same reason, however, I knew it would be impossible for me to displace him. And, after a vain attempt to do so, I endeavoured to make him as useful as possible; and contented myself with employing another person, and a third, as they were wanted, whom I found best suited to attend the sick, and administer to their comforts.

“It was my anxious wish to find a pious person, who was fit for this affair, and was willing to take the charge, in which there were so many opportunities of usefulness. And at length I succeeded in obtaining the appointment of one, who would at all times be ready to speak a word in season, to those who might be induced to hear. From this time the poor men were as comfortable as in an English hospital. Extreme cleanliness succeeded to the state of filth in which I had found them; and as wine, and many other things of a cordial, or a nutritious nature, were there abundant, and very reasonable, they had even greater comforts than would have been provided for them at home. And the consequence was, that we had a smaller proportion of deaths, compared with the number of persons present, than is scarcely ever known.

“A better spirit also began to be manifested among the men. The absence of the French nurses, hackneyed in every vice, and hardened amidst the most appalling scenes of sickness, misery, and death, contributed to prevent, in some measure, the abandoned carelessness and unconcern which had been shewn, when those who perhaps had less reason to expect it than themselves, were called before them, to give an account of the things done in the body. At least, they whose sufferings God had sanctified, were not interrupted, as they had been, by the riot and blasphemy of the wicked and impenitent.

“In the mean time, a great sensation was created in the prison; and, as in old time, some mocked, while others, for the first time, saw before them an invisible and eternal world, compared with which all the things they could desire were less than nothing and vanity, where were many among them already, whose hearts the Lord opened, to attend to the things which have been declared by prophets, and apostles, and confirmed by God, manifest in the flesh. Many were enquiring into the things which accompany salvation; and in many the word of truth took deep root, and they continued seeking the grace of Christ. Nor have I the least reason to doubt, that the Lord fulfilled to many his gracious promise, ‘Seek and ye shall find,’ and that even now, some have entered into the rest that remaineth for the people of God; and others are still so running that they may obtain.

“The methodist congregation were regular attendants on the service of the Church, and had their meetings night and morning.[7] They were very useful in the work of God; and now their numbers increased. And soon after my arrival another meeting was formed, of those who from time to time were under the influence of conviction, arising out of, and more immediately connected with the congregation of the Church. As my own views, at the period of my arrival at Givet, were by no means clear, it will readily be understood, that these persons did not see at once all the riches of the grace of God. Still their hearts were opened, and they ‘followed on to know the Lord.’

“There were, as might be expected, discussions and disputes between the two classes, and among each other. These I endeavoured to allay, and encourage among them a single eye to Christ. The work of God proceeded more rapidly than my most sanguine hopes could have anticipated. And one or other of the men were frequently receiving letters from their fellow-prisoners in other depôts, saying, that they heard the Lord was among them, and expressing a hope that the influence might be felt amongst themselves. The change was also soon visible in the lives and moral conduct of the men; and was recognized, as I have observed, by the Commandant and all who had to do with them. Formerly they could only be restrained by force, and bolts and bars were the only means of keeping them safely; and they constantly broke through them; but now, bolts and bars were unnecessary. The Commandant was persuaded, and acted entirely upon that persuasion, that the only thing that could bind them, was the moral obligation of their word; which, whether given or implied, they never broke, in any instance that came to my knowledge.

“Nor was this confined to them that feared God. The moral influence of Christianity spread through the whole body, and the most striking instances of faithfulness to their word, and a sense of the obligation of it, were given by the prisoners. And it was not officers or people of education who thus distinguished themselves; but common sailors, and youngsters, who might have been expected to view the breach of their parole only as a joke. So that it was considered as a national feeling, and raised the character of the English in that country extremely.[8]

“This conduct had also the happiest effect upon the comfort of the men. Previous to my arrival they had by degrees been all confined to the prison; those who had been permitted to come out, having conducted themselves ill, or run away. And at length, not one prisoner, without excepting even the interpreter, was permitted to come out without a guard, under any pretext.

“I began by getting one out, and then a second, and a third person, for my own service, and as interpreter; then some others in whom I had most confidence. The good behaviour of these men, encouraged the Commandant to give liberty to others. The number of those who had permission to reside in the town, or to work and walk out of the prison, increased daily; and at length, so complete was his confidence in them, that he allowed many of them to walk out into the country; and there were often as many as two hundred out of the prison at a time.

“And now, the director of engineers, who had also the fortifications under his direction, returned from the German campaign. I made immediate application to him for what was wanted for the comfort and accommodation of the depôt; and on this occasion, as on all others, he willingly listened to our wishes, and did more than we asked.

“There was a part of the court which surrounded the barracks, about the size of that which lay between the building and the river. This was on the north side of the prison, and was comparatively cool, from the shade afforded by the building; when, on the other side, the heat from the southern sun, and the reflection from the walls, was almost intolerable. But there was no palisade, on the side of the road to prevent the escape of the prisoners. There was a sufficient number of these for the purpose, among the stores belonging to the fortification; and I offered, out of the funds sent me by the committee at Verdun, having previously consulted them, to defray an expence so essential to the health and comfort of the men, which was estimated at fifteen pounds.

“This proposal the director immediately forwarded to the Bureau de la guerre, and received an immediate permission to grant us this accommodation; which he lost no time in completing. But when I came to pay the expence, I was agreeably surprised to find, that he had represented to the minister the inconsistency that there would be in allowing this expence to be borne by individuals; and he would not hear of my paying a farthing. I then applied to him for a large grenier, which was the only place sufficiently capacious for the purpose of divine worship. This again required some expense, and was attended with some difficulties. The colonel, however, made none. He gave immediate orders to the person who supplied bread for the barracks, to whom he had given this place as a storehouse, to empty it of the stores which he had laid up in it, and give up the key. And now the only fault that we had to find, was the reverse of that which we had before complained of. The place would have held several thousand persons; and being very low and unceiled, the heat in the summer was excessive, and the winter’s cold was not less severe. The men, however, did not complain; they were seeking the glory that shall be revealed, to which the light afflictions of the present, which are but for a moment, are not to be compared.

“We were now enabled to meet together in as large numbers as would; and as many as were so inclined, had full power of seeking, in the ordinances of God, and the hearing of the word, the grace which bringeth salvation. And they were not backward in availing themselves of the means which were thus offered to them. I was very anxious that they should not come there under any feeling of constraint, or for filthy lucre’s sake; that they should understand that it would be no advantage to them, as to the loaves and fishes. Yet the congregation increased; and there were few instances of those that had begun to run well, looking back, or returning into the way of carelessness and sin.

“Some of those who had never been received by baptism into the church of Christ, were anxious to receive this pledge of their profession. It was an affecting sight, to see the jetty natives of the East desiring, like the Ethiopian convert of old, to profess their faith in a crucified Saviour; and while they manifested already in their lives the grace that sanctifieth, receiving with desire of heart, the outward sign and pledge of the faith that was in them. But the Lord’s Supper was a still more joyful proof and evidence of the work which He was carrying on amongst these people. I shall never forget the first sacrament, which I administered in the barracks. The number of communicants was about fourteen, most of them old men. The greater part had never before attended at the holy table. Some, perhaps, had never been in a place of worship in their lives, until my arrival at the depôt. They could not contain their feelings, and most of them were in tears the whole of the time. It was a godly sorrow, working repentance unto salvation, not to be repented of.

“But the number of communicants did not long continue so small. It increased daily, as a sense of religion prevailed, and the seed of grace took root in their hearts. The spirit of enquiry was general, and hundreds were seeking. The table of the Lord was more numerously attended every month; and I was enabled there to attend to the instructions of the rubric in a way that is scarcely practicable in a large parish at home. In cases of baptism the sponsors were persons of decided piety.

“The persons who attended the Lord’s table, in the latter part of my stay at the depôt, amounted to above two hundred; and it cannot but be supposed, that amongst so many, there were some who, to say the least of it, must be considered very weak christians. But they were all professing to be serious; and there were none among them, as I believed, of that formal description so common among the communicants in England, who attend this sacrament because they think it decent, or that they are doing some good thing, that they may have everlasting life.

“Still there are, no doubt, those who have flying convictions, even of a very lively description, for a moment; many of whom, when they have heard the word, immediately receive it with gladness, and when temptation or affliction cometh, are as immediately offended, and have no part nor lot with them that shall be saved. I therefore required them to give in their names beforehand, that I might enquire into the consistency of their lives, if there were any whom I did not know; and exhort those whom I had any doubt of, or refuse them, if I thought them altogether unfit.

“There was but a single instance of one coming, who had not given this previous notice. I observed the man amongst the rest, and was surprised. I had seen him very constant at church, but I had had no direct intimation of his seriousness, and was in doubt of him: I therefore went up to him, to ascertain, at least, whether he was prepared to receive the sacrament with consciousness, of the body and blood of Christ. He was a man of extreme simplicity of mind and manners; but answered in such a way, as immediately to convince me, that he was not only desirous of shewing the Lord’s death until he come, but instantly serving God day and night. And from that time, I know not that he was ever absent from any of the appointed means of grace, whether on the Lord’s day or any other; and in life, as in profession, was a decided and consistent Christian.

“Such was the state of this Christian community, and so changed in a few short months was this numerous depôt, in which there were, sometimes, as many as 1500 prisoners. Formerly there was not a room, out of a number, sometimes exceeding ninety, where a man could have gone down on his knees to prayer. The consequences to him of such an attempt would have been profane abuse, or even serious personal violence. Now there was not one room, in which there were not pious men; and quiet and peace prevailed towards them, even on the part of those who did not themselves profess the truth.

“I remember an observation from Mr. Lee, when he went with me through the barracks, and into all or most of the rooms. ‘This,’ said he, ‘is a most extraordinary thing. I have been through a depôt of 1500 sailors, and not seen one drunken man!’ And the influence of their example was felt more or less, in a religious point of view, throughout all the depôts, in all which one or other of them had friends, with whom they were in habits of correspondence.

“But it may well be supposed that Satan did not view these things with indifference. The tares were soon sown among the wheat, and in time they grew up together. The first instrument in the hand of the enemy, was a defection among the men, by going over to the French; in which, however, those that professed religion distinguished themselves in a very honourable manner. I had found, that on two or three occasions, an Irish officer, who was in the French service, (whose name I do not mention, in the hope that he may have repented of a course so disgraceful, and that it may have been overlooked by a generous country,) had been in the prison; and by bribery, and by giving them liquor, had each time induced some of the men to go with him into the French service. To have interfered personally in this matter, it may well be supposed, would have been a sure way of my being removed from the depôt. I, however, spoke to the Commandant on the subject of the youngsters; and, appealing to him as a father, requested that he would not allow any of them to take a step which would be their ruin; however much they might wish it, in order to recover their liberty. And this he readily promised, and shewed indeed a desire to do.

“Some time after this, I was preparing to go into the neighbourhood of Sedan, where Colonel D’Ivory, who commanded the engineers in the English army in Portugal, was then residing. I was very desirous of visiting a congregation of French Protestants in that town; and accepted an invitation from the Colonel to stay a few days with him. Before I set off I found that the Franco Irish officer had again appeared at the depôt, and prevailed upon two or three of the men to go with him. I, therefore, went to the Commandant and said, that I waited upon him again, before I set off, to remind him of his promise respecting the youngsters. He assured me that none of them should go; and said, that there was not much to be apprehended, for the men took his liquor and laughed at him.

“My journey was not satisfactory, except as regarded the extreme hospitality and kindness of my host, and the pious and almost protestant conversation of Madame D’Ivory. Her health was exceedingly delicate, and she was unequal to exertion. And she spent her time in religious exercises and prayer; while she administered to the wants, and her maid even dressed the wounds of the poor around her. I could not but exclaim, ‘O si sic omnia!’ and lament the errors of her faith, and the almost ridiculous, if they had not been destructive, superstitions of persons about her.[9]

“How different was the case where I hoped to find religion in its purest simplicity! At the protestant temple I found the scriptures being read to literally empty benches; there was not one person present. At length the congregation began to come in, and the clergyman arrived. He preached a moral discourse; and seeing I was a stranger, and a minister, he very kindly asked me to dinner. I accepted, in hope of hearing something better in the evening. But the work of God was ended. I waited impatiently for evening service, but at length I found, that that rich and rather numerous congregation, was left to spend the rest of the Lord’s day in eating, drinking, and being merry. And I returned much disappointed and grieved.

“My kind host indeed had spoken slightly of this minister, and as the day was extremely bad, and the rain incessant, earnestly dissuaded me from riding four miles through very bad roads to Church. But I had attributed this partly to prejudice, and was determined at least to judge for myself. He however made particular enquiry, and afterwards wrote me word, that he thought it necessary to caution me against this minister, as he had had positive information, that he was deeply implicated in the revolution. I am indeed compelled to confess, that more than one of the protestant ministers whom I had met with, were not without some imputation, from the part they acted during that unhappy period. And a very general spirit of Socinianism, to say the least of it, prevailed at that time among the protestants of France. I have heard with much pleasure, that a great revival of religion has since taken place amongst them; and have been rejoiced to hear the decided sentiments which have been expressed by some of their ministers, at public meetings in this country.

“Returning to Givet, I was very much astonished to meet on the way, two or three considerable parties of our men. They passed me with downcast looks, and shame was strongly painted in their countenances; and I dared not speak to them, not doubting of the fact, and knowing that the consequence could only have been evil, without the least hope of good. When I arrived, I found that the men were so bent upon going into the French service, that it seemed as if a sort of infatuation had taken possession of them. And although I was persuaded that the object of the greater part of them was, to run away, and get home; yet they were in the mean time becoming traitors to their country, and exposing themselves, if they were taken, to capital punishment.

“In every point of view, therefore, it was most earnestly to be desired that this might be put a stop to. But how it was to be done was a far more difficult question. There were many reasons, both of right and policy, which engaged me to look on, as if I were totally indifferent; and the consequence of my not doing so, would probably have been, my being sent away; as a clergyman had already been, from one of the depôts, for only speaking to the men on the subject. I however thought that this was a case in which every thing was to be risked. This officer, I found, had taken lodgings in the town, had got many men every day, and had declared, that Christmas was coming on, and he should then have half the barracks. I went up, therefore, the next morning, to church as usual; and after the service I spoke to the people on the subject. It was a remarkable thing, that not one of those who professed religion had thought of going, with the exception of one man; who, when I spoke to him, said, ‘that he was not an Englishman but an American;’ and though he would not do any thing inconsistent with his profession, he could not think that he was bound to remain in prison, for a cause which was not that of his country.

“I told them, therefore, that I had not the least apprehension of any of them entering into the service of the enemy; but that they were called to use their influence with their fellow prisoners, and it was their duty to employ every possible means to prevent others from doing a thing so wicked, and disgraceful to them as Englishmen. They said, that they had not only used persuasion, but force; but that the madness was so great, that whilst a party of them were standing at the gate to prevent desertion, one at a time would take the opportunity, when any one was coming in, and run past them, before they could stop them. They all, however, set to work in earnest; and from this time there were not more than one a day, for the two or three days before Christmas; and I believe two or three of the loose ones on Christmas day; and immediately after this the officer went away.[10]

“On this occasion, I ought to make honourable mention of the midshipmen who were at the depôt. A number of them were sent thither some time previous to this circumstance; and they shewed an extraordinary zeal to prevent the men from betraying their country. Mr. B. then a youngster, about seventeen, full of zeal for the service in which he was engaged, copied, and put up in the prison, in spite of gens d’armes and spies, a dialogue which I wrote out, shewing them in their own quaint expressions, what they might expect from the enemy, into whose service they were enlisting; and the rest were very active and useful in preventing this defection. Of these young gentlemen I can say nothing in a religious point of view; except it be of Mr. T., who was very peculiar in his manner; but, I trusted, and yet believe, was decidedly serious. But their conduct, as regarded their service and profession, was so distinguished, and reflected so much credit upon them, that it ought not to pass unnoticed.

“They were so anxious to get home, and so ingenious and bold in facing every danger and difficulty, which stood in their way, that every expedient to prevent them was in vain. It was for this cause that some of them were sent from Verdun to Givet; and the Commandant took every precaution that he could think of, to inform himself of their plans, so as to prevent their escape. Amongst other things, he opened all their letters before he allowed them to be sent into the prison, where they were closely confined; while numbers of the common men had the liberty of the town. After eight of them had escaped, and been retaken; and at the moment when he was most alarmed, and on the qui vive; a letter arrived for Mr. B. from his mother. The Commandant had no doubt, from the natural affection of a mother, that it was to urge him to get home; and perhaps to point out and furnish him with the means, for himself at least, if not for others also. But when it was read to him, he could not contain his astonishment and admiration, and spoke of it to every body.

“Lady B., though I have not the honour of knowing her, and am ignorant if she be in this militant state, I have some reason to believe, was a person of decided piety. But however that be, for I did not myself see her letter, it shewed a strength of mind and principle, not common to the gentle nature and indulgent feelings of a mother. She had heard that in some of the depôts, there had been midshipmen who had broken their parole, and come home. And she entreated her son not to let any personal suffering, or ill treatment, or example induce him to do what would disgrace himself, distress his family beyond measure, and cast a reflection upon his country. Young as he was however, no officer grown old in the career of British service, had less need of the pious and self-denying counsel of such a mother. He and some others afterwards escaped, in the most honourable manner, after having been once re-taken; though he himself might perhaps even then have succeeded, but that he would not leave behind him, a brother midshipman, who had lamed himself on the journey; and thus, after two attempts, and through dangers and difficulties which might have overcome the courage even of a British sailor, they arrived at home.

“But this letter, together with the strict observance of a given or even implied parole, on the part of all the prisoners, even to the lowest amongst them, so raised the character of the English at Givet, that the Commandant was quite persuaded, that they were most in safety when they were most in the enjoyment of liberty. Many of the men therefore were permitted to work in the town, and were much sought after by those who wanted workmen or servants; and a great number walked out into the town, and even into the country every day. But though they were constantly escaping from the prison, they never betrayed the confidence placed in them. The midshipmen were now all allowed their parole; and shewed themselves as worthy of it, as established officers.

“One circumstance, indeed, of a very lamentable description, ought not perhaps to be passed over. Two of these young gentlemen, Mr. H. and Mr. G. went out, accompanied by one of the gens d’armes, before they obtained their parole; and while the soldier was occupied, they got away and escaped. They were hid during the whole day in the souterrain of a fortified mountain, on the other side of the river. In the evening however they became alarmed. They thought they heard something like the noise of a horse shaking himself; and immediately after the name of Mr. H. called out loudly; and this repeated three times. They left the place, and in their fears wished, perhaps, rather to be retaken than not. An unhappy Englishman, in the pay of the Commandant, saw them coming down the hill, and instantly informed the gens d’armes from whom they had escaped. This man had been drinking all day; and setting out after them, filled with rage, he soon overtook them, and cut down Mr. H. who died immediately, and wounded Mr. G.

“This murder was savagely exulted in by the General, and shamelessly excused by the Commandant. The latter, however, was there only for a short time; but this circumstance, as may be supposed, made much ill feeling in the depôt. The midshipmen wrote a spirited note to the Commandant. The prisoners would have taken summary vengeance upon the spy, had he not been taken out of their hands, and kept out of prison. I thought it my duty to withhold from him every assistance given to the rest of the prisoners. The Commandant insisted on its being paid, but I refused. He then denounced me to the Minister of War, as assisting the midshipmen to escape; but at that period, I was not unknown by character to the Minister, and it happened providentially, that the former Commandant, was at that moment in Paris, returning to Givet; and thought it for his interest, knowing that I was now zealously supported by Colonel Flayelle, and some other persons of influence, to assist me; and our treacherous Commandant was, to our great gratification, soon removed.

“Even here there was no breach of parole. But shortly after the return of the Commandant, three of the young gentlemen gave a proof of adherence to that pledge, which would reflect credit upon officers even of rank in the army or navy. Their friends had now been some time gone away, and had arrived at home, and they began to regret that they had not gone with them. They came to me, to ask me to give them money for their bills upon their friends, which I did, asking them of course no questions. The same evening they conducted themselves in such a manner, as, they were persuaded, would cause the Commandant to take away their parole. But he suspected what they were meditating, and refused to put them in prison. The next night they made a more determined attempt; but still in vain, he would not take away their parole. Precisely at that moment, as if to try their faith to the utmost, an order arrived from the Minister of War to send all the Midshipmen, under a double escort of gens d’armes, to Verdun. But in spite of this positive order, the Commandant took upon himself to send them upon their parole. And they walked all the day to that place without the least idea of escaping; although all the soldiers in France would scarcely have prevented them from making the attempt.

“We had now done with the midshipmen. On some occasions they gave us considerable anxiety, as might readily be expected by those who know what young persons of that age are, even under the restriction of a school. They were ready on every occasion to crowd every sail, which the ebullition of animal spirits, and elevated national feeling, and exalted notions of the British navy could give them, without the ballast of matured judgment and experience; when they felt that their enemies exulted over them, or oppressed the poor fellows. And their interference in behalf of the men was often calculated to do harm instead of good. But I feel it incumbent upon me to give this testimony to the distinguished conduct of these young persons in a point of view, in which they raised the British character in that place; and that they did what they could, to stir up in the minds of the men that sense of allegiance to their king and country, which time and absence had begun to extinguish.

“The sufferings which some of the midshipmen endured in their successful attempts to return and fight the battles of their country, have in some instances been published; but in many they might almost seem incredible, if we did not know what high professional feelings may effect, when combined with the ardor and enterprize of youth.

“It would give me exquisite pleasure, if I should hear that any of these young men who dared so much, and bore so much, to regain the opportunity of distinguishing themselves in their country’s cause, are now fighting with equal boldness the good fight of faith in the service of the Kings of Kings. In that case they will not go without their reward.

“I would not forego the hope, that though little notion can be formed on this side of the water of the situation of the prisoners in France; particularly when their sufferings were embittered by the sense that they were cut off from all opportunities of distinguishing themselves in their country’s service; many may have received marks of favor, specially on account of what they had to bear in their captivity. Of this however I am ignorant, as with the exception of a short letter of greeting from Mr. B. some time ago, and one from Mr. H. after his return, I have lost sight of these young men ever since they left the depôt.”

CHAPTER IX.

JOURNEY TO TOURS, INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD AND RESIDENCE THERE.

I feel that no apology need be made to the readers of this Memoir for the length of the digression which occupied the last Chapter. The history of Sir Jahleel Brenton is identified with the service of his country; and a very inadequate idea would be formed of the perils undergone, and the hardships endured in that service, if the storm and the battle were the only circumstances recounted; and the sickening length of a dreary captivity, embittered by ill treatment, and hardly cheered by hope, was not to be named among the evils that were braved and borne by the navy during the last war.

Had the excellent friend, from whose deeply interesting narrative I have extracted this notice of the state of things at Givet, been spared; I might have calculated with equal confidence on his indulgence, when the character of Sir Jahleel Brenton, and the interests of his family were to be asserted; and it is a source of satisfaction to myself to be able to draw attention to one of the most touching and affecting memorials of God’s mercy to men, which have been recently published.

From causes which it is not easy to explain, the narrative which bears the title of the “British Prisoners in France,” never seems to have met with the acceptance which it deserves; for of all the cases where the grace of God has been exhibited in a large and general measure, where it seems to have descended as in showers, none seem to have exceeded this in the simplicity of the means used, and in the extent of the blessing vouchsafed. The depôt which Mr. Wolfe found like a howling wilderness, he left like a garden of the Lord; but few persons can conceive the difficulties with which he had to struggle, or the value of the assistance which he derived from Sir Jahleel Brenton’s co-operation.

The object which he had in view was accomplished. His labour was not in vain in the Lord; but it is painful and yet salutary to hear of the way in which these disinterested exertions and self devotion were acknowledged at home. The moral influence which was exercised on the people at Givet prevented desertion, and probably preserved hundreds of valuable seamen for the service of their country. The schools, which were established at the same time for the boys, rescued them from the evils of ignorance, and prepared them to resume their place in the navy, instructed in the theory and practice of navigation. Had this not been done, all the prisoners, both old and young, would have returned from their captivity unfit for employment, and burdens to the country which received them; and the nation owed to Mr. Wolfe and his companion in labour, a debt which might have justified any mark of public gratitude. An effort was made to obtain for him the amount of a chaplain’s pay during the period of his residence at Givet; and after long delay and many applications this was granted. It is happy for those who labour for the public good, to look to a different remuneration than that which man affords. There is one Master who knows what his servants do, and who never allowed the least or lowest effort to go without its reward; and he who labours in faith feels it his privilege to think little of the recompense he may receive from men.

The Memoir may now be continued in Sir Jahleel’s own words, and he thus describes the journey to Tours. “On the 31st of October we began our journey, having our route marked out upon my passport, by which we were prohibited from passing through Paris, but ordered to turn off to the left at Meaux, and to proceed by Melun, and Fontainebleau, thence on the right bank of the Loire from Orleans to Tours.”

At Melun it appears that Captain Brenton met Lord Elgin, to whose character he gives the following pleasing tribute. “It is but justice to Lord Elgin to mention in this place, that during the whole of his captivity he was most liberal and active in relieving his poor countrymen, as they passed near the places of his residence, and by sending sums of money to Verdun for their use. Whilst he was at Orleans, numbers of seamen on their way from the coast to the interior, passed through; in particular the officers and crew of the Wolverine, who all spoke in the highest terms of his Lordship’s humanity and benevolence.”

It was from Lord Elgin at Melun that Captain Brenton had the gratification of receiving confirmed and authentic accounts of the battle of Trafalgar. At Orleans, November, 1805, Sir Jahleel has preserved the following recollections of his journey. “This was one of the finest and most charming days we had experienced; the country gradually improving in fertility, and cultivation, as we approached the Loire, which in its passage by Orleans, with the numerous villas on its banks as far as the eye could reach, formed as fine a picture as can be imagined. At Epernay, the chief depôt for the wine of Champagne, I called upon Mons. Moet, the great proprietor of this wine. We were all most hospitably received and entertained by this gentleman. In conversation at table respecting the use of Champagne in cookery, Madame Moet observed, that she believed there was not a dish in the first course, in which this wine was not an ingredient, that the ham was boiled in it, and every other dish had its portion. At breakfast the following morning I observed that Champagne was not forgotten even in this meal. The Lady replied that she believed it was in every thing but the coffee. This was of course a Déjeuner a la fourchette, and a very sumptuous one. By the time breakfast was over, the carriage was at the door for us to resume our journey; but M. Moet requested me to pay a visit to his cellar, before I left Epernay; and the sight amply rewarded me for the detention. It was of immense extent, the wine entirely in bottle, to the amount I believe of some hundreds of thousands, beautifully arranged in tiers, with marble conductors, leading to reservoirs of the same material, to carry off and receive the wine from the bottles which burst, a circumstance of very frequent recurrence. On returning from the cellar I found the ladies were already in the carriage, and it was with difficulty I could find a place for myself, in consequence of the packages of the very best champagne which M. Moet had caused to be placed there. We left Epernay with a very strong impression of the kindness and hospitality we had received. In the afternoon we reached Meaux, where we were to pass the night; and on going down to order dinner, my host received me with a broad grin, and the following sentence: “Ah monsieur, vous venez de nous rosser un peu sur mer, d’après les nouvelles.” Captain—“Cela se peut bien.” Landlord—“Oui, mais vous nous avez pris 21 Vaisseaux de ligne.” Captain—“Bah! vous voulez dire 21 bâtimens marchands.” Landlord—“Non Monsieur. Vingt et un vaisseaux de ligne, bien comptés—mais vous avez perdu Nelson. Il est tué.” This was the first intelligence I had received of the battle of Trafalgar, which however had taken place only on the 21st of October, and this was on the 4th of November. I did not altogether credit mine host’s news, and left Meaux the following morning. On my arriving at Melun, about two o’clock, I met Lord Elgin, who was then residing there as a detenu, who confirmed the news of a great naval victory having been gained, and the report that Lord Nelson had fallen; “but,” added his lordship, “I am in hourly expectation of news from Paris, and as you only go as far as Fontainebleau to night; I will, as soon as I get my letter, ride over, and dine with you;” an offer that I gladly accepted. Accordingly his lordship came by five o’clock, with every particular of the action, at least as far as the French account went, which was surprisingly accurate. It was an account sent by merchants at Cadiz, through Bourdeaux to Paris. A very different statement was soon after concocted for the information of the French nation, in the columns of the Moniteur. One of Mr. Moet’s best bottles was opened for Lord Elgin upon this occasion, and our spirits felt all the triumph of our country. I copied an account of this battle from the Journal de Paris 16 Frimaire An. xiv. 7 Dec. 1805, which my brother has inserted in his naval history.

“From Fontainebleau we proceeded through Pithivier to Orleans. At this place I was amused at the inscription over the inn where we alighted;

ICI L’ON DONNE A BOIRE ET A MANGER
AUX ANGES
A PIED ET A CHEVAL,

and it was at this inn that I determined to give up a practice, which every Frenchman, and by far the greater part of the English travellers considered as indispensable; that of making a bargain with the landlord previous to getting out of the carriage. The instant the question was put to mine host at Pithivier, his manners changed at once, and he sulkily replied, “c’est suivant comme vous voulez être servis.” A hard bargain was made accordingly, for the dinner, ‘la chambre,’ the beds, the fuel, and the wine. The treaty being concluded, we took possession of our apartments. A fire was made of light brushwood, which was soon consumed, and on application for more, we were told that they had given the stipulated allowance. The dinner was bad, scanty, and ill dressed, the bed rooms were uncomfortable, and the wine of the most indifferent description, but there was no redress. We arrived early on the following day at Orleans, and having no preliminary discussion we were cordially received, had the best accommodation, and fare in abundance, and of the best quality; while the difference in the bill the following morning was only six francs amongst four people.

“We remained here during Sunday, and met some of our fellow prisoners from Verdun, the family of Mr. Aufrere. From this gentleman I procured further details of the battle of Trafalgar, even to a list of the killed and wounded on both sides. The intelligence had been brought from Cadiz, through Madrid and Bayonne, in a mercantile correspondence, but was carefully concealed from the public in general. It is certain that the respectable classes of people in France, by no means took that lively degree of interest in their national successes, or felt that mortification for the unsuccessful results of their engagements with the enemy, which have been ascribed to them at this period; and the reason is, that under so ambitious a leader, they were aware that every victory excited some new object for achievement, in consequence of which new conscriptions were called out, as well to supply recent losses, as to form additional corps. They consoled themselves under a defeat, in the hope that it might lead to a peace.”

Among his recollections of Tours, Captain Brenton says, “we here found an excellent and worthy friend and physician, in Dr. Morgan, who had been our fellow prisoner at Verdun. He with his amiable wife and little boy, had been permitted to reside here. From his skill, and the kindness and attention of his family we derived the greatest comfort and benefit. The illness of our darling boy (he had been taken ill on the road) continued for some days to be very alarming; but was at length permitted by a merciful Providence to give way to the remedies which were administered to him, and he began to shew symptoms of returning health.”

In addition to the services of Dr. Morgan, it appears that Captain Brenton had also great advantages in the skill of Dr. now Sir Thomas Grey. “Under his tender care,” he says, “I had been while at Verdun, and this gentleman, with his wife and daughter, were amongst the number of the detenus, and whilst at Verdun our families had become much attached to each other. I candidly detailed these circumstances in a letter to the Minister of Marine, expressing how much I should feel gratified, if this family might also be permitted to reside at Tours; as I knew this to be their wish. This request was kindly and readily granted, and in the course of a few weeks our two families were again united at Tours, and no day passed, without our enjoying each other’s society.

“An occasional gloom would sometimes take possession of me, as I considered myself shut out from my profession, for which, ever since my first entrance into it, I had felt an inexpressible ardour. One evening, when walking the room with Dr. Grey, I said, I felt a conviction that I was a prisoner for the remainder of the war, and that my naval career was at an end. He replied, ‘Don’t give way to such feelings; how do you know, but that you may be exchanged, have the command of a fine frigate, and take a prize before another year is over.’ I answered smiling, ‘if that should be the case, Doctor, I promise to give you the Encyclopedia Britannica.’ And impossible as it seemed to be at the moment, the Doctor did get that work upon these conditions before the year expired.

“We had procured most comfortable lodgings in the principal street of Tours, and began to enjoy the happiness we had promised ourselves. We had perfect tranquillity, no annoyance from the police, or the department for the controul of prisoners of war. I was only expected to present myself before the General once in three weeks, and had unrestrained access to every part of the province. Another attack, however, similar to what I had experienced at Charni, again filled me with anxiety, and by having recourse to low diet, I became extremely reduced. The mercy and forbearance of God, notwithstanding my ungrateful repining, nevertheless brought me through this illness also. How often have my apprehensions thus proved vain; and, in how many instances had perfect happiness been my lot, but for my own groundless fears, which prevented my enjoyment of it. What a lesson for the remainder of my days! May they at least be devoted unreservedly, and with the most entire and perfect confidence to God, in resignation to the Divine will; and let us, my darling children, in all our worldly anxieties, remember the following beautiful lines in Young:—

‘What can preserve my life, or what destroy?

An angel’s arm can’t snatch me from the grave,

Legions of angels can’t confine me there.’

O, that this blessed, this most inestimable truth, could but be for ever on our minds! To what state of happiness should we be instantly transported, and upon how sure a foundation it would stand! We should smile at the worst efforts of the world, and we should weep with delight, as well as grief, at the translation of those dear to us, to a region of everlasting happiness. The measure of human faith is probably seldom suffered to arrive at such a height, lest it should deprive us of all interest in the world, and fill us with impatience for the next.”

On the 16th of January, 1806, Mrs. Brenton gave birth to a daughter, the one who is so constantly addressed in these notes. Of this period the following record is preserved. “By the blessing of God, my beloved companion’s health was soon restored, and the sweet addition to our little family, was a new source of gratitude, and happiness. How familiar to my recollection are the scenes of that delightful period. My own anxieties were now fast wearing away, or only intruded themselves as the unfavourable symptoms of ill health recurred, which was very seldom. The confirmed health of our darling boy was more apparent every day, and he now became peculiarly engaging, and interesting. Although but three years old, he gave evident signs of great capacity, and we rather checked, than stimulated the inclination towards learning, which he very decidedly possessed even at that early age.

“Tours lying on the great road from Bordeaux, Passage, and Rochefort, to the depôt of the prisoners, we had frequent detachments of our unfortunate countrymen marching through. Early in the year the officers and crews of H. M. ships the Calcutta, and Ranger, together with those of the Belle Packet, which had been captured by the Rochefort squadron, under Admiral Allemande, arrived at Tours, on their march to the depôt of Verdun and Arras, to which they were destined. They were all confined in the common prison, as they had been indiscriminately marched under the same escort, without any respect being paid to the rank of the officers, however high. The landlord of the principal inn at Tours, called upon me late in the evening, to inform me they had just reached the prison, concluding that I would make an application for the officers to be liberated on their parole. That mon hôte was not entirely disinterested, came out, upon our way to the General’s house together. ‘Monsieur,’ said he, ‘il ne faut pas seulement penser a soi. Il y’a d’autres Aubergistes à Tours, qui voudroient avoir de vos Messieurs chez eux. Je vous prie donc de me consigner vingt des plus riches, et que les autres soient partagés parmi mes confrères.’ The General immediately at my request gave an order to liberate the officers on parole. Joy resounded at once through the prison, nor were the seamen and marines without their share of it, as they were immediately supplied with a hot supper, and had their regular meals during the remainder of their stay at Tours. Although relief could not be officially given, in consequence of the prohibition of the French government, this was done by private contribution, and the expence attending it was subsequently defrayed by the Admiralty; and the liberality of their country by the remittances made for their relief, enabled us to procure for them many comforts at this dreary season of the year, during a winter that was felt very severely, even in that mild region. This was an additional alleviation to the sense of our captivity.”

On the 9th of April, 1806, Captain Brenton and his family removed to a country house near Tours, of which he thus speaks. “This was, indeed a little paradise to us; a most beautiful situation, on the right bank of the Loire, very near the bridge of Tours. The house was, in fact, an excavation made in the solid rock, upon a considerable elevation, the face and roof only being built with masonry. The approach to it was by a long flight of steps, ascending through four terraces, on each of which was a beautiful garden, and on the uppermost level, contiguous to the house, a delightful grove of trees; surrounding a spacious saloon distinct from the house. This singular and delightful retreat was called ‘Les petits Capucins.’ Nothing but the idea of captivity, and that restless anxiety for worldly prosperity, or to speak more plainly, that forgetfulness of the inexhaustible goodness of Divine Providence, and want of confidence in our Heavenly Father, could have prevented my enjoying perfect felicity there. But ungrateful, and impatient as I was, I can now recollect with feelings bordering on delight, the many instances in which I acknowledged my sense of the happiness I enjoyed. We were now most comfortably fixed in our delightful habitation, but our peaceful enjoyment was soon unsettled by the prospect of an exchange of prisoners. The death of Mr. Pitt, which had taken place in January, and the coalition of parties which had been the consequence, now excited in the breast of Buonaparte sanguine hopes of being able to negociate a peace, through the influence of Mr. Fox. For notwithstanding his rancorous hostility against Great Britain, this had long been his most anxious wish. England was the only enemy he dreaded. In order to conciliate Mr. Fox, such of his friends as were prisoners in France, were immediately released, as well as those, whose liberation was thought likely to be agreeable to him. Of this number were Lord Elgin, General Abercrombie, Captain Gower, and some others; and at the same time I received a letter from Captain Jurieu, a French captain in the navy, who had been sent over from England, three years before, in exchange for me, recommending me to make every possible effort to get this exchange ratified, which he had been unable to do, nor could he procure permission to return to his captivity in England agreeable to the pledge he had given. I of course followed his advice, but without success.” On the 11th of June, Captain Coote quitted Tours for England, and “this event,” Captain Brenton says, “we considered of very great importance. Captain Coote being a commander, and recently captured, I had every reason to be sanguine, in the hope that my own liberty was at hand.” On the 23rd of July, he says, “The fluctuations of hope and fear respecting our liberation from captivity, had now in a great measure subsided. The departure of Captain Coote, for England, who had so recently been made a prisoner, convinced me that the measure was not meant to be general, for had that been the case, priority of capture would have given me the preference.” Captain Brenton says, “It was even reported that Buonaparte had declared he would not consent to my exchange, which was probably the case. The people of France were as clamorous for peace as they dared to be, and when the municipality, in grand costume, were parading the streets, with military music, to announce some of the great victories gained in Germany, they would exclaim, ‘Eh! voila une autre victoire, et cela nous donnera une autre conscription.’ When the news of Lord Lauderdale’s departure from France reached Tours, it was announced in the theatre; when a person was heard distinctly to say, ‘Cette maudite guerre done ne finira jamais.’ Such, I believe, was a very general feeling amongst the inhabitants of France. An increased degree of economy was manifested by the French Government. The Milan and Berlin decrees were issued for the prohibition of all trade with Great Britain, and bankers were even forbidden to discount the prisoners’ bills. Messrs. Peregaux wrote to me with their usual liberality, informing me of this inhuman order; but they added, that although they could no longer discount my bills, yet they begged I would not scruple to draw upon them for whatever money I might require; and that they should be quite satisfied, that their account should be settled at the end of the war. The victory gained by Sir John Duckworth off San Domingo, in which he captured and destroyed the whole of the French squadron, did not at all contribute to allay the irritable feelings of the Emperor.

“I therefore felt convinced, from the selection that had been made of prisoners to be liberated, that Buonaparte had a particular object in view; that he was courting a party, instead of endeavouring to conciliate the British Government. This soon proved to be the case. The negociation was broken off, and the acrimony shewn towards the British prisoners was greater than ever; all communication with England, even the transfer of bills, was positively forbidden.” These restrictions do not seem to have extended to the prisoners at Tours, for, on the 6th of September Captain Brenton says, “This day was passed in great delight in rambling over the beautiful grounds of Chanteloup, and visiting the castle of Amboise. Our darling children were in high health, and my own health in a great measure restored. We were in possession of every thing to make us happy and grateful. The autumn was delightful, and we were under no restraint as prisoners, but permitted to make excursions to every part of the district. Our society was small but friendly. We had an addition to our friends by the arrival of Mr. Forbes (probably brother to the one before mentioned) and Sir H. Titchbourne, with their families, and had established a social intercourse, which was productive of much comfort and cheerfulness. In the beginning of November the approach of winter induced us to change our residence, from the beautiful place we inhabited, to a more commodious house in the city of Tours, where we had made up our minds to pass the winter contentedly. All hopes of an exchange had now subsided; mine were now directed towards a continuance of the indulgence of being allowed to live at a distance from a depôt; and from the increased ill humour of Buonaparte towards England, I had serious apprehensions of more vigorous measures being resorted to respecting the prisoners. I was under the influence of these feelings, when one morning returning home I found my beloved Isabella in tears, and much agitated; she told me a gens d’armes had been in pursuit of me, requiring my immediate attendance before the General. The visit of a gens d’armes rarely boded any thing favourable towards a prisoner. I however endeavoured to preserve my tranquillity, and soothe the anxiety of your dear mother. I hastened to the General expecting some unpleasant communication, but to my great surprize and joy, was received with great cordiality, and these unexpected words, ‘Monsieur, vous n’êtes plus prisonnier—Je vous en félicite.’ You may easily imagine the effect this information produced upon me. I ran home in an ecstacy of joy, which I concluded would have been equally great on the part of my darling companion. Joy did for a moment glisten in her eyes, for she always shared in my feelings. She felt a gleam of happiness because she saw me happy; but a moment’s reflection shewed her the certainty of our being separated upon our reaching England, by my being employed afloat. She immediately contrasted the felicity she had enjoyed in France, with the probability of a long absence from each other, and all its fertile sources of anxiety and misery. But she was too good and too grateful to our merciful Benefactor to indulge these feelings long. She soon became herself again, and sympathized sincerely in my joy. Of her own feelings on this occasion, the record left by her own pen seems worthy of insertion.”

“Monday, 25th December, 1806, Morlaix. Left Tours after a truly happy residence of twelve months. In the course of that time I had the satisfaction to observe the restoration of the health of two of the objects dearest to me in the world, and we have been surrounded with every comfort and blessing but liberty. I failed not to offer up my thanks to Almighty God daily, for the mercies he so bountifully bestowed upon me; and now, O heavenly Father, Thou hast called forth my gratitude on a new subject, by thy merciful goodness, for all good belongeth unto Thee alone. We have at length obtained the object we so much wished for. Our captivity has ceased, and through Thy mercy and protection, we have been enabled to perform a journey of upwards of two hundred miles, without the smallest accident or delay. My beloved husband and children have arrived in perfect health, and for myself I can truly say, that I never enjoyed a greater share. Now, then, O great and merciful Father, I implore again Thy protection, in the voyage we are about to take at the present season of the year. Great must be the perils and dangers, but under Thy Almighty care, I humbly hope and trust we shall be preserved from them all, and be enabled to reach our own country in health and safety, and once more enjoy the blessing of finding our friends in health and happiness. This I beg through Jesus Christ our blessed Lord and Saviour. Amen.” To this memorandum, Sir Jahleel Brenton subjoins, “Here my beloved children, is an example of pious gratitude and firm confidence in the protection of the same Almighty Being, who had always watched over us. To a common mind the idea of crossing the channel under all the circumstances in which she was placed, would have been full of terror, a few weeks only before your birth my dear Charles, in the depth of winter, and in a small French vessel of only eighty tons. But your mother never forgot in whose care she was placed. We had a most favourable journey from Tours to Morlaix, a constant succession of fine weather, and every comfort in our own possession to make up for the inconveniences on the road, which were sometimes very great. On our arrival at Morlaix we hired a small French brig for sixty louis d’ors to take us over. Many delays and difficulties occurred before we could embark, and when this point was gained, and we had reached the mouth of the Port, six miles from Morlaix, a foul wind was likely to detain us. But what seemed to promise an additional vexation, was a French privateer lying in readiness to take advantage of the first change; and had she sailed, we should not have been permitted to follow for the next twenty-four hours, lest we might convey intelligence respecting her. This circumstance gave me much anxiety, which I now feel to have been inexcusable considering the blessings I enjoyed. It kept me frequently on deck during the night; the wind having suddenly changed, we weighed at dawn of day, and were at sea before the privateer made any movement. I then considered myself out of captivity, and I humbly hope I felt the gratitude I so deeply owed to the Almighty, for His merciful protection of me and mine, during that part of my life, particularly when I was a prisoner; ‘Let them give thanks whom the Lord hath redeemed, and delivered them out of the hands of the enemy.’ Ps. cvii. I felt it worthy of recollection in every subsequent year, that this delightful Psalm should have been the first which I was called upon to read to my ship’s company, a very few weeks after my release, on the first Sunday after my appointment to the Spartan.”

Further particulars of the journey to Morlaix from Captain Brenton’s notes may here be added.

“Dr. and Mrs. Grey, and their daughter, were included with my own family in my passport (see the annexed letter from M. Decrés).[11] This most peculiar instance of kind attention and good feeling, was procured through the indulgence of the Minister of Marine: through whose kindness Dr. Grey’s family had been permitted to join us at Tours. Messrs. Peregaux also availed themselves of this opportunity, to shew that the kindness and liberality which had been so strikingly evinced at the early part of my captivity, were unabated. With my passport came a letter from those gentlemen, containing their warmest congratulations; and stating that in order to prevent any possibility of delay, they had sent me one hundred pounds for the expences of my journey, and wishing me all happiness and success.

“On the 20th December our two happy and united families left Tours for Morlaix, which we reached on the 27th, passing through La Fleche, Rennes, Lamballe and St. Brieux. At Lamballe, which we reached late in the evening, I was informed that a detachment of English prisoners had arrived, and were in the prison, and that I might see them, if I went early in the morning, when they were to resume their march for the interior. At the dawn of day, I was at the prison door, and as the sailor was opening it, called out in the professional phrase, ‘Yo ho! shipmates.’ No sooner was the well known expression heard, than one of the unfortunate inmates exclaimed, ‘If I did not dream I was just drinking a pot of porter!’ This of course he considered prophetic of his obtaining some relief; nor was he disappointed, for the hundred pounds sent by the kind M. Peregaux enabled me to give to each a sum which might have been a source of comfort for some days; but it is probable, that it was soon swallowed up by extortion and excess. The money was of course given on government account.

“On leaving Lamballe, on the road to St. Brieux, I had got out of the carriage for the purpose of walking up a very steep hill, and on reaching the top I had lost sight of the carriage, owing to the winding of the road; I here saw another detachment of unfortunate blue jackets, under the escort of gens d’armes marching for Lamballe. I hailed them, and having ascertained to what ship they belonged, I gave to each man the sum of money I thought I could spare; the escort all this time preserved rather an unaccountable silence, but when the distribution was over, accosted me with, ‘A present Monsieur, il faut savoir qui vous êtes; ou est votre passport?’ This had soon occurred to me, and I recollected that it was not about me, but in the carriage, which now appeared on the summit of the hill. This however set all to rights, and the poor sailors gave three cheers to their countrymen, and pursued their melancholy journey.

“In the course of a few hours, as we approached St. Brieux, we had from the top of a very high hill, a view of the deep blue sea, of the English channel. The effect of this sight upon persons in our situation may be easier conceived than described; after being shut up for three years and a half in the interior of France, a far longer period than I had ever before been separated from my favourite element. Cheers from each denoted the general joy of the little party at again beholding what we all regarded as our country’s own domain. On our arrival at St. Brieux, we met another detachment of English prisoners, but they were officers on parole. The two parties, the one on their way home, the other beginning captivity, met together at the table d’hôte; and notwithstanding these adverse circumstances on the one side, the meeting was gratifying to both. I was again enabled through Messrs. Peregaux to supply each officer with the means of performing his long journey with comparative comfort.

“As we left the land the wind freshened, and a heavy sea got up. The French sailors who had been very earnest in offering their services to the ladies, and had even given their respective names, that they might be called upon when wanted, were the first to be prostrated by sea sickness, the whole eleven men without exception. The Captain alone was unaffected by the motion of his vessel; and on my suggesting to him the necessity of the topsail being reefed, as the wind increased, he shrugged his shoulders with the usual phrase of ‘impossible.’ He however admitted the necessity of something being done, and having requested me to take the helm, he managed to lower the topsails on the cap, and as the wind was well aft, the vessel was able to bear it, and we two shared the helm between us for that day. In the middle of the ensuing night we had got over under the Start point, and the wind having got more to the westward, we found shelter there until daylight; when a beautiful day broke upon us, and enabled us to reach Dartmouth by eight o’clock in the morning. Thus ended our captivity on the 29th of December, 1806, having commenced on the 3rd July, 1803.

“The retrospect gave me much thankfulness in every point of view. It was a singular circumstance, that on my journey from Bath to Portsmouth, in June, 1803, one of my companions on the coach was the late Sir Matthew Blakiston, who mentioned a report (an unfounded one) that the Hazard Sloop of war, commanded by Captain Neave, had been taken, and carried into a French Port. I immediately expressed my opinion, that I could hardly conceive a greater misfortune befalling a professional man; and that it would be one of the most difficult to support. In less than a month from that time, I was actually in the very dreaded situation; and lost by it the command of one of the finest frigates in the Navy, with all the bright prospects attendant upon such a position, at the first breaking out of a war, when the ocean is covered by the enemy’s vessels, and few Captains with such commands fail in making fortunes. But the wind is tempered to the shorn lamb—the blow to me was, indeed, a severe one, but I was enabled to support it; and I have since been led to reflect upon the merciful dispensation which attended the event. It is very possible, that the effect of the concussion of the brain, which I had so recently received in the Minerve previously to her capture, might have disabled me, for the arduous duty attending on the command of a cruising frigate; and as I had already been indulged by having two acting Captains appointed to my ship, I could not have expected that a third would have been allowed; and had I been obliged then to retire on half pay, with the little interest I possessed, and the deeds of the new war, throwing into shade the achievements of the last; it is very probable that I might never have succeeded in getting a ship; but must have remained, like many of my brother officers, on half pay for the remainder of my days. I landed as a prisoner in France with the comforting recollection that no honour had been lost with my ship; that it was one of the unavoidable occurrences to which all are exposed in the profession of arms. With these feelings, and gratitude for my protection, under a fire of such duration, and of so complicated a nature, my mind was kept in perfect peace.”

At this point of the narrative it may not be irrelevant to introduce some remarks, which occur in the private memoir, on the state of the British prisoners in France; in order to place, in its proper point of view, the general situation of the prisoners, and to consider how far the charges against the French Government for neglect and cruelty are made out. “It is an accusation which has been frequently made, and as I have often given my opinion, not only in conversation, but officially upon the subject, and as the latter stands upon record, it may be right in this place to give the sentiments, which I have frequently and deliberately expressed. But to do complete justice to this subject, and indeed to the French nation, it is necessary to distinguish between the conduct of individuals, and the official measures of the French government. In doing this—under the first head we have a most gratifying task, so numerous are the instances of benevolence, kindness, and the best of feelings, manifested towards our suffering countrymen.

“I have already adverted to the singularly generous conduct of M. Dubois at Cherbourg, of Messrs Perregaux, the bankers, to the benevolence of Monsieur Parmentier, the Mayor of Phalsbourg, and the kindness and ready assistance of the French military authorities, at the different depôts; and I am decidedly of opinion, that had such conduct been sanctioned and encouraged by the Government itself, there is little doubt but the situation of the prisoners would have been very different from what they experienced during the greater part of the war. It will hence be seen that the French people as a people, were by no means implicated in the sufferings of our countrymen; but on the contrary, there are very many instances in which they shewed the kindest feelings towards them; received them into their houses, when found lame or sick on the road, and incapable of continuing their march; and when they informed the nearest brigade of gens d’armes of the circumstance, at once to vindicate themselves from the charge of harbouring deserters, and to procure permission for the sufferer to remain undisturbed, until able to continue his journey. This is the bright side of the picture. The other is of a very different description. It will be seen that the government allowance for the support of a prisoner was quite inadequate to the purpose—and that when administered as it was to them individually in prison, with no means of purchasing food, but through the abominable suttler, famine and disease were the unavoidable consequences. Then again, the arrangement made by the minister of war for the supply of clothes, shoes, and bedding, were tardy, neglectful, and insufficient; and but for the exertions of their own officers, many of the prisoners would undoubtedly have perished in the course of the winter. The places also allotted for their confinement, were, as has been shewn, quite unfit for the purpose; often without roofs, containing mud and pools of water, where their straw was to be deposited for their beds; and with additional abuse attending the straw, which instead of being delivered fresh from the sheaf, was in some instances only fit for the dunghill.

“The manner in which prisoners were also marched from the most distant parts, such as Toulon, and Bourdeaux, and even in many instances from Genoa, and the ports of the Adriatic, was highly reprehensible in the government of a civilized country. It is known that the whole of France, during the late wars, and I believe its dependencies in Europe, were divided into squares about two leagues each way; and at the intersection of all the lines forming these squares, or as nearly as possible, a brigade of gens d’armes was stationed. If a small detachment of prisoners, not exceeding eight or ten, were to be sent from Toulon for instance, to Givet in the Ardennes, they were put under escort of two mounted gens d’armes; were generally handcuffed in pairs, and sometimes in addition were made fast to each other by a rope, and conducted to the nearest brigade, in the line of the destined march; and by this forwarded to the next, in the same manner. At whatever town or village they were to pass the night, they were generally locked up in the common prison; from whence they continued the route with the next brigade the following morning. Left solely to the gens d’armes, it may naturally be supposed, that the treatment was not always the most humane; although as has been shewn in the course of these pages, there were many instances of real kindness and feeling, evinced by these men. But it was too often the case, that the prisoners being without shoes became so lame as to be incapable of marching; they were then for some time driven on at the point of the sabre; sometimes dragged along by being attached to the horse; and at length, when utterly incapable of proceeding, they were deposited in the next prison until able to march. These instances, unhappily, were but too numerous, as the straggling parties of a few individuals were, from time to time, passed on from the coast to the interior. One consisting of a Captain in the navy, an officer of marines, and a private gentleman, who had been taken, coming home passengers from America, is too remarkable to be passed over. Their names are, Captain Lyall of the navy, Major Stanser of the marines, and Mr. Palmer, a private gentleman of Bermuda. They were landed at one of the ports of the western coast of France; and notwithstanding their rank in life, were marched in the same manner as common seamen, from brigade to brigade, and like them confined in the common prison of the place, where they halted for the night; and upon one occasion, after being placed in the Cachot, and shewn the straw upon which they had to pass the night, a fierce mastiff was brought into the place, and the prisoners were told that if they lay perfectly quiet during the night they would not be molested; but if they attempted to get up the dog would seize them; and as a proof of this not being only mentioned to alarm them, whenever they rustled the straw, the dog began to growl. The situation of the prisoners, during the long night, may be imagined. Complaint was made of this treatment by these gentlemen on their arrival at Verdun, but no redress was granted them.

“No sooner had the prisoners in general been deprived of the assistance and countenance of their officers, than the old system of suttlers and wretchedness was renewed, and this state of things, aggravated by hopelessness, was the lot of the increasing numbers added to the depôts by successive captures, from 1805 to the end of the war in 1814.”

In committing this record to paper, Captain Brenton states that he considered he was in the performance of an imperative duty; and, whilst he expressed the grateful sense of the many acts of kindness, received from individuals, he felt called upon to substantiate the statement he has already made, respecting the sufferings of the prisoners, from the inadequacy of the supplies granted, and the measures adopted by the French government for the maintenance of those whom the fate of war had thrown into their hands. It is also much to be wished, that if there were any just causes of complaint with regard to the treatment experienced by the French prisoners in England, the charges should be brought forward in a tangible shape, that they also might be enquired into, and a remedy applied when necessary. But these must not be such wretched garbled statements as those of General Pillet, to whose own countrymen an appeal might be safely made, with the most perfect assurance of their pronouncing the whole work to be totally untrue. I have endeavoured to view the question in such a manner, that a judgment might be formed, as to all its bearings, and I now leave it, in the sanguine hope that many, many years may elapse, before the two nations are again placed in relations of hostility against each other; and that should such an event unhappily recur, they both may have a watchful eye over their prisoners, considering their honour as well as their conscience pledged to protect those who can have no other protection.

Captain Brenton, as to the particular cause of his own unexpected release from captivity, gives in his private memoranda the following account. “A nephew of Marshal Massena, Captain L’Infernet, had been taken in the battle of Trafalgar, in the command of the French ship of the line, L’Intrepide. Massena had been making great efforts to procure his exchange; but the Admiralty, whilst they expressed their readiness to accede to this exchange, stated their determination to accept of no other officer but myself, whom they considered from the priority of my capture, to be unjustifiably detained in France, whilst other officers had been liberated, and that without any reason having been assigned for it. Buonaparte having no reason to believe that our government would relax from this determination, ordered my passport to be sent to me. It soon appeared by letters from France, that I had had a very narrow escape of being detained even at Morlaix. A small package containing copies of official correspondence, which I had with me in the carriage, and which was kept uppermost in order to prevent any suspicion, that they were intended to be concealed; was by accident either dropped from the carriage, or left at some inn on the road. It was found and forwarded to the Capital of the Department; where the principal authority, as a provisional measure, sent off an express to Morlaix to detain me; whilst the papers were forwarded to the Bureau de la guerre at Paris, where the order for detention was confirmed. We had however got beyond the Castle of Morlaix before the order arrived, and had no sooner passed it, than we felt ourselves safe within the limits of the British Empire.”

This period of the narrative then which includes his captivity in France is thus closed, and if some details which seem irrelevant, and some particulars which seem trivial have been introduced, the Editor still feels that their insertion is justified by the degree in which they exhibit the character of the subject of the memoir, or unfold the process by which that character was formed. There can be no doubt, that both to mind and body, this period of detention was eminently useful; and this recollection may have a tendency to reconcile others, who, in the course of war, may be exposed to a similar calamity, to the present privations of their lot, by considering its general consequences, and its final effects. In the case of Sir Jahleel Brenton it is but too probable, that if this long interval of forced repose had not occurred, his constitution would never have recovered from the effects of the accident he suffered, while fitting out the Minerve; and that the excitement of active service would have destroyed a system so shattered as his was. It is still more probable, that active employment in his profession, whether successful or unsuccessful, would have prevented much of that moral improvement, that growth in grace and knowledge of the Lord Jesus, which we have seen going on silently and gradually in the retirement of his captivity.

That he would have been under other circumstances, a man whom the world would have admired, a noble minded, liberal, benevolent and gallant officer, is certain; but that he would have grown into the reality of the Christian character, that he would have learnt the state of his own heart, and his need of a Saviour; that he would have felt the real value of the Gospel, and known it to be the power of God unto salvation in them that believe, is more than questionable. We may therefore admit, that God in mercy withdrew him from labours for which he was unfit, and from delusions which could not have been resisted; and placed him for a time in a situation, where body and mind were to regain their healthy tone; and where the means for more extensive usefulness were to be acquired.

But captivity is a bitter trial to an ardent and ambitious spirit; and we cannot doubt that there were moments, when the iron entered into his soul, and the necessity of submitting to a lot which extinguished all his hopes, was a severe burden to a faith as yet but imperfectly developed. In many instances likewise we have seen that the bitterness of captivity was aggravated by the treatment the prisoners were exposed to, and the oppression they suffered; and each of these cases must have provoked the indignant feelings of officers, who were conscious of deserving the respect even of their enemies.

There were however bright exceptions, and these exceptions deserve the more notice as they occurred in decided opposition to the spirit of the government, and probably would have provoked the displeasure of the Emperor, if he had become acquainted with them; and his displeasure generally found prompt and ample means for exhibiting itself.

Among the individuals to be named with respect on this account is M. Decrés, the Minister of Marine. Intimately associated as he was with the government, he always seems to have attended to the representations made by Captain Brenton, and to have made every exertion in his favour that could have been expected. M. Decrés at the moment probably yielded to the sympathy which one brave man has for another, and gladly alleviated, according to his opportunities, the sufferings of an officer whose gallantry entitled him to respect; but he did not foresee that the kindness he shewed to a British officer, was to be the occasion of multiplied kindnesses to his own countrymen; and that many a French heart was to be gladdened by the consolations he procured for a single English one.

The Editor therefore feels great pleasure in inserting here extracts from some familiar letters written at a later period, which shew how the circumstances of this captivity were remembered, and the way in which the courtesies of M. Decrés were requited.

“Spartan, off Toulon, Nov. 3, 1807.

“… You may remember how determined I was to wreak my vengeance upon the whole nation. At Malta I was senior officer, and I found a number of French prisoners. I did not exactly order them to the Appel twice a day, as used to be the case with us at Verdun. A colonel had been taken with all his family a few days before, and had lost his wife at sea, leaving him with three dear little infants. You may stare, but I gave him leave to return to France with his family and his physician. This I meant as a small token of remembrance to M. Decrés, but firmly resolved that all the others should remain until all our friends at Verdun were liberated; but like other good resolutions this was not a lasting one. A deputation of captive ladies waited upon me. ‘Messieurs les Anglais, sont des gens pleins d’honneur, qui ne font jamais la guerre aux femmes ni aux enfans.’ ‘Eh de grace, Mesdames retournez dens votre patrie, je ne vous empêche pas.’ ‘Hélas, mon Commandant, sans mon Mari? Le deserterai je dans le malheur? Que deviendrai’ je, s’il succombe sous le poids de l’adversité? Sa Santé est chancelante, et Monsieur n’ignore pas la douceur d’être dans le sein de sa famille.’ ‘Madame, je me rends, a vos raisons, partez vous et votre mari.’ ‘Et le mien aussi Monsieur? Vite, vite; allez, allez!’ In this manner I was coaxed out of a dozen; they all set out vowing eternal gratitude,” &c.

“Spartan, off Toulon, August 8.

“… On Friday we had one of the prettiest sporting days I ever remember. A frigate came out of Toulon with a convoy, and we gave chase to her. She ran between the Hieres Islands, round Cape Taillet, and into the gulf of Grimaud, where she anchored under the citadel of St. Tropez, and escaped. We however cut off two of her convoy, and were very near getting hold of a man of war brig, but the breezes failed us. I landed all my prisoners with their property, charmed as they said, ‘De l’honnêteté de M. le Commandant de la frégate, et qu’ils ne manqueroient pas d’en faire une mention honourable au préfet maritime de l’arrondissement.’ I told them they might thank M. Decrés for it, for his attention to me, and I hope he will hear of it, as I shall never forget his kindness.”

War no doubt is a great evil, but when war is carried on in this spirit it loses something of its sufferings, and much of its horrors; and one may be forgiven for dwelling with pleasure on those gleams of light which kindness of heart and liberality cast across the dark and melancholy period of those protracted hostilities.

CHAPTER X.

ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND, AND APPLICATION TO THE ADMIRALTY.—KINDNESS OF THE FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY, MR. GRENVILLE.—COURT MARTIAL, ACQUITTAL, AND APPOINTMENT TO THE SPARTAN.—SAILS TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—ESCAPE FROM CAPTURE.—BOAT ACTION WITH ITS UNFORTUNATE RESULT, AND COURT OF ENQUIRY ORDERED BY LORD COLLINGWOOD.

“The day after our arrival at Dartmouth, as my beloved Isabella required repose, after the fatigue and anxiety she had so long been exposed to, I left her at Upton, near Brixham, with our kind and hospitable friend, Mrs. Cutler;[12] and proceeded to London, in order to make my appearance at the Admiralty as soon as possible. Mr. Thomas Grenville, then first Lord, received me in the most cordial manner, and asked me under existing circumstances how the Admiralty could best shew their sympathy for my misfortunes, and their approbation of my conduct. I replied that I was not aware of any thing their Lordships could do, until my court martial for the loss of the Minerve, should have taken place. Mr. Grenville replied, this had also been his apprehension, but he was at a loss to know how the court martial could be held, since the officers being all prisoners in France, no adequate witnesses could be found. I observed, that I knew many of the seamen and marines had made their escape, and might probably be found serving in some of His Majesty’s ships. A doubt still remained, whether the evidence of these men without that of any officer, would be deemed sufficient. Mr. Grenville however placed me in the hands of the clerk of the Record office, desiring I should have access to any documents I might wish to examine. After travelling through many folios, I discovered the case of Captain Craycroft, who in the preceding war had been captured by the French, and whose witnesses upon his court martial were, the surgeon and a midshipman. I immediately communicated this, by a message, to Mr. Grenville. His answer was, ‘Good, try again:’ and soon after, the case of Captain Brey, of the Hound, on whose trial a midshipman and a boatswain’s mate only appeared, was deemed conclusive by Mr. Grenville. An order was immediately issued by the Admiralty to all the commanders in chief on the home stations for an enquiry to be made in the ships under their respective commands, for any men who had been captured in the Minerve, and might have made their escape from France; and that in the event of any such being found, they should be immediately sent to the flag ship, at Portsmouth, and their names be reported to the Admiralty. In the course of a few days, six were reported, two boatswain’s mates, and four seamen, and marines.” The order was immediately issued for the court martial on Captain Brenton, to be held on board the Gladiator, in Portsmouth Harbour; and it is hardly necessary to add, that the sentence of the court was the honourable acquittal of the Captain of the Minerve.

Immediately after the conclusion of the court martial, Captain Brenton having obtained a copy of the sentence, proceeded forthwith to London, and waited upon Mr. Grenville, who most kindly said, “We have been quite prepared for the nature of the sentence, and I have been only waiting to receive it officially, before I should attend to rather an extraordinary request, made by a brother officer of yours, who has begged that he may be permitted to resign the command of a fine frigate, just built and fitted out, and full manned. I can now grant his request, and make you the offer of becoming his successor.” Captain Brenton’s joy may be imagined at this most gratifying instance of the First Lord’s approbation. He certainly did look forward to employment, at no very distant period; but the utmost he could expect was to have a frigate to fit out. Here was one of a superior description, all ready for immediate service. He lost no time in taking command, having joined her on the 10th February; the Spartan being then under orders to sail the moment the wind would permit, with the East India convoy.

In his private journal he says, “I left my beloved Isabella only five days before your birth, my dear Charles. I should most gladly have waited till that anxious period was over; but my ship was under sailing orders, and I left your mother under the care of the merciful Providence of Him, who never deserted her while on earth, and to whom we may now humbly and firmly hope she has gone. I had soon the happiness of knowing she was well, and thankful for this additional blessing bestowed upon us, I sailed to the Mediterranean, without one legitimate subject of anxiety; on the contrary, nothing but happiness in the retrospect, and the most cheerful prospects before me.” He adds; “A few days after I joined the Spartan, my convoy was transferred to the charge of another Captain; and the Commissioner’s yacht came alongside my ship with £700,000 in cash; and orders for me to take it immediately to Malta. Here was another act of kindness on the part of Mr. Grenville. He found in this commission an opportunity of indemnifying me for my losses and expenses in France, of which he immediately availed himself. For some time all payments to the Captains of ships of war for carrying cash had been discontinued, but it was thought proper to resume it at this period; and the Admiralty recommended to the Treasurer, this as a fit occasion. The sum of half per cent. was in consequence allowed for the future, and this gave me £1100.”

Contrary winds detained Captain Brenton at Spithead till the 2nd of March, when he sailed with a strong N.E. wind, in company with Sir Thomas Lavie, in the Blanche. The latter, being under orders to cruize on the coast of France, kept close in with the French shore, and was unfortunately wrecked the same night in the bight of Abervrach. Sir Thomas was a member of Captain Brenton’s court martial, and little thought at that time, how soon it would be his turn to succeed him as a prisoner in France. The Spartan necessarily keeping the channel course, was not exposed to this danger. She was off Lisbon on the 7th day, having orders to call off that place, but having carried away her main yard in a heavy squall, off the bar, bore up for Lisbon, sending the Lively, Captain Mackinlay, who was cruising off the coast of Portugal, to communicate with the British Minister. The Spartan had under convoy one transport laden with arms and ammunition for Sicily; the master of which, notwithstanding the most positive orders not to part company with the Spartan, bore up in the night, whilst they were laying to, waiting for daylight, off the mouth of the Tagus, and on the following night ran on shore off San Lucar, near Cadiz, although having a fair wind for Gibraltar, which was the place of rendezvous, in case of parting company by accident. The ship was soon taken possession of by the Spaniards; but before they could get even a small portion of her cargo out of her, she was boarded by the boats of the Malta, commanded by Captain Buller, and burnt. The Spartan arrived in two days after at Gibraltar, and having got a new main yard, and taken on board a small additional sum of money for Malta, proceeded to Messina, where she arrived about the middle of March. From thence she proceeded to Malta to deliver the money destined for that place, but did not go into the harbour, remaining off only a few hours, and then made sail for Palermo. At the very moment of her departure an awful event occurred at Malta. A corps, which had been raised in the Morea, and generally called the Spartan corps (the coincidence was much remarked upon as very singular) mutinied; and having got possession of the Fort Ricasoli, determined upon resistance, until such time as what they called their grievances were redressed. These were that they should be allowed to retain the lower part of their Greek dress, instead of wearing the tight trowsers so abhorrent to a Greek. They had no objection to the jacket, but they could not endure the labour of cleaning their arms, or pipe-claying their belts, &c. A Greek will be as active as any one while on actual duty, but when that is over, he considers the time his own, and is more disposed to pass it sleeping in the sun than in any other manner. These men, having seized the Fort Ricasoli, were not only determined to defend themselves, but became the assailants, and turning the mortars of the fortress towards La Valette, began throwing shells into it. Providentially having no knowledge themselves of this branch of warfare, they were obliged to compel some artillery officers whom they had made prisoners in the fortress to direct the bombardment; and these officers under the pretence of intimidation, gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of throwing the shells over the city into the quarantine harbour, which from the knowledge of the scale of the fortifications they were enabled to do with great accuracy. The shells consequently fell harmless. When the mutineers saw that such measures were taken by the General, as must insure the reduction of the fortress in a few hours, they came to the desperate resolution of drawing lots who should blow up the magazine, and who should stand at the entrance, to convey the last signal of the explosion, both of whom must necessarily perish. Those who drew the lots took their stations accordingly, and the remainder of the Greeks having taken such measures as they deemed best to enable them to get over the wall; the signal was given, and a most tremendous explosion took place, doing considerable damage to the dockyard, and parts adjacent. In the confusion occasioned by this unexpected event, nearly the whole of the mutineers succeeded in getting out of the fortress, and dispersed themselves over the island, in the hope of being able to procure boats and to escape; but precautions had been too effectually taken to allow of this; every point was guarded, and in the course of a few hours every man was taken. A court martial was instantly assembled, and a great number were condemned to death; many were executed, and the remainder sent back to the Morea. It is much to be lamented that the national feelings of these people had been so unnecessarily outraged. They maintained to the last that they enlisted under the express condition, that their costume should not be interfered with, and that they should not be obliged to clean and polish accoutrements. When however the usual manœuvres of a recruiting serjeant are taken into consideration, it is not improbable that even greater exemptions than these might have been promised; but a Greek is not a man to be tampered with any more than a Malay.

The Spartan found a squadron lying at Palermo, consisting of the Windsor Castle, and four other ships of the line, which had been sent there at the request of the king of Sicily, and were under the command of Captain, afterwards Rear Admiral Boyle. A gale of wind of most extraordinary violence came on, whilst the Spartan was with them. The wind was from the southward, and therefore directly off the land, from which the squadron were not a mile distant. In consequence of this, the sea had no space to get up in; but notwithstanding that a dense spray was lifted up from the water, called by seamen, “a spoon drift,” which lay along the surface as even as though it were a sheet of snow. Whilst walking the deck Captain Brenton was surprised by a sharp sound like a mast going, and looking forward, saw the jib fly up the stay like lightning, and immediately shiver to atoms. By some accident the down haul had not been made fast in the forecastle, and the wind getting into the head of the jib, carried it up like lightning. No other damage however was done, although the Eagle was for some time in danger, having been close under Monte Pelegrino. The gale was of short duration, and in a few hours was succeeded by fine weather.

On the 16th of April the Spartan sailed for Toulon, where she was ordered to watch the motions of the French fleet; and the wind being from the westward Captain Brenton ran along the coast of Italy. When just between the east coast of Corsica and the Italian shore, he fell in with an American ship, the Urania, Hector Coffin, master, and Greene of Rhode Island supercargo. Captain Brenton, on sending a boat to examine this neutral ship, gave particular directions to the lieutenant charged with this duty, to pay every possible attention to the feelings of the people, and to avoid giving offence to the master or crew. The search took place, and as there was some deviation from the regulations laid down for the conduct of Neutrals by his Majesty’s orders in council, Captain Brenton sent for the master on board the Spartan, requesting he would bring his log book with him. On his coming on board Captain Brenton explained to him the necessity of this measure; with which the master and supercargo expressed themselves perfectly satisfied, as well as with the kindness and delicacy with which they had been treated by the visiting officer. It was at this time nearly calm, so that no detention took place; and when the breeze sprang up, the American voluntarily steered for some time the same course with the Spartan. This was on the 27th of April.

On the 8th of May the Spartan again fell in with the same ship, between Sardinia and the Island of Ponza; and her being so near the spot where she had been eleven days before having excited surprise, she was again examined; and on looking over her log book to ascertain the cause of her having made so little progress, being hardly forty leagues from where she had been first seen, Captain Brenton was surprised to find a detail of her having been boarded, on the 27th of April, by the Spartan, worked up to the most rancorous pitch of exaggeration; stating that on that day they were boarded by the English frigate Spartan, had been forced out of their course, that the master was dragged on board with his papers, and that the hatches were broken open, &c. On Captain Brenton remonstrating with the master and supercargo, upon the unmanliness of inserting such falsehoods in the ship’s book, for no other purpose than that of exciting enmity between the two countries, whose mutual interests led them to the cultivation of peace; and reminding them of the declaration they had both made in the cabin of the Spartan on the day alluded to, as to the kindness and civility with which they had been treated by the lieutenant of that ship, who had boarded them; they both appeared overwhelmed with confusion, acknowledged the justice of Captain Brenton’s observation, laid the blame upon the mate, whom they charged with having inserted the offensive passage without their knowledge, and promised that it should not be made public in America. It is not likely that a Neutral trading amongst belligerents should pay so little attention to a document of such vital importance as the log; and that neither master nor supercargo should inspect it. This affair was the subject of an official communication from Captain Brenton to his senior officer, and of another to the Secretary of Lloyd’s Coffee house.

On the 23rd of April the Spartan captured a small French xebec, on the coast of Italy. The year had not expired since the conversation which has been related took place between Captain Brenton and Dr. Grey, at Tours. Dr. Grey had been appointed surgeon of the Spartan, at Captain Brenton’s request, and he received in consequence the promised Encyclopedia. Captain Brenton says, “Shortly after this I was again preserved from captivity by a merciful Providence, which rescued us from the enemy’s squadron, when every hope of success seemed to have left us.” The particulars of this escape are contained in the following letter.

“Spartan, off Toulon, May, 1807.

“Sir,

“I have the honour to inform you, that at noon on the 27th ultimo, the westward end of Elba, bearing N.E. we made sail in chase of four vessels to the southward, which at half-past five we observed to be ships of war, and made the private signal, which was not answered; and wishing to ascertain exactly what they were, I continued standing towards them until half-past six, when they bore up by signal in chase of us. We could at this time see their hulls from the deck, and perceived one to be of the line, two frigates, and a corvette. We tacked, and stood from them, but they gained fast upon us, as they had a fresh breeze from the westward: at eight, it fell nearly calm, and continued so all night. At day-break we saw the enemy bearing W. by N. about six miles. The south end of Capraia being at the same time W.S.W. about four miles. Upon a light breeze, springing up from the eastward, I made sail to the northward, in the hope of being able to escape round the island, which the frigates and corvette endeavoured to prevent, by running to leeward of Capraia, whilst the ship of the line hauled round the south end in chase of us. We had light and partial breezes until noon, when one frigate and the corvette bore west, about two miles from us, with a fresh breeze from the southward; the other frigate further off in the S.W. and the line of battle ship off the south end of Capraia, bringing up the rear. She had a very light air from the southward, but I saw the necessity of making every effort to get to the westward, as the only chance of escaping, and hauled immediately athwart the headmost frigate: upon our near approach the breeze appeared to fail her.

“At twenty minutes after twelve she opened her fire, and continued it for an hour and ten minutes. As I observed that the light breeze she had was destroyed by her firing, we did not return a gun,[13] but kept a steady course until we had brought the enemy to bear south, when we bore up north, leaving him the choice of yawing to continue his fire, or to confine it to his bow guns. He preferred the former, by which means he lost so much way, that we were soon out of gun shot; the other frigate could not approach, and the corvette avoided us.

“Providentially we received no damage, although exposed for a considerable time to a point blank fire, scarcely going two knots; but few shot struck us. I have the greatest reason to be pleased with the steadiness and good conduct of the officers and people under my command.

“At half-past five, having a fresh breeze from the S.W. we had gained so far upon the enemy that they left off chase by signal; the Commodore shortening sail, and hauling round the north end of Capraia.

“From a Neapolitan pilot I had on board I learn that this is a French squadron from Genoa, as he says, he knows of ships of this description, viz. one of the line, two frigates, and four corvettes, being fitted out there. We chased one corvette off the island of Piglio, on the 26th ultimo; and the other two, I was informed by an American, are employed with convoys between Genoa and Toulon.

“I have the honour to be, &c.

“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”

“Charles Rowley, Esq.”

On the return of the French squadron to Toulon the Captain of one of the frigates was broke for his conduct; but it is not known whether this was the Captain of the Pomone, who lost the opportunity of bringing the British frigate to close action, or the Commander of the Incorruptible for not joining in the attack upon her.

After this narrow escape, the Spartan proceeded off Toulon in pursuance of her orders. Captain Brenton’s object was to have reconnoitred that port, in order to ascertain correctly the enemy’s force, ready for sea, or under equipment; but he was chased off by a French line of battle ship. He returned the next day, and made out that there were only four ships of war in the outer road, two of which were of the line, with several fitting in the inner road. He considered it of importance that the senior officer at Palermo should be informed of the state of the enemy’s squadron in Toulon; and therefore availing himself of a strong westerly wind bore up for that place, running through the straits of Bonifacio, where he fell in with the Sirius. Captain Prouse proceeded to Palermo with the information, and the Spartan directed her course to Ponza, with an account of the French squadron being at sea; in order to put the garrison on that island, and the island of Capri, on their guard. Captain Brenton says, “The Spartan now proceeded on her return to Toulon; but on the following day met with a disaster, which, in my estimation, far exceeded in severity any that had ever befallen me, in the whole course of my professional career. When off Nice, in the morning of the 14th of May, we gave chase to a polacre ship, which we continued with light and variable winds until near sunset, when it became perfectly calm; the chase being still at the distance of six or seven miles, but the weather so clear that she was distinctly made out to be a merchant vessel. The officers entreated me to send the boats, which I was unwilling to do, in consequence of a recent order from the Commander in chief, not to send any boats where they could not be protected by their ship; an order that was clearly pointed as an injurious practice, which had crept in amongst the cruisers, of sending away boats to a considerable distance, to conceal themselves on points of the coast, in order to capture the trading vessels, whilst their own ships were out of sight of the land. Upon this occasion the distance of the chase was not an hour’s pulling; and I determined to send such a force as I considered would put all resistance out of the question, and ensure the return of the boats early in the morning. I accordingly ordered out the barge, launch, and two other boats under the command of first and second lieutenants, and manned by volunteers, consequently by the best men in the ship. A light breeze having sprung up before the boats came up with the polacre, she had availed herself of it, to get close in with the land near Nice; and upon approaching they discovered that she had a tier of guns. I had given the most positive orders to the first lieutenant not to attack her, should she prove a vessel of force; but this gallant young man, considering she could not be viewed in this light, when the number of his men and boats was calculated, at once decided upon making a dash, and ordering the second lieutenant with one boat to board on the larboard side, he, with the others, immediately pulled up on the starboard, and commenced the attack. They were received with the utmost coolness by the enemy, who poured such a destructive fire into the boats, that crowded as they were, it produced a most disastrous effect, and prevented them effectually from boarding. Both the lieutenants fell at the first fire, covered with wounds; the second, with his midshipman and many of the boat’s crew, were killed upon the spot, as were many in the first lieutenant’s division, and indeed each boat was filled with killed and wounded. The survivors made a gallant but ineffectual attempt to board; but they were too much reduced in number to succeed; and the boats on both sides letting go their hold, the polacre passed on a-head with a light breeze, keeping up a continued fire of musketry while within reach.

“From the very heavy fire which was opened upon the boats on their getting alongside, and laying their oars in, for the purpose of boarding; a fire, which had been judiciously reserved for that critical moment; it was concluded that assistance must have been sent to them from the coast, as it was scarcely possible that the crew of a merchant vessel could have composed such an effective volley. The vessel was some months after captured by Lord Cochrane, in the Imperieuse. The people denied having received any assistance on this occasion; and we are therefore bound to give them full credit for their most gallant defence.

“All eyes from the Spartan were of course directed to the quarter in which the boats were chasing; and it was not until one minute past ten that a slight scintillation of firing was observed, without any report. This soon after ceased, and not a doubt existed in the mind of any one on board the Spartan, that the attack had been successful. We had now got the breeze, and were steering for the scene of action, every one expecting to see the polacre approaching with the boats accompanying her, but a most melancholy disappointment awaited us. The oars of a boat were at length heard. When within reach of the boat she was hailed; and the answer told the melancholy tale of their defeat, and that the boats were all on their return filled with the dead and dying. The following was the sad list of sufferers:—Killed, one lieutenant, two midshipmen, twenty-four seamen: wounded, one lieutenant (mortally), and thirty-seven seamen; scarcely ten men out of about seventy being untouched. The dead were laid side by side on the main deck, in order to be prepared for burial, being sewed up in hammocks. The wounded were carried into my cabin, the only part of the ship where there was sufficient space for their accommodation in dressing their wounds; and while this was doing, which took up the greater part of the night, the lower deck was prepared for their reception; all the hammocks, mess tables, and chests being removed for the purpose; a measure which became absolutely necessary in that warm climate, lest the air below, infected by the numbers wounded, should have generated disease amongst the healthy part of the ship’s company. The number of these was so much diminished by this fatal event, that there was little difficulty in finding accommodation for them under the half deck and forecastle; so that the whole extent of the Spartan’s ’tween decks became a most convenient and well ventilated hospital. On the following morning the dead were brought up for burial, and arranged along the starboard waste hammocks, with a man to each, for the purpose of launching the body overboard at the proper time; the bodies of the second lieutenant and his midshipman were in coffins at the gangway. I could with difficulty get through the mournful service, and at the words ‘commit their bodies to the deep,’ when the whole were launched into the ocean, an universal sensation was experienced by the ship’s company. The effect may be imagined, but it cannot be described. Four and twenty active young men in the prime of life, in all the energy of the seaman’s character, buoyant with spirits and health only a few hours before, now gone to their awful account. This was indeed an awakening scene, and undoubtedly left a deep, although perhaps but a transitory impression on all who witnessed it.”

To keep the sea under such circumstances was out of the question. Captain Brenton, however, did not quit his station until he had made another effort to get off Toulon, where he hoped to have fallen in with the British squadron under Captain Rowley, and also that he might carry the latest intelligence of the state of the enemy’s ships in that part. But on the 17th the Spartan was again chased off from Cape Sicie by a French ship of the line, and two frigates, but as she considerably out-sailed them, they hauled their wind in for the land; and Captain Brenton made the best of his way for Malta, where he arrived on the 24th, having providentially very fine weather, smooth water, and light breezes, so that the wounded were under as favourable circumstances as possible. They were enabled to keep the scuttles on the lower deck constantly open; and the value of this ventilation may be estimated when it is stated, that such were the effluvia coming from the lower deck in consequence of the wounds, that it was found most unpleasant to all who were looking over the gangway.

“The severe fatigue and anxiety experienced by Dr. Grey, the surgeon, upon this occasion, had such an effect upon his health, that he was under the necessity of leaving the Spartan, and retiring from the navy.”

There are two circumstances connected with this melancholy catastrophe, which are too interesting to be passed over in silence. One relates to the midshipman who was killed in the boat, with the Second Lieutenant, (Mr. Williams.) He was the son of Admiral Christie, and had been placed under the particular care of Captain Brenton. On the 23rd of April, when the boats were sent in, to cut out a vessel, young Christie requested he might be of the party, to which Captain Brenton readily assented, as it was his practice to give every youngster, however young, an opportunity of shewing what he was made of, (according to the professional phrase); and having done this, he seldom allowed them to be exposed in the boats again, until they had attained the age of sixteen, when they took their turn with the others. Christie conducted himself upon this occasion like a fine gallant boy, and gave great promise of future distinction. On his coming on board the Captain expressed himself well satisfied with his conduct, and said, “Now Christie, as you have established your character, do not ask me again to let you go on any more boat expeditions, until you are more than sixteen; for I shall certainly refuse you.” Notwithstanding this warning, when the boats were preparing to go after the polacre, Christie came up, and begged he might be of the party; but was decidedly refused. It appeared afterwards that the Second Lieutenant, (Mr. Williams) an officer of great merit, and for whom Captain Brenton entertained the highest regard, thoughtlessly suggested to the poor boy that he should run forward, and get into the boat unseen by the Captain, under the bows; promising to receive him into his own boat, and accordingly he did so. The consequence was, that the Lieutenant and his young friend both fell together at the first fire from the polacre. Captain Brenton suffered great affliction upon this occasion, but thoughtless and inexcusable as poor Williams’s conduct was, it never weakened his regard for his memory; attributing it to the motive by which he was undoubtedly influenced, a warm admiration for the display of gallantry in one so young, and the feeling that this very gallantry would be the boy’s apology for disobedience.

The other circumstance is of a very romantic description, and is given in Captain Brenton’s own words. “The coxswain of the barge, reported among the killed and wounded, was a very fine active young man, and had been indulged with the permission to bring his wife on board the ship. She was very young at this period, and the attachment between the couple was very remarkable, as well as the respect they obtained from all on board from the correctness of their conduct, which was in every respect exemplary. On the boats returning, and the report of Bodie’s death, (for such was his name,) his poor little wife was frantic with grief, and flew from one part of the ship to another, with the most agonizing shrieks. When the dead were placed on the main deck, she flew to them, uncovering their faces, and calling out for her husband. She then ran up, and took her seat on the coxswain’s box, in the barge, which had now been hoisted in, calling for her husband; and from thence to the Captain on the quarter deck, imploring him to let her see the body. Calling for some of the people who were in the barge, upon whom the greatest dependence could be placed, I desired to know how Bodie had been killed; when one of them said, ‘Sir, we were boarding the vessel together on the starboard side, and were getting into the main chains, when I was wounded and fell into the boat, and Bodie at the same time was killed, and fell between the boat and the ship.’” The wife was present at this detail, and at length seemed convinced of her dreadful loss. The greatest attention was paid to her by all on board, to alleviate as much as possible her sufferings; and on the arrival of the Spartan at Malta she was received, by Captain Brenton’s recommendation, into the protection of a very respectable family. Her situation excited the most lively interest at Malta; a subscription amounting to £80, was made for her; and she soon after sailed for England in a Transport, with a letter to Mrs. Brenton at Bath, by whom she was received, and remained with her for some time, previous to her departure for Ireland, where her mother was living. Captain Brenton also gave her a recommendation to the Committee of the Patriotic fund, which obtained for her £50.

“The Spartan having landed her wounded, and refitted, proceeded to Messina, in the hopes of procuring a few men from the Trade and Transports there. She then continued her course for Toulon; and on approaching the Hieres Islands, in the middle of June, we boarded a merchant vessel from Genoa, from which we received the following intelligence. “A polacre, it was said, had arrived there some weeks previous, which had been attacked by the boats of an English frigate, and had succeeded in beating them off. When the firing had ceased, the cries of a man were heard under the stern, and an English sailor was found hanging on by the rudder chains, and wounded. On taking him on board he proved to be the coxswain of the frigate’s barge; he stated that he had been severely wounded in endeavouring to board the polacre, and had fallen between the ship and the boat, but as he passed a-stern he had caught hold of the rudder chains, and hung on until the action was over. The story added, that on the vessel’s arrival at Genoa, the man was sent to the hospital; and on his wound being cured, had been marched into France.” No doubt now existed as to the correctness of this statement, and I immediately wrote to Verdun, requesting my friends would make enquiries as to the depôt to which Bodie was sent; and on ascertaining his safety, that information might be immediately sent to Mrs. Brenton, at Bath, in order to her communicating the joyful news to the supposed widow. In a very few weeks a letter reached Mrs. Brenton from the Rev. L. C. Lee, at Verdun, informing her that Bodie had reached that depôt, and was no sooner known to have been Captain Brenton’s coxswain, than the greatest interest was manifest in his behalf, and permission was procured for him to remain there, where every care would be taken of him, and that he had quite recovered from his wounds. These joyful tidings were soon in the hands of Mrs. Bodie, at Cork, whose happiness may be easily imagined.”

On the 18th of June the Spartan resumed her station off Toulon, and found the enemy’s force considerably increased since that port was last reconnoitred; when four sail of the line were ready for sea, but this force was now rapidly augmenting. The Spartan was for some time the only ship employed in watching the movements of this squadron, and was frequently chased off the land by them; but as the French were uncertain as to the position of the British Squadron, and concluded they were cruizing out of sight of the coast, they seldom ran farther than six or eight leagues from Cape Sicie.

On the commander in chief, Lord Collingwood, having received Captain Brenton’s account of the disastrous attack upon the polacre, he gave directions for a court of enquiry to be held upon Captain Brenton for this affair, consisting of Captains Boyle, Rowley, and Fayerman; he directed them also to enquire into the circumstances attending the loss of the Transport, which came out of England under convoy of the Spartan, and which as has been stated, parted company with, that ship off Lisbon, and ran on shore near San Lucar, where she was taken possession of by the Spaniards, but burnt by the boats of the Malta. The following are the reports made by the Courts of Enquiry—“Present,

• CAPTAIN CHARLES BOYLES,
• ” FRANCIS FAYERMAN,
• ” CHARLES ROWLEY.

“The Court, pursuant to an order from Edward Thornborough, Esq., Vice Admiral of the Blue, &c. dated the 6th day of October, 1807, repaired on board H.M.S. Spartan, and there made a strict enquiry into the unfortunate result of an attack made by the boats of the said ship on a Polacre ship, on the night of the 14th of May, and the Court is of opinion that the Commander in chief’s order of the 16th of June, 1806, on the subject of sending armed boats from the ships, has not been deviated from in this instance; as far as their judgment is capable of forming an opinion, from the narrative received from Captain Jahleel Brenton, and corroborated by the examination of the officers that were called before them; who had heard the orders given to the officer commanding the detached boats, and who assert that the chase appeared to be a merchant vessel, quite becalmed, about five or six miles distant, and not near any fort.

• Signed, C. BOYLES,
• ” F. FAYERMAN,
• ” C. ROWLEY.”

Then follows the enquiry respecting the Transport—

“At a Court of enquiry held on board H.M.S. Spartan, in Palermo Bay, Wednesday, 7th of October, 1807,—Present,

• CAPTAIN C. BOYLES,
• ” F. FAYERMAN,
• ” C. ROWLEY.

“The Court, pursuant to an order from Edward Thornborough, Esq., Vice Admiral of the Blue, &c. dated 6th October, 1807, being in pursuance of an order from the Right Honourable Cuthbert Lord Collingwood, dated 29th of May last, repaired on board H.M.S. Spartan, and calling before the Court the commander and officers of the said ship, made a strict enquiry and investigation into the cause and circumstances of the Mary, Ordnance Transport Ship, parting company with the Spartan, when the Captain was charged with her safety, and taking into consideration the great value, and still greater importance of the vessel’s cargo. The Court is of opinion, from the examination and strict enquiry made of Captain Jahleel Brenton, the master, master’s mate, the boatswain and gunner, the only officers called, two of the Lieutenants being dead, and the other Lieutenant at the time in his bed, where he had been for some time; that every thing was done on the part of Captain Jahleel Brenton to insure the safety of the Mary Ordnance Transport; and the circumstance of the said Transport separating from the Spartan, was caused by the carelessness, negligence, and bad conduct of the Master of the Mary, Ordnance Transport Ship.

• Signed, C. BOYLES,
• ” F. FAYERMAN,
• ” C. ROWLEY.”

This affair being thus settled the Spartan resumed her station off Toulon, and soon after the fleet, under the Commander in chief, Lord Collingwood, arrived off that port. On Captain Brenton’s going on board the Ocean, his lordship received him very coolly, and said, “Sir, I am not at all satisfied with the report of the Captains who composed the Court of Enquiry into your conduct.” Captain Brenton replied, “and I, my Lord, am not satisfied with the nature of the tribunal, before which it took place, as I should have preferred a court martial; and I have to request you will be pleased to order one to assemble now for the purpose of trying me.” His Lordship replied, “No Sir, that is discretional with me, and enough has already been said upon the subject of both; but,” continued he, “I have another cause of complaint to bring against you. How came you, while senior officer at Malta, to permit a French Colonel, a prisoner of war, to return to France on his parole:” adding, “they did not treat you so when you were a prisoner.” Captain Brenton could not help being amused with the gravity of the charge, and the commentary upon it. He explained that the Colonel in question was taken by His Majesty’s sloop the Weazle, on his passage from the coast of Italy for Corfu in a small trabacolo; that the colonel’s wife, then on the point of being confined, and two very young children were with him; that on the Weazle firing to bring the vessel to, the lady was so much alarmed, that she was taken in labour, and after giving birth to an infant, died: that the three children were with the colonel at Malta, and that on a strong recommendation from Sir Alexander Ball, the civil commissioner, he, Captain Brenton, had taken upon himself to allow the colonel to go to Naples on parole, on condition that having placed his children in safety, he should return, unless exchanged. “Such were my reasons,” added Captain Brenton, “and in acting as I did, I thought I was only doing, what I am convinced your Lordship would have done, had you been there.” This could not draw from his Lordship any sign of approbation, although it was perfectly true; for his Lordship, with all his dryness of manner, and roughness of exterior, had a kind and feeling heart, and was a warm and sincere friend. His prejudices, it is true, were strong, and not easily subdued. He was notwithstanding accessible to conviction, and ready to acknowledge the efforts of those officers, whom he knew to have the good of the service at heart, however he might differ with them on some points.

As the editor feels that he has undertaken a narrative of trials and struggles, which, generally speaking, pass unobserved and unnoticed by the world, he does not deem it irrelevant to call the attention of his readers to the peculiar trials which were included in the first periods of this service in the mediterranean. Of Lord Collingwood it is hardly possible to say too much, whether he be considered as an officer or as a man; and the very circumstance, that differing as he did so widely from Lord Nelson in qualities and character, he succeeded in securing to so high a degree the regard and confidence of that distinguished commander, proves what the opinion must have been which Lord Nelson formed of his talents and courage. But the character of Lord Collingwood as an admiral was just that which must have led him to pass a severe judgment on this unfortunate affair with the Polacre. His courage was that of a firm well disciplined mind, which had been accustomed to view danger with indifference, when it came in the way of duty, but which saw no necessity to go out and brave it, when there was no adequate cause. His professional life had been chiefly passed in ships of the line, as forming parts of great fleets, and engaged in great movements; and he had therefore less sympathy with that spirit of adventurous daring, which suited the commander of a cruising frigate; and he was disposed to look with jealousy, if not disapprobation, at the risks which were continually run for the sake of captures of very little intrinsic value. At this period also, age had added something of severity to his judgment, and he was not likely to admit any extenuation of an error, which had cost the lives of so many valuable men, and which seemed to have been incurred by acting in opposition to an express order of his own.

The former disaster in Captain Brenton’s naval career might also have existed some prejudice against him in the mind of the Admiral. The unfortunate are seldom regarded as wholly clear of blame. The loss of the Minerve had been justified by the sentence of a Court Martial; but an old and cautious commander might have suspected that the commander of the frigate had been rash and indiscreet, if not absolutely in fault; and might have thought that this unhappy attack on the Polacre was part of the same conduct, another act of a daring, but inconsiderate and injudicious officer.

The Captain of the Spartan had therefore to support a prejudice existing against the Captain of the Minerve, and had much to bear and much to do, before he overcame the impression which this untoward attack had made on Lord Collingwood’s mind. That he did succeed in removing it; that he did succeed in satisfying his Admiral’s judgment, and did conciliate his good will and approbation, may be an encouragement to others, who under similar circumstances, think all is lost because a single error has been committed; and give up and cease to strive to please, because they feel that they have to work against a strong and perhaps unreasonable prejudice in a Commander.

The private memoranda afford no information as to the struggles which this afflicting circumstance must have occasioned; but the reader has already seen and known enough of the mind and feelings of the subject of this memoir, to doubt what must have been his resource. We cannot doubt, that the defeat he had sustained, and the sad and sorrowful tokens of it in the loss of his gallant people, sent him in tears and humiliation to the throne of grace; that he there mourned deeply and sincerely over the rashness of the attempt, and his own imprudence in permitting it; that he considered himself as guilty in some degree of the deaths of those, whom he had allowed to expose themselves; and that many and earnest were his supplications for mercy and forgiveness.

But it may also be certain that this humiliation before God—this severity of self-enquiry and self-condemnation, prepared him in a peculiar manner for the trial, he was to meet from men. The Admiral, naturally, reasonably offended at this, which seemed a wanton waste of life, found him so humbled, that his resentment was disarmed. The censure that he might have felt himself bound to pass, on the point of discipline, was, he saw, anticipated. He could not strike one who was down. He could not reprove one whose self-reproof was manifest. He was obliged to feel for the man, whose own feelings had been so acute; and he saw that it was unnecessary for the interests of the service, to say anything where so much had been already done within. “Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth;” and many are the causes of offence in every service, which would come to nothing, if they were not raised into importance by the pride of those who endeavour to defend their error, instead of acknowledging and condemning it themselves.

We shall have occasion to remark a similar trial in the following Chapter, where an accident occurred, which appeared to arise from want of care in the management of the ship; and which for a moment again put the character of the Captain of the Spartan in jeopardy with an Admiral of such correctness as Lord Collingwood. The affair in that case was capable of explanation, and the circumstances under which it happened, exonerated the Commander of the ship from blame; but those, whose daily lives are not exposed to such contingencies as belong to active service, will do well to remember how trifling are the causes which may lead to consequences so serious, and in this way learn to feel for those whose forgetfulness or momentary inattention may be visited with such severity.

CHAPTER XI.

CRUIZE OFF TOULON.—REFITS AT MALTA.—STORM OFF SARDINIA.—JOINS LORD COLLINGWOOD’S FLEET.—DISASTER.—FALLS IN WITH THE FRENCH FLEET AT SEA.—EXERTIONS TO CONVEY INTELLIGENCE AND TO WATCH THE ENEMY.—RETURNS TO TOULON.—SERVICE ON THE COAST OF ITALY IN COMPANY WITH LORD COCHRANE.—REFLECTIONS.

The Spartan was employed for the remainder of the year in watching the port of Toulon. The service was at first very arduous, and one of constant anxiety, and solicitude, especially as the French squadron in the outer roads had increased greatly, and it became necessary to reconnoitre them with increased vigilance. Lord Collingwood returned to his station off Cadiz; and the duty of watching Toulon devolved upon two frigates, the Sirius and Spartan in the first instance. On the former being called away, she was relieved by the Apollo; but there was seldom more than one of these frigates off Toulon at a time, the other being absent for the purpose of refitting, or procuring water and provisions. Early in January, 1808, the Spartan went to Malta, to refit, having suffered much from the constant gales off Cape Scicie, and from the necessity of carrying sail to keep in with the land against the heavy N.W. winds, which blow so frequently, and with so much violence on that part of the coast. And as it was with this wind that the enemy would leave their port it became an indispensable necessity that the frigates employed in watching them, should keep as close to the land as possible, that they might have a look out upon them night and day.

On the wind increasing from that quarter, it was therefore imperative upon the frigates to carry as much low sail as possible, and they were obliged to set their courses with close reefed topsails, as long as they could be borne in safety; by this means, they generally managed to keep in smooth water, under the land; but the greatest vigilance was required, lest in some of the heavy squalls coming down through the valleys, the lower yards might be carried away, and the ship crippled in sight of a powerful enemy, who would only have to slip, and take possession of the disabled ship. Admiral Thornborough who commanded the squadron, which in the latter part of the Spartan’s station off Toulon, remained cruizing from fifteen to twenty leagues off the coast, was full of anxiety respecting the frigates; and on Captain Brenton going on board the Royal Sovereign bearing his flag, to make his report of the ships in Toulon, he said to him, “My dear Brenton, I expected to have seen you worne to a skeleton from anxiety; I can scarcely sleep for thinking of you. I dread particularly the treacherous calms off Cape Sicie, whilst the ships in the outer roads of Toulon have a fresh breeze off the land, which might bring them alongside of you in a few minutes.” This indeed was a source of very serious apprehension, and the Spartan was more than once placed in a situation of great danger from it; the line of calm was however generally visible upon the water, and it was important to observe great caution in not approaching too near this line. There are few circumstances however which do not lose their power to alarm by familiarity with the danger connected with them, and so it proved in this case. On his being first employed in the service, Captain Brenton felt the full amount of his responsibility, and the danger to which he was exposed; but after being frequently chased off the land by squadrons of ships of the line, and finding that they invariably left off chase by the time they had got seven or eight leagues from the port; and finding also that they seldom gained much if any thing upon the Spartan during that run; he became so accustomed to being chased, that it was considered a matter of common occurrence, and was unaccompanied by any anxiety. Upon one occasion, when about four miles from Cape Sepet, the entrance to the inner road of Toulon, blowing fresh from the N.W. several ships of the line were seen coming out, and the Spartan of course bore up; at this time, an unfortunate boy fell overboard, and it became necessary to lower a boat down to endeavour to save him, and the time thus occupied was one of the greatest possible anxiety, it was however employed in letting out reefs, and in every preparation to make sail. The boy had sunk, and by the time the boat had returned, the enemy were out of the roads, clear of Cape Sepet, and steering for the Spartan, scarcely more than a league distant; but no sooner was the boat out of the water, than the helm was up, and the ship under a cloud of sail; from this moment all anxiety vanished, and the enemy having run to the length of their tether, hauled their wind as usual.

It was upon one of these occasions that Captain Brenton, sitting in his cabin, watching the enemy in chase of him with his spy glass, was informed by the first Lieutenant that a strange sail was seen on the starboard bow. “Steer for her,” said the Captain, “these fellows will leave off chase before we get up with her, and we may as well chase in our turn.” As he expected, the enemy gave up the pursuit, and the Spartan continuing her course for the stranger, came up with her in the course of the afternoon, and took her; she proved to be a very good prize.

The Spartan having refitted in January at Malta, was returning to her station off Toulon, and the wind being strong from the westward, the Commander as usual ran to the eastward of Sardinia and Corsica. When on the east side of Corsica, the weather being remarkably fine and clear, they were keeping as close to the shore as possible, in order to have the advantage of smooth water, and Captain Brenton and his First Lieutenant, both very unwell, were sitting together over the stove in the Captain’s cabin. The people were at dinner, when in a moment a heavy squall came on. The ship was taken aback, and was laid over with her guns in the water, and before the sail could be taken in, the fore yard was gone, and the ship on a dead lee shore. The Captain and First Lieutenant were soon on deck, and every exertion made to get the ship into safety; but the proximity of the land rendered her situation for many hours one of extreme peril. She was got under a snug sail, and a maintopsail yard was substituted for a fore yard. The wind however continued to increase after the sun went down, and blew with great violence, whilst a heavy sea got up. The ship was wore, as the wind veered a point or two each way, but at ten o’clock it was evident that they could not be far from the S.E. coast of Corsica. Captain Brenton’s chief object in wearing as he did, was to keep the Straits of Bonifacio open; but even this was a most forlorn hope, for the innumerable rocks which abound in every part of these straits, render it a most dangerous passage. His intention was only to avail himself of it, in the event of being so near the coast as to leave no alternative but either going on shore, or attempting to run through the straits; in the latter case their safety depended on steering by the breakers—a fearful resource when the sea was running so high, that the whole surface of the water was broken. Every eye was directed to leeward, and every moment the order was expected to put the helm up; when by the interposition of a kind providence, the wind which had been nearly at east, flew round six points, and enabled the ship to clear the land, and by daylight she had such an offing as enabled the Captain to keep her away for Palermo, where the Spartan arrived on the following day, and to the great surprise of all on board, found Sir Richard Strahan with his squadron lying in the bay, having run up the Mediterranean in chase of the Rochefort squadron. It became necessary that the Spartan should proceed with the utmost dispatch off Toulon, and application having been made to the Sicilian Commodore for assistance, he was pleased to supply the ship with a fore yard from one of his frigates, and the Lavinia, one of Sir Richard Strahan’s squadron, having been put under Captain Brenton’s orders, they made sail for their destination. The wind being perseveringly from the west and north westward, the ships endeavoured to beat up under the lee of Sardinia, but gained but little ground. At length, the wind getting round to the N.E., and blowing very hard, Captain Brenton determined upon bearing up, and running along the south coast of Sardinia, to endeavour to get to Toulon by a western route. On arriving, however, off Cagliari, he spoke an English Privateer, from which he obtained the information, that on the 1st of March, a frigate which had been cruising off Toulon, had arrived in the road of Pulla, near Cagliari, with an account of the French squadron, having got out of Toulon; and from the cross examination which Captain Brenton entered into, he felt convinced that this frigate must be his consort, the Apollo, which he had left off Toulon. The privateer captain further added, that on the following day he was boarded by the Wizard, sloop of war, and had the same intelligence from her, with the additional news that five French sail of the line, and a frigate had lately entered the Mediterranean. This was the squadron which Sir Richard Strahan had pursued. With such important information, Captain Brenton felt himself justified in dispatching Captain Hancock in the Lavinia to Admiral Thornborough at Palermo; and he then stood with the Spartan into the bay of Cagliari, which he reached on the 4th of March, and received from the British Minister a confirmation of the report respecting the French squadron. He proceeded in search of Vice-Admiral Thornborough, but fell in with Lord Collingwood and the fleet off Maretimo; who having heard of the movements of the enemy, was in pursuit of them. All the other frigates and small vessels having been detained in different directions in quest of the enemy, the Spartan was kept with the fleet, and every morning, as soon as a flag could be distinguished, was ordered to look out in a given direction, as far as signals could be made out; and was recalled in the evening.

It seemed as though a fatality attended Captain Brenton, and that some circumstance or another should always arise to prevent his acquiring the approbation of the Commander in chief. Having been thus employed in looking out till the morning of the 13th of March, when particularly anxious to be in readiness to take his station on the look out, he was up at three o’clock, and as soon as daylight appeared, made sail in the quarter pointed out, and was as usual recalled in the evening. In the course of the first watch the wind had become very light, and the Spartan, at ten o’clock, was yet at a very considerable distance from the body of the fleet, which was on the Spartan’s lee bow; he therefore directed the officer of the watch to let him know when he should approach within a couple of miles of the fleet, and lest there might be any misunderstanding, he also gave this order in writing. The Spartan at this time had all sail set on the starboard tack; Captain Brenton soon fell asleep, and to his utter astonishment and dismay, was awoke by hearing a crash, and running on deck, found the ship had run on board the Malta of 80 guns, and that the Spartan’s main yard was carried away. This indeed was a most serious disaster, his ship being the only frigate in the fleet, and at such a juncture. However as there was no sea running, the ships instantly separated, and the Spartan having got round on the other tack, kept her main-top-sails set by bringing the sheets below; and keeping her royals set, was enabled to get up into her station on the weather beam of the Commander in chief, to whom Captain Brenton sent an officer informing him of the accident, and expressing his hope that the ship would be effective again in a few hours. His Lordship’s feelings may be easily imagined by those who knew him. He instantly sent his carpenter on board, with armourers and every other assistance that could be devised, but before these artificers were in readiness to work, there was but little left for them to do, the main yard was down and fished, and the hoops only remained to be put down, which were then preparing at the forge; and before eleven o’clock the yard was again up, and the Spartan as efficient as she had been the preceding day. The Admiral was appeased, and the affair had no other consequence than that of an order to try the unfortunate Lieutenant by a Court martial. It may not be useless to explain how this neglect happened, as it may prove a warning to thoughtless young men, who in every other respect are most anxious and zealous to do their duty to the utmost. It is well known to be the custom of the service for an officer coming up to take charge of the deck, to be accosted by his messmates in the following manner, “Here you have her,” describing the sail she is under, and repeating any orders he may have received from the Captain. Upon this occasion, to the “Here you have her,” was added, “and you will find the captain’s order in the order book in the Binnacle drawer.” The young officer, who took charge of the deck, probably intended looking into the book for these orders, but forgot it. He now approached the fleet, and all at once alarmed for his responsibility, and hesitating on which side of the ship approaching him he should go, it ended as all these cases of indecision generally do, by running on board of her. The Commander in chief soon after this, having gained intelligence that the enemy had been seen off the mouth of the Adriatic, made all sail in pursuit of them, dispatching the Spartan to Rear Admiral Martin, at Palermo, with the information; and the Rear Admiral immediately directed Captain Brenton to proceed without loss of time to the Bay of Tunis, and not gaining any tidings of the enemy there, to cruize between the south coast of Sardinia and the coast of Africa, in order to prevent if possible the enemy passing to the westward, from the Adriatic, without being seen.

The Spartan had not been long on this service, when on the 1st of April, 1808, the weather being hazy, and a fresh breeze from the north west, a fleet was descried to the southward, amounting to ten sail of the line, and four frigates. Captain Brenton felt so certain that this was Lord Collingwood, not having heard of the junction of the French squadrons, that he did not at first even make the private signals, but was satisfied with shewing his number. As they ran down under their topsails, the Captain, and the first Lieutenant, looking at them through their glasses, the former said, “Who is that old fashioned fellow who carries his mizen topmast stay-sail, under the main top?” The first Lieutenant immediately replied, “There are three of them that have it.” Then said the Captain, “It is the enemy’s fleet. Haul your wind at once.” They did so, and then made the private signal, and no sooner had the Spartan made this change in her course, than every ship to leeward made all the sail she could carry upon a wind. The Spartan set her coursers, jib, and driver, and Captain Brenton, finding the enemy did not gain much ground upon him, felt satisfied with this addition, and was rather desirous that they should get a little nearer to him before night, when he felt that he could always get from them. Captain Brenton was now anxious to communicate the position of the French squadron to Rear Admiral Martin, at Palermo, and also to Sir Alexander Ball, at Malta; but he felt it to be his imperative duty to remain with the French fleet himself, and to dog them wherever they might be bound. He at once decided upon putting a canvass deck upon the launch; and applying for beams the rough pieces, which at that time it was the custom to issue from the dock-yard for boat oars, to be made up on board when required; the launch being thus provided with a deck, and being furnished with a carronade, signal flags, ammunition, provisions, and water, became a very serviceable, and efficient dispatch boat. When it became quite dark the launch was hoisted out and equipped, but some delay in sending her away occurred, in consequence of the French squadron having gone on the larboard tack, by which means they were exactly in her track for Trapani. The Lieutenant was directed to proceed by land to Palermo, with his dispatches for Rear Admiral Martin; and the Master’s mate, who accompanied him in the launch, was to proceed with her to Malta with the same intelligence for Rear Admiral, Sir Alexander Ball.

“Spartan, Cape Tolazo, 5 p.m. April 1st, 1808.

“Sir,

“We are now in company with the enemy’s squadron, consisting of ten sail of the line (two of which are three deckers), four frigates and a brig. We fell in with them this morning at ten o’clock, Galita then bearing S.S.E. distant thirty-eight miles; they were then steering about West, with the wind apparently at E.N.E. (we had it all North). I immediately bore up to reconnoitre them; upon the wind drawing round to the westward, and blowing fresh (which it did shortly after) they wore by signal, and hauled their wind on the larboard tack. When near enough to distinguish flags, I made the private signal, which was not answered, and we have since been keeping a station about six or seven miles in the wind’s eye of them. At dark I mean to send away the launch, having fitted her up with a temporary deck for the occasion, and put her under the command of Lieutenant Coffin, third Lieutenant, to whom I beg leave to refer you for particulars. He is a most excellent young officer, and has in my opinion added to his merit, by the very handsome manner in which he has volunteered his services on this occasion. It is my intention to use every endeavour to keep sight of the enemy, and having ascertained their destination, to take the earliest opportunity of sending information of it; watching them myself till I have reason to believe the Commander in chief, or some of his squadrons are acquainted with their situation.

“I have the honour to be, &c.

“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”

“Rear Admiral Martin, &c. Palermo.”

When the French fleet had got sufficiently to the northward, to offer a prospect of the launch pursuing her course unobserved, she was ordered to shove off; but she had scarcely got a mile from the ship, when, to Captain Brenton’s great dismay, the enemy were seen on the starboard tack, and there was the greatest probability that the poor launch would have fallen into their hands. The officer however on seeing them approach, most judiciously lowered his sails; by which means, they passed without seeing him, although as he said, one of the ships was so near him, that he thought his capture inevitable. He was most providentially preserved, and the Spartan kept her station on the weather beam of the French Admiral during the night, and as day approached made sail on the opposite tack, by which she was soon out of danger of pursuit, and preserved that distance until the evening, when she again bore down and took her station for the night. On the morning of the 2nd, just before daylight, the enemy were still on the starboard tack, on which they had been the whole night. The Spartan was put about, and Captain Brenton, who had been on deck nearly the whole night, left orders to stand on the larboard tack, until the topsails only of the French squadron could be seen from the deck, when the ship was again to be put in stays, and bear the same tack with the enemy. He had not long however been asleep, when he was called by the officer of the watch, and informed that the French squadron had tacked and lay up for the Spartan; that they had a fresh breeze whilst the Spartan was nearly becalmed. The enemy approached rapidly, and had got within four or five miles, when their wind also failed them, and a most anxious day was passed by all on board the Spartan. The sails were sometimes trimmed for one tack, and sometimes for the other, and their steering sails, a-low and a-loft, and all in the course of an hour or two, as the wind veered round the compass. In the afternoon the wind set in again, and blew steady from its old quarter, the N.W.; and the French Admiral determined to avail himself of every change, in the hope of catching the British frigate, divided his squadron into two parts, and put one on each tack; but the Spartan having the breeze strong and steady had the heels of them, and had got so far to windward before dark, that when the squadron again united, and got upon the starboard tack, which they always did at night, she was again under the necessity of bearing down, in order to ensure keeping sight of them during the night. On the evening of the 3rd the wind having got round to the Northward, the French Admiral was observed to keep away, (about west) and a frigate went along the line, apparently speaking every ship; which movement Captain Brenton interpreted in the following manner. “The French Admiral finding he cannot shake off the British frigate, or get hold of her, is determined to pursue his course to the westward; it may be for the straits of Gibraltar, on his way to Cadiz; or it may be, that with the expectation of the wind getting into its prevailing quarter, S.W., he wishes to take advantage of it to get to Toulon, and probably taking Minorca in his way, and joining the Spanish squadron of six sail of the line known to be there. At all events,” said Captain Brenton to his officers, “we must endeavour to accompany him;” and in his turn, in order to puzzle the French Admiral with regard to the Spartan’s movements, he continued close hauled until he had lost sight of the French squadron, then keeping away upon the same course, they were last seen steering, and setting the courses, he expected soon to be again abreast of them, and to resume his position for watching them on the following day. Gantheaume, who commanded the French squadron, evidently had laid a trap for him, and expected this movement, for after dark he must have hauled his wind expecting to get to windward of the Spartan. As the night was dark, great anxiety was felt to get sight of the enemy again, and an eager look out kept on the lee bow. All at once the junior marine officer who was on the lee gangway called out, “here they are Sir, close to us on the lee quarter;” and there indeed they were, not much more than a mile distant. As the Spartan was off the wind and going at a great rate, with all hands on deck, Captain Brenton decided upon at once wearing her, and getting on the other tack, as far preferable to keeping his enemy astern, and so near him, or running the risk of any accident which might happen in the stays. He accordingly ordered the helm to be immediately put up, and the ship flew round with rapidity, and was round on the other tack under the mainsail in a few moments. She was evidently within gun shot of the leading ship of the French squadron, but only for a very few minutes, and they were probably deterred from firing, lest it might attract the attention of other cruizers. The French squadron soon after wore, which they did very deliberately; the signal having been first made by the Admiral, and when repeated by his second astern, hauled down in his ship, and so on throughout the line, only one ship having the signal up at a time, and no guns being fired upon any occasion; this clearly betrayed a desire not to attract notice. The Spartan continued carrying a press of sail all night, and soon got over on the coast of Sardinia; when she went again upon the starboard tack, and at daylight saw the enemy’s squadron upon the larboard tack, broad on her lee bow. On the evening of this day the weather was very squally, and wind so variable, as sometimes to bring the enemy to windward, a position most unfavourable to the Spartan, though there was no apprehension whatever of any ship of the enemy gaining upon her on a wind, although many might have done so while going large. Captain Brenton, to avoid these disadvantageous circumstances, stood well over to the coast of Sardinia, in the expectation of again crossing upon the French squadron in the morning, but he saw no more of them. They had undoubtedly availed themselves of the changes of wind, favourable to their getting to the N.N.W. as they were known to have reached Toulon in a few days after.

Captain Brenton was now under considerable anxiety, as to the steps he should next take. From the conduct of the enemy during four days, there was every reason to believe that their object was to get to the westward, but whether to the straits of Gibraltar, or Minorca, or Toulon, he could not determine. Depending upon his launch having carried all the information to Sicily and Malta, he resolved to steer for Minorca, under the probability that M. Gantheaume might have gone thither for the Spanish ships, as has already been suggested. He also thought, that on this course with the perpetual changes of wind so frequently experienced in the spring in the Mediterranean, he might again fall in with them, whether their destination was to either of the places above mentioned.

From the evening of the 5th to the morning of the 7th, the Spartan was nearly becalmed the whole time, but a fresh breeze then springing up from the S.W. the Spartan stretched over for Minorca, and made that island on the evening of the 8th. Captain Brenton was in the hope of being able to reconnoitre port Mahon in the morning, but in the course of the night it came on to blow very hard from the northward; and to have attempted to have worked up to the island would have expended too much valuable time. All that remained in his power now was to endeavour to secure Admiral Purvis, who commanded the British squadron off Cadiz, against surprise. He accordingly made all sail for Gibraltar; he arrived off the rock on the evening of the 10th, and brought to off Cabrita, whilst he sent a boat on shore for intelligence; and on its return proceeded through the straits under bare poles, in order not to miss the squadron under Admiral Purvis, which he saw at day-light, and communicated his intelligence by telegraph.

The Admiral immediately made the signal for his squadron to clear and prepare for battle. He gave Captain Brenton great credit for his conduct upon this occasion, as did Lord Collingwood on his rejoining him. Having remained with the squadron off Cadiz, as long as any probability remained of the French squadron coming down, the Spartan was again ordered to Palermo, to rejoin Rear Admiral Martin; and on his arrival there, Captain Brenton was directed to resume his station off Toulon; where he was informed he should find the Commander in chief, which was the case. Lord Collingwood expressed himself highly pleased with all the measures he had pursued under these trying and difficult circumstances; and said he had been greatly relieved, on hearing of the Spartan’s safety, as a report had reached him, that the French squadron was seen going into Toulon, with an English frigate their prize; and little doubt was entertained in the fleet, as to the correctness of the report, or, as to the Spartan being the ship taken. His Lordship was heard to exclaim when he heard the news, “That poor Brenton was the child of misfortune.” Captain Brenton was now again upon his old post, but had the comfort of another frigate, the Lavinia, being put under his orders. There were at this time six sail of the line in Toulon, and four frigates ready for sea; and six men of war, with two frigates refitting. The enemy frequently came out as usual, chasing off our frigates and returning into port again.

On the 1st of August, Captain Brenton having observed a frigate and convoy getting under weigh in Toulon, and suspecting they were destined for Corsica with troops, where he had been informed some disturbances had taken place, recalled the Lavinia by signal from Cape de L’Aigle; and directing Captain Hancock to occupy the Spartan’s post off Toulon, made sail himself in chase of the frigate, and gained very fast upon her, in consequence of which she hauled into the bay of St. Tropaz, and anchored under the citadel. The Spartan succeeded in taking two of her convoy, and was very near taking a man of war brig, having got within gun shot of her; but being becalmed, the Frenchman got away with his sweeps. The Spartan had three men wounded by a shot from one of the batteries, but only slightly.

In the beginning of September, the Spartan was ordered to cruize in the gulf of Rosas, to prevent the enemy’s vessels from collecting on the coast between Cape Creux and Cape Couronne. On the 7th, Captain Brenton fell in with the Imperieuse, commanded by Lord Cochrane, and joined him in an attack he was making upon some merchant vessels near Cape Mejean; one of which they burned, and captured two, which not being worth sending into port for adjudication, they destroyed. The Imperieuse had one man killed upon this occasion, and the Spartan one wounded.

On the 8th, the boats from the two ships landed and destroyed the signal post and telegraph in the bay of Saintes Maries; from thence they proceeded to attack three batteries upon the Isthmus of Leucate, where a number of vessels were lying hauled up on the beach. Lord Cochrane had reconnoitred this part of the coast some days previously, and had landed and spiked one of the guns on the southern battery. On the 10th, at daylight, the boats landed and completed the destruction of that battery; whilst the ships protected them by their fire, from the troops which were assembled. At one p.m. the boats were formed in two divisions, the first made a feint of landing near the village of Caunet, by which means the troops were all drawn to that point, and the ships running in attacked the centre battery near the village of St. Lauren, and the second division of boats proceeded under cover of the Imperieuse, and carried the northernmost battery. A beautiful instance of ready seamanship was displayed by Lord Cochrane upon this occasion. Having already reconnoitred the coast, he requested he might be permitted to lead upon the occasion. The Spartan was following the Imperieuse, at less than a cable’s length distance, the ships going about three knots; when the Imperieuse was observed suddenly to swing round, with much more rapidity than any action of the helm could have produced. The fact was, that Lord Cochrane from the mast head saw a squadron of the enemy’s cavalry galloping towards a gorge on the coast, which had they passed, they would have cut off the retreat of our people, who were employed in spiking the guns. His Lordship immediately ordered the ship’s anchor to be let go, and the swinging round brought her starboard broadside to enfilade this gorge, by which the cavalry were instantly turned. The boats were then again landed, when one vessel was blown up, and another burnt, the others considerably injured by the fire from the frigates; but the enemy having collected in considerable force with field pieces, the boats were recalled. The Spartan had two wounded upon the occasion, and the Imperieuse one.

On the following day the two ships anchored off Cette, and endeavoured to burn the shipping in the harbour, by throwing congreve rockets amongst them; but without effect, probably owing to the defective state of the rockets.

On the 12th they again landed, burnt a custom-house, near Mont Julien, two pontons on the canal, and some guard houses, bringing away a number of small arms.

On the 13th they chased nine sail of merchant vessels off Point de Tigne, and captured six of them, viz., one ship, three brigs, a xebec, and a bombard; these vessels had run on shore, with the wind blowing hard from the N.W. The Spartan and the Imperieuse anchoring near them, and heaving them off, they were no sooner afloat and anchored near the frigates, than a gale of wind came on, directly on shore, which obliged the ships to remain there till the 16th, in hourly expectation of the enemy bringing down guns, as they were within shot of the beach. Captain Brenton in his official letters states the conduct of Lord Cochrane to have been above all praise; and that it was throughout an animating example of intrepidity, zeal, professional skill, and resources which he trusted would be treasured up in the memory of all who witnessed it.

The Editor may be allowed to add as a tribute due to the distinguished officer thus casually introduced to notice from connection with the subject of the Memoir, that he has frequently heard Sir Jahleel Brenton mention, that he admired nothing more in Lord Cochrane, than the care he took of the preservation of his people. Bold and adventurous as he was, no unnecessary exposure of life was ever permitted under his command. Every circumstance was anticipated, every precaution against surprise was taken, every provision for success was made; and in this way he was enabled to accomplish the most daring enterprises, with comparatively little danger, and still less of actual loss.

The public who heard of his unceasing activity and dauntless courage, regarded him as one only ambitious of the character of a successful commander, and little knew that he never risked an attack of which he had not calculated all the probable contingencies, and compared most jealously the loss he might himself sustain, with the injury to be done to the enemy.

Lord Collingwood in acknowledging Captain Brenton’s official account of these affairs expressed much approbation. The service performed was in itself trivial, but the effect upon the enemy important; as these perpetual attacks made on different parts of the coast were very harrassing to them, and kept their cavalry, as well as other descriptions of force, constantly in motion; whilst they at the same time paralyzed their trade, which at this period of the war was confined entirely to the coasting department. It became necessary also for the enemy to keep a much larger military force in their maritime departments, than they would otherwise have done, and the amount of troops sent to the army was consequently diminished.

The coasters were at length so apprehensive of falling into the hands of the English cruizers, that they seldom dared to quit the shelter of a port, until signals had been made from the different stations on the coast, that no enemy was near.

While such was the perilous and anxious tenor of Captain Brenton’s days, some light may be reflected on his personal character, by introducing a short extract from that domestic memoir, to which reference has previously been made, as exhibiting the feelings that were passing in his mind, while occupied in this active service. The thread of the narrative, it is true, will be broken; the thrilling interest connected with these critical moments must be suspended; but it is well that the reader should see the character of the man in whose dangers he is led to share, and should learn even through the interruption of the story, that the duties of the service may be discharged in the most exemplary manner, whilst the heart retains all the warmth and tenderness of well regulated affection. Speaking of this period of his life to his children, he says, “This was a time of great anxiety, which to a heart formed like your dear mother’s, was perhaps rendered more severe, by the struggle between her religious convictions and her worldly affections, between her wish to repose entire confidence in God, and those feelings, which although given us for our happiness, we are not able to controul, when we have reason to fear that those we love are suffering, or in danger. The enemy’s squadron had escaped from Rochefort, and got into the Mediterranean, where they formed a junction with that of Toulon, and an action with our fleet was consequently expected. My beloved Isabella knew I was cruizing off Toulon, and was naturally full of apprehension. I had been relieved in the early part of the year, in order that I might go to Malta and refit, and upon my return having fallen in with Lord Collingwood, I was detached in quest of the enemy, which I fell in with, the beginning of April, off Sardinia. I lost sight of them on the fourth day, and concluding from the course they had steered, whilst I was with them, that they were going either to Minorca or Cadiz, I went successively to those places, giving the alarm to our Commander in chief, who was blockading the latter. I had the satisfaction of receiving Lord Collingwood’s entire approbation of my conduct; and what was not less gratifying, a letter, whilst off Cadiz, from your beloved mother, which had been written but little more than a fortnight. I was also enabled to send her accounts of my welfare, which from the nature of the service upon which I had been engaged, she could not otherwise have received for a considerable time; whilst reports of our having fallen into the hands of the enemy were circulated throughout the Mediterranean, and generally believed.” This circumstance seems to have called forth the following expression of gratitude from the anxious wife.

Bath 1808.—“Just received letters from my beloved Brenton, which have more than ever given me cause for gratitude to the All wise disposer of events. Oh! merciful God, how is it possible for me to express the gratitude due to Thee, upon this occasion particularly whilst every hour of my life is marked by some of thy bountiful mercies. But thy late preservation of my husband, both from the enemy, and the perils and dangers of the sea, call for more than usual gratitude.” Captain Brenton adds, “Whilst so many are habitually congratulating themselves upon the instances of what they call ‘good fortune,’ or their ‘lucky escapes,’ or pluming themselves upon their own success as the necessary consequences of their own judgment or merit; let us, my darling children, follow the example of your angelic mother, and refer all we meet with to the merciful and watchful care of a benign and superintending Providence—let us pay our gratitude where it is due; and in all our trials remember what He has done for us. Let us resign ourselves to His divine will, and assure ourselves that were it not good for us to be afflicted, adversity would never reach us.”

CHAPTER XII.

REMOVED FROM THE TOULON STATION TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—CRUIZE OFF CANDIA, AND IN THE ADRIATIC.—ACTION AT PESARO; AND OFFICIAL LETTERS.—CO-OPERATION WITH THE AUSTRIANS IN THE ADRIATIC.—LETTERS FROM LORD COLLINGWOOD EXPRESSIVE OF HIS ENTIRE SATISFACTION.

The Spartan having resumed her station off Toulon, discovered on the morning of the 2nd of October, that five frigates and a store ship had got out during the preceding night in a heavy gale from the N.W. Captain Brenton concluded they were gone to Corsica, as the store ship was constantly employed in bringing timber from that Island.

The Spartan was now released from this arduous duty by the Proserpine, and Captain Brenton was ordered to put himself under the orders of Rear Admiral Martin, on the coast of Sicily, and to cruize between the Faro of Messina, and the entrance of the Adriatic. On this head, Captain Brenton’s own notes may be used.

“Upon my arrival in the Mediterranean in the spring of 1807, I had been stationed to watch the enemy’s fleet in Toulon, and I was continued in that arduous service till the latter end of 1808, when I was relieved at the joint intercession of the junior flag officers, who had represented to the Commander in chief (though unsolicited by me) the hardship of one person being confined to such severe service, for so long a period. My stay there had, I believe, been protracted in the first instance, by a little prejudice on the part of the Admiral, in consequence of my having lost so many men, on the unfortunate occasion of the expedition of the boats; and latterly from the expediency of keeping an officer on so important a station, who had the advantage of local knowledge, gained by the experience of so many months, as well of the coasts, as of the operations of the enemy.

“I was at length removed to the coast of Calabria, and stationed between the Island of Sicily, and the mouth of the Adriatic, with a gratifying acknowledgement from Lord Collingwood of my having fulfilled the duties of my last post to his satisfaction. I had still less chance of success on this coast, than in the neighbourhood of Toulon, but the duty was not so harassing, or the responsibility so great, and I looked for something better.

“In the spring of 1809 I was sent to cruize on the coast of Syria and Egypt, when I took two prizes, only one of which, however, got into port. On my return to Malta, my excellent and warm friend, Sir Alexander Ball, sent me to take the command of the little squadron in the Adriatic. No situation in the Navy could have been more agreeable to my wishes, particularly with such officers and friends under my command, as Captains Hoste, Duncan and Waldegrave.”

Early in January, 1809, intelligence had been received that Murat, then king of Naples, had resolved upon making a descent upon Sicily in the month of February. Great vigilance was consequently required to prevent any collection of troops or vessels on any point of the coast. The Spartan was kept upon the service during the greater part of 1808-9. Captain Brenton received a letter from Rear Admiral Martin, dated 19th January, 1809, informing him that an attack was confidently expected to be made by Murat, in the course of a short time, and that it was possible the Russian squadron at Trieste would co-operate in it, recommending the utmost vigilance for the protection of the eastern coast. He received at the same time another letter from General Sir John Stuart, confirming the expectation of Murat’s intended invasion.

Early in February the Commander in chief (then at Malta) having reason to believe that no attack was likely to be made upon Sicily, ordered Captain Brenton to join him there in the Spartan, where he arrived on the 6th. An incident occurred at this time, which shews in a strong point of view the superstition of the British sailors. When the Spartan was at Malta in the early part of January, a corporal of marines had been sent on shore to bring off one of his party, who had gone on shore without leave. A scuffle ensued with some drunken men, and the corporal in self-defence having drawn his bayonet, the marine was killed. The parties were immediately taken up, and the following day after a minute examination into all circumstances by the magistrates, the corporal was acquitted of all blame, and sent off to his ship, which sailed in the course of a day or two. The weather became very boisterous, a succession of gales of wind was experienced, and not one prize taken during the cruize. All this bad luck as it was called, was visited upon the corporal, who was supposed to be the Jonas, having been guilty of murder; and it was an opinion frequently expressed by the people, that no more good fortune would attend the ship, as long as corporal Mantle was in her. This was frequently mentioned to the Captain, who paid no attention to it. But on his arrival at Malta he mentioned the circumstance to Lord Collingwood, suggesting that the man should be tried by a court martial, as his acquittal was certain, and would be the means of whitewashing him in the eyes of his shipmates. His Lordship quite approved of this. The court was ordered and assembled accordingly, and the corporal fully acquitted. The spell was then broken—fine weather ensued—a prize was taken, and the corporal was himself again. On relating this story a few days afterwards to Captain Stewart of the Seahorse, he assured Captain Brenton that the early part of his last cruize had been particularly unsuccessful; but that while on the coast of Italy, it was discovered that a black cat was on board, which at once accounted for fortune having deserted the Seahorse. What was to be done? To throw the cat overboard was increasing the bad omen, and aggravating the case. Captain Stewart decided at once that he would run over to the coast of Sardinia, where pussy was landed with every proper respect and attention, and a prize soon after set the question at rest. The Captain was a wise man, he took the only method of restoring good humour to his people, and was rewarded for it. It often requires as much judgment to deal with the weaknesses as with the vices of mankind.

In the early part of February Lord Collingwood told Captain Brenton, that in consequence of the length of time the Spartan had been kept off Toulon, it was his intention to give him a cruize off Egypt and Syria; where he forthwith proceeded, remaining about six weeks, and returning at the end of that time, having taken one prize, and lost another of considerable value on the rocks on the east end of Candia. As there was something singular attending the capture of both these vessels, it may not be amiss to mention it in a few words. When the Spartan was in chase of the first off Cape Derne, night came on, when the chase was still seven or eight miles from the Spartan, and she was lost sight of. Captain Brenton said to his officers, “if I were now master of that vessel, I should keep away two points for some time, and then two more, and in the course of three or four hours, I would then bear up before the wind, and run for eight or ten leagues, and I think he will do so. I mean therefore to bear up at once, and run ten leagues to leeward, and then haul to the wind, as the best chance of seeing him in the morning”; he did so, and the following day at noon, when standing in for the African shore, the identical vessel was discovered coming out from the land, and by five o’clock was in possession of the Spartan. The master acknowledged that he had done just as Captain Brenton had imagined.

A few days afterwards a similar chase took place off the south coast of Candia, and the vessel being lost sight of at dark, the Spartan ran 10 leagues to leeward again, and furling all her sails waited for daylight, when the unfortunate Frenchman was seen coming down before the wind, and on seeing the Spartan, hauled round the S.E. point of the island. A long chase ensued; at length, the chase ran in near some broken rocks, and let go her anchor. She was immediately boarded by the Spartan’s boats, while driving among the breakers; and delay having taken place in cutting the cable, she struck upon the point of a rock, and instantly sunk in deep water, giving the boats’ crews barely time to escape. This was a serious loss, as the vessel had a valuable cargo from Marseilles to the Levant, and it was owing to the neglect of the boarding officer, who was ordered to take with him a carpenter’s axe, to cut the cable with, as the sharpest; but he forgot to take any, and whilst hacking at the cable with a cutlass, the vessel struck, and was lost. The accident suggested to Captain Brenton the idea of having a chest fitted up for every boat in the ship, which should contain all things that might be required, in case of being separated from the ship; pistols, ammunition, carpenter’s tools, provisions, candles, matches, sail needles, twine, compasses, &c., &c.

On the return of the Spartan to Malta, she was necessarily placed under quarantine; and Sir Alexander Ball, the port Admiral, having directed Captain Brenton to meet him at the quarantine office, asked him “how long he required to be ready for sea.” The answer was, “Not an hour, after provisions and water were sent on board.” These were ordered immediately, and in the course of the day, the baggage of the British Ambassador, (the unfortunate Mr. Bathurst who was afterwards supposed to have been murdered near Ratisbon,) and that of Don L. Bardaxi, the Spanish Ambassador both going to the Court of Vienna, were sent on board. The Spanish Ambassador was accompanied by his lady, and a numerous suite; with these the Spartan sailed on the following day, and reached Trieste on the 18th of April, where the Ambassadors were landed; and Captain Brenton, in pursuance of the orders he had received, took the squadron consisting of the Amphion, Captain Hoste (afterwards Sir William); the Mercury, Captain The Honourable Henry Duncan (afterwards Sir Henry); and the Thames, Captain The Honourable W. Waldegrave, now Lord Radstock, under his orders.

From Captain Hoste who had recently reconnoitred the enemy’s ports on the coast of Italy, Captain Brenton received much valuable information. At Ancona there were two French, and one Venetian frigates; at Venice, one frigate ready for sea, and another which had just hauled out of the basin, with three brigs; the object of this force when united was supposed to relieve Marmont, at this time shut up in Dalmatia, and whose view was suspected to be to make his escape to Ancona. On the 23rd April, observing a number of vessels collected together in the port of Pesaro, he resolved to attack them; and the following is a copy of his official letter upon this occasion.

“Spartan, Trieste, 27th April.

“My Lord,

“I have the honour to inform your Lordship, that being with the Amphion and Mercury off the town of Pesaro, on the 23rd instant, I observed a number of vessels lying in the mole, and thought it practicable to take possession of them; for which purpose, the ships were anchored with springs upon their cables, within half a mile of the town. The boats formed in two divisions, the first consisting of launches with carronades, and other boats carrying field pieces, under the orders of Lieutenant Phillott, first of the Amphion, took a station to the northward of the town; and the second division consisting of rocket boats, under the orders of lieutenant Baumgardt, second of the Spartan; both divisions being commanded by Lieutenant George Willes, first of the Spartan. As soon as these arrangements were made, I sent a flag of truce on shore to demand the surrender of all the vessels, adding, that should any resistance be made, the Governor must be answerable for the consequences, and I gave him half an hour to deliberate.

“At half-past eleven, a.m. the officer returned with a message that in half an hour I should receive his answer. I waited thirty-five minutes, from the time the boat came alongside, when observing a flag of truce on shore, but that troops were assembling in considerable numbers in the streets, and on the quays, and that the inhabitants were busily employed in dismantling the vessels; I hauled down the flag of truce, and fired one shot over the town to give warning to the women and children; and shortly after made the signal to commence firing, which was instantly obeyed by the ships and boats. At thirty-two minutes after twelve, observing several flags of truce hung out in the town, I made the signal to cease firing, and Lieutenant Willes pushed into the harbour with the boats, when he was informed that the Commander had made his escape with all the military.

“I considered the place as surrendered at discretion, and gave orders for the boats to be employed in bringing out the vessels, and the marines to be landed to protect them. Lieutenant Willes made the most judicious arrangements to carry this into execution. The marines were drawn up under Lieutenant Moore, senior Lieutenant of Marines of the Amphion; the launches stationed in such a manner as to enfilade the principal streets; and the other boats’ crews were employed in rigging the vessels, and laying out warps to haul them off with, as soon as the tide should flow. About two, p.m. I received a letter from the Commandant, dated half-past one, demanding another hour for deliberation. I refused him another moment, and told him that in case of resistance, I should destroy the town. By half-past six thirteen vessels deeply laden as per enclosed list were brought off; several others had been scuttled by the inhabitants, and sunk; some were still aground dismantled, there were besides a few in ballast, and a number of fishing vessels. I should have burned the merchant vessels but for the apprehension of setting fire to the town, and destroying the fishing boats. I therefore directed Lieutenant Willes to blow up the castle at the entrance of the harbour, and to bring off his people; this he did at seven o’clock.

“I am happy to say we did not hear of any lives being lost in the town, although many of the houses were much damaged. One man was killed by the explosion of the castle. After the match had been lighted, and our people had retreated, he approached it; a musket was fired over him to drive him away, but he sought refuge under the castle, and was buried in its ruins. As the enemy made no active resistance, I can only express my admiration at the zeal and promptitude with which Captain Hoste, and the Honourable Henry Duncan executed the orders which they received, and the manner in which they placed their ships. Lieutenant Willes upon this, as upon every other occasion, displayed the greatest energy, skill, and judgment; the arrangements he made for the defence of his party whilst in the harbour, and the expedition in sending out the prizes, do him the highest credit. Lieutenant Phillott and Lieutenant Baumgardt in the command of their respective divisions, and Lieutenant Moore in that of the Marines, were also exemplary.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“To Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN.

As the oil was all sweet oil for Gallipoli, these cargoes were very valuable, and could not be worth less than £10,000, the value put upon them by Sir W. Hoste in his letter to his father.—See Hoste’s Memoirs, vol. 1. p. 340.

In consequence of intelligence received from Trieste, and the urgent demands of the Austrian Commander in chief for the co-operation of a frigate, Captain Brenton was under the necessity of detaching the Amphion to the gulf of Fiume, a measure that he regretted the necessity for extremely; as he depended much upon the assistance he should receive from such an officer, as Captain Hoste, in his intended operations on the coast of Italy, which he hoped to keep in a perpetual state of alarm, and thus to prevent as much as possible any troops being detached to the army opposed to the Arch-duke John. Captain Duncan was however still with him, and was also a most valuable coadjutor.

On the 2nd of May, the Spartan and Mercury attacked the port of Cesenatico, as detailed in the following letter.

“Spartan, off Rovigno, 5th May, 1809.

“My Lord,

“On the 2nd instant, the Spartan and Mercury chased two vessels into the port of Cesenatico, the entrance to which is very narrow, and defended by a battery of two guns (twenty-four pounders) and a castle. Observing at the same time several other vessels laying there, I determined to take possession of them if possible. The coast is so shoal that we had only five fathoms, considerably out of gun shot of the town; I was therefore under the necessity of sending the boats a-head, and on each bow, with directions to make a signal when in three fathoms.

“We were by these means enabled to anchor by noon in a quarter three within range of grape of the battery, and very soon silenced it, when Lieutenant Willes, first of the Spartan, pushed in and took possession of it, turning the guns upon the castle and town, which were soon after deserted. We captured in the port twelve vessels, some laden with corn for Venice, and the others being in ballast, we filled them with iron and hemp out of the magazines for these articles, which were upon the quay, and in which the sails and rudders of some of their vessels were concealed. Another large vessel laden with iron, which lay at the entrance of the harbour, scuttled, we burned; and after blowing up the castle and magazine, destroying the battery and spiking the guns, we came off, I am happy to say, without the loss of a man, or any person being wounded, although much exposed to the fire of the battery, as well as musketry; nor was any damage done to the ships.

“The Mercury, from Captain Duncan’s anxiety to place her as near the town as possible, took the ground, but in so favourable a position, as gave the fullest effect to her fire. She was however, hove off by 5 p.m. without having sustained any damage.

“I never witnessed more zeal and energy than was evinced by Captain Duncan upon this occasion. Lieutenant Willes displayed great gallantry in taking possession of the battery the moment the ships had ceased firing, and in the expedition with which he turned the guns against the place; his exertion also in bringing out the vessels was very great. Much credit is also due to the officers and men of both ships for their activity.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Right Honourable Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

Captain Brenton dispatched the Mercury to convey the prizes to Trieste, and on the following day came up with them off Rovigno. But having been joined by the Thames, with orders for the Mercury to be sent to Trieste, and from thence with the British Minister’s dispatches to Malta, he was under the necessity of sending the captured vessels into Rovigno, a port on the coast of Istria. The following letter to Lord Collingwood will shew the state of affairs at this time in the upper part of the Adriatic, and of the necessity for every exertion being made by the little squadron.

“Spartan, off Rovigno, 5th May, 1809.

“My Lord,

“The Thames joined us last night, and I shall in consequence dispatch the Mercury immediately to Trieste for Mr. Stuart’s dispatches, and direct her Captain to proceed to Malta with them.

“I trust your Lordship will approve of my having kept that ship hitherto, as it was necessary to watch both sides of the Adriatic, as well to prevent the evacuation of Dalmatia by General Marmont’s corps—as to prevent supplies getting into Venice; both of which purposes I hope have in a great measure been effected.

“I have sent the Amphion to watch the motions of the French army in Dalmatia, and to co-operate with the Austrians under General Strokowitz. With the Spartan and Mercury I have been on the coast of Romagna, at the express desire of His Imperial highness the Arch-duke John, in order to cut off the communication between its forts and Venice. I beg leave to refer your Lordship to my letter of this day for a detail of our proceedings on the 2nd instant, and enclose a duplicate of that of the 27th ultimo.

“I have this moment received a letter from General L’Epine, in which is the following passage. ‘General Marmont has given very severe orders to arm the inhabitants of Veglia and Pago, under the direction of some of his troops, which are expected there, in order to oppose the Austrians; the whole population of these islands are very averse to the project, and have the most eager desire to see our troops take possession of their country, therefore I have given orders immediately that a couple of companies should be embarked in the neighbourhood from Fiume to attack these islands, and take possession of them before the arrival of the French. I advise you of that disposition, that you may be in the case to assist our troops in the enterprize, and I have no doubt that you will be disposed to do it.’

“This letter was addressed to Captain Hoste, in consequence of my having sent him off Zara; but in order to effect the object of it, I shall proceed instantly off those islands in the Spartan, adding our force to that of the Amphion, and I shall send the Thames to blockade Venice.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

A letter of the 29th April had been sent from Mr. Baird, the British Agent at Fiume, to Mr. Jackson, the Charge’ des affaires at Trieste, requesting he would inform the British Commander, by the earliest opportunity, that the Austrians had entered Trau, on the coast of Dalmatia, without finding any French there; that eighteen vessels had gone from Zara to Pago with troops, and that it was believed General Marmont and his staff were with them, and that his intention was probably to get to Ancona.

About the same time, the following letter reached Captain Brenton, from Mr. Bathurst, the British Ambassador, whom he had brought to Trieste in the Spartan, dated Vienna, 27th April, 1809.

“I have been unable from illness to apply to any business whatever since my arrival here, you must therefore not be surprised at my silence.

“The turn which the war has taken upon the Danube is not altogether favourable. The enclosed bulletin will put you au fait of the operations of the two armies. The Arch-duke Charles has since been separated from General Hiller, and has fallen back to the frontiers of Bohemia. General Hiller was expected at Braunau yesterday, and will probably retire towards Saltzburg, and the Tyrol. In this situation the Capital is left open, but it is not imagined that the French will risk advancing with an Austrian army on each flank.

“The Emperor is still in the vicinity of Enns.

“In every other direction the war has taken a favourable turn, and the dispositions of the different powers of Europe seem favourable to the Austrian cause; even Russia indicates no desire of becoming hostile.

“The firmness of the government is not shaken, though the first opening of the campaign has not answered their expectation. Pray let me recommend to you the most cordial co-operation with the Austrian army in Italy. It is probable the Arch-duke John will for the present remain upon the defensive in the Venetian States, your station will therefore become of the greatest importance.

“Believe me, &c.

“R. BATHURST.”

On the 7th of May, General L’Epine writes from Trieste as follows:—

“Sir,

“Captain Flanegan, who will deliver this letter, is appointed to have the command of the various Austrian armed vessels, which are employed in the blockade of Venice, and is ordered to follow your directions, as long as you intend to remain before that place. I beg therefore you may be so good as to concert with him such dispositions as you may think most proper to attain the intended purpose, which is to prevent the enemy from receiving supplies.

“By the same opportunity I have the honour to acquaint you that I have received a dispatch from the Arch-duke John, in which he mentions his most earnest desire, that the whole force under your command should go as soon as possible to the coast of Dalmatia, and particularly towards Zara, where he wishes that an attempt might be made by the British men of war, firing against that place, or in any other way, that might draw the attention of the enemy, and operate a diversion, giving at the same time a signal for the insurrection of the inhabitants to break out, who expect nothing else than the occasion; whilst our troops will make a resolute attack against the province on the other side. I lose no time to let you know this intention of the Arch-duke, being persuaded, after the disposition you have been pleased to exert, and which are used to direct your motions, that every exertion will be employed from your part to answer the above proposition.

“I have the honour, &c.

“L’EPINE, Major General.”

“Commodore Brenton, Commander of H. B. M. Forces, Adriatic.”

This letter was accompanied by another, containing a list of the Austrian flotilla, with which Captain Brenton was desired to co-operate, consisting of two brigs of war, and a tartane stationed between Goro and Malamoco, with three gun boats, and five patrolling boats in the neighbourhood of Cortelazzo. The vessels were especially intended to prevent any supplies getting into Venice coastwise. It then added,

“In Venice the enemy have at this time 7800 men: French, Italian, and militia. They have also

and fifty-nine gun pirogues disposed in the remainder of the Lagune. The Arch-duke John had got as far as Verona, but will not probably advance further till the Arch-duke Charles shall again take the offensive.

“Signed,

“L’EPINE, Major General.”

“Commodore Brenton, &c. &c.”

In consequence of the state of things as detailed in the preceding correspondence, Captain Brenton felt much solicitude to comply, as far as his very limited means would enable him, with the wishes of the Arch-duke John, both as regarded the preventing supplies reaching Venice from the coast of Romagna, as well as to give every possible annoyance to the French army in Dalmatia. In order to effect the latter object he had detached the Amphion to cruize between Zara and Fiume, and the Thames was ordered to proceed off Punto Maestro, to stop all vessels attempting to get into Venice. And as the French had seized a number of fishing boats on the coast of Romagna, which they had laden with provisions, with a view of their not being examined by the British cruizers; Captain Waldegrave was directed to take all vessels of that description, and to destroy all such as were so employed, and to warn all fishermen against such acts of hostility, lest they should forfeit the indulgence they had hitherto received as peaceable industrious people. Captain Waldegrave was also ordered to take the Austrian flotilla off Cortelazzo under his command.

Having made these arrangements, Captain Brenton proceeded in the Spartan to the gulf of Fiume, with the intention of protecting the islands on the coast of Croatia, still under the Austrian government, and driving the French out of the others. The following letter to Lord Collingwood will at once give the official detail of his operations to the 12th of May:—

“Spartan, off Lussin Piccolo, 12th May, 1809.

“My Lord,

“In my letter of the 6th instant I had the honour to inform your Lordship of my intention to assist the Austrians in getting possession of the islands on the coast of Croatia. On approaching Veglia on the 7th, I was told that it had surrendered the day before, and that the Austrians had gone on to Cherso. I received at the same time information of a French garrison consisting of 200 men, having fortified the Island of Lussin, with a determination to hold out till relieved. I proceeded directly for the port of Cherso, where the imperial troops arrived a few hours before us. I proposed to their Commandant, Lieutenant Colonel Baron Peharnick, that a detachment should be embarked on board the Spartan, and an attack be immediately made upon Lussin, to which he assented, and came on board with one hundred and eighty men. We sailed from Cherso at daylight, on the 9th, accompanied by three trabacolos for the purpose of landing the troops. At two p.m. we arrived off the port of Lussin, and found the enemy prepared to receive us, having a battery on each side of the entrance of the bay, which is not more than two cables length across. From thence the bay runs to the S.E. about three miles in length, and in no part more than a quarter of a mile over. The shore on both sides high and rocky. At the extremity of the bay, the town is situated, and immediately above it, the citadel, a large stone building defended by eleven pieces of cannon.

“Our dispositions for the attack were immediately made, Baron Peharnick with fifty men in the boats of the Spartan, under the command of Lieutenant Willes, was to land to the southward of the western battery. Lieutenant Fagan commanding the royal marines of this ship, with his own party, and a detachment of Austrians embarked in two of the trabacolos for the purpose of attacking the eastern battery, whilst the ship was to run in and engage both of them.

“This plan was put in execution at three p.m. and both batteries carried after a very short resistance, the enemy retreating to the citadel.

“Baron Peharnick and myself having reconnoitred the town from an eminence, we were of opinion that the place might be taken by an immediate attack. Accordingly the imperial troops which were landed on the peninsula moved forward. Lieutenant Willes in the boats, accompanied by Lieutenant Fagan’s detachment in the trabacolos, ran up the bay accompanied by the ship. Upon approaching the town I sent a flag of truce forward, to summon it to surrender, but it was fired upon from the quay and houses. Lieutenant Willes instantly pushed forward in the most gallant manner with his boats, and found an anchorage for the ship, within pistol shot of the town, of which I availed myself immediately. One of the trabacolos with the marines and imperialists was at this moment sunk by the fire from the citadel, happily no lives were lost, and the troops landed to the left of the town, from whence they dislodged a party of the enemy that opposed them, the ship opening her fire upon the citadel.

“At twenty-two minutes past five a flag of truce was hoisted at the citadel, and the firing ceased. An officer came off to apologize for the flag of truce being fired at by mistake, and to know what terms we would grant. Our answer was, that the garrison should surrender at discretion, and an hour given for deliberation; at the expiration of which time a peremptory refusal was returned, and the firing recommenced on both sides; the remainder of the troops were landed, and the heights occupied to the right and left of the town. At half-past eight, finding the citadel silenced, I ceased firing, to give the troops an opportunity of advancing to surround it, or to storm it if practicable, and sent a field piece to Lieutenant Willes to cover them. At eleven, a sharp fire of musketry took place between the advance posts and the enemy. I immediately ordered Lieutenant Baumgardt to move forward with a twelve pounder carronade, and place it on an eminence to the right of the citadel. I sent another to Lieutenant Willes on the left, with directions for the troops to fall back upon their guns, that the ship might renew her fire. By three a.m. the batteries were erected within three hundred yards to the right and left of the citadel, and Baron Peharnick sent me word that the troops had retreated into the rear of them. A heavy fire commenced immediately, which was returned from the citadel. At four, a flag of truce came off with proposals to surrender, on condition of the garrison being sent to Italy: this I positively refused, and continued firing till five minutes after six, when they surrendered at discretion.

“I feel particularly grateful to Lieutenant Colonel Baron Peharnick for his active and cordial co-operation; the ability with which he posted his troops during the night, and his unwearied exertions do him the greatest honour. He speaks in high terms of the officers and men belonging to H.M.S. under my command. It is with much satisfaction I corroborate his testimony, and add mine to the good conduct of the Imperial officers and troops. The Chasseurs particularly distinguished themselves.

“I have had frequent opportunities to observe the merit of Lieutenant Willes first of the Spartan, and I do assure your Lordship, that in every part of his duty it is truly conspicuous. I am at a loss which to admire most, his intrepidity, zeal, or judgment.

“The conduct of Lieutenant Baumgardt, second lieutenant, is equally meritorious upon this occasion; both these officers had very considerable difficulties to encounter in getting their guns upon the height, and the activity with which this service was performed was a subject of admiration to our allies, and of surprise to our enemies, who deemed it impracticable.

“From Mr. Slinner, the master, I experienced the greatest assistance, as well in working and placing the ship, as in directing the guns, having given him the command of the main deck in the absence of the other officers.

“The Royal Marines under Lieutenants Fagan and Fotterell distinguished themselves so much by their steadiness and gallantry, that Baron Peharnick gave them the advanced post during the night within pistol shot of the enemy. It is but just to the petty officers and ship’s company to say, that their coolness and cheerful exertions during such a variety of service, entitle them to my warmest approbation. They seemed to vie with each other in supporting the honour of their country, and fully succeeded.

“I am happy to say that we have lost no one, only two Imperialists and one English wounded. The ship has suffered very little, having taken such a position as to be below the range of the enemy’s guns, while the citadel was exposed to our fire, and nearly destroyed. The enemy had two killed and one wounded.

“A number of merchant vessels were found in the port, but as it did not appear that they had ever navigated under the enemy’s flag, and are in general the property of the inhabitants, we have given them up; two only, being Italians, were made prize of.

“The prisoners are to proceed to Fiume, under the escort of the Imperial troops, excepting the officers, who are on board the Spartan to be landed at Trieste.

“I have the honour to enclose a list of the garrison, guns, &c. and of the killed and wounded.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“To Vice-Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

List of Garrison, guns, military stores, &c. found in the Citadel and Batteries of Lussin, 10th May, 1809.

Killed and wounded—

French killed—

“J. BRENTON.”

The nature and variety of the service in getting possession of Lussin, and the imperative duty of giving due credit to the Austrians for the share they had in the affair, unavoidably extended this letter to a great length. It may now, in justice to the officers and men engaged in the expeditions, which followed each other with so much rapidity between the 23rd of April and the 9th of May, be considered excusable to lay before the reader, Lord Collingwood’s letter acknowledging the official communication.

“Ville de Paris, off Toulon, 10th June, 1809.

“Sir,

“I have received your letter of the 27th April, and two of the 5th May. The first informing me of an attack made by the Spartan, Amphion, and Mercury, upon the town of Pesaro, on the 23rd April, and the capture of all the vessels in that port; the latter describing your operations which were equally successful at the port of Cesenatico on the 2nd May.

“The dexterity and skill with which these two important services were performed, are exceedingly satisfactory to me; and the success with which they were attended, is an ample proof of the judicious arrangements made, and the ability with which the whole was conducted, and terminated without injury to the assailants. In Captains Hoste and Duncan you had able assistants, and the judicious conduct of Lieutenant Willes deserves the highest commendation.

“I recommend you to have made a number of small iron wedges, about three inches long, for the purpose of bursting guns which you wish to destroy. Those spiked are soon restored to service again; the wedge seldom fails to disable them entirely. The gun must be fired with a bit of slow match, to give time to remove out of the reach of explosion.

“I am, &c.

“Signed, COLLINGWOOD.”

On the 4th of July his Lordship gives the following answer to the official account of the capture of Lussin.

“Ville de Paris, off Toulon, 4th July, 1809.

“Sir,

“I have received your letter of the 12th May, informing me of your having attacked and taken the citadel and defences of the Island of Lussin, in which service Lieutenant Colonel Baron Peharnick and one hundred and eighty Austrians had co-operated.

“The testimony you give of the zeal, enterprize, and good judgment of Lieutenant Willes on the occasion, and the meritorious exertions of the other officers and men of the Spartan employed on this service, is exceedingly gratifying to me.

“Could anything add to the satisfaction at the annoyance which you have given to the enemy, and the credit which has attached to His Majesty’s arms, in the present instance, it would be the assurance you give of the active and cordial co-operation afforded by the Commander and troops of His Imperial Majesty.

“I am, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

In a letter from his Lordship to Lord Mulgrave, then First Lord of the Admiralty, he thus adverts to this affair. “I cannot say too much to your Lordship of the zeal and talent of Captain Brenton; of these he gives proof whenever he is employed, and he seems to be everywhere. At Lussin he undertook and accomplished a service which would have established a reputation, had he never had another opportunity; and now at Cerigo his conduct has not been less distinguished.”[14]

From Lussino the Spartan being joined by the Amphion, Captain Brenton pushed for Trieste, and on his reaching the bay, received intelligence that the French army having crossed the Lizonzo, on the 13th, were in possession of the heights of Optehina, commanding Trieste; and while off Peran, on the 18th, they had the mortification to see them enter Trieste. The prizes which the little squadron had taken at Pesaro, were all in that port, about six of the most valuable were seen coming out, and by the greatest exertion of the young midshipmen who had the charge of them, succeeded in getting under the guns of their own ships; the others of course fell into the hands of the French, as did all those which had been taken at Cesenatico, and had been sent into Rovigno. As the vessels which escaped were not in a state to be sent to Malta, the two captains with the consent of their officers and people chartered two Greek polacre ships, on board of which they shipped their cargoes, and sent them to Malta; whilst they remained on the coast of Istria in readiness to act in any manner in which they could best afford assistance to the Austrian towns, now rapidly falling into the hands of the French. The following letter to Captain Brisbane, off Corfu, contains a detail of affairs at the time in the Adriatic.

“Spartan, off Peran, 19th May, 1809.

“Sir,

“A corps of the French army, under General Miolis, passed the Lizonzo on the 13th; and on the 17th, occupied the heights of Optehina, when a skirmish took place between the advanced posts and the Austrians.

“It was reported that the enemy were prevented from entering Trieste by the vicinity of the Austrian General Giulai, who was at Laybach with 15,000 men, whilst General Zach, with a detachment was in possession of the pass of Prevolt. Yesterday, however, the enemy entered Trieste at ten a.m. from which circumstance I fear they are no longer under apprehensions of being attacked by the Austrian army, and that they will form their junction with General Marmont in Dalmatia. They have also sent another corps to take possession of Fiume.

“I think it of the highest importance that this intelligence should reach you as soon as possible, that you may forward it to Malta; and at the same time stop any vessels that may be on their way to Trieste or Fiume. I cannot spare a ship, having only the Amphion with me. I therefore send this by a trabacolo.

“The Thames is off Venice, I have sent a vessel to recall her, and upon her joining, I trust we shall be able to prevent the Russians[15] from going to Ancona, which (in the event of the French having only taken possession of this country for the purpose of pillage, and with the intention of falling back again) I think it likely they may be obliged to attempt.

“If there are only the two French frigates at Corfu, and you have received no further information, since your last by the Thames, you will immediately send what sloops of war you may have under your orders to join me between Lussino and Ancona.

“The Island of Lussin, captured by His Majesty’s ship under my command, and two companies of Imperial troops, on the 10th instant, proves to be at this moment a most valuable acquisition. Thither all the vessels and merchants from Istria have repaired, and it affords a port for the Austrian flotilla. Should there be no hopes of the Austrians regaining possession of the coast, they will all proceed to Malta, or Sicily, for which purpose I am particularly anxious to have some disposable vessels of war.

“I am, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“To Captain Brisbane, (Or the Captain of any of H.M.S. off Corfu.)”

Captain Brenton was fully aware of his very great responsibility in thus continuing in the Adriatic, notwithstanding the order he had received from Lord Collingwood, to leave that station; and he also well knew how rigid his Lordship was in exacting the most implicit obedience to his commands. He felt however that an imperative duty called upon him to give all the aid in his power to the Austrians, with whose precise situation the Admiral could not be acquainted. He therefore wrote the following letter to account for his conduct.

“Spartan, off Lussin, 26th May, 1809.

“My Lord,

“The Redwing has just joined me with your Lordship’s orders of the 18th April, which I should have put into immediate execution, but from the important and unexpected events which have taken place in the vicinity, since they were written.

“The success of the Arch-duke Charles on the 21st ult. was followed by a reverse; the left wing of the Austrian army being defeated. The Arch-duke was in consequence obliged to retreat towards Vienna, and the Arch-duke John, who had advanced as far as Verona, was under the necessity of falling back first to Cornegliano, and afterwards to Villach. The French under General Miolis, taking advantage of this movement, passed the Lizonzo on the 13th with the intention of taking possession of Trieste, which occasioned a general panic in that city, and induced many of the merchants and inhabitants to fly with their property on board of such vessels as they could procure in the port.

“The capture made by H.M.S. under my command, assisted by two companies of Croatian troops, on the 10th instant, off the Island of Lussin, (a detail of which I have the honour to enclose for your Lordship’s information) has become of much importance in affording them a safe harbour.

“The Spartan and Amphion arrived off Trieste on the 16th, and found the heights of Optehina occupied by the enemy. The Austrian flotilla consisting of two brigs, and nine gun boats under sail in the bay, and a number of vessels of every description in a state of utmost distress and confusion from the precipitate departure.

“The Russian squadron was at the same time ready for sea. The Imperial vessels anchored on the 17th in the bay of Peran in order to complete their equipment. The French marched into Trieste on the same day. On the 18th the Spartan and Amphion anchored in Peran. I had dispatched the Imperial brig to recall the Thames, which arrived on the 19th. The Imperial convoy sailed on the 20th for Lussin, and on the 21st His Majesty’s ships left the bay.

“Under the idea that a junction might be formed between the Russian squadron, and that of the French in Ancona, it was my intention to have endeavoured to burn the latter with rockets, and accordingly directed our course towards the latter place, but calms prevented our getting further than Rimini before last night, when anxious lest H. M. ships might be wanted on the coast of Dalmatia, and the wind coming to the southward, I pushed for the place where we have just arrived, the convoy having anchored only a few hours before us.

“The latest accounts we can procure are as follow, that the French still occupy Trieste, and that they are hourly expected at Fiume, which the Austrian troops and gun vessels have quitted and gone to Segna: that General Meydick is still successful in Dalmatia, and that General Marmont is shut up in Zara, from whence it is probable he will, (if not relieved by the army from Istria,) endeavour to make his escape. Colonel Meydick commanding the Imperial flotilla at Segna, is very urgent for the co-operation of the British frigates.

“The vessels which have taken refuge in Lussin, as well as the island itself, are in great distress from the want of provisions, &c. and from the state in which we left them, the batteries are very defenceless.

“Having seriously considered all these circumstances, and the effect which might at such a moment be produced upon the mind of the inhabitants by that force being weakened, which they are so accustomed to look up to for protection; I trust I shall only anticipate your Lordship’s wishes by remaining on the coast, until the senior officer off Corfu can be informed of the situation of affairs.

“I wrote to Captain Brisbane on the subject, on the 19th, by an Austrian brig, but am informed that she has only sailed for Corfu this morning. I shall therefore dispatch the Redwing with this, and with the Amphion and Thames use our utmost efforts in assisting the Austrian army in fortifying the island, and facilitating (if necessary) the evacuation of Fiume and Segna.

“Several reports corresponding in general with each other, particularly as to dates, have lately reached us of a battle having taken place near Schoenbrun, and that the Imperialists had beaten the French, but little confidence is placed in them. The pass of Prevalt is however believed to be still in possession of General Giulai with 15,000 Croatians, which accounts for the French not having advanced more rapidly in that quarter.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“To Vice-Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

On the 28th May, while off Lussin with the Spartan and Amphion, Captain Brenton fell in with a squadron of line of battle ships under Captain Hargood, consisting of the Northumberland, Excellent, and Montagu; and no sooner had the Commander received Captain Brenton’s report of the state of Trieste, than he decided upon making an immediate attack upon the Russian squadron in that port, and made all sail for it, sending the Spartan and Amphion a-head. The squadron got into the bay at day-light on the 29th, and had the wind continued, would undoubtedly have succeeded in their object without much loss; but the line of battle ships were first becalmed on the south shore, and afterwards involved in one of those extraordinary currents so common in the Adriatic, that although apparently having sufficient way for steerage, yet with every sail full, neither helm or sails had any power over the ships, which were to use the common phrase among seamen, completely in irons; whilst at the same time, the Spartan and Amphion, not a league to the northward, were perfectly free.

This most mortifying detention continued until five o’clock in the evening, when the sea breeze set in, and the influence of the current was no longer felt; but the Russians and the French had made good use of their time. They had from four o’clock in the morning a conviction that an attack was intended; and the Russian ships were hauled close into shore, and moored head and stern with their broadsides commanding the entrance of the harbour. Their inside guns were landed, and batteries made with them all along the Eastern, and Northern shores of the bay, manned with French troops; they had also forges for heating shot, and every preparation for a vigorous defence, which fourteen hours could give them, assisted as they were by several thousands of French troops. These preparations passed under the immediate notice of Captain Brenton and Captain Hoste, who were together the whole day, and could see all the operations of the enemy through their spy-glasses, frequently going together on board the Commodore to make their report during the day. Both agreed that in the early part of the day, success to the British Squadron might be considered as certain; but they were also both of opinion that as the day declined, the prospect was clouded over; and long before six o’clock they had expressed their conviction to the Commodore that an attack would be hopeless. At this hour when the sea breeze set in, the Commodore taking Captain Brenton into his cabin, requested he would give a decided official opinion as to the expediency of making an attempt upon the Russian ships. To which Captain Brenton answered, “Were I in your place commanding this squadron, I certainly would not make the attempt; the enemy are now too strong, and the hazard to the British squadron would be too great.” The Commodore requested the first Lieutenant might be sent for to hear this opinion, when Captain Brenton said, “If you will turn the hands up on the quarter deck, I will repeat what I have said, before the whole ship’s company.” This was deemed conclusive, and the signal was made immediately for the squadron to haul their wind. Some dissatisfaction was manifested at this decision, and expressed to the great annoyance of the Commodore; but a moment’s consideration would have convinced the most ardent and intrepid officer in the navy, that not only all chance of success was out of the question, but that the retreat of the British Squadron from the port would have been very doubtful, if possible. The sea breeze had set in fresh at six o’clock, and would, in all probability, have lasted till midnight. Under such circumstances how was a crippled ship to have made her retreat? and what must have been the situation of the squadron, exposed to the fire of three line of battle ships, converted into floating batteries, their guns from the side next the shore all landed and become heavy batteries, manned with French troops, and at least 5000 of these occupying Trieste? Captain Brenton and Captain Hoste never ceased to congratulate themselves as having been the means of saving the squadron from the most severe loss, if not from destruction.

The Squadron now proceeded to the coast of Romagna, and another attack was made upon the town of Pesaro. Captains Brenton and Hoste landed in the command of the Marines, but troops arriving from all parts, the Commodore found it expedient to call off the attacking party. (Note in the Life of Sir Wm. Hoste, Vol. 1. p. 341.)

On the 5th of June the Spartan was ordered to proceed to Malta to refit, and complete her stores and provisions, and from thence to go to Messina, and form a part of Rear Admiral Martin’s squadron for the defence of Sicily. In the latter end of June she left Malta; proceeded to Messina, and was from thence ordered off Naples to join the Squadron employed under Rear Admiral Martin, in co-operating with the British forces under Major General Stuart, which had taken possession of the Islands of Ischia and Procida.

Captain Brenton shortly after received the following letter from Lord Collingwood, dated,—

“Ville de Paris, off Toulon, 30th July, 1809.

“Sir,

“I have received your letter of the 26th May, stating to me your reasons for remaining in the Adriatic, after the receipt of my order of the 18th of April, and detailing your proceedings. Under the circumstances you have represented, I fully approve of your having continued in that sea, until Captain Harwood joined, and I feel much satisfaction, Sir, in this opportunity of signifying the high sense I entertain of your judicious measures, and active services, both in aid of the Austrians, and for the annoyance of the enemy, while you were in the Adriatic sea; but there were more ships in that quarter, than the state of the fleet would admit of, which obliged me to recall the Spartan.

“I am, Sir, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

“Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.”

Captain Brenton’s mind was completely set at rest by this letter, which not only conveyed approbation of the responsibility he had incurred, but expressed high commendation for his conduct, and even as it were apologized for recalling him from the Adriatic, which to those who know Lord Collingwood, will appear as a very strong testimony of his approval. This testimony was subsequently confirmed by the following letter.

“Ville de Paris, at Sea, 5th Nov., 1809.

“Sir,

“Having transmitted to the Secretary of the Admiralty your letter describing the particulars of the attack made on the fort, and defences of the Island of Lussin, and of the surrounding Islands, I am commanded by their Lordships to convey their sentiments of admiration at the intrepidity, zeal, and judgment so eminently displayed on that occasion, and I beg you will please to communicate the same to the officers, seamen, and marines, employed under your orders on that service.

“I am, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

“Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.”

CHAPTER XIII.

RETURN TO MALTA TO REFIT.—SUDDEN OFFER OF JOINING THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IONIAN ISLANDS AS SUDDENLY ACCEPTED.—CAPTURE OF ZANTE, CEPHALONIA, AND CERIGO.—APPROBATION OF LORD COLLINGWOOD.—CRUIZE ON THE COAST OF ITALY.—ACTION OFF NAPLES, VICTORY, AND SEVERE WOUND; CARRIED TO PALERMO AND MALTA.—LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT, AND EXTRACT FROM HIS PERSONAL MEMORANDA.—SAILS FOR ENGLAND.

After the evacuation of these Islands, the Spartan was sent to convey the Sicilian troops to Palermo, and from thence was ordered to Messina. It was at this time that her Captain first heard, in a conversation with the Commander of the Forces, Sir John Stuart, and Captain Spranger, the senior Captain of that Port, of an intended attack upon the Ionian Islands, when Captain Spranger mentioned that the Spartan was to be one of the squadron for that expedition. The ship however having been ordered subsequently to Malta to refit, was sent from thence to Palermo; but having met with bad weather off Pantellaria, and received much injury in the foremast, they were under the necessity of bearing up again for Malta, and the ship was hauled under the shear for the purpose of having the mast taken out. Whilst undergoing this repair in the latter end of September, Captain Brenton was dining with Sir Alexander Ball, the Port Admiral at Sant Antonio, and after dinner Sir Alexander took him aside, and communicated to him a letter which he had just received from Captain Spranger at Messina, informing him that the expedition against the Ionian Islands was on the point of sailing, but no mention was made of the Spartan, as that ship was considered as detached, or on other service. Captain Brenton repeated to Sir Alexander the conversation above alluded to with Captain Spranger respecting the expedition; and requested, as the service upon which he had been recently employed, was not of very great importance, that he might be dispatched to Zante, the first Island to be attacked, where he might yet be in time. Sir Alexander expressed his apprehension that from the state in which the Spartan then was, she could not be ready for some days, and that it would be consequently too late. Captain Brenton urged that he might be permitted to make the trial; and having received the sanction of his kind friend, immediately set off for Valletta. By the time he could get on board the ship at the dock yard it was nearly nine o’clock, and the people were all in their hammocks; but the hands were at once turned up, and no sooner was the cause known, than all was joy and alacrity. The foremast had been got in that evening, but the rigging was on shore. The keys of the dock-yard, with the attendance of the officers was forthwith procured; the spars for making the topsail yards were got upon the quarter-deck, and the carpenters of the ship employed in making them. Before daylight great progress was made in rigging the ship. The artificers of the dock-yard now came on board, and caulking and other repairs went on rapidly. By five o’clock in the evening the ship began to warp down to the entrance of the harbour, and as no powder could be received on board while in the dockyard, the launch was sent to receive it at the magazine; and to wait in Bizzy Bay for the ship. At six o’clock the artificers were put into their boats, leaving much of their work undone, and even the caulking stages hanging over the side. The ship made sail with a fair wind out of the harbour, and picking up the launch, ran clear of the port, when the powder was taken on board, the boats hoisted in, and all sail made for Zante, where they arrived on the morning of the 8th, but no ships were seen there. Captain Brenton immediately proceeded to make his observations as to the batteries and landing, with whatever other remarks which might be useful in making the attack; and having passed the day in this service, the next morning when running round the N.E. end of the Island, he had the pleasure of seeing the Warrior, Belle Poule, Philomel, and transports. He was on board the Warrior at seven, to the great surprize of Captain Spranger, who was much gratified by the information Captain Brenton had brought him, and on which the General (Oswald) and the Commander immediately began to form the plan of attack. The troops landed the following morning under cover of the Spartan and Belle Poule’s guns, and after a very little resistance a flag of truce was hung out from the fortress, and in the course of the evening the Island surrendered.

On the 10th the Commodore proceeded next to attack Cephalonia, the Commandant of which surrendered without resistance, on the squadron entering the bay; and as soon as it was taken possession of, Captain Spranger detached Captain Brenton in the Spartan, with two companies of the 35th regiment to attack Cerigo; permitting him to call on his way off Zante, and to take one of the prizes captured there with the Island, a beautiful brigantine, which he was to man from the Spartan, and with a portion of the 35th to accompany him in attacking Cerigo. The Spartan arrived off Cerigo, and as Captain Spranger’s orders were positive as to running no risk of losing men, in the event of the enemy being found in force, and as a large body of troops were seen in the castle of Capsali, a very strong fortress, and a detachment at the port in the Bay of Capsali; some doubt was entertained by Captain Brenton and Major Clarke commanding the detachment of the 35th, as to the propriety of making the attack. Captain Brenton quoted Lord Nelson’s sentiments upon such a case. “Whenever there is a doubt,” said the hero, “always fight; the public will bear you out, whatever may be the consequences;” and this at once decided the question.—The following letter gives the particulars of the result of this conclusion.

“Spartan, off the Island of Cerigo,
13th October, 1809.

“Sir,

“In my last from Zante I expressed a hope that we might be able to reduce the Island of Cerigo, without any further reinforcement; this idea was strengthened by papers found upon the Governor of the Island, made prisoner at Zante.

“Major Clarke and myself decided upon making the first attack upon the forts and harbour of Arlemmino, in order to prevent the escape of any vessels which might be there. The forts are those of San Nicholas and San Joaquim. The first is a stone building mounting nine guns, the latter an embrasure battery of four guns. At four p.m. on the 9th, we ran into the bay, the forts opened upon us, but were both silenced in a few minutes by the ship and tender, whilst the troops under Major Clarke landing, made several prisoners; the enemy had one killed and one wounded upon this occasion; one man of the 35th was wounded on our side.

“At day-light on the 10th, we weighed with the intention of immediately attacking the castle of Capsali, in the bay of Cerigo; but variable winds prevented our getting round.

“At two p.m. the troops and marines were landed in a small cove in the bay of San Nicholas, and marched forward towards the castle, one watch of the Spartan following with three field pieces.

“I landed with the troops that I might be enabled to command the resources of the ship by signal, without the delay of sending messages; foreseeing that she could not be brought to act against the castle, while the wind continued southerly.

“The nature of the country rendered our approach to the castle extremely difficult, particularly for the guns which did not arrive till ten o’clock on the 11th instant, at the position which the troops occupied; a height on a level with the castle and within four hundred yards of it. A fire commenced on both sides with guns and musketry, which continued the greater part of the day. In the evening some rockets were landed from the ship, and in the course of the night some of them were thrown at the citadel. At daylight I ordered two twelve pounders to be landed from the ship, but before they could be got on shore, a flag of truce came out, with an offer of surrendering, provided the garrison were allowed to retire to Corfu. This was refused, and after some deliberation, the Commandant surrendered on the same terms as were granted to Zante and Cephalonia.

“At ten o’clock our troops took possession of the castle.

“It is to the zeal and ability of Major Clarke, and the judicious arrangements he made of the force under his command, that the speedy reduction of this strong fort is to be attributed. The enemy were cut off from any prospect of relief or escape, and were convinced that our means of offence were hourly increasing.

“I cannot speak too highly of the officers and men of both services, as well in respect to their cheerful perseverance under fatigue, as to their gallantry when opposed to the enemy.

“I am happy to say that our loss has been much less than might have been expected; one bombardier of the Royal Artillery killed, two privates of the 35th wounded.

“I cannot in justice to Lieutenant Willes, first of the Spartan, close this letter without saying, that fort San Joaquim of two eighteen, and two nine pounders, was completely silenced by the gallant manner in which he attacked it in the tender, with a party of the 35th Regiment on board.

“The inhabitants of the island received us with demonstrations of joy. I have sent Lieutenant Willes in the tender with the dispatches, and I shall remain off this place till I receive your further directions.

“I enclose for your information the articles of capitulation, together with a list of artillery, &c. &c. found on the island.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Captain Spranger, &c. &c. Warrior.”

Prisoners.

Guns taken.

It is stated in the official letter respecting the capture of Cerigo, that the Governor of this Island was made a prisoner on the taking of Zante, and that papers containing much useful information had been found upon him. Amongst others, was the copy of a letter from him to the Governor of Corfu, stating that some Mainotes (natives of the Morea) having landed on the Island of Cerigo, he had endeavoured in vain to drive them off again, but not succeeding by his arguments—he added,—“Enfin je me suis avise de leur fair empoisoner les eaux, et par ce moyen quelques uns de ces misérables ont péri, et les autres s’enfuirent.” Appalling as such an acknowledgment may be, and evidently given to the Governor of Corfu as a happy stratagem, for which the abominable perpetrator took credit, it had quite escaped the recollection of Captain Brenton; and his whole party might have become the victims of this unheard of system of treachery, but for the advice of a Greek Priest, who came to the British officers in the night, whilst on their march to attack the Castle of Capsali, and recommended that they should immediately place sentinels on the stream from which they took their water, and accurately examine it, if possible, to its source. He then repeated the story of poisoning the Mainotes, and explained how it had been done. A vast quantity of arsenic had been put into the body of a dead hog, and placed in the stream, above the spot where these people had encamped, and the water filtering through it became a deadly poison. On taking possession of the castle, Captain Brenton asked the Governor’s housekeeper whether the story was true; her answer was quite in character with the establishment to which she belonged, “E vero,” said she, “ma non cattivo.”

After the capture of the Ionian Islands, the squadron under Captain Spranger with the troops returned to Sicily, and Captain Brenton was left to cruize off the Islands, in order to be in readiness to give any assistance that might be required.

The following are Captain Brenton’s own reflections at this period of his life.

“After the capture of Cerigo all active service ceased for the remainder of the year. I had the gratifying experience of having entirely gained the good opinion and confidence of the Commander in Chief. You will not fail, my darling children, to observe, and I hope with sincere gratitude, the blessings bestowed upon your father by a kind providence, which made the most untoward and unpromising circumstances turn out to his advantage; which preserved his life from the violence of the enemy, and the danger of the seas; and strengthened his health under every trial. ‘O! that men would therefore praise the Lord for his goodness, and the wonders that he doth to the children of men.’ This delightful verse ought never to be absent from our minds, when we contemplate the numerous blessings we have received.”

While thus employed, he was naturally anxious to become acquainted with the resources of these Islands, and to learn the dispositions of the inhabitants towards their new allies; for in that light only could the English be considered; as they had, on hauling down the French flag, not hoisted their own, but that of the Septinsular Republic. The following letter to Lord Collingwood, will give in a condensed form, the substance of the information he had obtained.

“Spartan, Harbour of Argostoli, Cephalonia,
17th November, 1809.

“My Lord,

“I beg leave to enclose for your Lordship’s information a statistical account of this Island which Colonel Lowe[16] of the Corsican Rangers, Commandant of the Island, has had the goodness to procure for me, with the addition of his own remarks. I also enclose a table of the exports as well as the imports of the years 1793, 1800, and 1808.

“I selected these periods in order to ascertain the comparative state of commerce under the Venetians, Russians, and French. I send also a list of the shipping belonging to Cephalonia for this year. I am under great obligations to Colonel Lowe for obtaining every part of this information for me.

“The inhabitants seem very solicitous to enter into commercial speculations, but appear at the same time to be restrained by timidity, and want of confidence in themselves, from prosecuting them to any great extent. This I conclude will soon wear off.

“They have applied for permission to navigate under the British flag, but as that could not be granted, they have requested to be allowed a convoy to Malta. I have assured them of your Lordship’s wish to promote as much as possible the prosperity of the Island, and have directed them to get their vessels in readiness for any convoy that might offer. Several have already arrived here from Zante in consequence.

“The Spider has arrived here from Messina with two transports, and with orders to take back five others to that place, which are required for the service of the army in Sicily: she will at the same time escort the prisoners taken at Cerigo. I shall direct her commander to give protection to such Septinsular vessels, as their owners may think proper to send, and having seen the transports safe into Messina, to convoy the trade to Malta, to which place he is directed to return by his original orders.

“Should your Lordship think proper to allow this port to be a rendezvous for the convoy hitherto sent to Patras, it is admirably situated for the purpose; and by this island becoming a depôt for British manufactures and colonial produce, it would insure not only to Cephalonia, but to Zante also, abundant supplies of corn and cattle by the vessels coming from the Morea, and the Islands of the Archipelago. The want of corn begins to be already felt, so much so that speculations are talked of, for procuring it even from Malta.

“From what I can judge of the island, by the little I have had an opportunity of seeing, it appears to me, that by industry and confidence, its produce in most instances would be greatly augmented in a very short time. The soil is excellent, and scarcely a tenth part of the island is cultivated.

“I went a few miles inland with Colonel Lowe, in order to examine the nature of the forest, but was prevented by the weather from effecting my intentions. From all I can learn, many valuable spars may be procured here, and some timber at a cheap rate. The woods are all in the hands of the government, which would gladly enter into a contract to bring the timber to the water side. Colonel Lowe is endeavouring to procure an exact description of the trees, and the price they would probably fetch when ready for embarkation, which I shall forward to your Lordship by the earliest conveyance. I enclose also a survey of this harbour taken by Mr. Glen, the master of the Warrior.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.”

Captain Brenton soon after received the following gratifying letter from the Commander in chief upon the subject of the attack upon Cerigo.

“Ville de Paris, at Sea, 1st Nov. 1809.

“Sir,

“I have received from Rear Admiral Martin your letter of the 13th ult. with its enclosures directed to Captain Spranger of the Warrior, detailing your proceedings in the Spartan with a detachment of troops in the reduction of the island of Cerigo.

“It affords me great satisfaction in having again to express my warmest approbation of that zeal and ability, which have so eminently distinguished your services, particularly within the last six months, to the great annoyance of the enemy. And the speedy reduction of so strong a fort as Cerigo, with so small a loss, bespeaks that judicious management which commands success.

“Your report of the gallantry and good conduct of Lieutenant Willes is highly creditable to that officer, and I have not failed to point out his merits in this and former cases to the Lords of the Admiralty.

“I am, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

“To Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.”

This letter was followed by another in the month of January, 1810.

“Ville de Paris, at Sea, 16th Jan. 1810.

“Sir,

“Having communicated to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your proceedings at Cerigo when that island was reduced, I have great pleasure in informing you, Sir, that their Lordships have been pleased to express their great satisfaction at the ability with which you conducted that service, and the spirit with which it was executed by the officers and ship’s company of the Spartan.

“I am, Sir, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

“Captain Brenton, Spartan.”

Early in December the Spartan was ordered to proceed to Malta and refit, and in the beginning of January she sailed for Messina, and resumed her station under the command of Rear Admiral Martin, by whom Captain Brenton was sent off to Naples, in order to watch the movements of Murat, and his army intended for the invasion of Sicily. During the month of March he remained by the Rear Admiral’s directions in the port of Messina, to direct the movements of the frigates and small vessels under the Rear Admiral’s command, and to render all the assistance in his power to the British army charged with the defence of Sicily. Early in April he sailed for Naples, and continued cruising between that place, and the Island of Sicily, but without any material circumstance occurring until the 25th; when on that morning, being off Terracina with the Success and Espoir in company, several vessels were observed coming along shore, to which the British squadron immediately gave chase. The enemy ran for Terracina, and anchored in a small bay near the town, defended by two batteries, the following is Captain Brenton’s official letter to Rear Admiral Martin.

“Spartan, Gulf of Gaeta, 25th April, 1810.

“Sir,

“This morning, at nine a.m. we observed several sail of merchant vessels between Monte Circello and Terracina, and immediately gave chase to them in company with the Success and Espoir. The enemy reached Terracina, and anchored in a small bay within pistol shot of the town, under the protection of two batteries and a number of troops which occupied an extensive range of buildings. The crews of the vessels, one of which had guns, remaining on board for the purpose of defending them; the vessels were moored to the shore. I made the signal to prepare for anchoring, directing the Espoir to stand in and sound. She found twelve fathoms within half a mile of the batteries, a position which the Spartan and Success immediately occupied, and opened their fire upon the batteries; the armed boats of the two frigates covered by the Espoir then pushed in, boarded the ships (as per margin) and brought them out under an incessant fire of musketry from the store houses; the batteries being nearly silenced by the ships and sloop. Four or five small vessels had taken refuge under the town, but were hauled so near the shore, that I would not run the risk of exposing the people to a destructive fire, for an object of no importance, and made the signal to weigh.

“The firing began at thirty-six minutes past twelve, and continued till twenty minutes past one. I am happy to say we had a very small loss. I feel much indebted to Captain Ayscough of the Success, for the assistance received from him, and particularly to Captain Milford of the Espoir. From the light draught of water of the brig, I directed her to cover the boats, which was done in a most gallant and judicious manner, running close in shore and annoying the enemy with grape.

“The armed boats were under the command of Lieutenant Baumgardt, second of the Spartan, and the manner in which he led them to the attack was such, as to gain the admiration of all who witnessed it. He speaks in high terms of Lieutenant Sartorious, commanding the boats of the Success. Lieutenant Willes, first of the Spartan, of whose gallant conduct, I have had such frequent occasion to speak, was prevented by illness from taking this service upon himself as usual, but gave every possible assistance on board.

“Captain George Hoste of the Royal Engineers, accompanied me on this cruize, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy’s batteries on the coast; his exertions were extremely useful in supplying the place of the absent officers at the guns.

“I never witnessed more zeal and good conduct than was displayed by all classes upon this occasion.

LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN.

“I have the honour to be, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Rear Admiral Martin, &c. &c. &c.”

The little squadron continued cruizing off the bay of Naples until the 30th of April, when the Espoir was detached with the usual report of the enemy’s vessels to the Rear Admiral.

In the midst of this trying, stirring, anxious life, it may be well to introduce an extract from a letter written home at this period, which shews that the energy and firmness of professional character were not incompatible with those softer feelings which form the happiness of domestic life; but that one principle suggested and supplied the elements of each.

“Spartan, off Trepani, 12th April, 1810.

“Four years from this time, if my memory is correct, we had just taken up our residence at that earthly paradise, the Petits Capucins; and how little did we then think, that in the course of such a period as has elapsed, so many events would have occurred; that I should have had my liberty, and have passed three years on a foreign station.

“I know not what at this moment gave rise to these reflections; but this I know, that the retrospect excites gratitude, and that I feel the fullest confidence for the future. From the same causes, perhaps at the end of the next four years, we may all be assembled, and offering up together our thanks for the innumerable blessings we have received. —— will perhaps say I am psalm-singing again; but be it so; I take peculiar pleasure in recurring to the past, and often think there are very few who have had so much prosperity with so little ground to hope for it.

“Many have been more fortunate, but multitudes less so; and as to my captivity; I would not part with the remembrance of it for five thousand pounds. It was the happiest part of my life, and is always present to my recollection. The test of real happiness is to be sensible of it at the time; and that I recollect was my case, particularly when walking in the little avenue above the alcove. A fine moonlight evening, and having nothing to do, have turned my thoughts that way, and I felt inclined to put them on paper for your benefit.”

On the 1st of May, the Spartan and Success having been a little to the northward of Ischia, Captain Brenton on re-entering the bay of Naples in the afternoon of that day, was not a little surprised to find the enemy’s squadron so far out in the bay, as to give him a very reasonable prospect of bringing them to action, before they could regain the mole; and every sail was instantly set, and every effort made by both ships for this purpose; but the unsteadiness of the wind favoured them, and they were under shelter of the guns of Naples, before the two frigates could get within gun shot. This was felt by every one as a severe disappointment, and particularly by Captain Brenton, to whom this appeared as a golden opportunity snatched from him. The two frigates remained in the bay all the following day, the weather being squally, and the wind all round the compass. Captain Brenton having given up all hopes that the enemy would venture out, as long as the Success was in company, made the signal for her Captain, and gave him orders to proceed ten leagues S.W. of the Island of Capri, thinking it probable that if only one frigate were in sight of the signal posts in the morning, the enemy would not hesitate with their superior force, consisting of a frigate of forty guns, a corvette of twenty-eight, a cutter of ten, and eight heavy gun boats, to attack her; especially should she be near their own batteries, under which they might retreat in case of being crippled.

In this he was not disappointed, for at six o’clock in the morning the whole squadron was seen coming out of the mole, and steering directly for the Spartan. The following is the official account of this, the last action in which Captain Brenton was engaged; as the wound received upon this occasion prevented his serving afloat for any length of time.

“Spartan, off the Bay of Naples, 3rd May, 1810.

“Sir,

“On the 1st instant, His Majesty’s ships Spartan and Success chased the French squadron, consisting of one frigate of forty-two guns and three hundred and fifty men, one corvette of twenty-eight guns and two hundred and sixty men, one brig of eight guns and ninety-eight men, one cutter of ten guns and eighty men. They succeeded in getting into the mole of Naples, favoured by light and partial breezes.

“As I was sensible they would never leave that place of refuge, while two British frigates were in the bay, I directed Captain Ayscough to remain in the Success on my rendezvous, from five to ten leagues S.W. of the island of Capri, continuing with the Spartan in the bay of Naples.

“At day-light this morning we had the pleasure of seeing the enemy’s squadron as before mentioned, reinforced by eight gun boats, standing towards us in close line. The action began at fifty-six minutes after seven, exchanging broadsides when within pistol shot, passing along their line, and cutting off the cutter and gun boats. The enemy were under the necessity of wearing to renew their junction with them; but were prevented by the Spartan taking her station on their weather beam. A close and obstinate contest ensued; light and variable winds led us near the batteries of Baia, the enemy’s frigate making all sail, to take advantage of their shelter. The crippled state of the Spartan not allowing her to follow, we bore up raking the frigate and corvette as we passed them, and succeeded in cutting off the brig. The corvette having lost her foretopmast effected her escape with the assistance of the gun boats. The latter had during the action galled us excessively, by laying on our quarter, and the severity of our loss, ten killed and twenty wounded, may in some measure be attributed to this circumstance.

“I was wounded myself about the middle of the action, which lasted two hours, but my place was most ably supplied by Mr. Willes, the first Lieutenant, whose merit becomes more brilliant by every opportunity he has of shewing it. He is without exception one of the best and most gallant officers I ever met with. To Lieutenants Baumgardt and Bourne I feel equally indebted for their exemplary conduct and gallantry.

“Captain Hoste, of the Royal Engineers, had been sent with me for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy’s position on the coast. Upon this occasion I requested him to take the command of the quarter deck guns, foreseeing that the whole attention of the first Lieutenant and myself would be required in manœuvering the ship, during the variety of service we were likely to expect. His conduct was truly worthy of the relationship he bears to my distinguished friend Captain Hoste of the Amphion.

“The intrepidity and zeal of Mr. Slenner, the master, was very conspicuous; nor must I forget Mr. Dunn, the purser, who took charge of a division of guns on the main deck in place of their officer, absent in a prize with eighteen men, (which reduced our number to two hundred and fifty eight at the commencement of the action) he displayed the greatest gallantry. Much praise is also due to Lieutenants Fegan and Fotterell, of the Royal Marines, whose conduct was truly deserving of admiration.

“The Warrant, petty officers, and ship’s company evinced a degree of enthusiasm that assured me of success at the earliest period of the action.

“To the light and fluctuating winds, to the enemy’s being so near their own shores which are lined with batteries, they are indebted for the safety of their whole squadron, which at a greater distance from the shore, I do not hesitate to say, must have fallen into our hands.

“Among the killed we have to regret the loss of Mr. Robson, the master’s mate, a young man of great promise.

“I enclose a list of killed and wounded, with the damage we have otherwise sustained.

“I have, &c.

“J. BRENTON.”

“Rear Admiral Martin.”

LIST OF THE ENEMY’S SHIPS, &c. ENGAGED.

“J. B.”

In addition to these, it was afterwards known that Murat had in the morning embarked four hundred Swiss troops in the different vessels, in order to make sure of carrying the Spartan by boarding. They were dressed in red like English marines, and extended the whole length of the vessels in which they were embarked, with their muskets; a dreadful carnage must have been made amongst them.

Captain Brenton was wounded whilst standing on the capstan, the only place from whence he could see his numerous opponents. It was by a grape shot striking him on the left hip bone. As he did not at first feel the blow to be very severe, he concluded it to have been given by some of the ropes, which were falling in great numbers from aloft, as cut away by the shot. He jumped from the capstan, and came down on his right leg, but the left could not support him, and he fell; and then blood was seen to issue from his back. He instantly thought of Lord Nelson’s wound in the spine, and concluded from the little pain experienced, that his must have been the same. He was carried below, and on cutting out the shot, the surgeon discovered that the wound was not mortal.

When the action was over, the brig that had been captured was taken in tow, and proved to be Murat’s royal yacht, sent out for the purpose of strengthening the squadron. On the sea breeze setting in, Mr. Willes, the first Lieutenant, who had also been wounded, paraded the prize before the mole of Naples, and then made sail out of the bay. On the following morning the Success and Espoir joined, and their surgeons were found most welcome assistants to the surgeon of the Spartan, who had none of his own. His conduct indeed was most meritorious, and for the first week he was continually, night and day, passing from the sick bay to the Captain’s cabin, hardly known to take either rest or food.

The Spartan proceeded to Palermo, on her way to Malta; and the prize under Lieutenant Baumgardt was sent to Messina, in order to take Captain Hoste to head quarters, and from thence to proceed to Malta.

On the arrival of the Spartan at Palermo, an extraordinary order had been given that all vessels, from whatever place, should be put under quarantine, until liberated by order of the prime minister. This was the first instance since the Spartan had been upon the station. No sooner was the Admiral informed of the circumstance, than he sent off an express to the court, then at some distance in the country.

In the mean time Lord Amherst, the British Ambassador, embarked with the Admiral in his barge, and came off to the Spartan; and as they were prevented by the quarantine laws from coming on board, they both mounted the stern ladders as high as the cabin windows, where Captain Brenton having ordered his cot to be hung near them, had an opportunity of conversing with his kind friends. Such an instance as an Ambassador and an Admiral suspended on two rope ladders, hanging over the stern of a ship, was probably never seen before, nor is it likely to recur. It is only mentioned here, to shew their kind solicitude to afford comfort to their suffering countrymen, for this was their object; and as soon as they knew what means were the most likely to supply this, they returned on shore, and boats were sent off, not only with fresh meat, fruit, and vegetables, but with every delicacy from the Ambassador’s splendid table, for the use of the wounded. No pratique having been obtained that evening, Captain Brenton directed the first Lieutenant to weigh before day-light the following morning, and on the 10th they reached Malta, and were received in the most enthusiastic manner by all classes of persons, who seemed to vie with each other in testifying every possible act of kindness.

Captain Brenton was immediately taken on shore, to the house of his kind friend, Dr. Allen, the surgeon of the naval hospital, from whom, and his amiable family, he received the most unwearied attention. But as the situation of Dr. Allen’s house had not the advantage of air and space which the Admiralty house possessed, the Commander in chief of the forces, Sir Hildebrand Oakes, in whose charge the house then was, requested Captain Brenton might be carried thither, and here he remained whilst his ship was refitting, with every possible advantage that the island or climate could offer. The wounded of the ship having of course been sent to the naval hospital; Mr. Williamson, the surgeon of the Spartan, most kindly and most affectionately devoted himself to his Captain, whom he seldom quitted but to procure accounts from his wounded shipmates, or to obtain for him some luxury which he thought might be acceptable. Of these there was no want, for the General, and indeed almost all the principal families were continually sending whatever they thought might afford nutriment in the feeble state of the patient.

Soon after his arrival at Malta, Captain Brenton received the following letter from his excellent friend the Rear Admiral.

“Canopus, Palermo, 10th May, 1810.

“Sir,

“I have great pleasure in sending to you the order of St. Ferdinand and of Merit, which I have this day received from His Majesty the King of the two Sicilies for that purpose, together with a copy of the letter that accompanied it.

“You are already, Sir, so fully acquainted with my sentiments, both public and private as far as relate to you, that I have only to say, that I hope you will soon be in a situation to serve your country with the same zeal, gallantry and judgment, which have marked your conduct.

“I have, &c.

“GEORGE MARTIN,
“Rear Admiral.”

“Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.”

Copy of a letter from Marquis Circello, inclosed in the above to Admiral Martin.

“Palermo, 10th Mai, 1810.

“Monsieur L’Amiral,

“Le Roi mon auguste maître vous a exprimé de vive voix, ses sensible regrets sur la situation du brave Capitaine Brenton, qui dans une des actions les plus glorieuses á la marine de la Grande Bretagne a été si dangereusement blesse. Mais sa Majesté toujours occupé de ce brave homme m’ordonne de vous parler encore, et de vous dire combien elle est affectée de la circonstance, et d’attribuer a’ une ordre générale existante et à l’absence de sa Majesté de Palermo, qui a retardé l’ordre d’admettre sans délai á la pratique la frégate le Spartan. Que sa Majesté aime a se flatter, que le Capitaine Brenton guérira de sa blessure; qu’un tel héros sera conservé a’ la marine anglaise, et a’ la bonne cause; et que sa Majesté aura la satisfaction de le voir décoré de la croix de Commandeur de son Ordre de Mérité, que J’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer jointe a cette lettre, avec prière de la faire passer a ce brave Capitaine avec la plus grande promptitude; vu qu’il tarde a sa Majesté qu’il reçoive ce témoignage des sentimens, que lui inspire son incomparable conduite; et que le publique y voit l’empressement de sa Majesté a reconnoitre le mérité des brave officiers de son auguste et fidèle allié, qui exposent si courageusement leurs vies pour les intérêts communs, autant que pour ceux que sont personnels à sa Majesté.

“Le Roi ne doute pas, qu’en envoyant l’ordre au Capitaine Brenton, vous lui donnerez connaissance de cette lettre. Ainsi il ne me reste Mons. L’Amiral, que de vous réitérer l’assurance de la haute considération avec laquelle J’ai l’honneur d’être.

“MONS. L’AMIRAL, &c. &c. &c.

“Marquis de Circello.”

“A son Excellence L’Amiral Martin.”

The Rear Admiral had, indeed, as he observes in his letter, most fully expressed his sentiments, public and private, as far as related to Captain Brenton, in his interview with him at the cabin windows of the Spartan, and they were of the most flattering, the most gratifying, and the most affectionate description. He said upon that occasion, “My dear Brenton, this is a bad climate for wounds, I am anxious you should be at home. If you wish it, I will take the responsibility upon myself, and order the Spartan to England. I am sure the Commander in chief will approve of my doing so. A frigate will be required to take Mr. Arbuthnot, our minister, from Constantinople to England, and I will appoint the Spartan for that purpose. He may be expected at Malta every day.” This Captain Brenton joyfully accepted, as he felt that a long time must elapse before he could again be fit for active service; and his only wish now was to be restored as soon as possible to his family, where he knew happiness awaited him, if any where in this world.

His friend, for well he might call him so, Lord Collingwood, was now no more, having sunk under the disease, against which he had long struggled. For the last year of his life his feeling and his regard for Captain Brenton had become very warm, as may be seen by his official letters; and he undoubtedly left a strong recommendation of him to his successor, as one of the first acts of Sir Charles Cotton was to appoint Captain Brenton to the command of the squadron in the Adriatic, a situation which had long been the object of his wishes. It now however came when he could no longer avail himself of it. It reached him the day after he was wounded.

The last letter he received from Lord Collingwood was one so peculiarly his own, and so comprehensive in a short space, that it may not be amiss to insert it.

“Ville de Paris, January 30th, 1810.

“Sir,

“I have received your letter of November, and am very much obliged to you for the statistical account of Cephalonia, and other returns shewing the strength and ability of that Island, and the plans of the excellent ports in it.

“The population of the country is not great, but by the adoption of wise measures it may rapidly increase. The republican spirits in Corfu may seek a refuge there from the oppression they suffer under the French. One, and perhaps the first object of the government ought to be, to increase the means of subsistence of the inhabitants, and attend to foreign commerce no further, than, as it is necessary to take off those articles which are exceeding the consumption of the Island; but I fear that foreign commerce will be too attractive not to engage them more deeply in it, than its profits will maintain protection for; and although it may enrich individuals, it will confine wealth to a few, and will prevent the increase of population; so that upon this principle I would not encourage them in the beginning of their independence to send many ships to sea, but rather to cultivate the land, and to prepare at home a commerce for foreigners who will come to them.

“The woods may become of considerable importance. They were represented to me two years since to contain much fine timber, both fir and oak, which the French cut down, and shipped at an anchorage on the S.E. point of the island.

“I have ordered that convoys shall occasionally be sent for the protection of the trade from Argostoli, but it cannot be done at regular stated periods, as General Oswald requests; nor is the trade of that extent that would make it necessary.

“I have received from Malta the copy of a letter, which you wrote to Sir Alexander Ball from Cerigo, in which is related the circumstance of the former Governor of that place, having removed his apprehensions of some people who passed over from the continent, by poisoning the waters where they inhabited, and by that means putting many of them to death. In that letter there are extracts from two of the Frenchman’s letters, but his name is not mentioned. I would be glad if you would furnish me with copies of these two letters, with the address they bore, (viz.) that which informs his chief of the Albanians coming to the island, and that which relates to the means by which he got rid of them.

“If any of his letters give any account of Crete, the port, or fortification, I would beg the favour of you to inform me what he says of them. In one of his letters he says, he has been over to Candia, and that he has not been idle. A Frenchman seldom is, where any mischief is to be done.

“As to the Cephalonians navigating under the British flag, it cannot be done, but by an authority from His Majesty; but I have written to the Consuls of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, to inform them, that these islands being under the protection of England, it is expected their flag will be respected.

“It would be very convenient for the convoys to assemble there, but I apprehend that the vessels to come from Patrass, would require a convoy to the place of assembling, and Cephalonia being neutral, there must always be a certain force for their protection while assembling, so that two convoys would always be requisite instead of one.

“I am, &c.

“COLLINGWOOD.”

“To Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.”

Further accounts of the 3rd May from Captain Brenton’s notes to his children.

“In the beginning of the year 1810, I was sent to resume my station on the coast of Italy. Naples was now made the principal point of my observation, in consequence of the enemy having increased their little squadron, by the addition of numerous gun boats, and threatening Sicily with invasion by crossing the straits of Messina. As it was of the utmost importance to keep this squadron blockaded up in Naples, I was ordered on this service, and on the 3rd of May, the action took place in which I was wounded; the details of which you will find in their place in my letter book. There are some however that I could only communicate to those as nearly interested in them, as you are my dear children; and even to you, perhaps, I should not have mentioned them, but to shew you the efficacy and comfort of a humble trust in God. I know you will be deeply interested in everything I write, and as this book is only intended for your perusal, I shall not risk censure for egotism. In going down to the enemy I put up a short but fervent prayer to the Almighty, that he would receive your beloved mother and yourselves under his holy protection, and bless you, and that he would enable me to do my duty to my country. At no one period of my life do I ever remember to have been more serene and tranquil; and when my excellent friend Williamson, the surgeon, as he left the deck to go to his station, said in a low voice, as I shook him by the hand, “Now sir, here is victory or Westminster Abbey for you,” I experienced a feeling of animation which is not usual with me on common occasions.[17] As I have in this book given you many instances in which your beloved mother derived strength and comfort under trials, by her trust and confidence in God; I wish to shew you how much in unison our feelings were, on this, as on all other subjects; and I am most anxious to impress upon your minds, my darling children, a habit of putting your cause into the hands of your Creator, in every event of your lives. He will be a tower of strength to you, and whether you fail in your worldly expectations, or that they are crowned with success, it will equally tend to your ultimate and your eternal happiness.”

With the action of the 3rd of May, Captain Brenton’s service in the Mediterranean concluded. “The day after the action,” he adds, “I received dispatches from Admiral Martin, containing my orders to proceed to the Adriatic, for the purpose of taking the command of the squadron there, but I was no longer in a situation to avail myself of it. On the following day we arrived at Palermo, but were put under quarantine. The Ambassador and the Admiral kindly came off to see me, but could not come on board. The Admiral was anxious to know my wishes, and instantly complied with my request, that the Spartan might be sent to England. It appeared to be the only means of giving me a chance of recovery. I was accordingly ordered to Malta to refit, and to take home Mr. Adair, the British minister, from Constantinople. We had a most favourable passage to Malta, to the great comfort and advantage of the wounded. Should it ever be in your power, my dear children, to shew kindness to the family of my excellent friend, Dr. Allen, do not neglect to do it. To his kindness and hospitality I am greatly indebted, under Providence, for my life. I was for some time so extremely exhausted in consequence of my wound, that my recovery was almost despaired of. I seldom felt any great apprehensions myself, with the exception of one day, when from extreme pain and languor, I had reason to suppose my end approaching. I remember with humble gratitude the tranquil and resigned feeling I experienced, and the comfort I enjoyed from a recollection of the indescribable affection which had united your beloved mother and myself. The dangerous symptoms however soon abated. I was carried to my ship, and sailed on the 10th June with a convoy for England.”

CHAPTER XIV.