VVILLIAM GILBERT

OF COLCHESTER,

PHYSICIAN OF

LONDON.

ON THE MAGNET, MAGNETICK

BODIES ALSO, AND ON

the great magnet the earth; a new Physiology,

demonstrated by many arguments

& experiments.

LONDON


IMPRINTED at the Chiswick Press ANNO

MCM.



PREFACE TO THE CANDID
READER, STUDIOUS OF
THE MAGNETICK
PHILOSOPHY.


TO THE MOST EMINENT AND LEARNED MAN

Dr. William Gilbert,

a distinguished Doctor of Medicine amongst the

Londoners, and Father of Magnetick Philosophy,

an Encomiastic Preface of Edward Wright

on the subject of these books

Magnetical.

It seems, however, that there has been some inconvenience and hindrance connected with the observation of this variation; because it cannot be observed excepting when the sun or the stars are shining. Accordingly this magnetick Mercury of the sea goes on still further to bless all shipmasters, being much to be preferred to Neptune himself, and to all the sea-gods and goddesses; not only does it show the direction in a dark night and in thick weather, but it also seems to exhibit the most certain indications of the latitude. For an iron index, suspended on its axis (like a pair of scales), with the most delicate workmanship so as to balance in æquilibrio, and then touched and excited by a loadstone, dips to some fixed and definite point beneath the horizon (in our latitude in London, for example, to about the seventy-second degree), at which it at length comes to rest. But under the æquator itself, from that admirable agreement and congruency which, in almost all and singular magnetical experiments, exists between the earth itself and a terrella (that is, a globular loadstone), it seems exceedingly likely (to say the very least), and indeed more than probable, that the same index (again stroked with a loadstone) will remain in æquilibrio in an horizontal position. Whence it is evident that this also is very probable, that in an exceedingly small progress from the South toward the North (or contrariwise) there will be at least a sufficiently perceptible change in that declination; so that from that declination in any place being once carefully observed along with the latitude, the same place and the same latitude may be very easily recognized afterward, even in the darkest night and in the thickest mist by a declination instrument. Wherefore to bring our oration at length back to you, most eminent and learned Dr. Gilbert (whom I gladly recognize as my teacher in this magnetick philosophy), if these books of yours on the Magnet had contained nothing else, excepting only this finding of latitude from magnetick declination, by you now first brought to light, our shipmasters, Britains, French, Belgians, and Danes, trying to enter the British Channel or the Straits of Gibraltar from the Atlantick Ocean in dark weather, would still most deservedly judge them to be valued at no small sum of gold. But that discovery of yours about the whole globe of the earth being magnetical, although perchance it will seem to many "most paradoxical," producing even a feeling of astonishment, has yet been so firmly defended by you at all points and confirmed by so many experiments so apposite and appropriate to the matter in hand, in Bk. 2, chap. 34; Bk. 3, chap. 4 and 12; and in almost the whole of the fifth book, that no room is left for doubt or contradiction. I come therefore to the cause of the magnetick variation, which hitherto has distracted the minds of all the learned; for which no mortal has ever adduced a more probable reason than that which has now been set forth by you for the first time in these books of yours on the Magnet. The ὀρθοβορεοδείξις of the index magnetical in the middle of the ocean, and in the middle of continents (or at least in the middle of their stronger and more lofty parts), its inclining near the shore toward those same parts, even by sea and by land, agreeing with the experiments Bk. 4, chap. 2, on an actual terrella (made after the likeness of the terrestrial globe, uneven, and rising up in certain parts, either weak or wanting in firmness, or imperfect in some other way),—this inclination having been proved, very certainly demonstrates the probability that that variation is nought else than a certain deviation of the magnetick needle toward those parts of the earth that are more vigorous and more prominent. Whence the reason is readily established of that irregularity which is often perceived in the magnetick variations, arising from the inæquality and irregularity of those eminences and of the terrestrial forces. Nor of a surety have I any doubt, that all those even who have either imagined or admitted points attractive or points respective in the sky or the earth, and those who have imagined magnetick mountains, or rocks, or poles, will immediately begin to waver as soon as they have perused these books of yours on the Magnet, and willingly will march with your opinion. Finally, as to the views which you discuss in regard to the circular motion of the earth and of the terrestrial poles, although to some perhaps they will seem most supposititious, yet I do not see why they should not gain some favour, even among the very men who do not recognize a sphærical motion of the earth; since not even they can easily clear themselves from many difficulties, which necessarily follow from the daily motion of the

whole sky. For in the first place it is against reason that that should be effected by many causes, which can be effected by fewer; and it is against reason that the whole sky and all the sphæres (if there be any) of the stars, both of the planets and the fixed stars, should be turned round for the sake of a daily motion which can be explained by the mere daily rotation of the earth. Then whether will it seem more probable, that the æquator of the terrestrial globe in a single second (that is, in about the time in which any one walking quickly will be able to advance only a single pace) can accomplish a quarter of a British mile (of which sixty equal one degree of a great circle on the earth), or that the æquator of the primum mobile in the same time should traverse five thousand miles with celerity ineffable; and in the twinkling of an eye should fly through about five hundred British miles, swifter than the wings of lightning, if indeed they maintain the truth who especially assail the motion of the earth). Finally, will it be more likely to allow some motion to this very tiny terrestrial globe; or to build up with mad endeavour above the eighth of the fixed sphæres those three huge sphæres, the ninth (I mean), the tenth, and the eleventh, marked by not a single star, especially since it is plain from these books on the magnet, from a comparison of the earth and the terrella, that a circular motion is not so alien to the nature of the earth as is commonly supposed. Nor do those things which are adduced from the sacred Scriptures seem to be specially adverse to the doctrine of the mobility of the earth; nor does it seem to have been the intention of Moses or of the Prophets to promulgate any mathematical or physical niceties, but to adapt themselves to the understanding of the common people and their manner of speech, just as nurses are accustomed to adapt themselves to infants, and not to go into every unnecessary detail. Thus in Gen. i. v. 16, and Psal. 136, the moon is called a great light, because it appears so to us, though it it is agreed nevertheless by those skilled in astronomy that many of the stars, both of the fixed and wandering stars, are much greater. Therefore neither do I think that any solid conclusion can be drawn against the earth's mobility from Psal. 104, v. 5; although God is said to have laid the foundations of the earth that it should not be removed for ever; for the earth will be able to remain evermore in its own and self-same place, so as not to be moved by any wandering motion, nor carried away from its seat (wherein it was first placed by the Divine artificer). We, therefore, with devout mind acknowledging and adoring the inscrutable wisdom of the triune Divinity (having more diligently investigated and observed his admirable work in the magnetical motions), induced by philosophical experiments and reasonings not a few, do deem it to be probable enough that the earth, though resting on its centre as on an immovable base and foundation, nevertheless is borne around circularly.

But passing over these matters (concerning which I believe no one has ever demonstrated anything with greater certainty), without any doubt those matters which you have discussed concerning the causes of the variation and of the magnetick dip below the horizon, not to mention many other matters, which it would take too long to speak of here, will gain very great favour amongst all intelligent men, and especially (to speak after the manner of the Chemists) amongst the sons of the magnetick doctrine. Nor indeed do I doubt that when you have published these books of yours on the Magnet, you will excite all the diligent and industrious shipmasters to take no less care in observing the magnetick declination beneath the horizon than the variation. Since (if not certain) it is at least probable, that the latitude itself, or rather the effect of the latitude, can be found (even in very dark weather) much more accurately from that declination alone, than can either the longitude or the effect of the longitude from the variation, though the sun itself is shining brightly or all the stars are visible, with the most skilful employment likewise of all the most exact instruments. Nor is there any doubt but that those most learned men, Peter Plancius (not more deeply versed in Geography than in observations magnetical), and Simon Stevinus, the most distinguished mathematician, will rejoice in no moderate degree, when they first see these magnetical books of yours, and observe their λιμενευρετική, or Haven-finding Art, enlarged and enriched by so great and unexpected an addition; and without doubt they will urge all their own shipmasters (as far as they can) to observe also everywhere the magnetick declination below the horizon no less than the variation. May your Magnetical Philosophy, therefore, most learned Dr. Gilbert, come forth into the light under the best auspices, after being kept back not till the ninth year only (as Horace prescribes), but already unto almost a second nine, a philosophy rescued at last by so many toils, studyings, watchings, with so much ingenuity and at no moderate expense maintained continuously through so many years, out of darkness and dense mist of the idle and feeble philosophizers, by means of endless experiments skilfully applied to it; yet without neglecting anything which has been handed down in the writings of any of the ancients or of the moderns, all which you did diligently peruse and perpend. Do not fear the boldness or the prejudice of any supercilious and base philosophaster, who by either enviously calumniating or stealthily arrogating to himself the investigations of others seeks to snatch a most empty glory. Verily

Envy detracts from great Homer's genius;

but

Whoever thou art, Zoilus, thou hast thy name from him.

May your new physiology of the Magnet, I say (kept back for so many years), come forth now at length into the view of all, and your Philosophy, never to be enough admired, concerning the great Magnet (that is, the earth); for, believe me

(If there is any truth in the forebodings of seers),

these books of yours on the Magnet will avail more for perpetuating the memory of your name than the monument of any great Magnate placed upon your tomb.


Interpretation of certain words.[[1]]

Terrella, a globular loadstone.

Verticity, polar vigour, not περιδίνησις but περιδίνεισιος δύναμις: not a vertex or πόλος but a turning tendency.

Electricks, things which attract in the same manner as amber.

Excited Magnetick, that which has acquired powers from the loadstone.

Magnetick Versorium, a piece of iron upon a pin, excited by a loadstone.

Non-magnetick Versorium, a versorium of any metal, serving for electrical experiments.

Capped loadstone, which is furnished with an iron cap, or snout.

Meridionally, that is, along the projection of the meridian.

Paralleletically, that is, along the projection of a parallel.

Cusp, tip of a versorium excited by the loadstone.

Cross, sometimes used of the end that has not been touched and excited by a loadstone, though in many instruments both ends are excited by the appropriate termini of the stone.

Cork, that is, bark of the cork-oak.

Radius of the Orbe of the Loadstone, is a straight line drawn from the summit of the orbe of the loadstone, by the shortest way, to the surface of the body, which, continued, will pass through the centre of the loadstone.

Orbe of Virtue, is all that space through which the Virtue of any loadstone extends.

Orbe of Coition, is all that space through which the smallest magnetick is moved by the loadstone.

Proof, for a demonstration shown by means of a body.

Magnetick Coition: since in magnetick bodies, motion does not occur by an attractive faculty, but by a concourse or concordance of both, not as if there were an ἑλκτικὴ δύναμις of one only, but a συνδρομή of both; there is always a coition of the vigour: and even of the body if its mass should not obstruct.

Declinatorium, a piece of Iron capable of turning about an axis, excited by a loadstone, in a declination instrument.


I N D E X O F C H A P T E R S.

Book 1.

[Chap. 1]. Ancient and modern writings on the Loadstone, with certain matters of mention only, various opinions, & vanities.

[Chap. 2]. Magnet Stone, of what kind it is, and its discovery.

[Chap. 3]. The loadstone has parts distinct in their natural power, & poles conspicuous for their property.

[Chap. 4]. Which pole of the stone is the Boreal: and how it is distinguished from the austral.

[Chap. 5]. Loadstone seems to attract loadstone when in natural position: but repels it when in a contrary one, and brings it back to order.

[Chap. 6]. Loadstone attracts the ore of iron, as well as iron proper, smelted & wrought.

[Chap. 7]. What iron is, and of what substance, and its uses.

[Chap. 8]. In what countries and districts iron originates.

[Chap. 9]. Iron ore attracts iron ore.

[Chap. 10]. Iron ore has poles, and acquires them, and settles itself toward the poles of the universe.

[Chap. 11]. Wrought iron, not excited by a loadstone, draws iron.

[Chap. 12]. A long piece of Iron (even though not excited by a loadstone) settles itself toward North & South.

[Chap. 13]. Wrought iron has in itself certain parts Boreal & Austral: a magnetick vigour, verticity, and determinate vertices or poles.

[Chap. 14]. Concerning other powers of loadstone, & its medicinal properties.

[Chap. 15]. The medicinal virtue of iron.

[Chap. 16]. That loadstone & iron ore are the same, but iron an extract from both, as other metals are from their own ores; & that all magnetick virtues, though weaker, exist in the ore itself & in smelted iron.

[Chap. 17]. That the globe of the earth is magnetick, & a magnet; & how in our hands the magnet stone has all the primary forces of the earth, while the earth by the same powers remains constant in a fixed direction in the universe.

Book 2.

[Chap. 1]. On Magnetick Motions.

[Chap. 2]. On the Magnetick Coition, and first on the attraction of Amber, or more truly, on the attaching of bodies to Amber.

[Chap. 3]. Opinions of others on Magnetick Coition, which they call Attraction.

[Chap. 4]. On Magnetick Force & Form, what it is; and on the cause of the Coition.

[Chap. 5]. How the Power dwells in the Loadstone.

[Chap. 6]. How magnetick pieces of Iron and smaller loadstones conform themselves to a terrella & to the earth itself, and by them are disposed.

[Chap. 7]. On the Potency of the Magnetick Virtue, and on its nature capable of spreading out into an orbe.

[Chap. 8]. On the geography of the Earth, and of the Terrella.

[Chap. 9]. On the Æquinoctial Circle of the Earth and of a Terrella.

[Chap. 10]. Magnetick Meridians of the Earth.

[Chap. 11]. Parallels.

[Chap. 12]. The Magnetick Horizon.

[Chap. 13]. On the Axis and Magnetick Poles.

[Chap. 14]. Why at the Pole itself the Coition is stronger than in the other parts intermediate between the æquator and the pole; and on the proportion of forces of the coition in various parts of the earth and of the terrella.

[Chap. 15]. The Magnetick Virtue which is conceived in Iron is more apparent in an iron rod than in a piece of Iron that is round, square, or of other figure.

[Chap. 16]. Showing that Movements take place by the Magnetical Vigour though solid bodies lie between; and on the interposition of iron plates.

[Chap. 17]. On the Iron Cap of a Loadstone, with which it is armed at the pole (for the sake of the virtue), and on the efficacy of the same.

[Chap. 18]. An armed Loadstone does not indue an excited piece of Iron with greater vigour than an unarmed.

[Chap. 19]. Union with an armed Loadstone is stronger; hence greater weights are raised; but the coition is not stronger, but generally weaker.

[Chap. 20]. An armed Loadstone raises an armed Loadstone, which also attracts a third; which likewise happens, though the virtue in the first be somewhat small.

[Chap. 21]. If Paper or any other Medium be interposed, an armed loadstone raises no more than an unarmed one.

[Chap. 22]. That an armed Loadstone draws Iron no more than an unarmed one: and that an armed one is more strongly united to iron is shown by means of an armed loadstone and a polished Cylinder of iron.

[Chap. 23]. The Magnetick Force causes motion toward unity, and binds firmly together bodies which are united.

[Chap. 24]. A piece of Iron placed within the Orbe of a Loadstone hangs suspended in the air, if on account of some impediment it cannot approach it.

[Chap. 25]. Exaltation of the power of the magnet.

[Chap. 26]. Why there should appear to be a greater love between iron & loadstone, than between loadstone & loadstone, or between iron & iron, when close to the loadstone, within its orbe of virtue.

[Chap. 27]. The Centre of the Magnetick Virtues in the earth is the centre of the earth; and in a terrella is the centre of the stone.

[Chap. 28]. A Loadstone attracts magneticks not only to a fixed point or pole, but to every part of a terrella save the æquinoctial zone.

[Chap. 29]. On Variety of Strength due to Quantity or Mass.

[Chap. 30]. The Shape and Mass of the Iron are of most importance in cases of coition.

[Chap. 31]. On long and round stones.

[Chap. 32]. Certain Problems and Magnetick Experiments about the Coition, and Separation, and regular Motion of Bodies magnetical.

[Chap. 33]. On the Varying Ratio of Strength, and of the Motion of coition, within the orbe of virtue.

[Chap. 34]. Why a Loadstone should be stronger in its poles in a different ratio; as well in the Northern regions as in the Southern.

[Chap. 35]. On a Perpetual Motion Machine, mentioned by authors, by means of the attraction of a loadstone.

[Chap. 36]. How a more robust Loadstone may be recognized.

[Chap. 37]. Use of a Loadstone as it affects iron.

[Chap. 38]. On Cases of Attraction in other Bodies.

[Chap. 39]. On Bodies which mutually repel one another.

Book 3.

[Chap. 1]. On Direction.

[Chap. 2]. The Directive or Versorial Virtue (which we call verticity): what it is, how it exists in the loadstone; and in what way it is acquired when innate.

[Chap. 3]. How Iron acquires Verticity through a loadstone, and how that verticity is lost and changed.

[Chap. 4]. Why Iron touched by a Loadstone acquires an opposite verticity, and why iron touched by the true Northern side of a stone turns to the North of the earth, by the true Southern side to the South; and does not turn to the South when rubbed by the Northern point of the stone, and when by the Southern to the North, as all who have written on the Loadstone have falsely supposed.

[Chap. 5]. On the Touching of pieces of Iron of divers shapes.

[Chap. 6]. What seems an Opposing Motion in Magneticks is a proper motion toward unity.

[Chap. 7]. A determined Verticity and a disponent Faculty are what arrange magneticks, not a force, attracting them or pulling them together, nor merely a strongish coition or unition.

[Chap. 8]. Of Discords between pieces of Iron upon the same pole of a Loadstone, and how they can agree and stand joined together.

[Chap. 9]. Figures illustrating direction and showing varieties of rotations.

[Chap. 10]. On Mutation of Verticity and of Magnetick Properties, or on alteration in the power excited by a loadstone.

[Chap. 11]. On the Rubbing of a piece of Iron on a Loadstone in places midway between the poles, and upon the æquinoctial of a terrella.

[Chap. 12]. In what way Verticity exists in any Iron that has been smelted though not excited by a loadstone.

[Chap. 13]. Why no other Body, excepting a magnetick, is imbued with verticity by being rubbed on a loadstone, and why no body is able to instil and excite that virtue, unless it be a magnetick.

[Chap. 14]. The Placing of a Loadstone above or below a magnetick body suspended in æquilibrio changes neither the power nor the verticity of the magnetick body.

[Chap. 15]. The Poles, Æquator, Centre in an entire Loadstone remain and continue steady; by diminution and separation of some part they vary and acquire other positions.

[Chap. 16]. If the Southern Portion of a Stone be lessened, something is also taken away from the power of the Northern Portion.

[Chap. 17]. On the Use and Excellence of Versoria: and how iron versoria used as pointers in sun-dials, and the fine needles of the mariners' compass, are to be rubbed, that they may acquire stronger verticity.

Book 4.

[Chap. 1]. On Variation.

[Chap. 2]. That the variation is caused by the inæquality of the projecting parts of the earth.

[Chap. 3]. The variation in any one place is constant.

[Chap. 4]. The arc of variation is not changed equally in proportion to the distance of places.

[Chap. 5]. An island in Ocean does not change the variation, as neither do mines of loadstone.

[Chap. 6]. The variation and direction arise from the disponent power of the earth, and from the natural magnetick tendency to rotation, not from attraction, or from coition, or from other occult cause.

[Chap. 7]. Why the variation from that lateral cause is not greater than has hitherto been observed, having been rarely seen to reach two points of the mariners' compass, except near the pole.

[Chap. 8]. On the construction of the common mariners' compass, and on the diversity of the compasses of different nations.

[Chap. 9]. Whether the terrestrial longitude can be found from the variation.

[Chap. 10]. Why in various places near the pole the variations are much more ample than in a lower latitude.

[Chap. 11]. Cardan's error when he seeks the distance of the centre of the earth from the centre of the cosmos by the motion of the stone of Hercules; in his book 5, On Proportions.

[Chap. 12]. On the finding of the amount of variation: how great is the arc of the Horizon from its arctick to its antarctick intersection of the meridian, to the point respective of the magnetick needle.

[Chap. 13]. The observations of variation by seamen vary, for the most part, and are uncertain: partly from error and inexperience, and the imperfections of the instruments: and partly from the sea being seldom so calm that the shadows or lights can remain quite steady on the instruments.

[Chap. 14]. On the variation under the æquinoctial line, and near it.

[Chap. 15]. The variation of the magnetick needle in the great Æthiopick and American sea, beyond the æquator.

[Chap. 16]. On the variation in Nova Zembla.

[Chap. 17]. Variation in the Pacifick Ocean.

[Chap. 18]. On the variation in the Mediterranean Sea.

[Chap. 19]. The variation in the interior of large Continents.

[Chap. 20]. Variation in the Eastern Ocean.

[Chap. 21]. How the deviation of the versorium is augmented and diminished by reason of the distance of places.

Book 5.

[Chap. 1]. On Declination.

[Chap. 2]. Diagram of declinations of the magnetick needle, when excited, in the various positions of the sphere, and horizons of the earth, in which there is no variation of the declination.

[Chap. 3]. An indicatory instrument, showing by the virtue of a stone the degrees of declination from the horizon of each several latitude.

[Chap. 4]. Concerning the length of a versorium convenient for declination on a terrella.

[Chap. 5]. That declination does not arise from the attraction of the loadstone, but from a disposing and rotating influence.

[Chap. 6]. On the proportion of declination to latitude, and the cause of it.

[Chap. 7]. Explanation of the diagram of the rotation of a magnetick needle.

[Chap. 8]. Diagram of the rotation of a magnetick needle, indicating magnetical declination in all latitudes, and from the rotation and declination, the latitude itself.

[Chap. 9]. Demonstration of direction, or of variation from the true direction, at the same time with declination, by means of only a single motion in water, due to the disposing and rotating virtue.

[Chap. 10]. On the variation of the declination.

[Chap. 11]. On the essential magnetick activity sphærically effused.

[Chap. 12]. Magnetick force is animate, or imitates life; and in many things surpasses human life, while this is bound up in the organick body.

Book 6.

[Chap. 1]. On the globe of the earth, the great magnet.

[Chap. 2]. The Magnetick axis of the Earth persists invariable.

[Chap. 3]. On the magnetick diurnal revolution of the Earth's globe, as a probable assertion against the time-honoured opinion of a Primum Mobile.

[Chap. 4]. That the Earth moves circularly.

[Chap. 5]. Arguments of those denying the Earth's motion, and their confutation.

[Chap. 6]. On the cause of the definite time of an entire rotation of the Earth.

[Chap. 7]. On the primary magnetick nature of the Earth, whereby its poles are parted from the poles of the Ecliptick.

[Chap. 8]. On the Præcession of the Æquinoxes, from the magnetick motion of the poles of the Earth, in the Arctick & Antarctick circle of the Zodiack.

[Chap. 9]. On the anomaly of the Præcession of the Æquinoxes, & of the obliquity of the Zodiack.


WILLIAM GILBERT

ON THE LOADSTONE, BK. I.

[CHAP. I].

ANCIENT AND MODERN WRITINGS
on the Loadstone, with certain matters of mention only,
various opinions, & vanities.


[CHAP. II].

Magnet Stone, of what kind it is, and its
discovery.

The Magnet's name the observing Grecians drew

From the Magnetick region where it grew.

It is called Heraclean from the city Heraclea, or from the invincible Hercules, on account of the great strength and domination and power which there is in iron of subduing all things: it is also called siderite, as being of iron; being not unknown to the most ancient writers, to the Greeks, Hippocrates, and others, as also (I believe) to Jewish and Egyptian writers; For in the oldest mines of iron, the most famous in Asia, the loadstone was often dug out with its uterine brother, iron. And if the tales be true which are told of the people of the Chinas, they were not unacquainted in primitive times with magnetical experiments, for even amongst

them the finest magnets of all are still found. The Egyptians, as Manetho relates, gave it the name Os Ori: calling the power which governs the turning of the sun Orus, as the Greeks call it Apollo. But later by Euripides, as narrated by Plato, it was designated under the name of Magnet. By Plato in the Io, Nicander of Colophon, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny, Solinus, Ptolemy, Galen, and other investigators of nature it was recognized and commended; such, however, is the variety of magnets and their points of unlikeness in hardness, softness, heaviness, lightness, density, firmness, and friability of substance: so great and manifold are the differences in colour and other qualities, that they have not handed down any adequate account of it, which therefore was laid aside or left imperfect by reason of the unfavourable character of the time; for in those times varieties of specimens and foreign products never before seen were not brought from such distant regions by traders and mariners as they have been lately, and now that all over the globe all kinds of merchandise, stones, woods, spices, herbs, metals, and ore in abundance are greedily sought after: neither was metallurgy so generally cultivated in a former age. There is a difference in vigour; as whether it is male or female: for it was thus that the ancients used often to distinguish many individuals of the same species. Pliny quotes from Sotacus five kinds; those from Æthiopia, Macedonia, Bœotia, the Troad, and Asia, which were especially known to the ancients: but we have posited as many kinds of loadstones as there are in the whole of nature regions of different kinds of soil. For in all climates, in every province, on every soil, the loadstone is either found, or else lies unknown on account of its rather deep site and inaccesible position; or by reason of its weaker and less obvious strength it is not recognized by us while we see and handle it. To the ancients the differences were those of colour[[49]], how they are red and black in Magnesia and Macedonia, in Bœotia red rather than black, in the Troad black, without strength: While in Magnesia in Asia they are white, not attracting iron, and resemble pumice-stone. A strong loadstone of the kind celebrated so often nowadays in experiments presents the appearance of unpolished iron, and is mostly found in iron mines: it is even wont to be discovered in an unbroken lode by itself: Loadstones of this sort are brought from East India, China, and Bengal, of the colour of iron, or of a dark blood or liver colour; and these are the finest, and are sometimes of great size, as though broken off a great rock, and of considerable weight; sometimes single stones, as it were, and entire: some of these, though of only one pound weight, can lift on high four ounces of iron or a half-pound or even a whole pound. Red ones are found in Arabia, as broad as a tile, not equal in weight to those brought from China, but strong and good: they are a little darker in the island of Elba in the Tuscan sea, and together with

these also grow white ones, like some in Spain in the mines of Caravaca: but these are of lesser power. Black ones also are found, of lower strength, such as those of the iron mines in Norway and in sea-coast places near the strait of Denmark. Amongst the blue-black or dusky blue also some are strong and highly commended. Other loadstones are of a leaden colour, fissile and not-fissile, capable of being split like slates in layers. I have also some like gray marble of an ashen colour, and some speckled like gray marble, and these take the finest polish. In Germany there are some perforated like honeycombs, lighter than any others, and yet strong. Those are metallick which smelt into the best iron; others are not easily smelted, but are burned up. There are loadstones that are very heavy, as also others very light; some are very powerful in catching up pieces of iron, while others are weaker and of less capacity, others so feeble and barren that they with difficulty attract ever so tiny a piece of iron and cannot repel an opposite magnetick. Others are firm and tough, and do not readily yield to the artificer. Others are friable. Again, there are some dense and hard as emery, or loose-textured and soft as pumice; porous or solid; entire and uniform, or varied and corroded; now like iron for hardness, yea, sometimes harder than iron to cut or to file; others are as soft as clay. Not all magnets can be properly called stones; some rather represent rocks; while others exist rather as metallick lodes; others as clods and lumps of earth. Thus varied and unlike each other, they are all endowed, some more, some less, with the peculiar virtue. For they vary according to the nature of the soil, the different admixture of clods and humours, having respect to the nature of the region and to their subsidence in this last-formed crust of the earth, resulting from the confluence of many causes, and the perpetual alternations of growth and decline, and the mutations of bodies. Nor is this stone of such potency rare; and there is no region wherein it is not to be found in some sort. But if men were to search for it more diligently and at greater outlay, or were able, where difficulties are present, to mine it, it would come to hand everywhere, as we shall hereafter prove. In many countries have been found and opened mines of efficacious loadstones unknown to the ancient writers, as for instance in Germany, where none of them has ever asserted that loadstones were mined. Yet since the time when, within the memory of our fathers, metallurgy began to flourish there, loadstones strong and efficacious in power have been dug out in numerous places; as in the Black Forest beyond Helceburg; in Mount Misena not far from Schwartzenberg[[50]]; a fairly strong kind between Schneeberg and Annaberg in Joachimsthal, as was noticed by Cordus: also near the village of Pela in Franconia. In Bohemia it occurs in iron mines in the Lessa district and other places, as Georgious Agricola and several other men learned in metallurgy

witness. In like manner in other countries in our time it is brought to light; for as the stone remarkable for its virtues is now famous throughout the whole world, so also everywhere every land produces it, and it is, so to speak, indigenous in all lands. In East India, in China, in Bengal near the river Indus it is common, and in certain maritime rocks: in Persia, Arabia, and the islands of the Red Sea; in many places in Æthiopia, as was formerly Zimiri, of which Pliny makes mention. In Asia Minor around Alexandria and the Troad; in Macedonia, Bœotia, in Italy, the island of Elba, Barbary; in Spain still in many mines as aforetime. In England quite lately a huge power of it was discovered in a mine belonging to Adrian Gilbert, gentleman[[51]]; also in Devonshire and the Forest of Dean; in Ireland, too, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Lapland, Livonia, Prussia, Poland, Hungary. For although the terrestrial globe, owing to the varied humours and natures of the soil arising from the continual succession of growth and decay, is in the lapse of time efflorescing through all its ambit deeper into its surface, and is girt about with a varied and perishable covering, as it were with a veil; yet out of her womb ariseth in many places an offspring nigher to the more perfect body and makes its way to the light of day. But the weak and less vigorous loadstones, enfeebled by the flow of humours, are visible in every region, in every strath. It is easy to discover a vast quantity of them everywhere without penetrating mountains or great depths, or encountering the difficulties and hardships of miners; as we shall prove in the sequel. And these we shall take pains so to prepare by an easy operation that their languid and dormant virtue shall be made manifest. It is called by the Greeks[[52]] ἑράκλιος, as by Theophrastus, and μαγνῆτις; and μάγνης, as by Euripides, as quoted by Plato in the Io: by Orpheus[[53]] too μαγνῆοσα, and σιδερίτης as though of iron: by the Latins magnes, Herculeus; by the French aimant[[54]], corruptly from adamant; by the Spaniards piedramant: by the Italians calamita[[55]]; by the English loadstone and adamant stone[[56]], by the Germans magness[[57]] and siegelstein: Among English, French, and Spaniards it has its common name from adamant; perhaps because they were at one time misled by the name sideritis being common to both: the magnet is called σιδερίτης from its virtue of attracting iron: the adamant is called σιδερίτης from the brilliancy of polished iron. Aristotle designates it merely by the name of the stone:[[58]] Ἔοικε δὲ καὶ θαλῆς ἐξ ὧν ἀπομνημονεύουσι, κινητικόν τι τὴν ψυχὴν ὑπολαβεῖν, ἔιπερ τὸν λίθον ἔφη ψυχὴν ἔχειν, ὅτι τὸν σίδηρον κινεῖ: De Anima, Lib. I. The name of magnet is also applied to another stone differing from siderite, having the appearance of silver; it is like Amianth in its nature; and since it consists of laminæ (like specular stone)[[59]], it differs in form: in German Katzensilber and Talke[[60]].


[CHAP. III].

The Loadstone has parts distinct in their natural
power, & poles conspicuous for their property.

On the stone A B the versorium is placed in such a way that the versorium may remain in equilibrium: you will mark with chalk the course of the iron when at rest: Move the instrument to another spot, and again make note of the direction and aspect: do the same thing in several places, and from the concurrence of the lines of direction you will find one pole at the point A, the other at B. A versorium placed near the stone also indicates the true pole; when at right angles it eagerly beholds the stone and seeks the pole itself directly, and is turned in a straight line through the axis to the

centre of the stone. For instance, the versorium D faces toward A and F, the pole and centre, whereas E does not exactly respect * either the pole A or the centre F[[64]]. A bit of rather fine iron wire, of the length of a barley-corn, is placed on the stone, and is moved over the regions and surface of the stone, until it rises to the perpendicular[[65]]: for it stands erect at the actual pole, whether Boreal or austral; the further from the pole, the more it inclines from the vertical. The poles thus found you shall mark with a sharp file or gimlet.


[CHAP. IIII].

Which pole of the stone is the Boreal: & how it is
distinguished from the austral.


[CHAP. V].

Loadstone seems to attract Loadstone when in natural
position: but repels it when in a contrary one, and brings
it back to order.

And you will then see[[68]] that A the northern point will turn to the south, as before; in like manner also the point D will move to the north, in the divided stone, as in the whole one. Whereas, of the parts B and C, which were before continuous, and are now divided, the one is southern B, the other northern C. B draws C, desirous to be united, and to be brought back into its pristine continuity: for these which are now two stones were formed out of one: and for this cause C of the one turning itself to B of the other, they mutually attract each other, and when freed from obstacles and relieved of their own weight, as upon the surface of water, they run together and are conjoined. But if you direct the part or point A to C in the other stone, the one repels or turns away from the other: for so were nature perverted, and the form of the stone perturbed, a form that strictly keeps the laws which it imposed upon bodies: hence, when all is not rightly ordered according to nature, comes the flight of one from the other's perverse position and from the discord, for nature does not allow of an unjust and inequitable peace, or compromise: but wages war and exerts force to make bodies acquiesce well and justly. Rightly arranged, therefore, these mutually attract each other; that is, both stones, the stronger as well as the weaker, run together, and with their whole forces tend to unity, a fact that is evident in all magnets, not in the Æthiopian only, as Pliny supposed. The Æthiopian magnets if they be powerful, like those brought from China, because all strong ones show the effect more quickly and more plainly, attract more strongly in the parts nearest the pole, and turn about until pole looks directly at pole. The pole of a stone more persistently attracts and more rapidly seizes the corresponding part (which they term the adverse part) of another stone; for instance, North pulls South; just so it also summons iron with more vehemence, and the iron cleaves to it more firmly whether it have been previously excited by the magnet, or is untouched. For thus, not without reason hath it been ordained by nature, that the parts nearer to the pole should more firmly attract: but that at the pole itself should be the seat, the throne, as it were, of a consummate and splendid virtue, to which magnetical bodies on being brought are more vehemently attracted, and from which they are with utmost difficulty dislodged. So the poles are the parts which more particularly spurn and thrust away things strange and alien perversely set beside them.


[CHAP. VI].

Loadstone attracts the ore of iron, as well as iron
proper, smelted and wrought.


[CHAP. VII].

What Iron is, and of what substance,
and its uses.

[[70]]Here corn exults, and there the grape is glad,

Here trees and grass unbidden verdure add.

So mark how Tmolus yields his saffrone store,

But ivory is the gift of Indian shore;

With incense soft the softer Shebans deal;

The stark Chalybeans' element is steel:

With acrid castor reek the Pontic wares,

Epirus wins the palm of Elian mares.

But what the Chemists (as Geber, and others) call fixed earthy sulphur in iron is nothing else than the homogenic earth-substance concreted by its own humour, amalgamated with a double fluid: a metallick humour is inserted along with a small quantity of the substance of the earth not devoid of humour. Wherefore the common saying that in gold there is pure earth, but in iron mostly impure, is wrong; as though there were indeed such a thing as natural earth, and that the globe itself were (by some unknown process of refining) depurate. In iron, especially in the best iron, there is earth in its own nature true and genuine; in the other metals there is not so much earth as that in place of earth and precipitates there are consolidated and (so to speak) fixed salts, which are efflorescences of the globe, and which differ also greatly

in firmness and consistency: In the mines their force rises up along with a twofold humour from the exhalations, they solidify in the underground spaces into metallic veins: so too they are also connate by virtue of their place and of the surrounding bodies, in natural matrices, and take on their specific forms. Of the various constitutions of loadstones and their diverse substances, colours, and virtues, mention has been made before: but, now having stated the cause and origin of metals, we have to examine ferruginous matter not as it is in the smelted metal, but as that from which the metal is refined. Quasi-pure iron is found of its proper colour and in its own lodes; still, not as it will presently be, nor as adapted for its various uses. It is sometimes dug up covered with white silex or with other stones. It is often the same in river sand, as in Noricum. A nearly pure ore of iron is now often dug up in Ireland, which the smiths, without the labours of furnaces, hammer out in the smithy into iron implements. In France iron is very commonly smelted out of a liver-coloured stone, in which are glittering scales; the same kind[[71]] without the scales is found in England, which also they use for craftsmen's ruddle[[72]]. In Sussex in England[[73]] is a rich dusky ore and also one of a pale ashen hue, both of which on being dried for a time, or kept in moderate fires, presently acquire a liver-colour; here also is found a dusky ore square-shaped with a black rind of greater hardness. An ore having the appearance of liver is often variously intermingled with other stones: as also with the perfect loadstone which yields the best of iron. There is also a rusty ore of iron, one of a leaden hue tending to black, one quite black, or black mixed with true cobalt: there is another sort mixed either with pyrites, or with sterile plumbago. One kind is also like jet, another like bloodstone. The emery used by armourers, and by glaziers for glass-cutting, called amongst the English Emerelstone, by the Germans Smeargel, is ferruginous; albeit iron is extracted from it with difficulty, yet it attracts the versorium. It is now and then found in deep iron and silver diggings. Thomas Erastus says he had heard from a certain learned man of iron ores, of the colour of iron, but quite soft and fatty, which can be smoothed with the fingers like butter, out of which excellent iron can be smelted: somewhat the same we have seen found in England, having the aspect of Spanish soap. Besides the numberless kinds of stony ores, iron is extracted from clay, from clayey earth, from ochre, from a rusty matter deposited from chalybeate waters; In England iron is copiously extracted in furnaces often from sandy and clayey stones which appear to contain iron not more than sand, marl, or any other clay soils contain it. Thus in Aristotle's book De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus[[74]], "There is said" (he states) "to be a peculiar formation of Chalybean and Misenian iron, for instance the sort collected from river gravel; some say

that after being simply washed it is smelted in the furnace; others declare that it and the sediment which subsides after several washings are cast in and purified together by the fire; with the addition of the stone pyrimachus which is found there in abundance." Thus do numerous sorts of things contain in their various substances notably and abundantly this element of iron and earth. However, there are many stones, and very common ones, found in every soil, also earths, and various and mixed materials, which do not hold rich substances, but yet have their own iron elements, and yield them to skilfully-made fires, yet which are left aside by metallick men because they are less profitable; while other soils give some show of a ferruginous nature, yet (being very barren) are hardly ever smelted down into iron; and being neglected are not generally known. Manufactured irons differ very greatly amongst themselves. For one kind is tenacious in its nature, and this is the best; one is of medium quality: another is brittle, and this is the worst. Sometimes the iron, by reason of the excellency of the ore, is wrought into steel, as to-day in Noricum. From the finest iron, too, well wrought and purged from all dross, or by being plunged in water after heating, there issues what the Greeks call στόμωμα; the Latins acies; others aciarium, such as was at times called Syrian, Parthian, Noric, Comese, Spanish; elsewhere it is named from the water in which it is so often plunged, as at Como in Italy[[75]], Bambola and Tarazona in Spain. Acies fetches a much larger price than mere iron. And owing to its superiority it better accords with the loadstone, from which more powerful quality it is often smelted, and it acquires the virtues from it more quickly, retains them longer at their full, and in the best condition for magnetical experiments. After iron has been smelted in the first furnaces, it is afterward wrought by various arts in large worksteads or mills, the metal acquiring consistency when hammered with ponderous blows, and throwing off the dross. After the first smelting it is rather brittle and by no means perfect. Wherefore with us (English) when the larger military guns are cast, they purify the metal from dross more fully, so that they may be stronger to withstand the force of the firing; and they do this by making it pass again (in a fluid state) through a chink, by which process it sheds its recremental matter. Smiths render iron sheets tougher with certain liquids, and by blows of the hammer, and from them make shields and breastplates that defy the blows of battle-axes. Iron becomes harder through skill and proper tempering, but also by skill turns out in a softer condition and as pliable as lead. It is made hard by the action of certain waters into which while glowing it is plunged, as at Bambola and Tarazona in Spain: It grows soft again, either by the effect of fire alone, when without hammering and without water, it is left to cool by itself; or by that of grease into which it is plunged; or

(that it may the better serve for various trades) it is tempered variously by being skilfully besmeared. Baptista Porta expounds this art in book 13 of his Magia Naturalis. Thus this ferric and telluric nature is included and taken up in various bodies of stones, ores, and earths; so too it differs in aspect, in form, and in efficiency. Art smelts it by various processes, improves it, and turns it, above all material substances, to the service of man in trades and appliances without end. One kind of iron is adapted for breastplates, another serves as a defence against shot, another protects against swords and curved blades (commonly called scimitars), another is used for making swords, another for horseshoes. From iron are made nails, hinges, bolts, saws, keys, grids, doors, folding-doors, spades, rods, pitchforks, hooks, barbs, tridents, pots, tripods, anvils, hammers, wedges, chains, hand-cuffs, fetters, hoes, mattocks, sickles, baskets, shovels, harrows, planes, rakes, ploughshares, forks, pans, dishes, ladles, spoons, spits, knives, daggers, swords, axes, darts, javelins, lances, spears, anchors, and much ship's gear. Besides these, balls, darts, pikes, breastplates, helmets, cuirasses, horseshoes, greaves, wire, strings of musical instruments, chairs, portcullises, bows, catapults, and (pests of human kind) cannon, muskets, and cannon-balls, with endless instruments unknown to the Latins: which things I have rehearsed in order that it may be understood how great is the use of iron, which surpasses a hundred times that of all the other metals; and is day by day being wrought by metal-workers whose stithies are found in almost every village. For this is the foremost of metals, subserving many and the greatest needs of man, and abounds in the earth above all other metals, and is predominant. Wherefore those Chemists are fools[[76]] who think that nature's will is to perfect all metals into gold; she might as well be making ready to change all stones to diamonds, since diamond surpasses all in splendour and hardness, because gold excels in splendour, gravity, and density, being invincible against all deterioration. Iron as dug up is therefore, like iron that has been smelted, a metal, differing a little indeed from the primary homogenic terrestrial body, owing to the metallick humour it has imbibed; yet not so alien as that it will not, after the manner of refined matter, admit largely of the magnetick forces, and may be associated with that prepotent form belonging to the earth, and yield to it a due submission.


[CHAP. VIII].

In what countries and districts iron
originates.


[CHAP. IX].

Iron ore attracts iron ore.


[CHAP. X].

*

Iron ore has poles, and acquires them, and settles
itself toward the poles of the universe.


[CHAP. XI].

*

Wrought Iron, not excited by a loadstone,
draws iron.


[CHAP. XII].

*

A long piece of Iron, even though not excited by a
loadstone, settles itself toward North and South.


[CHAP. XIII].

*

Wrought iron has in itself certain parts Boreal and Austral:
A magnetick vigour, verticity, and determinate
vertices, or poles.


[CHAP. XIIII].

Concerning other powers of loadstone, and its
medicinal properties.


[CHAP. XV].

The Medicinal Virtue of Iron.[[93]]


[CHAP. XVI].

That loadstone & iron ore are the same, but iron an
extract from both, as other metals are from their own
ores; & that all magnetick virtues, though
weaker, exist in the ore itself & in
smelted iron.


[CHAP. XVII].

That the globe of the earth is magnetick, & a magnet; &
how in our hands the magnet stone has all the primary
forces of the earth, while the earth by the
same powers remains constant in a
fixed direction in the
universe.


BOOK SECOND.

[CHAP. I].

ON MAGNETICK
Motions.


[CHAP. II].

On the Magnetick Coition, and first on the
Attraction of Amber, or more truly, on the
Attaching of Bodies to Amber.


[CHAP. III].

Opinions of others on Magnetick Coition,
which they call Attraction.

[[149]]First, then, know,

Ceaseless effluvia from the magnet flow,—

Effluvia, whose superior powers expel

The air that lies between the stone and steel.

A vacuum formed, the steely atoms fly

In a link'd train, and all the void supply;

While the whole ring to which the train is join'd

The influence owns, and follows close behind. &c.

Such a reason Plutarch also alleges in the Quæstiones Platonicæ: That that stone gives off heavy exhalations, whereby the adjacent air, being impelled along, condenses that which is in front of it; and that air, being driven round in an orbe and reverting to the place it had vacated, drags the iron forcibly along with it. The following explanation of the virtues of the loadstone and of amber is propounded by Johannes Costæus of Lodi[[150]]. For he would have it that "there is mutual work and mutual result, and therefore the motion is partly due to the attraction of the loadstone and partly to a spontaneous movement on the part of the iron: For as we say that vapours issuing from the loadstone hasten by their own nature to attract the iron, so also the air repelled by the vapours, whilst seeking a place for itself, is turned back, and when turned back, it impels the iron, lifts it up, as it were, and carries it along; the iron being of itself also excited somehow. So by being drawn out and by a spontaneous motion, and by striking against another substance, there is in some way produced a composite motion, which motion would nevertheless be rightly referred to attraction, because the terminus from which this motion invariably begins is the same terminus at which it ends, which is the characteristic proper of an attraction." There is certainly a mutual action, not an operation, nor does the loadstone attract in that way; nor is there any impulsion. But neither is there that origination of the motion by the vapours, and the turning of them back, which opinion of Epicurus has so often been quoted by others. Galen errs in his De Naturalibus Facultatibus, Book I., chap. 14, when he expresses the view that whatever agents draw out either the venom of serpents or darts also exhibit the same power as the loadstone. Now of what sort may be the attraction of such medicaments (if indeed it may be called attraction) we shall consider elsewhere. Drugs against poisons or darts have no relation to, no similitude with, the action of magnetical bodies. The followers of Galen (who hold that purgative medicaments attract because of similitude of substance) say that bodies are attracted on account of similitude, not identity, of substance; wherefore the loadstone draws iron, but iron does not draw iron. But we declare and prove that this happens in primary bodies, and in those bodies that are pretty closely related to them and especially like in kind one to another, on account of their identity; wherefore also loadstone draws loadstone and likewise iron iron; every really true earth draws earth; and iron fortified by a loadstone within the orbe of whose virtue it is placed draws iron more strongly than it does the loadstone. Cardan asks why no other metal is attracted by any other stone; because (he replies) no metal is so cold as iron; as if indeed cold were the cause of the attraction, or as if iron were much colder than lead, which neither follows nor is deflected towards a loadstone.

But that is a chilly story, and worse than an old woman's tale. So also is the notion that the loadstone is alive and that iron is its food. But how does the loadstone feed on the iron, when the filings in which it is kept are neither consumed nor become lighter? Cornelius Gemma, Cosmographia, Bk. X.[[151]], holds that the loadstone draws iron to it by insensible rays, to which opinion he conjoins a story of a sucking fish and another about an antelope. Guilielmus Puteanus[[152]] derives it, "not from any property of the whole substance unknown to any one and which cannot be demonstrated in any way (as Galen, and after him almost all the physicians, have asserted), but from the essential nature of the thing itself, as if moving from the first by itself, and, as it were, by its own most powerful nature and from that innate temperament, as it were an instrument, which its substance, its effective nature uses in its operations, or a secondary cause and deprived of its intermediary"; so the loadstone attracts the iron not without a physical cause and for the sake of some good. But there is no such thing in other substances springing from some material form; unless it were primary, which he does not recognize. But certes good is shown to the loadstone by the stroke of the iron (as it were, association with a friend); yet it cannot either be discovered or conceived how that disposition may be the instrument of form. For what can temperament do in magnetical motions, which must be compared with the fixed, definite, constant motions of the stars, at great distances in case of the interposition of very dense and thick bodies? To Baptista Porta[[153]] the loadstone seems a sort of mixture of stone and iron, in such a way that it is an iron stone or stony iron. "But I think" (he says) "the Loadstone is a mixture of stone and iron, as an iron stone, or a stone of iron. Yet do not think the stone is so changed into iron, as to lose its own Nature, nor that the iron is so drowned in the stone, but it preserves itself; and whilst one labours to get the victory of the other, the attraction is made by the combat between them. In that body there is more of the stone than of iron; and therefore the iron, that it may not be subdued by the stone, desires the force and company of iron; that being not able to resist alone, it may be able by more help to defend itself.... The Loadstone draws not stones, because it wants them not, for there is stone enough in the body of it; and if one Loadstone draw another, it is not for the stone, but for the iron that is in it." As if in the loadstone the iron were a distinct body and not mixed up as the other metals in their ores! And that these, being so mixed up, should fight with one another, and should extend their quarrel, and that in consequence of the battle auxiliary forces should be called in, is indeed absurd. But iron itself, when excited by a loadstone, seizes iron no less strongly than the loadstone. Therefore those fights, seditions, and conspiracies in the stone, as if it were nursing up perpetual quarrels,

whence it might seek auxiliary forces, are the ravings of a babbling old woman, not the inventions of a distinguished mage. Others have lit upon sympathy as the cause. There may be fellow-feeling, and yet the cause is not fellow-feeling; for no passion can rightly be said to be an efficient cause. Others hold likeness of substance, many others insensible rays as the cause; men who also in very many cases often wretchedly misuse rays, which were first introduced in the natural sciences by the mathematicians. More eruditely does Scaliger[[154]] say that the iron moves toward the loadstone as if toward its parent, by whose secret principles it may be perfected, just as the earth toward its centre. The Divine Thomas[[155]] does not differ much from him, when in the 7th book of his Physica he discusses the reasons of motions. "In another way," he says, "it may be said to attract a thing, because it moves it to itself by altering it in some way, from which alteration it happens that when altered it moves according to its position, and in this manner the loadstone is said to attract iron. For as the parent moves things whether heavy or light, in as far as it gives them a form, by means of which they are moved to their place; so also the loadstone gives a certain quality to the iron, in accordance with which it moves towards it." This by no means ill-conceived opinion this most learned man shortly afterwards endeavoured to confirm by things which had obtained little credence respecting the loadstone and the adverse forces of garlick. Cardinal Cusan[[156]] also is not to be despised. "Iron has," he says, "in the loadstone a certain principle of its own effluence; and whilst the loadstone by its own presence excites the heavy and ponderous iron, the iron is borne by a wonderful yearning, even above the motion of nature (by which in accordance with its weight it ought to tend downwards) and moves upwards, in uniting itself with its own principle. For if there were not in the iron a certain natural foretaste of the loadstone itself, it would not move to the loadstone any more than to any other stone; and unless there were in the stone a greater inclination for iron than for copper, there would not be that attraction." Such are the opinions expressed about the loadstone attracting (or the general sense of each), all dubious and untrustworthy. But those causes of the magnetical motions, which in the schools of the Philosophers are referred to the four elements and the prime qualities, we relinquish to the moths and the worms.


[CHAP. IIII].

On Magnetick Force & Form, what it is; and on the
cause of the Coition.


[CHAP. V].

How the Power dwells in the
Loadstone.

At C and D there is no force alluring magnetick ends to the body, for the forces tend toward both poles. But direction is powerful on the æquator. At C, D, the distances are equal from both poles; therefore iron which is at C, D, when it is allured in contrary ways, does not adhære with constancy; but it remains and is joined to the stone, if only it incline to the one or other side. At E there is a greater power of alluring than at F, because E is nearer the pole. This is not so because there is really greater virtue residing at the pole, but since all the parts are united in the whole, they direct their forces towards the pole. From the forces flowing from the plane of the æquinoctial towards the pole, the power increases. A fixed verticity exists at the pole, so long as the loadstone remains whole; if it is divided or broken, the verticity obtains other * positions in the parts into which it is divided. For the verticity always changes in consequence of any change in the mass, and for this cause, if the terrella be divided from A to B, so that there are two stones, the poles will not be A, B, in the divided parts, but F, G, and H, I.

Although these stones now are in agreement with one another, so that F would not seek H, yet if A was previously the boreal pole[[163]], F is now boreal, and H also boreal; for the verticity is not changed (as Baptista Porta incorrectly affirms in the fourth chapter of his seventh book); since, though F and H do not agree, so that the one would incline to the other, yet both turn to the same point of the horizon. If the hemisphere H I be divided into two quadrants, the one pole takes up its position in H, the other in I. The whole mass of the stone, as I have said, retains the site of its vertex constant; and any part of the stone, before it was cut out from the block[[164]], might have been the pole or vertex. But concerning this more under Direction. It is important now to comprehend and to keep firmly in mind that the vertices are strong on account of the force of the whole, so that (the command being, as it were, divided by the æquinoctial) all the forces on one side tend towards the north; but those of an opposite way towards the south, so long as the parts are united, as in the following demonstration.

For so, by an infinite number of curves from every point of the equator dividing the sphere into two equal parts, and from every point of the surface from the æquator towards the North, and from the æquator towards the Southern pole, the whole force tends asunder toward the poles. So the verticity is from the æquinoctial

circle towards the pole in each direction. Such is the power reposed in the undivided stone. From A vigour is sent to B, from A, B, to C, from A, B, C, to D, and from them likewise to E. In like manner from G to H, and so forth, as long as the whole is united. But if a piece A B be cut out (although it is near the æquator), yet it will be as strong in its magnetical actions as C D or D E, if torn away from the whole in equal quantity. For no part excels in special worth in the whole mass except by what is owing to the other adjoining parts by which an absolute and perfect whole is attained.

Diagram of Magnetic Vigour
transmitted from the plane of the Æquator
to the peripherery of the terella
or of the earth

HEQ is a terrella, E a pole, M the centre, HMQ the æquinoctial plane. From every point of the æquinoctial plane vigour extends to the periphery, but by various methods; for from A the formal force is transmitted towards C, F, N, E, and to every point from C up to E, the pole; but not towards B; so neither from G towards C. The power of alluring is not strengthened in the part FHG from that which is in GMFE, but FGH increases the force in the eminence FE. So no force rises from the internal parts, from the lines parallel to the Axis above those parallels, but always inwards from the parallels to the pole. From every point of the plane of the equator force proceeds to the pole E, but the point F has its powers only from GH, and N from OH; but the pole E is strengthened from the whole plane HQ. Wherefore in it the mighty power excels (just as in a palace); but in the intermediate intervals (as in F) only so much force of alluring is exerted as the portion HG of the plane can contribute.


[CHAP. VI].

How magnetick pieces of Iron and smaller
loadstones conform themselves to a terrella & to
the earth itself, and by them are
disposed.

The nearer the parts are to the æquinoctial, the more obliquely are magneticals allured; but the parts nearer the poles appeal more directly, at the poles quite straight. The principle of the turning of all loadstones, of those which are round and those which are long, is the same, but in the case of the long ones the experiment is easier. For in whatever form they are the verticity exists, and there are poles; but on account of bad and unequal form, they are often hindered by certain evils. If the stone were long, the vertex is at the ends, not on the sides; it allures more strongly at the vertex. For the parts bring together stronger forces to the pole in right lines than oblique. So the stone and the earth conform their magnetick motions by their nature.


[CHAP. VII].

On the Potency of the Magnetick Virtue, and on
its nature capable of spreading out into an orbe.


[CHAP. VIII].

On the geography of the Earth,
and of the Terrella.


[CHAP. IX].

On the Æquinoctial Circle of the Earth
and of a Terrella.

As conceived by astronomers the æquinoctial circle is equidistant from both poles, cutting the world in the middle, measures the motions of their primum mobile or tenth sphere, and is named the zone of the primum mobile. It is called æquinoctial, because when the sun stands in it (which must happen twice in the year) the days are equal to the nights. That circle is also spoken of as æquidialis, wherefore it is called by the Greeks ἰσημερινός. In like manner it is also properly called Æquator, because it divides the whole frame of the earth between the poles into equal parts. So also an æquator may be rightly assigned to a terrella, by which its power is naturally divided, and by the plane of which permeating through its centre, the whole globe is divided into equal parts both in quantity and strength (as if by a transverse septum) between verticities on both sides imbued with equal vigour.


[CHAP. X].

Magnetick Meridians of the Earth.


[CHAP. XI].

Parallels.


[CHAP. XII].

The Magnetick Horizon.


[CHAP. XIII].

On the Axis and Magnetick Poles.


[CHAP. XIIII].

Why at the Pole itself the Coition is stronger than in
the other parts intermediate between the æquator and the pole;
and on the proportion of forces of the coition in
various parts of the earth and of the terrella.


[CHAP. XV].

*

The Magnetick Virtue which is conceived in Iron is
more apparent in an iron rod than in a piece of iron that
is round, square, or of other figure.


[CHAP. XVI].

Showing that Movements take place by the Magnetical
Vigour though solid bodies lie between; and on
the interposition of iron plates.

B is a loadstone, C D a long rod magnetized in the middle A; E being the Boreal pole; C is an Austral end or pole; in like manner also the end D is another Austral pole. But observe here the exactness with which a versorium touched by a pole, when a round plate is interposed, turns towards the same pole in the same * way as before the interposition, only weaker; the plate not standing in the way, because the vigour is diverted through the edges of the small plate, and passes out of its straight course, but yet the plate retains in the middle the same verticity, when it is in the neighbourhood of that pole, and close to it; wherefore the versorium tends towards the plate, having been touched by the same pole. If a loadstone is rather weak, a versorium hardly turns when a plate is put in between; for the vigour of the rather weak loadstone, being diffused through the extremities, passes less through the * middle. But if the plate has been touched in this way by a pole in the middle and has been removed from the stone outside its orbe of virtue, then you will see the point of the same versorium tend in the contrary direction and desert the centre of the small plate, which formerly it desired; for outside the orbe of virtue it has an opposite verticity, in the vicinity the same; for in the vicinity it is, as it were, a part of the loadstone, and has the same pole.

A is an iron plate near the pole, B a versorium which tends with its point towards the centre of the small plate, which has been touched by the pole of the loadstone C. But if the same small plate be

placed outside the orbe of magnetick virtue, the point will not turn towards its centre, but the cross E of the same versorium does. But an iron globe interposed (if it is not too large) attracts the * point of the iron on the other side of the stone. For the verticity of that side is the same as that of the adjoining pole of the stone. And this turning of the cusp (that is, of the end touched by that pole) as well as of the cross-end, at a greater distance, takes place with an iron globe interposed, which would not happen at all if * the space were empty, because the magnetick virtue is passed on and continued through magnetick bodies.

A is a terrella, B an iron globe; between the two bodies is F, a versorium whose point has been excited by the pole C. In the other figure A is a terrella, C its pole, B an iron globe; where the versorium tends towards C, the pole of the terrella, through the iron globe. So a versorium placed between a terrella and an iron globe vibrates more forcibly towards the pole of the terrella; because the loadstone sends an instantaneous verticity into the opposite globe. There is the same efficiency in the earth, produced from the same cause. For if a revolvable needle is shut up in a rather thick gold box (this metal indeed excels all others in density) or a glass or stone box, nevertheless that magnetick needle has its forces connected and united with the influences of the earth, and the iron will turn freely and readily (unhindered by its prison) to its desired points, North and South. * It even does this when shut up in iron caverns, if they are sufficiently spacious. Whatever bodies are produced among us, or are artificially forged from things which are produced, consist of matter of the terrestrial globe; nor do those bodies hinder the prime forces of nature which are derived from their primary form, nor can they resist them except by contrary forms. But no forms of mixed bodies are inimical to the primary implanted earth-nature, although some often do not agree[[169]] with one another. But in the case of all those substances which have a material cause for their inclining (as amber,

jet, sulphur), their action is impeded by the interposition of a body (as paper, leaves, glass, or the like) when that way is impeded and obstructed, so that that which exhales[[170]] cannot reach the corpuscle to be allured. Terrestrial and magnetick coition and motion, when corporeal impediments are interposed, is demonstrated also by the efficiencies of other chief bodies due to their primary form. The moon (more than all the stars) agrees with internal parts of the earth on account of its nearness and similarity in form. The moon produces the movements of the waters and the tides of the sea; twice it fills up the shores and empties them whilst it moves from a certain definite point in the sky back to the same point in a daily revolution. This motion of the waters is incited and the seas rise and fall no less when the moon is below the horizon and in the lowest part of the heavens, than if it had been raised at a height above the horizon. So the whole mass of the earth interposed[[171]] does not resist the action of the moon, when it is below the earth; but the seas bordering on our shores, in certain positions of the sky when it is below the horizon, are kept in motion, and likewise stirred by its power (though they are not struck by its rays nor illuminated by its light), rise, come up with great force, and recede. But about the reason of the tides anon[[172]]; here let it suffice to have merely touched the threshold of the question. In like manner nothing on the earth can be hidden from the magnetick disposition of the earth or of the stone, and all magnetical bodies are reduced to order by the dominant form of the earth, and loadstone and iron show sympathy with a loadstone though solid bodies be interposed.


[CHAP. XVII].

On the Iron Cap of a Loadstone, with which
it is armed at the pole (for the sake of the
virtue) and on the efficacy of the same.


[CHAP. XVIII].

An armed Loadstone does not endow an
excited piece of Iron with greater vigour
than an unarmed.


[CHAP. XIX].

Union with an armed Loadstone is stronger;
hence greater weights are raised; but the
coition is not stronger[[176]], but
generally weaker.


[CHAP. XX].

*

An armed Loadstone raises an armed Loadstone,
which also attracts a third; which likewise
happens, though the virtue in the first
be somewhat small.


[CHAP. XXI].

*

If Paper or any other Medium be interposed,
an armed loadstone raises no more than an
unarmed one.


[CHAP. XXII].

*

That an armed Loadstone draws Iron no more than an
unarmed one: And that an armed one is more strongly united
to iron is shown by means of an armed loadstone
and a polished cylinder of iron.

Armed loadstones of diverse weights, of the same ore vigour * and form, cling and hang to pieces of iron of a convenient size and proportionate figure with an equal proportion of strength. The same is apparent in the case of unarmed stones. A suitable piece * of iron being applied to the lower part of a loadstone, which is * hanging from a magnetick body, excites its vigour, so that the loadstone hangs on more firmly. For a pendent loadstone clings

more firmly to a magnetick body joined to it above with a hanging piece of iron added to it, than when lead or any other non-magnetick body is hung on.

A loadstone, whether armed or unarmed, * joined by its proper pole to the pole of another loadstone, armed or unarmed, makes the loadstone raise a greater weight by the opposite end[[177]]. A piece of iron also applied to the pole of a magnet produces the same result, namely, that the other pole will carry a greater weight of iron; just as a loadstone with a piece of iron superposed on it (as in this figure) holds up a piece of iron below, which it cannot hold, if the upper one be removed. * Magneticks in conjunction make one magnetick. Wherefore as the mass increases, the magnetick vigour is also augmented.

An armed loadstone, as well as an unarmed * one, runs more readily to a larger piece of iron and combines more firmly with a larger piece than with a lesser one.


[CHAP. XXIII].

Magnetick Force causes motion towards unity,
and binds firmly together bodies which are united.

Iron filings, after being heated for a long time, are attracted by a loadstone, yet not so strongly or from so great a distance as when not heated. A loadstone loses some of its virtue by too great a heat; for its humour is set free, whence its peculiar nature is marred. Likewise also, if iron filings are well burnt in a reverberatory furnace and converted into saffron of Mars, they are not attracted by a loadstone; but if they are heated, but not thoroughly burnt, they do stick to a magnet, but less strongly than the filings themselves not acted upon by fire. For the saffron has become totally deformate, but the heated metal acquires a defect from the fire, and the forces in the enfeebled body are less excited by a loadstone; and, the nature of the iron being now ruined, it is not attracted by a loadstone.


[CHAP. XXIIII].

A piece of Iron placed within the Orbe of a
Loadstone hangs suspended in the air, if on account
of some impediment it cannot approach it.


[CHAP. XXV].

Exaltation of the power of the Magnet.


[CHAP. XXVI].

Why there should appear to be a greater love between
iron and loadstone, than between loadstone and loadstone, or
between iron and iron, when close to the loadstone,
within its orbe of virtue.


[CHAP. XXVII].

*

The Centre of the Magnetick Virtues in the earth
is the centre of the earth; and in a terrella
is the centre of the stone.


[CHAP. XXVIII].

A Loadstone attracts magneticks not only to a
fixed point or pole, but to every part of a
terrella save the æquinoctial zone.


[CHAP. XXIX].

On Variety of Strength due to Quantity
or Mass.


[CHAP. XXX].

The Shape and Mass of the Iron are of most
importance in coition.


[CHAP. XXXI].

On Long and Round Stones.


[CHAP. XXXII].

Certain Problems and Magnetick Experiments about
the Coition, and Separation, and regular Motion
of bodies magnetical.

Also magnetick bodies of iron, if alike in all respects, * come together when excited with similar incitation.

Furthermore, bodies of iron not excited by a * loadstone, if they are alike and not weighed down by their bulk, move towards one another with equal motion.

Two loadstones, disposed on the surface of some water in

suitable skiffs, if they are drawn up suitably within their orbes of virtue, incite one another mutually to an embrace. So a proportionate * piece of iron in one skiff hurries with the same speed towards the loadstone as the loadstone itself in its boat strives towards the iron. From their own positions, indeed, they are so borne together, that they are joined and come to rest at length in the middle of the space. Two iron wires magnetically excited, floating in water by means of * suitable pieces of cork, strive to touch and mutually strike one another with their corresponding ends, and are conjoined.

Coition is firmer and swifter than repulsion and separation in * equal magnetick substances. That magnetick substances are more sluggishly repelled than they are attracted is manifest in all magnetical experiments in the case of stones floating on water in suitable skiffs; also in the case of iron wires or rods swimming (transfixed through corks) and well excited by a loadstone, and in the case of versoria. This comes about because, though there is one faculty of coition, another of conformation or disposition, repulsion and aversion is caused merely by something disposing; on the other hand, the coming together is by a mutual alluring to contact and a disposing, that is, by a double vigour.

A disponent vigour is often only the precursor of coition, in order that the bodies may stand conveniently for one another before conjunction; wherefore also they are turned round to the corresponding ends, if they can [not][[181]] reach them through the hindrances.

If a loadstone be divided through a meridian into two equal parts, the separate parts mutually repel one another, the poles being * placed directly opposite one another at a convenient and equal distance. They repel one another also with a greater velocity than when pole is put opposite pole incongruously. Just as the part B of the loadstone, placed almost opposite the part A, repels it floating in its skiff, because D turns away from F, and E from C; but if B is exactly joined with A again, they agree and become one body

magnetical; but in proximity they raise enmities. But if one part of the stone is turned round, so that C faces D and F faces E, then A pursues B within its orbe until they are united.

The Southern parts of the stone avoid the Southern parts, and the Northern parts the Northern. Nevertheless, if by force you move up the Southern cusp of a piece of iron too near the Southern part of the stone, the cusp is seized and both are linked together in friendly embraces: because it immediately reverses the implanted verticity of the iron, and it is changed by the presence of the more powerful stone, which is more constant in its forces than the iron. For they come together according to their nature, if by reversal and mutation true conformity is produced, and just coition, as also regular direction. Loadstones of the same shape, size, and vigour, attract one another mutually with like efficacy, and in the opposite position repel one another mutually with a like vigour.

Iron rods not touched, though alike and equal, do yet often act * upon one another with different forces; because as the reasons of their acquired verticity, also of their stability and vigour, are different, so the more strongly they are excited, the more vigorously do they incite.

Pieces of iron excited by one and the same pole mutually repel * one another by those ends at which they were excited; then also the opposite ends to those in these iron pieces raise enmities one to another.

In versoria whose cusps have been rubbed, but not their cross-ends, * the crosses mutually repel one another, but weakly and in proportion to their length.

In like versoria the cusps, having been touched by the same * pole of the loadstone, attract the cross-ends with equal strength.

In a somewhat long versorium the cross-end is attracted rather * weakly by the cusp of a shorter iron versorium; the cross of the shorter more strongly by the cusp of the longer, because the cross of the longer versorium has a weak verticity, but the cusp has a stronger.

The cusp of a longer versorium drives away the cusp of a * shorter one more vehemently than the cusp of the shorter the cusp of the longer, if the one is free upon a pin, and the other is held in the hand; for though both were equally excited by the same loadstone, yet the longer one is stronger at its cusp on account of its greater mass.

The Southern end of an iron rod which is not excited attracts * the Northern, and the Northern the Southern; moreover, also the Southern parts repel the Southern, and the Northern the Northern.

If magnetick substances are divided or in any way broken in pieces, each part has a Northern and a Southern end.

A versorium is moved as far off by a loadstone when an obstacle * is put in the way, as through air and an open medium.

Rods rubbed upon the pole of a stone strive after the same pole * and follow it. Therefore Baptista Porta errs when he says, chapter 40[[182]], "If you put that part to it from which it received its force, it will not endure it, but drives it from it, and draws to it the contrary and opposite part."

The principles of turning round and inclining are the same in the case of loadstone to loadstone, of loadstone to iron, of iron also to iron.

When magnetick substances which have been separated by force and dissected into parts flow together into a true union and are suitably connected, the body becomes one, and one united virtue, nor have they diverse ends.

The separate parts assume two opposite poles, if the division has * not been made along a parallel: if the division has been made along a parallel, they are able to retain one pole in the same site as before.

Pieces of iron which have been rubbed and excited by a loadstone are more surely and swiftly seized by a loadstone at fitting ends than such as have not been rubbed.

If a spike is set up on the pole of a loadstone, a spike or style * of iron placed on the upper end is strongly cemented to it, and draws away the erect spike from the terrella when motion is made.

If to the lower end of the erect spike the end of another spike * is applied, it does not cohære with it, nor do they unite together.

As a rod of iron draws away a piece of iron from a terrella, so is it also with a minute loadstone and a lesser terrella, though weaker in strength.

The piece of iron C comes into conjunction with the terrella A, and the vigour in it is magnetically exalted and excited, both in the adjoining end and in the other also which is turned away through

its conjunction with the terrella. The end that is turned away also conceives vigour from the loadstone B; likewise the pole D of that loadstone is powerful on account of its suitable aspect and the nearness of the pole E of the terrella. Several causes therefore concur why the piece of iron C should cleave to the terrella B, to which it is joined more firmly than to the terrella A; the vigour excited in the rod, the vigour also excited in the stone B, and the strength implanted in B concur; therefore D is more firmly cemented magnetically with C than E with C.

But if you were to turn the vertex F round to the iron C, C would not adhære to F as formerly to D; for stones so arranged being within the orbe of virtue are placed contrary to natural order; wherefore F does not receive power from E.

Two loadstones or excited pieces of iron, duly cohæring, fly * asunder on the approach of another more powerful loadstone or magnetized piece of iron. Because the new-comer repels the other with its opposing face, and dominates it, and ends the relationship of the two which were formerly joined. So the forces of the other are lessened and succumb; but if it conveniently could, being diverted of its association with the weaker, and rolling round, it would turn about to the stronger. Wherefore also magnetick bodies suspended in the air fall when a loadstone is brought near them with an opposing face, not (as Baptista Porta teaches) because the faculty of both those which were joined before grows faint and torpid, for no face can be hostile to both the ends which cohære, but to one only; and when the stronger loadstone, coming fresh with opposing face, impels this further from it, it is put to flight by the friendly reception of the former.


[CHAP. XXXIII].

On the Varying Ratio of Strength, and of the Motion
of coition, within the orbe of virtue.

The orbe of virtue extends more widely than the orbe of motion of any magnetick; for the magnetick is affected at its extremity, even if it is not moved with local motion, which effect is produced

by the loadstone being brought nearer. A small versorium also is turned when a good distance off, even if at the same distance it would not flow towards the loadstone, though free and disengaged from impediment.

The swiftness of the motion of a magnetick body to a loadstone is dependent on either the power of the loadstone, on its mass, on its shape, on the medium, or on its distance within the magnetick orbe.

A magnetick moves more quickly towards a more powerful * stone than towards a sluggish one in proportion to the strength, and [as appears] by a comparison of the loadstones together. A lesser mass of iron also is carried more quickly towards a loadstone, just as also one that is a little longer in shape. The swiftness of magnetick motion towards a loadstone is changed by reason of the medium; for bodies are moved more quickly in air than in water, and in clear air than in air that is thick and cloudy.

By reason of the distance, the motion is quicker in the case of bodies near together than when they are far off. At the limits of the orbe of virtue of a terrella a magnetick is moved feebly and slowly. At very short distances close to the terrella the moving impetus is greatest.

A loadstone which in the outmost part of its orbe of virtue * hardly moves a versorium when one foot removed from it, doth, if a long piece of iron is joined to it, attract and repel the versorium more strongly with its opposite poles when even three feet distant. The result is the same whether the loadstone is armed or unarmed. Let the iron be a suitable piece of the thickness of the little finger.

For the vigour of the loadstone excites verticity in the iron and proceeds in the iron and through the iron much further than it extends through the air.

The vigour proceeds even through several pieces of iron (joined * to one another end to end), not so regularly, however, as through one continuous solid.

Dust of steel placed upon paper rises up when a loadstone is moved near above it in a sort of steely hairiness; but if the loadstone is placed below, such a hairiness is likewise raised.

Steel dust (when the pole of a loadstone is placed near) is cemented * into one body; but when it desires coition with the loadstone, the mass is split and it rises in conglomerated parts.

But if there is a loadstone beneath the paper, the mass is split in the same way and many portions result, each of which consists of very many parts, and remains cemented together, as individual bodies. Whilst the lower parts of these pursue greedily the pole of the loadstone placed directly beneath, even they also are raised up as magnetick wholes, just as a small iron wire of the length of a grain or two grains of barley is raised up, both when the loadstone is moved near both beneath and above.


[CHAP. XXXIIII].

Why a Loadstone should be stronger in its poles
in a different ratio; as well in the Northern
regions as in the Southern.

Let a b be the earth or a somewhat large terrella, also a b a smaller terrella. There is set up above the Northern pole of the smaller terrella a spike larger than the pole b of the smaller terrella can raise, if it is turned round to the higher parts. And the pole a of the

smaller terrella has its strength from the larger, declining from the Zenith to the plane of the horizon or to the level. But now, if, * leaving the terrella disposed in the same way, you bring a piece of iron to the lower and Southern pole, it will attract and retain a greater weight than the Boreal pole could, if it were turned round to the lower parts. Which thing is demonstrated thus: let A be the earth or a terrella; E the Boreal pole or some place in some great latitude; B a rather large terrella above the earth or a smaller terrella on the top of a larger; D its Southern pole. It is manifest that D (the Southern pole) attracts a larger piece of iron, C, than F (the Boreal pole) will be able to, if it is turned round downward to the position D, toward the earth or the terrella in the Northern regions.

Magneticks acquire strength through magneticks, if they are properly placed according to their nature, in near neighbourhood and within the orbe of virtue. Wherefore when a terrella is placed on the earth or on a terrella, so that its Southern pole is turned round toward the Northern pole, its Northern pole, however, turned away from the Northern pole, the influence and strength of

its poles are increased. And so the Northern pole of a terrella in such a position lifts up a larger spike than the Southern pole, if the Southern pole is turned away. Similarly the Southern pole in a proper and natural arrangement, acquiring strength from the earth or from a larger terrella, attracts and retains larger rods of iron. In * the other part of the terrestrial globe toward the South, as also in the Austral portion of a terrella, the reasoning is converse; for the Southern pole of the terrella being turned away is more robust, as also the Northern pole when turned round. The more a region on the earth is distant from the æquinoctial (as also in a larger terrella), the larger is the accession of strength perceived; near the æquator, indeed, the difference is small, but on the æquator itself null; at the poles finally it is greatest.


[CHAP. XXXV].

On a Perpetual Motion Machine, mentioned
by authors, by means of the attraction
of a loadstone.


[CHAP. XXXVI].

How a more robust Loadstone may be
recognized.


[CHAP. XXXVII].

Use of a Loadstone as it affects
iron.


[CHAP. XXXVIII].

On Cases of Attraction in other Bodies.


[CHAP. XXXIX].

On Bodies which mutually repel one another.


BOOK THIRD.

[CHAP. I].

ON DIRECTION.


[CHAP. II].

The Directive or Versorial Virtue (which we call
verticity): what it is, how it exists in the loadstone;
and in what way it is acquired when innate.


[CHAP. III].

How Iron acquires Verticity through
a Loadstone, and how that verticity
is lost and changed.


[CHAP. IIII].

Why Iron touched by a Loadstone acquires an opposite
verticity, and why iron touched by the true Northern side of a stone
turns to the North of the earth, by the true Southern side
to the South; and does not turn to the South when rubbed
by the Northern point of the stone, and when by
the Southern to the North, as all who have
written on the loadstone have
falsely supposed.


[CHAP. V].

On the Touching of pieces of Iron
of divers shapes.


[CHAP. VI].

What seems an Opposing Motion in Magneticks
is a proper motion toward unity.


[CHAP. VII].

A determined Verticity and a disponent Faculty are what
arrange magneticks, not a force, attracting or pulling them
together, nor merely strongish coition or unition.


[CHAP. VIII].

Of Discords between pieces of Iron upon the same pole
of a loadstone, and how they can agree and
stand joined together.

Likewise if those lighter pieces of iron or iron wires be suspended, hanging, as A and B, from a very fine silk thread, not twisted * but braided, distant from the stone the length of a single barleycorn, then the opposing ends, A and B, being situated within the orbe of virtue above the pole, keep a little away from one another for the same reason; except when they are very near the pole of the stone C, the stone then attracting them more strongly toward one end.


[CHAP. IX].

Figures illustrating direction and showing varieties
of rotations.

Figures illustrating magnetick directions in a right sphere[[208]] of stone, and in the right sphere of the earth, as well as the polar directions to the perpendicular of the poles. All these cusps have been touched by the pole A; all the cusps are turned toward A, excepting that one which is repelled by B.

Figures illustrating horizontal directions above the body of a loadstone. All the cusps that have been made southern by rubbing on the boreal pole, or some place round the northern pole A, turn toward the pole A, and turn away from the southern pole B, toward which all the crosses look. I call the direction horizontal, because it is arranged along the plane of the horizon; for nautical and * horological instruments are so constructed that the iron hangs or is supported in æquilibrium on the point of a sharp pin, which prevents the dipping of the versorium, about which we intend to speak later. And in this way it is of the greatest use to man, indicating and distinguishing all the points of the horizon and the winds. Otherwise on every oblique sphere (whether of stone or the earth) versoria and all magnetick substances would have a dip by their own nature below the horizon; and at the poles the directions would be perpendicular, which appears in our discussion On Declination.

A round stone (or terrella) cut in two at the æquator; and all the cusps have been touched by the pole A. The points at the centre of the earth, and between the two parts of the terrella which has been cut in two through the plane of the æquator,

are directed as in the present[[209]] diagram. This would also happen in the same way if the division of the stone were through the plane of a tropick, and the mutual separation of the divided parts and the interval between them were the same as before, when the loadstone was divided through the plane of the æquator, and the parts separated. For the cusps are repelled by C, are attracted by D; and the versoria are parallel, the poles or the verticity in both ends mutually requiring it.

Half a terrella by itself and its directions, unlike the directions * of the two parts close to one another as shown in the figure above. All the cusps have been touched by A; all the crosses below except the middle one tend toward the loadstone, not straight, but obliquely; because the pole is in the middle of the plane which before was the plane of the æquator. All cusps touched by places distant from the pole move toward the pole (exactly the same as if they had been rubbed upon the pole itself), not toward the place where they were rubbed, wherever that may have been in the undivided stone in some latitude between the pole and the æquator. And for this reason there are only two distinctions of regions, northern and southern, in the terrella, just

as in the general terrestrial globe, and there is no eastern nor western place; nor are there any eastern or western regions, rightly speaking; but they are names used in respect of one another toward the eastern or western part of the sky. Wherefore it does not appear that Ptolemy did rightly in his Quadripartitum, making eastern and western districts and provinces, with which he improperly connects the planets, whom the common crowd of philosophizers and the superstitious soothsayers follow.


[CHAP. X].

On Mutation of Verticity and of Magnetick
Properties, or on alteration in the power
excited by a loadstone.


[CHAP. XI].

On the Rubbing of a piece of Iron on a Loadstone
in places midway between the poles, and upon
the æquinoctial of a terrella.


[CHAP. XII].

In what way Verticity exists in any Iron that has
been smelted though not excited by a lodestone.


[CHAP. XIII].

Why no other Body, excepting a magnetick, is imbued
with verticity by being rubbed on a loadstone; and why no
body is able to instil and excite that virtue,
unless it be a magnetick.


[CHAP. XIIII].

The Placing of a Loadstone above or below a magnetick
body suspended in æquilibrium changes neither the power
nor the verticity of the magnetick body.


[CHAP. XV].

The Poles, Æquator, Centre in an entire Loadstone
remain and continue steady; by diminution and
separation of some part they vary and
acquire other positions.


[CHAP. XVI].

If the Southern Portion of a Stone be lessened,
something is also taken away from the power
of the Northern Portion.


[CHAP. XVII].

On the Use and Excellence of Versoria: and how iron
versoria used as pointers in sun-dials, and the fine needles
of the mariners' compass, are to be rubbed, that
they may acquire stronger verticity.

When iron is to be quickened by the stone, let it be clean and bright, disfigured by no rust or dirt, and of the best steel[[216]]. Let the stone itself be wiped dry, and let it not be damp with any moisture, but let it be filed gently with some smooth piece of iron. But the hitting of the stone with a hammer is of no advantage. By these means let their bare surfaces be joined, and let them be rubbed, so that they may come together more firmly; not so that the material substance of the stone being joined to the iron may cleave to it, but they are rubbed gently together with friction, and (useless parts being rubbed off) they are intimately united; whence a more notable


BOOK FOURTH.

[CHAP. I].

ON VARIATION.


[CHAP. II].

That the variation is caused by the inæquality of the
projecting parts of the earth.

A terrella uneven in surface.

It is shown by a small spike placed over a terrella or by a small versorium; for they are turned by the terrella toward the mass that stands out and toward the large eminences. In the same way on the earth the verticity is perturbed by great continents, which are mostly elevated above the depths of the seas and make the versorium deviate sometimes from the right tracks (that is, from the true meridians). On a terrella it is thus demonstrated: the end of the versorium A is not directed straight to the pole P, if there be a large protuberance B on the terrella; so also the cusp C deviates from the pole because of the eminence F. In the middle between the two eminences the versorium G collimates to the true pole because, being at equal distances from the two eminences B and F, it turns aside to neither, but observes the true meridian, especially when the protuberances are of equal vigour. But the versorium N on the other side varies from the pole M toward the eminences H, and is not held back, stopped, or restrained by the small eminence O on the terrella (as it were, some island of land in the ocean). L, however, being unimpeded, is directed to the pole M. The variation is demonstrated in another way on a terrella, just as on the earth. Let A be the pole of the earth, B the equator, C the parallel circle of latitude of 30 degrees, D a great eminence spread out toward the pole, E another eminence spread out from the pole toward the æquator. It is manifest that in the middle of D the versorium F

does not vary; while G is very greatly deflected: but H very little, because it is further removed from D. Similarly also the versorium I placed directly toward E does not deviate from the pole: but L and M turn themselves away from the pole A toward the eminence E.


[CHAP. III].

The variation in any one place
is constant.


[CHAP. IIII].

The arc of variation is not changed equally
in proportion to the distance of places.


[CHAP. V].

An island in Ocean does not change the variation[[223]], as
neither do mines of loadstone.


[CHAP. VI].

That variation and direction arise from the disponent
power of the earth, and from the natural magnetick tendency
to rotation, not from attraction, or from coition,
or from other occult cause.

Let there be a round vessel filled with water: in the middle of the surface of the water place a slender iron wire on a perfectly round cork, so that it may just float in æquilibrium on the water; let the wire be previously touched by a magnet, so that it may more readily show the point of variation, the point D as it were: and let it remain on the surface for some time. It is demonstrable that the wire together with the cork is not moved to the side D of the vessel: which it would do if an attraction came to the iron wire by D: and the cork would be moved out of its place. This assertion of the Englishman, Robert Norman, is plausible and appears to do away with attraction because the iron remains on the water not moving about, as well in a direction toward the pole itself (if the direction be true) as in a variation or altered direction; and it is moved about its own centre without any transference to the edge of the vessel. But direction does not arise from attraction, but from the disposing and turning power which exists in the whole earth, not in the pole or in some other attracting part of the stone, or in any mass rising above the periphery of the true circle so that a


[CHAP. VII].

Why the variation from that lateral cause is not
greater than has hitherto been observed, having been
rarely seen to reach two points of the mariners'
compass, except near the pole.

This is demonstrated by a long loadstone the poles of which are in the ends A B; let C D be the middle line and the æquinoctial, and let G H and E F (the lines) be for meridians on which versoria are disposed, the variations of which are greater at a greater distance from the æquator. But the inequalities of the maritime parts of the habitable earth, the enormous promontories, the very wide gulfs, the mountainous and more elevated regions, render the variations more unequal, or sudden, or more obscure; and, moreover, less certain and more inconstant in the higher latitude.


[CHAP. VIII].

On the construction of the common mariners'
compass[[225]], and on the diversity of the compasses
of different nations.


[CHAP. IX].

Whether the terrestrial longitude can be found from
the variation.


[CHAP. X].

Why in various places near the pole the variations
are much more ample than in a
lower latitude.


[CHAP. XI].

Cardan's error when he seeks the distance of the
centre of the earth from the centre of the cosmos by the
motion of the stone of Hercules; in his
book 5, On Proportions.


[CHAP. XII].

On the finding of the amount of variation: how great
is the arc of the Horizon from its arctick or antarctick
intersection of the meridian, to the point
respective of the magnetick needle.

On land the variation is found in another way which is easier, and because of the larger size of the instrument, more accurate. Let a thick squared board be made of some suitable wood, the surface of which is two feet in length and sixteen inches in width: describe upon it some semicircles as in the following figure, only more in number. In the centre let a brass style be reared perpendicularly: let there be also a movable pointer reaching from the centre to the outmost semicircle, and a magnetick versorium in a cavity covered over with glass: then let the board be exactly adjusted to the level of the Horizon by the plane instrument with its perpendicular; and turn the lily of the instrument toward the north, so that the versorium may rest truly over the middle line of the cavity, which looks toward the point of variation on on the Horizon. Then at some convenient hour in the morning (eight or nine for instance) observe the apex of the shadow thrown by the style when it reaches the nearest semicircle and mark the place of the apex of this shadow with chalk or ink: then bring round the movable index to that mark, and observe the degree on the Horizon numbered from the lily, which the index shows. In the afternoon see when the end of the shadow shall again reach the periphery of the same semicircle, and, bringing the index to the apex of the shadow, seek for the degree on the other side of the lily. From the difference of the degrees becomes known

[[228]]Let an instrument be made of the form of a true and meridional mariners' compass of at least one foot in diameter (with a versorium which is either nude or provided with a cardboard circle): let the limb be divided into four quadrants, and each quadrant into 90 degrees. The movable compass-box (as is usual in the nautical instrument) is to be balanced below by a heavy weight of sixteen pounds. On the margin of the suspended compass-box, where opposite quadrants begin, let a half-ring rising in an angular frame in the middle be raised (with the feet of the half-ring fixed on either side in holes in the margin) so that the top of the frame may be perpendicular to the plane of the compass; on its top let a rule sixteen digits in length be fastened at its middle on a joint like a balance beam, so that it may move, as it were, about a central axis. At the ends of the rule there are small plates with holes,

Bright and conspicuous stars[[230]] which are
not far distant from the equator which it
will be useful to observe at their rising and
setting: the amplitude at the Horizon on
rising being known from the altitude of the
pole and from the declination of the stars, by
means of a globe, or tables, or an instrument
whence the variation is perceived by
technical calculation.

Right Ascension Declination
Oculus Tauri 62° 55' 15° 53' N
Sinister humerus Orionis 72° 24' 4° 5' N
Dexter humerus Orionis 83° 30' 6° 19' N
Præcedens in cingulo Orionis 77° 46' 1° 16' S
Canis major 97° 10' 15° 55' S
Canis minor 109° 41' 5° 55' N
Lucida Hydræ 137° 10' 5° 3' S
Caput Geminorum australe 110° 21' 28° 30' N
Caput boreale 107° 4' 32° 10' N
Cor Leonis 146° 8' 13° 47' N
Cauda Leonis 171° 38' 16° 30' N
Spica Virginis 195° 44' 8° 34' S
Arcturus 29° 13' 21° 54' N
Cor Aquilæ 291° 56' 7° 35' N

An instrument for finding the amplitude at rising on the horizon.

Describe the circumference of a circle and let it be divided into quadrants by two diameters intersecting each other at right angles at its centre. One of these will represent the æquinoctial circle, the other the axis of the world. Let each of these quadrants be divided (in the accustomed way) into 90 degrees; on every fifth or tenth of which at each end of each diameter and on each side let marks (showing the numbers) be inscribed on the two limbs or margins made for that purpose outside the circumference. Then from each degree straight lines are drawn parallel to the æquator. You will then prepare a rule or alhidade equal to the diameter of that circle and divided throughout into the same parts into which the diameter of the circle representing the axis of the world is divided. Let there be left a small appendage attached to the middle of the rule, by which the middle of the fiducial line itself of the rule may be connected with the centre of the circle: but to every fifth or tenth part of that rule let numbers be attached proceeding from the centre toward each side. This circle represents the plane of the meridian; its centre the actual point of east or west, i.e., the common intersection of the horizon and æquator; all those lines æquidistant from the æquator denote the parallels of the sun and stars; the fiducial line of the rule or alhidade represents the horizon; and its parts signify the degrees of the horizon, beginning from the point of setting or of rising.

Therefore if the fiducial line of the rule be applied to the given latitude of the place reckoned from either end of that diameter which represents the axis of the world; and if further the given declination of the sun or of some star from the æquator (less than the complement of the latitude of the place) be found on the limb of the instrument; then the intersection of the parallel drawn from that point of the declination with the horizon, or with the fiducial line of the rule or alhidade, will indicate for the given latitude of the place the amplitude at rising of the given star or the sun.


[CHAP. XIII].

The observations of variation by seamen vary, for the
most part, and are uncertain: partly from error and inexperience,
and the imperfections of the instruments; and partly
from the sea being seldom so calm that the
shadows or lights can remain quite
steady on the instruments
.


[CHAP. XIIII].

On the variation under the æquinoctial line,
and near it.


[CHAP. XV].

The variation of the magnetick needle in the great
Æthiopick and American sea, beyond
the æquator.


[CHAP. XVI].

On the variation in Nova Zembla.


[CHAP. XVII].

Variation in the Pacifick Ocean.


[CHAP. XVIII].

On the variation in the Mediterranean Sea.


[CHAP. XIX].

The variation in the interior of large
Continents.


[CHAP. XX].

Variation in the Eastern Ocean.


[CHAP. XXI].

How the deviation of the versorium is augmented and
diminished by reason of the distance of places.

The ratio of the arcs on a parallel circle, when a versorium is moved toward continents which extend to the pole, corresponds with the degrees of variation. Let A be the pole; B the eminences of the dominant lands; at C there is no variation caused by B, for it is too far away; at D the variation is very great because the versorium is allured or turned by the whole earth toward the eminent

land B; and moreover it is not hindered, or restrained or brought back to the pole by the verticity of the earth; but, tending of its own nature to the pole, it is nevertheless deflected from it by reason of the site, or position, and convenient distance of the dominant and high lands.

Now from C toward D the variation increases; the versorium, however, does not deviate so rapidly in the first spaces as near D: for more miles are traversed on the parallel circle C D, near C, in order that the versorium may deviate by one degree from the pole A, than near D. So also in order that the variation may be diminished from D toward E more miles are required near D than near E. Thus the deviations become equal in unequal courses, whether the variation be increasing or decreasing; and yet the variation decreases by lesser intervals than it increases. There intervene, however, many other causes which perturb this proportion.


BOOK FIFTH.

[CHAP. I].

ON DECLINATION.

Instrument of the Declination

Now how much it dips at every horizon may be ascertained in the first place by a contrivance, which, however, is not so easily made as is that in dials for measuring time, in which the needle turns to the points of the horizon, or in the mariners' compass. From a plank of wood let a smooth and circular instrument be prepared, at least six digits in diameter, and affix this to the side of a square pillar, which stands upright on a wooden base. Divide the periphery of this instrument into 4 quadrants: then each quadrant into 90 degrees. At the centre of the instrument let there be placed a brass peg, at the centre of the end of which let there be a small hollow, well polished. To this wooden instrument let a brass circle or ring be fixed, about two digits in width, with a thin plate or flat rod of the same metal, representing the horizon, fixed across it, through the middle of the circle. In the middle of the horizontal rod let there be another hollow, which shall be exactly opposite the centre of the instrument, where the former hollow was made. Afterward let a needle be fashioned out of steel, as versoria are accustomed to be made. Divide this at right angles by a thin iron axis (like a cross) through the very middle and centre of the wire and the cross-piece. Let this dipping-needle be hung (with the ends of the cross resting in the aforesaid holes) so that it can move freely and evenly on its axis in the most perfect æquilibrium, so accurately that it turns away from no one point or degree marked on the circumference more than from another, but that it can rest quite easily at any. Let it be fixed upright to the front part of the pillar, whilst at the edge of the base is a small versorium to show direction. Afterward touch the iron, suspended by this ingenious method, on both ends with the opposite ends of a loadstone, according to the scientifick method, but rather carefully, lest the needle be twisted in any way; for unless you prepare everything very skilfully and cleverly, you will secure no result. Then let another brass ring be prepared, a little larger, so as to contain the former one; and let a glass or a very thin plate of mica be fitted to one side of it. When this is put over the former ring, the whole space within remains inclosed, and the versorium is not interfered with by dust or winds. Dispose the instrument, thus completed, perpendicularly on its base, and with the small versorium horizontal, in such a way that, while standing perpendicularly, it may be directed toward the exact magnetical point respective. Then the end of the needle which looks toward the north dips below the horizon in northern regions, whilst in southern regions the end of the needle which looks toward the south tends toward the centre of the earth, in a certain proportion (to be explained afterward) to the latitude of the district in question, from the æquator on either side. The needle, however, must be rubbed on

a powerful loadstone; otherwise it does not dip to the true point, or else it goes past it, and does not always rest in it. A larger instrument may also be used, whose diameter may be 10 or 12 digits; but in such an instrument more care is needed to balance the versorium truly. Care must be taken that the needle be of steel; also that it be straight; likewise that both ends of the cross-piece be sharp and fixed at right angles to the needle, and that the cross-piece pass through the centre of the needle. As in other magnetical motions there is an exact agreement between the earth and the stone, and a correspondence manifestly apparent to our senses by means of our experiments; so in this declination there is a clear and evident concordance of the terrestrial globe with the loadstone. Of this motion, so important and so long unknown to all men, the following is the sure and true cause. A magnet-stone is moved and turned round until one of its poles being impelled toward the north comes to rest toward a definite point of the horizon. [[231]]This pole, which settles toward the north (as appears from the preceding rules and demonstrations), is the southern, not the boreal; though all before us deemed it to be the boreal, on account of its turning to that point of the horizon. A wire or versorium touched on this pole of the stone turns to the south, and is made into a boreal pole, because it was touched by the southern terminal of the stone. So if the cusp of a versorium be excited in a similar manner, it will be directed toward the southern pole of the earth, and will adjust itself also to it; but the cross (the other end) will be southern, and will turn to the north of the earth (the earth itself being the cause of its motion); for so direction is produced from the disposition of the stone or of the excited iron, and from the verticity of the earth. But declination takes place when a magnetick is turned round toward the body of the earth, with its southern end toward the north, at some latitude away from the æquator. For this is certain and constant, that exactly under the cœlestial æquator, or rather over the æquator of the terrestrial globe, there is no declination of a loadstone or of iron; but in whatever way the iron has been excited or rubbed, it settles in the declination instrument precisely along the plane of the horizon, if it were properly balanced before. Now this occurs thus because, when the magnetick body is at an equal distance from either pole, it dips toward neither by its own versatory nature, but remains evenly directed to the level of the horizon, as if it were resting on a pin or floating free and unhindered on water. But when the magnetick substance is at some latitude away from the æquator, or when either pole of the earth is raised (I do not say raised above the visible horizon, as the commonly imagined pole of the revolving universe in the sky, but above the horizon or its centre, or its proper diameter, æquidistant from the plane of the visible horizon, which is the true elevation of the terrestrial pole),


[CHAP. II].

Diagram of declinations of the magnetick needle, when
excited, in the various portions of the sphere, and horizons
of the earth, in which there is no variation
of the declination.

Here we have the level position of the magnetick needle on the æquator of the earth and the stone, at A and B, and its perpendicular position at C, D, the poles; whilst at the places midway between, at a distance of 45 degrees, the crosses of the needle dip toward the south, but the cusps just as much toward the north. Of which thing the reason will become clear from the demonstrations that follow.

* Diagram of the rotation and declination of a terrella
conforming to the globe of the earth, for a
latitude of 50 degrees north.

A is the boreal pole of the earth or of a rather large terrella, B the southern, C a smaller terrella, E the southern pole of the smaller terrella, dipping in the northern regions[[233]]. The centre C is placed on the surface of the larger terrella, because the smaller terrella shows some variation on account of the length of the axis; inappreciable, however, on the earth. Just as a magnetick needle dips in a regional latitude of 50 degrees, so also the axis of a stone (of a spherical stone, of course) is depressed below the horizon, and its natural austral pole falls, and its boreal pole is raised on the

south toward the Zenith. In the same way also a circular disc of iron behaves, which has been carefully touched at opposite parts on its circumference; but the magnetical experiments are less clear on account of the feebler forces in round pieces of iron.

Variety in the declinations of iron spikes at various latitudes of a terrella.

The declination of a magnetick needle above a terrella is shown by means of several equal iron wires, of the length of a barleycorn, arranged along a meridian. The wires on the æquator are directed by the virtue of the stone toward the poles, and lie down upon its body along the plane of its horizon. The nearer they are brought to the poles, the more they are raised up by their versatory nature. At the poles themselves they point perpendicularly toward the very centre. But iron spikes, if they are of more than a due length, are not raised straight up except on a vigorous stone.


[CHAP. III].

*

An indicatory instrument, showing by the virtue of a
stone the degrees of declination from the horizon
of each several latitude.

Description of the Instrument, and its use.


[CHAP. IIII].

Concerning the length of a versorium convenient
for declination on a terrella.


[CHAP. V].

That declination does not arise from the attraction
of the loadstone, but from a disposing and
rotating influence.


[CHAP. VI].

On the proportion of declination to latitude[[236]], and
the cause of it.


[CHAP. VII].

Explanation of the diagram of the rotation of
a magnetick needle.


[CHAP. VIII].

Diagram of the rotation of a magnetick needle,
indicating magnetical declination in all latitudes, and
from the rotation and declination, the
latitude itself.

To ascertain the elevation of the pole or the latitude of a place anywhere
in the world, by means of the following diagram, turned into
a magnetick instrument, without the help of the cœlestial
bodies, sun, planets, or fixed stars, in fog
and darkness
.

We may see how far from unproductive magnetick philosophy is, how agreeable, how helpful, how divine! Sailors when tossed about on the waves with continuous cloudy weather, and unable by means of the cœlestial luminaries to learn anything about the place or the region in which they are, with a very slight effort and with a small instrument are comforted, and learn the latitude of the place. With a declination instrument the degree of declination of the magnetick needle below the horizon is observed; that degree is noted on the inner arc of the quadrant, and the quadrant is turned round about the centre of the instrument until that degree on the quadrant touches the spiral line; then in the open space B at the centre of the quadrant the latitude of the region on

the circumference of the globe is discerned by means of the fiducial line A B. Let the diagram be fixed on a suitable flat board, and let the centre of the corner A of the quadrant be fastened to the centre of it, so that the quadrant may rotate on that centre. But it must be understood that there is also in certain places a variation in the declination on account of causes already mentioned (though not a large one), which it will be an assistance also to allow for on a likely estimate; and it will be especially helpful to observe this variation in various places, as it seems to present greater difficulty than the variation in direction; but it is easily learnt with a declination instrument, when it dips more or less than the line in the diagram.

To observe magnetick declination at sea.

Set upon our variation instrument a declination instrument; a wooden disc being placed between the round movable

compass and the declination instrument: but first remove the versorium, lest the versorium should interfere with the dipping needle. In this way (though the sea be rough) the compass box will remain upright at the level of the horizon. The stand of the declination instrument must be directed by means of the small versorium at its base, which is set to the point respective of the variation, on the great circle of which (commonly called the magnetick meridian), the plane of the upright box is arranged; thus the declinatorium (by its versatory nature) indicates the degree of declination.

In a declination instrument the magnetick needle, which
in a meridional position dips, if turned
along a parallel hangs perpendicularly.

In a proper position a magnetick needle, while by its rotatory nature conformed to the earth, dips to some certain degree below the horizon on an oblique sphere. But when the plane of the instrument is moved out of the plane of the meridian, the magnetick needle (which tends toward the pole) no longer remains at the degree of its own declination, but inclines more toward the centre; for the force of direction is stronger than that of declination, and all power of declination is taken away, if the plane of the instrument is on a parallel. For then the magnetick needle, because it cannot maintain its due position on account of the axis being placed transversely, faces down perpendicularly to the earth; and it remains only on its own meridian, or on that which is commonly called the magnetick meridian.


[CHAP. IX].

Demonstration of direction, or of variation from the
true direction, at the same time with declination, by
means of only a single motion in water, due
to the disposing and rotating virtue.


[CHAP. X].

On the variation of the declination.


[CHAP. XI].

On the essential magnetick activity sphærically
effused.

Diagram of motions in magnetick orbes.

A B is the axis of the terrella and of the orbes, C D the æquator. On all the orbes, as on the terrella, at the equator the versorium arranges itself along the plane of the horizon; on the axis it everywhere looks perpendicularly toward the centre; in the intermediate spaces E looks toward D; and G looks toward H, not toward F, as the versorium L does on the surface of the terrella. But as is the relation of L to F on the surface of the terella, so is that of G to H on its orbe and of E to D on its orbe; also all the rotations on

the orbes toward the termini of the orbes are such as they are on the surface of the terrella, or toward the termini of its surface. But if in the more remote orbes this fails somewhat at times, it happens on account of the sluggishness of the stone, or on account of the feebler forces due to the too great distance of the orbes from the terrella.

Demonstration.

Set upon the instrumental diagram described farther back [chap. 3] a plate or stiff circle of brass or tin, on which may be described the magnetick orbes, as in the diagram above; and in the middle let a hole be made according to the size of the terrella, so that the plate may lie evenly on the wood about the middle of the terrella on a meridional circle. Then let a small versorium of the length of a barley-corn be placed on any orbe; upon which, when it is moved to various positions on the same circle, it will always pay regard to the dimensions of that orbe, not to those of the stone; as is shown in the diagram of the effused magnetick forms.

While some assign occult and hidden virtues of substances, others a property of matter, as the causes of the wonderful magnetical effects; we have discovered the primary substantive form of globes, not from a conjectural shadow of the truth of reasons variously controverted; but we have laid hold of the true efficient cause, as from many other demonstrations, so also from this most certain diagram of magnetick forces effused by the form. Though this (the form) has not been brought under any of our senses, and on that account is the less perceived by the intellect, it now appears manifest and conspicuous even to the eyes through this essential activity which proceeds from it as light from a lamp. And here it must be noted that a magnetick needle, moved on the top of the earth or of a terrella or of the effused orbes, makes two complete rotations in one circuit of its centre, like some epicycle about its orbit.


[CHAP. XII].

Magnetick force is animate, or imitates life; and in
many things surpasses human life, while this is bound
up in the organick body.


BOOK SIXTH.

[CHAP. I].

ON THE GLOBE OF THE EARTH, THE
great magnet.


[CHAP. II].

The Magnetick axis of the Earth
persists invariable.


[CHAP. III].

On the magnetick diurnal revolution of the Earth's
globe, as a probable assertion against the time-honoured
opinion of a Primum Mobile.


[CHAP. IIII].

That the Earth moves circularly.

So also it would move in any other great circle if it could be free; as in the declination instrument, a circular motion takes place in the meridian (if there were no variation), or, if there should be some variation, in a great circle drawn from the Zenith through the point of variation on the horizon. And that circular motion of the magnet to its own just and natural position shows that the whole Earth is fitted and adapted, and is sufficiently furnished with peculiar forces for diurnal circular motion. I omit what Peter Peregrinus[[248]] constantly affirms, that a terrella suspended above its poles on a meridian moves circularly, making an entire revolution in 24 hours: which, however, it has not happened to ourselves as yet to see; and we even doubt this motion on account of the weight of the stone itself, as well as because the whole Earth, as she is moved of herself, so also is she propelled by other stars: and this does not happen in proportion (as it does in the terrella)

in every part. The Earth is moved by her own primary form and natural desire, for the conservation, perfection, and ordering of its parts, toward things more excellent: and this is more likely than that the fixed stars, those luminous globes, as well as the Wanderers, and the most glorious and divine Sun, which are in no way aided by the Earth, or renewed, or urged by any virtue therein, should circulate aimlessly around the Earth, and that the whole heavenly host should repeat around the Earth courses never ending and of no profit whatever to the stars. The Earth, then, which by some great necessity, even by a virtue innate, evident, and conspicuous, is turned circularly about the Sun, revolves; and by this motion it rejoices in the solar virtues and influences, and is strengthened by its own sure verticity, that it should not rovingly revolve over every region of the heavens. The Sun (the chief agent in nature) as he forwards the courses of the Wanderers, so does he prompt this turning about of the Earth by the diffusion of the virtues of his orbes, and of light. And if the Earth were not made to spin with a diurnal revolution, the Sun would ever hang over some determinate part with constant beams, and by long tarriance would scorch it, and pulverize it, and dissipate it, and the Earth would sustain the deepest wounds; and nothing good would issue forth; it would not vegetate, it would not allow life to animals, and mankind would perish. In other parts, all things would verily be frightful and stark with extreme cold; whence all high places would be very rough, unfruitful, inaccessible, covered with a pall of perpetual shades and eternal night. Since the Earth herself would not choose to endure this so miserable and horrid appearance on both her faces, she, by her magnetick astral genius, revolves in an orbit, that by a perpetual change of light there may be a perpetual alternation of things, heat and cold, risings and settings, day and night, morn and eve, noon and midnight. Thus the Earth seeks and re-seeks the Sun, turns away from him and pursues him, by her own wondrous magnetick virtue. Besides, it is not only from the Sun that evil would impend, if the Earth were to stay still and be deprived of solar benefit; but from the Moon also serious dangers would threaten. For we see how the ocean rises and swells beneath certain known positions of the Moon: And if there were not through the daily rotation of Earth a speedy transit of the Moon, the flowing sea would be driven above its level into certain regions, and many shores would be overwhelmed with huge waves. In order then that Earth may not perish in various ways, and be brought to confusion, she turns herself about by magnetick and primary virtue: and the like motions exist also in the rest of the Wanderers, urged specially by the movement and light of other bodies. For the Moon also turns herself about in a monthly course, to receive in succession the Sun's beams in which she, like the Earth,

rejoices, and is refreshed: nor could she endure them for ever on one particular side without great harm and sure destruction. Thus each one of the moving globes is for its own safety borne in an orbit either in some wider circle, or only by a rotation of its body, or by both together. But it is ridiculous for a man a philosopher to suppose that all the fixed stars and the planets and the still higher heavens revolve to no other purpose, save the advantage of the Earth. It is the Earth, then, that revolves, not the whole heaven, and this motion gives opportunity for the growth and decrease of things, and for the generating of things animate, and awakens internal heat for the bringing of them to birth. Whence matter is quickened for receiving forms; and from the primary rotation of the Earth natural bodies have their primary impetus and original activity. The motion then of the whole Earth is primary, astral, circular, around its own poles, whose verticity arises on both sides from the plane of the æquator, and whose vigour is infused into opposite termini, in order that the Earth may be moved by a sure rotation for its good, the Sun also and the stars helping its motion. But the simple straight motion downwards of the Peripateticks is a motion of weight, a motion of the aggregation of disjoined parts, in the ratio of their matter, along straight lines toward the body of the Earth: which lines tend the shortest way toward the centre. The motions of disjoined magnetical parts of the Earth, besides the motion of aggregation, are coition, revolution, and the direction of the parts to the whole, for harmony of form, and concordancy.


[CHAP. V].

Arguments of those denying the Earth's motion, and
their confutation.

Let E F G be the Earth's globe, A its centre, L E the ascending effluvia: Just as the orbe of the effluvia progresses with the Earth, so also does the unmoved part of the circle at the straight line L E progress along with the general revolution. At L and E, a heavy body, M, falls perpendicularly toward E, taking the shortest way to the centre, nor is that right movement of weight, or of aggregation compounded with a circular movement, but is a simple right motion, never leaving the line L E. But when thrown with an equal force from E toward F, and from E toward G, it completes an equal distance on either side, even though the daily rotation of the Earth is in process: just as twenty paces of a man mark an equal space whether toward East or West: so the Earth's diurnal motion

is by no means refuted by the illustrious Tycho Brahe, through arguments such as these.


[CHAP. VI].

On the cause of the definite time, of an entire
rotation of the Earth.


[CHAP. VII].

On the primary magnetick nature of the Earth,
whereby its poles are parted from the poles
of the Ecliptick.

Around these poles of the Ecliptick the direction of the poles of the Earth is borne: and by this motion the præcession of the æquinoxes is apparent to us.


[CHAP. VIII].

On the Præcession of the Æquinoxes, from the magnetick
motion of the poles of the Earth, in the Arctick
and Antarctick circle of the Zodiack.


[CHAP. IX].

On the anomaly of the Præcession of the Equinoxes,
and of the obliquity of the Zodiack.

Copernicus' contorted circlet in the Arctick circle of the Zodiack.

Let F B G be the half of the Arctick circle described round the pole of the Zodiack: A B C the solstitial colure: A the pole of the Zodiack; D E the anomaly of longitude 140 minutes at either side on both ends: B C the anomaly of obliquity 24 minutes: B the greater obliquity of 23 degrees 52 minutes: D the mean obliquity of 23 degrees 40 minutes: C the minimum obliquity of 23 degrees 28 minutes.

The period of motion of the præcession of the æquinoxes is 25,816 Ægyptian years; the period of the obliquity of the Zodiack is 3434 years, and a little more. The period of the anomaly of the præcession of the æquinoxes is 1717 years, and a little more. If the whole time of the motion AI were divided into eight equal parts: in the first eighth the pole is borne somewhat swiftly from A to B; in the second eighth, more slowly from B to C; in the third, with the same slowness from C to D; in the fourth, more swiftly again from D to E; in the fifth, with the same swiftness from E to F; again more slowly from F to G; and with the same slowness from G to H; in the last eighth, somewhat swiftly again from H to I. And this is the contorted circlet of Copernicus, fused with the mean motion into the curved line which is the path of the true motion. And thus the pole attains the period of the anomaly of the præcession of the æquinoxes twice; and that of the declination or obliquity once only. It is thus that by later astronomers, but especially by Copernicus (the Restorer of Astronomy)[[252]], the anomalies of the motion of the Earth's axis are described, so far as the observations of the ancients down to our own times admit; but there are still needed more and exact observations for anyone to establish aught certain about the anomaly of the motion of the præcessions, and at the same time that also of the obliquity of the Zodiack. For ever since the time at which, by means of various observations, this anomaly was first observed, we have only arrived at half a period of the obliquity. So that all the more all these matters about the unequal motion both of the præcession and of the obliquity are uncertain and not well known: wherefore neither can we ourselves assign any natural causes for it, and establish it for certain. Wherefore also do we to our reasonings and experiments magnetical here set an end and period.[[253]]


I N D E X.

Abano, Pietro di (Apponensis or Apianus), [2].

Abbas, Hali (’Alí ibn Al ’Abbās, Al Majúsi, [2], [6].

Abohalis, [47]. See also Avicenna.

aciarium or acies, also aciare, [18], [23], [33], [36].

Acosta, Josephus, [5].

adamant, [11].

æquator, the magnetick, [13], [79].

Aetius Amidenus, [2].

Affaytatus, Fortunius, [6].

agate, non electrick, [51], [53].

Agricola, Georgius, [2], [3], [10], [19], [26], [111], [112].

Agrippa, H. Cornelius, [3].

aimant, [11].

Albategnius (Muhammad ibn Jābir, Al-Battāni, [237].

Albertus Magnus, [2], [7], [18], [111].

Alexander Aphrodiseus, [3], [48], [92].

Alexandria, Hero of, [58].

Alfonso, Diego, [178].

Alfonsus the Wise (Alphonsus X.), [237].

Amalfians said to have first constructed the compass, [4].

Amatus Lusitanus, [2].

amber, [47], [49]-[60], [85], [112], [116].

amethyst, electrical properties of, [48].

amianth, [11].

Amidenus, Aetius, [2].

amphitane, [111].

Anatolismus, or Northeasting, [167].

Anaxagoras, [61], [208].

Andrea Doria (Admiral), [4].

Antonius de Fantis, [107].

Antonius Musa Brasavolus, [2].

Antony, the denarius of, [110].

Apianus. See Abano.

Apponensis. See Abano.

Aquinas, Thomas, [3], [64].

Aractensis, Mahometes, [234], [237].

Archelaus, [208].

Ardoynis, Santes de, [2].

Arias Montanus, [4].

Aristarchus, [214], [237].

Aristotle:

De Anima, [1], [11], [61], [210].

De Cœlo, [226], [232].

De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, [22].

Meteorologica, [35], [39].

on material of the metals, [19], [20].

on the element of earth, [43].

on motions, [45], [219], [225].

on primary form, [65].

on the Primum Mobile, [220].

on animate nature of planets, [208].

armature, [87].

armed loadstones, [86], [87], [88], [89].

Arnaldus de Villa nova, [2], [7].

Arsinoe, Temple of, [2].

Attraction, [46], [60], [64], [68], [90], [98], [109].

Avicenna (Abu ’Ali Husain ibn ’Abd Allah, Ibn Síná; also called Abohalis):

writes on the magnet, [2].

on falling masses of iron, [26].

alleges loadstone an antidote to iron poison, [35].

on the property of attraction, [49].

Augsburgers (Augustani), the, prescribe loadstone in plaster, [33].

axis, the magnetick, [13], [81], [212].

Azores, variation of compass at the, [4], [154], [156], [167].

Bacon, Roger, [5].

Bambola, or Bilbilis, [23].

Baptista Montanus, [2].

Baptista Porta. See Porta.

Barbarus, Hermolaus, [3].

Barlowe, William (Rev. Archdeacon), his book, The Navigators Supply, [8].

basil leaves alleged not to be attracted, [48].

belemnites are electrical, [48].

Bencora (Thābit ibn Kurrah, Al Harrani; also called Thebitius), [117], [236].

Benedictus, Joannes Baptista (Giambattista Benedetti), [167].

beryl, electrick properties of, [48].

Bessardus (Toussaincte de Bessard), [5], [116], [153].

Blondus, Flavius, the historian, [4].

Borough, William, his book on the Variation of the Compass, [8].

Borrholybicum (North-north-west), [160].

Brahe, Tycho, [174], [229].

Brandoe, the island of, [181].

Brasavolus, Antonius Musa, [2].

Bristolla, or Bristol gem, [48].

burnt clay, magnetick properties of, [26], [43].

Cabot, Sebastian, [4].

Cælius Calcagninus, [7].

Cæsare, or Cesare, Giulio, [141].

Calaber, Hannibal Rosetius, [3],

calamita or kalamita, [11].

Calcagninus, Cælius, [7].

Camillus Leonhardus, [3].

Candish, or Cavendish, Thomas, *[iij], [117].

cap of iron for a loadstone, [86], [89], [90], [95].

carabe, or karabe, [47].

carbuncle, electrick properties of, [48], [111].

Cardan, Hieronymo, [2].

De Proportionibus:

on iron and earth, [43], [62], [67].

on distance of centre of cosmos, [169].

De Rerum Varietate:

on fall of meteorick iron, [26].

on attraction of amber, [49].

on a perpetual motion engine, [107].

De Subtilitate:

alleges magnet to feed on iron, [37], [63], [92].

on magnet that draws silver, [110].

on magnetick influence of star in tail of Ursa Minor, [5], [116], [153].

carnelian, the, [51], [55].

catoblepas, the antelope called, [63].

Cesare, Giulio, [141].

chalybs, [18], [25], [33].

chatochitis, [111].

chemists, the, [19], [20], [21], [24], [37], [66].

China, [4], [8], [9], [11], [17], [32], [119].

Chinocrates, [2].

circumpulsion, doctrine of, [3], [61].

clamps (open kilns), [26].

clay when burnt is magnetick, [26], [43], [97].

clepsydra, [231].

Coimbra, College of, [5].

coition (mutual attraction), [45], [46], [60], [65], [67], [68], [81], [98], [99], [103], [109], [131].

definition of, *[vj], [68].

orbe of, *[vj].

colours of loadstones, [9], [10], [27].

Como, [23].

compass, alleged invention of, by Amalfians, [4].

origin of the compass-card, [4], [165].

the mariners' (pyxis), [3], [115], [147], [165], [172].

the little (pyxidula), [181], [202].

different forms of, Italian, Baltic, Portuguese, English, [165], [166], [177], [181].

conduction, magnetick, [85], [104], [125].

consequent poles, [129], [142].

Copernican system, [231].

Copernicus, Nicolas, [212], [214], [216], [231], [237], [238], [240].

Cordus, Valerius, [10].

Cornelius Agrippa, [3].

Cornelius Gemma, [63].

Cornelius Tacitus, [25].

corolla insorta, or contorted circlet, [238], [240].

Cortes, Martin, [5], [116], [152].

Corvo, Island of, [167].

Costa, Filippo (of Mantua), [141].

Costæus, Joannes, [3], [62], [227], [228].

creagus, the, or flesh-magnet, [110].

crystal, rock, [48], [52], [59], [111]

Curtius, Nicolaus, [35].

Cusan (Michael Khrypffs), Cardinal de Cusa, [3], [64], [108].

Cynosure, the, or Pole-star, [14], [81], [117], [222], [235].

Dean, Forest of, loadstone found in the, [11].

decay of the magnetick virtue, [18], [37], [124], [138], [149].

declination, the, or dip, [184].

denarius of Antony, [110].

diamond, an electrick, [48], [50], [59], [111].

alleged power to attract iron, [109], [112].

alleged antipathy to magnet, [2], [7], [109], [143].

experiments upon, [143].

Diego Alfonso, [178].

Differences between electricks and magneticks, [47], [60], [65].

Dioscorides, [1], [2], [9], [32].

dip, the, also called declination, [8], [46], [184]-[204].

dipping-needle, or declination instrument, [185], [203].

direction, or directive force, [41], [46], [115], [119].

dividing a loadstone, [16], [72], [100], [121], [122], [127], [130], [136], [145], [146].

Dominicus Maria Ferrariensis, [212], [213].

Doria, Andrea (Admiral), [4].

Drake, Sir Francis, *[iij] bis, [117].

Du Puys (also called Puteanus), [3], [63].

Earth, the, a great magnet, [38], [39], [40], [41], [44], [119], [211].

echeneis (the sucking fish), [7], [63], [110].

Ecphantus, [214].

effluvia, electrical, [52], [53], [59], [66].

magnetical, [61].

electrical attraction, [50], [51], [111].

electrick force, definition of, [52].

electricks, *[vj], [46]-[60].

electrum (ἤλεκτρον), [47].

emerald is non-electrick, [51].

emery, [22], [51].

Empedocles, [208].

Encelius (or Entzelt, Christoph.), [3], [111].

Epicurius, [61], [62].

Erasmus Rheinholdus, [213].

Erastus, Thomas, [3], [22].

errors in navigation, [166], [177].

Evax, King of Arabia, [111].

Euripides, [9], [11], [18].

Fallopius, Gabriellus, [3], [34], [35], [112].

Fantis, Antonius de, [107].

Fernelius, Joannes Franciscus, [4].

Ficinus, Marsilius (or Marsiglio Ficino), [3], [7], [116] [153].

filings of iron, [37], [69], [90], [91], [92], [104].

Filippo Costa. See Costa.

fire destroys magnetick properties, [66], [67], [91], [124].

flame destroys electrification, [59].

flame hinders not magnetick attractions, [66].

Flavius Blondus. See Blondus.

flies in amber, [47].

form versus matter, [52], [65].

Fra Paolo, [6].

Fracastorio, Hieronymo, [5], [50], [67], [71], [91], [110], [113], [152].

Franciscus Maurolycus. See Maurolycus.

Franciscus Rueus. See Rueus.

Gagates. See jet.

Galen, [2], [9], [32], [35], [39], [46], [49], [61], [62], [63].

Gallus, Marbodæus, [2], [7].

garlick, its reputed antagonism to magnetism, [2], [32], [64].

Gartias ab Horto, [32].

Gaudentius Merula, [7].

Gauricus, Lucas, [7].

Geber (Jābir ibn Háiyán, Al-Tarsusī) [21].

Gemma, Cornelius, [63].

gems, electrick properties of, [48], [51].

geniter, [47].

Georgius Agricola. See Agricola.

Gilbert, Adrian, [11].

Gilgil Mauritanus, [19].

Gioia, or Goia, of Amalfi, [4].

Giulio Cæsare, [141].

glass, an electrick by friction, [48], [54], [59].

use of loadstone in making, [111].

goat's blood, [7].

Gonzalus Oviedus, [4].

Goropius, Henricus Becanus, [4].

Grotius, Hugo, [167], [168].

Haematite, [22], [51].

Hali Abbas (’Ali ibn Al ’Abbás, Al Masúfí), [2], [6].

Hannibal Rosetius Calaber, [3].

Hariot, Thomas, [7].

Heat, effect of on loadstone, [66], [67], [93], [123], [124].

Helmshuda, [167].

Heraclea, the city of, [8].

Heraclean stone, or stone of Hercules, [8], [43], [61], [169].

Heraclides, [214].

Heraclitus, [208].

Hermes, [209].

Hermolaus Barbarus, [3].

Hero of Alexandria, [58].

Hipparchus, [213], [214], [234], [235], [237].

Hippocrates, [8], [35], [51], [61].

horizon, the magnetick, defined, [80].

Horto, Gartias ab, [32].

Horus, the bone of, or Os Ori, [9].

hot iron not magnetick, [66].

Hues, Robert, [7].

Hugo Grotius, [167], [168].

Inclination. See dip.

interposition of bodies, [53], [66], [83], [85], [89], [137].

iris gem, the, [48].

iron, its nature and occurrence, [19], [20], [22], [25].

filings of, [37], [69], [90], [91], [92], [104].

its various names and qualities, [23], [33], [36].

its various uses, [23], [24], [39], [86], [90], [95].

medical uses of, [33], [35].

surpasses loadstone, [69], [95].

verticity in, [85], [123], [139].

iron ore is magnetick, [18], [27], [38], [43].

has poles, [28].

islands, magnetick influence of, [5], [153],[161].

Jacobus Severtius, [5].

jet, [47], [48], [53], [55], [86].

Joannes Baptista Porta. See Porta.

Joannes Baptista Montanus, [2].

Joannes Costæus. See Costæus.

Joannes Franciscus Offusius, [46].

Joannes Goia. See Gioia.

Joannes Langius, [3].

Joannes Taisner, or Taisnier. See Taisnier.

Jofrancus Offusius, [46].

Josephus Acosta, [5].

Julius Cæsar Moderatus, [141].

Julius Cæsar Scaliger. See Scaliger.

Kendall, Abraham, [7], [178].

Korrah, Thebitius Ben. See Bencora.

Lactantius, Lucius, [219].

Lagos, Rodriguez de, [177].

Langius, Joannes, [3].

lapis magnetis, [8].

lapis specularis, muscovy stone, or mica, [11], [48], [52].

latitude in relation to dip, [196], [200].

Leonardus (or Leonhardus), Camillus, [3].

Levinus Lemnius, [3].

lifting power of loadstones, [86], [89], [97].

lily of the compass, [117], [152], [165], [177].

liquids, electrical attraction of, [55].

attraction on surface of, [57].

Livio Sanuto, [5], [153], [167].

loadstone armed and unarmed, [86], [87], [88].

as medicine, [32].

in plasters, [33].

rock, the, [5], [6], [18], [116], [152].

various names of, [11].

colours of, [9], [10], [27].

various sources of, [8], [25], [32].

London, magnetick variation at, [154], [163].

longitude, magnetick finding at, [166].

long magnets, advantage of, [82], [83], [99], [101]

Lucania, fall of meteorick stones in, [26].

Lucas Gauricus, [7].

Lucretius, [2], [3], [8], [49], [61].

Lusitanus, Amatus, [2].

Lynschoten, Hugo van, *[iiij].

Magnes, μάγνης, μαγνῆτις, [11].

Magnesia, [8].

Magnetick axis of terrella, [81], [212].

axis of earth, [13], [81], [212].

horizon, [80].

meridian, [79], [152].

mountains or rocks, [5], [6], [18], [116], [152].

islands, [5], [153], [161].

motions, the five, [45].

Magnus, Albertus. See Albertus.

Magnus, Olaus, [5], [6].

Mahometes Aractensis, [234], [237].

Mahomet's tomb, [2].

Manardus, Joannes, [35].

Marbodæus Gallus, [2], [7].

Marcellus Empiricus, [2].

Marco Polo (Paulus Venetus), [4].

mariners' compass. See compass.

Mars, saffron of (Crocus Martis), [34], [91].

Marsiglio Ficino. See Ficinus.

Martin Cortes, [5], [116], [152].

matter and form, [52], [65].

Matthæus Silvaticus, [3].

Matthiolus, Petrus, [2], [3].

Mauritanus, Gilgil, [19].

Mauritanus, Serapio, [2], [6].

Maurolycus, Franciscus, [5], [42], [153], [180].

medicinal use of iron, [33].

of loadstone, [32].

Medina, Pedro de, [166].

Menelaus, [234], [237].

meridian, magnetick, [79], [152], [163].

Merula, Gaudentius, [7].

meteorick stones, falls of, [26], [27].

mica (or muscovy stone), [11], [48], [52].

μικρόγη. See terrella.

moisture stops electrick action, [53], [56].

Montagnana, B., [35].

Montanus, Arias, [4].

Montanus, Joannes Baptista, [2].

Moors, Serapio and the, [6].

mountains, magnetick, [5], [6], [18], [116], [152].

movement of trepidation, [117].

Musa Brasavolus, Antonius, [2].

muscovy stone, [11], [48], [52]. See also mica.

myths of the magnet, [2], [3], [5], [6], [7], [18], [32], [63], [107], [109], [110], [111], [116], [143], [153], [228]

motions, the various magnetical, [46].

Names of amber, [47].

names of the loadstone, [11].

names given to the magnetick poles, [15], [115], [125], [129].

Nicander of Colophon, [8], [9].

Nicetas, [214].

Nicolas Copernicus, [212], [214], [216], [231], [237], [238], [240]

Nicolaus Myrepsus, or Præpositas, [33].

non-electrick bodies, [51], [55].

Nonius, Petrus (Pedro Nuñez), [166].

Norman, Robert, [5], [8], [153], [161], [162].

supposes a point respective, [5], [153], [161], [162].

his Newe Attractive, [8].

discoverer of the dip, [8].

Norumbega, the city of, [154].

Nova Zembla, [152], [179].

Offusius, Jofrancus, [46].

Olaus Magnus, [5], [6].

opal becomes electrical, [48].

orbe of virtue, [76], [96], [191], [205]

orbes of planets, [208], [215].

Oribasius, [2].

Orpheus, [11], [61], [209].

Oviedus, Gonzalus (Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdès), [4].

Pantarbes, [111].

Paolo (Paulus Æginæ), [35].

Paolo, Rev. Maestro (Fra Paolo Sarpi), [6]

Paolo the Venetian (Marco Polo), [4].

Paracelsus (Bombast von Hohenheim).

asserts the stars to attract iron, [3].

his emplastrum of loadstone, [33].

his method of strengthening loadstones, [93].

Parmenides, [208].

pearls are not electrick, [51], [55].

Pedro de Medina, [166].

percussion excites verticity, [139].

Peregrinus, Peter,

his book, [5].

on cause of magnetick direction, [5], [116], [153].

on perpetual motion engine, [107].

affirms a terrella to revolve daily, [223].

Peripateticks, the, [20], [41], [43], [45], [65], [218], [222], [225], [227], [228].

perpetual motion machine, [107].

Peter Peregrinus. See Peregrinus.

Peter Plancius. See Plancius.

Petrus Apponensis. See Abano, Pietro di.

Petrus Nonius. See Nonius or Nuñez.

Philolaus, [214].

Philostratus, [111].

Pictorio, G., [6], [49].

piedramant, [11].

Plancius, Peter, *[v] bis.

planets, influence of, [20], [137], [142].

plasters, magnetick, [32], [33].

Plato, [3].

in the Io, discusses name and properties of the magnet, [1], [9], [11], [18].

in the Timæus, suggests the theory of circumpulsion, [61].

his Atlantis, [159].

on life in the universe, [208].

Pliny (C. Plinius Secundus).

on loadstone fables, [1], [2], [9], [18].

his mistake about Æthiopian loadstones, [17].

on the five kinds of loadstones, [9].

on the alleged discovery of the loadstones, [8].

on the alleged magnetick mountains, [18].

on a locality where loadstone was found, [11].

on the occurrence of iron in Spain, [25].

on the Sagda and the Catochites, [111].

on the silver denarius of Antony, [110].

on the use of loadstone by glass-makers, [111].

on the shadow of a gnomon of a sun-dial at Rome, [213].

Plotinus, [218].

Plutarch, Claudius.

on the garlick fable, [32].

says something flammable exists in amber, [54].

his theory of circumpulsion, [3], [62].

polarity. See verticity.

pole, the, elevation of, [200], [213].

poles, magnetick, of a loadstone, [13], [41], [72], [81], [144].

poles are not points, [12], [41], [72], [96].

Polo, Marco, [4].

Porta, Joannes Baptista (Giambattista della Porta).

his narration of marvels, [6].

on various tempering of iron, [24].

asserts loadstone a mixture of stone and iron, [63].

on his assertion that loadstones have hairs, [66].

asserts vapour to be cause of attraction, [67].

his error as to change of verticity, [73].

suspends iron upwards by a thread, [92].

his error as to centre of the orbe of virtue, [95].

his error as to the polarity which causes repulsion, [102].

his error as to magnetick opposing forces, [103].

experiment with a balance, [108].

his error as to iron being intoxicated, [138].

his error as to iron excited by a diamond, [143].

his error as to the pointing of a magnet, [144].

proportion between loadstone and iron, [149].

his error as to variation and longitude, [166].

præcession of the Æquinoxes, [234], [236].

primum mobile, the, [79], [214], [216], [218], [220], [226], [232], [237].

prostaphæresis, [174], [236].

Prutenical Tables, the, [235].

Ptolemæus, Claudius.

on loadstone fables, [2], [32].

on the occurrence of loadstone and of iron, [9],[25].

on the dissolution of the earth, [91], [217], [218].

alleged relation of regions with the planets, [137].

on the elevation of the pole at different latitudes, [213], [214].

on the Primum Mobile, and the diurnal movement of the stars, [216], [228], [234].

on the anomalies of the earth's motion, [237].

Puteanus, Gulielmus (Du Puys), [3], [63].

pyrimachus (i.e., pyrites), [23].

Pythagoras, [57], [208].

pyxidula, [4], [181].

pyxis, [3], [115], [147], [165], [172].

Radius, the, of the earth's orbit, [218].

Rasis. See Rhazes.

rays of magnetick virtue, [95].

Reinoldus, Erasmus (or Rheinholdus), [213].

remora, the (or sucking fish), [7], [63], [110].

resin becomes electrical by friction, [48], [52].

respective points, [5], [153], [161], [162].

reversal of polarity, [101], [137].

revolution of the globe, [46], [81], [91], [220].

repulsion, electrical, denied to exist, [113].

Rhazes (Muhammad ibn Zakarīyā), [34], [35].

rings, on the verticity of, [129].

Rodriguez de Lagos, [177].

Rosetius Calaber, Hannibal, [3].

Ruellius, Joannes, [7].

Rueus, Franciscus (de la Rue), [6].

Saffron of Mars, [34], [91], [93].

sagda, or sagdo, the, [111].

Sanuto, Livio, [5], [153], [167].

sapphire, the, [48].

scales of iron, [22].

Scaliger, Julius Cæsar.

on cause of magnetick direction, [5], [64], [153].

on a fall of meteorick iron, [26].

on preservation of loadstones, [37].

on amber, [47].

on magnetick attraction, [70].

admits the loadstone to have a soul, [68].

on diamond attracting iron, [112].

scoria or slag of iron, [34], [35].

sealing wax is electrical, [48], [53].

Sebastian Cabot. See Cabot.

Serapio, or Serapio Mauritania (Yuhanná ibn Sarapion), [2], [6].

Severtius, Jacobus, [5].

shielding, magnetick, by iron plate, [83], [85].

siderites (σιδερίτης) [8], [11], [143].

siegelstein [11].

silk suspension for magnetick iron, [29], [30].

Silvaticus, Matthæus, [3].

silver, loadstone for, [109], [110].

similars, doctrine of attraction of, [50], [62].

Simon Stevinus, *[v] bis, [167], [168].

slate, magnetick properties of, [43].

smeargel (emery), [22].

Solinus, Caius Julius, [1], [9], [111].

Solomon the King, [4].

Sotacus, [9].

Stadius, [213].

stars are at various distances, [215].

steel, [23], [39], [69], [71], [93], [95], [147].

Stevinus, Simon, *[v] bis, [167], [168].

stomoma (στόμωμα) [23], [33], [36].

Strabo, [25].

succinum. See amber.

Sudini, or Sudavienses, [47].

sulphur, electrical by friction, [48], [53], [56], [59].

συνδρόμη, *[vj].

συνεντελέχεια, [68].

Sussex, iron ore in, [22].

sympathy and antipathy, [65], [68], [112].

Tacitus, Cornelius, [25].

Taisner, or Taisnier, Joannes, [5], [107].

Tariassiona or Tarazona, [23].

terrella.

definition of, *[vj], [12], [13].

poles and axis of, [13], [72], [81], [144].

divided into two parts, [72].

magnetick vigour, diagram of, [74], [75].

how small pieces of iron behave toward, [75], [76].

orbe of virtue of, [76], [77], [104].

"geography" of, [78].

æquinoctial circle of, [79], [144].

parallels of, [80], [211].

magnetick horizon of, [80].

proportion of the forces in, [81], [82].

experiment with iron sphere, [85].

small iron sphere and rod, [94], [102].

centre of magnetick virtue in, [95].

irregular terrella to exhibit variation, [155], [157].

to illustrate the dip of the needle, [190], [192].

analogy of, with the earth, [41], [78], [119], [211].

testing loadstones, methods of, [108].

Thales of Miletus, [11], [61], [68], [208], [210].

theamedes, the, [18].

Thebitius, or Thebit ben Korrah, [117], [236].

Themistius, [71].

Theophrastus, [1], [9], [11].

Thomas Aquinas, [3], [64].

tides, the cause of, [86].

Tycho Brahe, [174], [229].

Variation of the compass, [7], [46], [79], [116], [151]-[163], [166], [167], [180].

variation at the Azores, [4], [154], [156], [167].

versorium, magnetick, definition of, *[vj].

use of, [13], [115], [147].

versorium, non-magnetick, use of, [48], [49], [50].

verticity, [28], [115], [119]-[147].

acquired, [67], [68], [84], [85], [104], [123], [125], [129], [138], [139], [141], [142], [211].

in iron plates touched by loadstone, [84].

in iron sphere, [85].

how, in iron, [123], [139], [212].

in bracket in tower of St. Augustine's Church, Rimini, [141].

similar at ends of rod touched in middle, [84], [129].

by percussion, [139].

through interposed matter, [67].

not in bodies other than magnetick, [142].

æquator separates two kinds of, [79].

possessed by the earth, as a "Cause," [117].

change of, through change of mass, [72].

definition of, *[vj].

described, [119], [120], [121].

destroyed by heat, [66], [93], [124].

earth produces it in loadstone and iron, [42], [140], [211], [212].

excited through greater distances in iron than in air, [104].

exists in all shapes of loadstone, [76].

helps the earth to keep its orbit, [224].

inhærent in wrought iron, [31], [115].

as a magnetick motion, [46].

mutation of, [120], [137].

magnitude of earth prevents variation of, [163], [164].

none acquired by iron rubbed on æquator of terrella, [148].

not affected by position of loadstone, [144].

of one loadstone as affected by another, [69], [138].

opposite, acquired by iron touched by loadstone, [115], [125], [129].

parts having same repel, [122], [133].

pole of, where last contact is, [149].

strengthened in versoria, [147]-[150].

strength of, decreases at once in both poles, [146].

Villa nova, Arnaldus de, [2], [7].

vincentina, the, [48].

Vincent's Rock, gem of, [54].

Weather affects electricks, [48], [53], [55], [56].

weighing the magnetick force, [108].

Wright, Edward, his prefatory address, *[iij] bis, [7].

wrought iron is magnetick, [29], [139].

Youth preserved by loadstone, [32].

Zeilam, the king of, [32].

Zimiri, [11].

Zoroaster, [209].

THIS TREATISE BY WILLIAM GILBERT, OF COLCHESTER, PHYSICIAN OF LONDON, ON THE MAGNET, WAS FIRST PUBLISHT IN THE LATIN TONGUE IN LONDON IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD M.D.C.; THIS ENGLISH TRANSLATION, WHICH WAS COMPLETED IN THE YEAR M.C.M., IS PRINTED FOR THE GILBERT CLUB, TO THE NUMBER OF TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES, BY CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND COMPANY, AT THE CHISWICK PRESS, TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.


NOTES

ON THE

D E M A G N E T E

OF

DR. WILLIAM GILBERT

P R I V A T E L Y P R I N T E D

LONDON MCMI

"For out of olde feldes, as men seith,

Cometh al this newe corn fro yeer to yere;

And out of olde bokes, in good feith,

Cometh al this newe science that men lere."

Chaucer.

"I finde that you have vsed in this your trāslation greate art, knowledge, and discretion. For walking as it were in golden fetters (as al Translators doe) you notwithstanding so warilie follow your Auctor, that where he trippeth you hold him vp, and where he goeth out of the way, you better direct his foote. You haue not only with the Bee sucked out the best iuyce from so sweete a flower, but with the Silke-worme as it were wouen out of your owne bowels, the finest silke; & that which is more, not rude & raw silke, but finely died with the fresh colour of your owne Art, Invention, and Practise. If these Adamantes draw you not to effect this which you haue so happilie begunne: then let these spurres driue you forward: viz. Your owne promise, the expectation of your friends, the losse of some credit if you should steppe backe, the profit which your labours may yeeld to many, the earnest desire which you yourselfe haue to reviue this Arte, and the vndoubted acceptation of your paines, if you performe the same."—(Prefatory epistle of John Case, D. of Physicke, printed in R. Haydocke's translation of The Artes of Curious Painting, of Lomatius, Oxford, 1598.)

"This booke is not for every rude and unconnynge man to see, but for clerkys and very gentylmen that understand gentylness and scyence."—Caxton.

CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF DE MAGNETE.

I. (The London Folio of 1600.) Fol. *j. title GVILIELMI GIL | berti colcestren | sis, medici londi- | nensis, | DE MAGNETE, MAGNETI- | cisqve corporibvs, et de mag- | no magnete tellure; Physiologia noua, | plurimis & argumentis, & expe- | rimentis demonstrata. | Printer's Mark | Londini | excudebat Petrvs Short anno | MDC. || *j verso Gilbert's coat of arms. || *ij Ad Lectorem || *iij verso Ad gravissimvm doctissimvmqve ... || *vj Verborum quorundam interpretatio. || *vj verso Index capitum. || p. 1. GVILIELMI GILBERTI | DE MAGNETE, LIB. I. || p. 240. FINIS. | Errata. Without any colophon, printer's Mark, or date at end. Folio. 8 ll. of preliminary matter. ABCDEFGHIKLMNOPQRSTV, all ternions, making 120 numbered leaves. One blank leaf at front and one at end. Page 114 at end of Liber II. blank. A folded woodcut plate inserted between p. 200 and p. 201. Woodcut initials, headlines and diagrams. All known copies except one have ink corrections in several pages, particularly pp. 11, 22, 47.

II. (The Stettin Quarto of 1628.) Four preliminary unnumbered leaves, viz. (1) Bastard title GULIELMI GILBERTI | Tractatus | DE MAGNETE || verso blank; (2) Engraved title. TRACTATVS | Siue | PHYSIOLOGIA NOVA | DE MAGNETE, | MAGNETICISQVE CORPO- | RIBVS ET MAGNO MAGNETE | tellure Sex libris comprehensus | ã | Guilielmo Gilberto Colcestrensi, | Medico Londinensi | ... Omnia nunc diligenter recognita & emen- | datius quam ante in lucem edita, aucta & figu- | ris illustrata operâ & studio | Wolfgangi Lochmans I.U.D. | & Mathemati: | Ad calcem libri adjunctus est Index Capi- | tum Rerum et Verborum locupletissimus | EXCVSVS SEDINI | Typis Gotzianis Sumptibus | Ioh: Hallervordij. | Anno MDC.XXVIII || verso blank; (3) Præfatio; (4) Amicorum Acclamationes (verses) || verso blank. Sig. A Ad Lectorem Candidum. Sig. A2 verso Ad Gravissimum Doctissimumq Virum. Sig. B2 Verborum quorundam interpretatio. Verso blank, followed by twelve engraved plates numbered I. to XII. Sig. B3 is numbered as p. 1, and begins GVILIELMI GILBERTI | DE MAGNETE. | LIBER I. Sig. C begins as p. 5; Sig. D as p. 13; and so forth. The collation therefore is: 4 ll. unnumbered, ABCDEFGHIKLMNOPQRSTVXYZAaBbCcDdEeFfGgHhIiKkLlMm, all fours. Pagination ends on p. 232, which has Sig. H3 in error for Hh3, being the end of the text. Verso of Hh3 blank. Index capitum begins fol. [Hh4] and with Index Verborum continues to verso of Mm3. Last leaf [Mm4] contains Errata, and instructions to binder to place plates: verso blank. Quarto. Woodcut initials and diagrams. Without any colophon, printer's Mark, or date at end. In some copies the engraved title differs, having the words Ioh: Hallervordij. replaced by the word Authoris.

III. (The Stettin Quarto of 1633.) Four preliminary unnumbered leaves, viz., (1) title. Tractatus, sive Physiologia Nova | de | magnete, | Magneticisq; corporibus & magno | Magnate tellure, sex libris comprehensus, | a guilielmo gilberto Colce- | strensi, Medico Londinensi. | ... Omnia nunc diligenter recognita, & emendatius quam ante | in lucem edita, aucta & figuris illustrata, opera & studio D. | wolfgangi lochmans, I.U.D. | & Mathematici. | Ad calcem libri adiunctus est Index capitum, Rerum & Verborum | locupletissimus, qui in priore æditione desiderabatur | Sedini, | Typis Gotzianis. | Anno m.dc. xxxii. || verso blank; (2) Præfatio; (3) Amicorum acclamationes (verses) || verso Claudianus de Magnete (verses); (4) ibid. Sig. A Ad Lectorem Candidum. Sig. A2 verso Ad Gravissimum Doctissimumq. Virum. Sig. B2 Verborum quorundam interpretatio; verso blank. Sig. B3 is numbered as p. 1, and begins GVILIELMI GILBERTI | DE MAGNETE. | LIBER I. Sig. C begins as p. 5; Sig. D as p. 13; and so forth. The Collation therefore is: 4 ll. unnumbered, A to Mm, all fours. Pagination ends on p. 232, which bears Sig. H3 in error for Hh3. Verso of Sig. Hh3. Errata. Index capitum begins Hh4, and with Index Verborum extends to verso of Mm3. The last leaf [Mm4] bears the Instructions to binder, with verso blank. There is no colophon, printer's Mark, or date at end. Quarto. Woodcut initials, and diagrams. Twelve etched plates of various sizes inserted.

With the exception of the preliminary matter and the Instructions to binder, the pagination is the same as in the edition of 1628, the pages in the body of the work being reprinted word for word; though with exceptions. For example, p. 18 in Ed. 1633 is one line shorter than in Ed. 1628. The etched plates are entirely different. It has been thought from the pagination being alike that these two editions were really the same with different plates, titles, and preliminary matter. But they are really different. The spacing of the words, letters and lines is different throughout, and there are different misprints. The watermarks of the paper also differ.

IV. (The Berlin "facsimile" Folio of 1892.) This is a photozincograph reproduction of the London folio of 1600. It lacks the ink emendations on pages 11, 22, 47, &c., found in the original, and is wanting also in some of the asterisks in the margins.

V. (The American translation of 1893.) Frontispiece portrait || p. i. title william gilbert | of colchester, | physician of London, | on the | Loadstone and Magnetic Bodies, | and on | the great magnet the earth. | A new Physiology, | demonstrated with many arguments and experiments. | A translation by | P. Fleury Mottelay, | ... | New York: | John Wiley & Sons, | 53 East Tenth Street | 1893. || p. ii bears imprint of Ferris Bros. Printers, 326 Pearl Street, New York. || p. iii. reduced reproduction of title of 1600 edition || verso the Gilbert arms || p. v. Translator's Preface || p. ix. Biographical Memoir || p. xxxi. Contents || p. xxxvii. Address of Edward Wright || p. xlvii. Author's Preface. || p. liii. Explanation of some terms. || pp. 1-358 text of the work. || p. 359 reduced reproduction of title of 1628 edition. || p. 360 ditto of 1633 edition. || p. 361 ditto of Gilbert's De Mundo Nostro of 1651. || pp. 363 to 368 General Index. || Pages xxx, xlvi, lii, and 362 are blanks. There are no signatures. Octavo. Diagrams reduced from woodcuts of the folio of 1600. Some copies bear on title the imprint | London: | Bernard Quaritch, | 15 Piccadilly. ||


NOTES ON THE DE MAGNETE OF
DR. WILLIAM GILBERT.

During the work of revising and editing the English translation of De Magnete, many points came up for discussion, requiring critical consideration, and the examination of the writings of contemporary or earlier authorities. Discrepancies between the texts of the three known editions—the London folio of 1600, and the two Stettin quartos of 1628 and 1633 respectively—demanded investigation. Passages relating to astrology, to pharmacy, to alchemy, to geography, and to navigation, required to be referred to persons acquainted with the early literature of those branches. Phrases of non-classical Latin, presenting some obscurity, needed explanation by scholars of mediæval writings. Descriptions of magnetical experiments needed to be interpreted by persons whose knowledge of magnetism enabled them to infer the correct meaning to be assigned to the words in the text. In this wise a large amount of miscellaneous criticism has been brought to bear, and forms the basis for the following notes. To make them available to all students of Gilbert, the references are given to page and line both of the Latin folio of 1600 and of the English edition of 1900. S. P. T.

[1] THE GLOSSARY:

Gilbert's glossary is practically an apology for the introduction into the Latin language of certain new words, such as the nouns terrella, versorium, and verticitas, and the adjectival noun magneticum, which either did not exist in classical Latin or had not the technical meaning which he now assigns to them. His terrella, or μικρόγη, as he explains in detail on p. 13, is a little magnetic model of the earth, but in the glossary he simply defines it as magnes globosus. Neither terrella nor versorium appears in any Latin dictionary. No older writer had used either word, though Peter Peregrinus (De Magnete, Augsburg, 1558) had described experiments with globular loadstones, and pivotted magnetic needles suitable for use in a compass had been known for nearly three centuries. Yet the pivotted needle was not denominated versorium. Blondo (De Ventis, Venice, 1546) does not use the term. Norman (The Newe Attractiue, London, 1581) speaks of the "needle or compasse," and of the "wyre." Barlowe (The Navigators Supply, London, 1597) speaks of

the "flie," or the "wier." The term versorium (literally, the turn-about) is Gilbert's own invention. It was at once adopted into the science, and appears in the treatises of Cabeus, Philosophia Magnetica (Ferrara, 1629), and of Kircher, Magnes sive de Arte Magnetica (Coloniæ, 1643), and other writers of the seventeenth century. Curiously enough, its adoption to denote the pivotted magnetic needle led to the growth of an erroneous suggestion that the mariners' compass was known to the ancients because of the occurrence in the writings of Plautus of the term versoriam, or vorsoriam. This appears twice as the accusative case of a feminine noun versoria, or vorsoria, which was used to denote part of the gear of a ship used in tacking-about. Forcellini defines versoria as "funiculus quo extremus veli angulus religatur"; while versoriam capere is equivalent to "reverti," or (metaphorically) "sententiam mutare." The two passages in Plautus are:

Eut. Si huc item properes, ut istuc properas, facias rectius,

Huc secundus ventus nunc est; cape modo vorsoriam;

Hic Favonius serenu'st, istic Auster imbricus:

Hic facit tranquillitatem, iste omnes fluctus conciet.

(in Mercat. Act. V., sc. 2.)

Charm. Stasime, fac te propere celerem recipe te ad dominum domum;

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cape vorsoriam

Recipe te ad herum.

(in Trinum. Act. IV., sc. 3.)

The word magneticum is also of Gilbert's own coinage, as a noun; as an adjective it had been certainly used before, at least in its English form, magneticall, which appears on the title-page of William Borough's Discourse of the Variation of the Compasse (London, 1596). Gilbert does not use anywhere the noun magnetismus, magnetism. The first use of that noun occurs in William Barlowe's Magneticall Aduertisements (1616), in the Epistle Dedicatorie, wherein, when speaking of Dr. Gilbert, he says "vnto whom I communicated what I had obserued of my selfe, and what I had built vpon his foundation of the Magnetisme of the earth." Gilbert speaks of the virtus magnetica, or vis magnetica; indeed, he has a rich vocabulary of terms, using, beside virtus and vis, vires, robur, potestas, potentia, efficientia, and vigor for that which we should now call magnetism or the magnetic forces. Nor does he use the verb magnetisare, or its participle, magnetisatus: he speaks of ferrum tactum, or of ferrum excitatum a magnete. In spite of certain obscurities which occur in places in his work, he certainly shows a nice appreciation of words and their use, and a knowledge of style. One finds occasionally direct quotations from, and overt references to, the classic authors, as in the references to Plato and Aristotle on page [1], and in the passage from the Georgics of Vergil on p. [21]. But here and there one finds other traces of unmistakable scholarship, as in the reference to goat's wool on p. [35], or in the use, on p. [210], of the word perplacet, which occurs in the letter of Cicero ad Atticum, or in that of commonstrabit, occurring on p. [203], and found only in Cicero, Terence and Plautus; whilst the phrase on p. [3], in which Gilbert rallies the smatterers on having lost both their oil and their pains, has a delightfully classical echo.

The term orbis virtutis, defined by Gilbert in the glossary, and illustrated by the cuts on pages [76], [77], and [96], might be effectively translated by sphere of influence, or orbit within which there is sensible attraction. It has been preferred, however, to translate it literally as the orbe of virtue, or orbe of magnetick virtue. This choice has been determined by the desire to adopt such an English phrase as Gilbert would himself have used had he been writing English. T. Hood, writing in 1592 in his book The Vse of both the Globes, in using the word orbe, says that the word globe signifies a solid body, while a sphere is hollow, like two "dishes joyned by the brimme"; "The Latines properly call Orbis an Orbe"; "Moreouer the word Sphaera signifieth that instrument made of brasen hoopes (wee call it commonly a ringed Sphere) wherewith the Astronomers deliuer unto the nouices of that Science the vnderstanding of things which they imagine in the heauen." Further, Dr. Marke Ridley in his Treatise of Magneticall Bodies and Motions (1613), has a chapter (XIIII) "Of the distance and Orbe of the Magnets vertue," throughout which the term Orbe is retained. Sir Thomas Browne also writes of "the orb of their activities."

The word Coitio, used by Gilbert for the mutual force between magnet and iron, has been retained in its English form, coition. Gilbert evidently adopted this term after much thought. The Newtonian conception of action and reaction being necessarily equal had not dawned upon the mediæval philosophers. The term attraction had been used in a limited sense to connote an action in which a force was conceived of as being exerted on one side only. Diogenes of Apollonia, Alexander Aphrodiseus, Democritus, and others, conceived the magnet to draw at the iron without the iron in any way contributing to that action. Saint Basil specially affirms that the magnet is not drawn by iron. On the other hand, Albertus Magnus had conceived the idea that the iron sought the magnet by a one-sided effort in which the magnet took no part. Gilbert had the wit to discern that the action was mutual, and to mark the new conception he adopted the new term, and defined it as it stands in his glossary. It is "a concourse or concordancy of both," and to emphasize his meaning he adds, "not as if there were an ἑλκτικὴ δύναμις but a συνδρομή" not a tractile power, but a running together. The adjective ἑλκτικὴ is obviously related to the verb ἕλκω, I draw: but its meaning puzzled the subsequent editors of the text, for in the two Stettin editions of 1628 and 1633, the phrase appears in the respective forms of ἑλητικὴ δύναμις and ἑλκυστικὴ δύναμις. In Creech's English version of Lucretius (edition of 1722, p. 72a, in the footnote) is the commentary "Galen, disputing against Epicurus, uses the term ἑλκεῖν, which seems likewise too violent." It may be noted that the same verb occurs in the passage from the Io of Plato quoted below. The term συνδρομή applied by Gilbert to explain his term Coitio is used by Diodorus for the mutual onset of two hostile forces.

A picturesque sentence from Sir Thomas Browne's Pseudodoxia Epidemica (London, 1650, p. 51) sets the matter succinctly forth. "If in two skiffs of cork, a Loadstone and Steel be placed within the orb of their activities, the one doth not move the other standing still, but both hoist sayle and steer unto each other; so that if the Loadstone attract, the Steel hath also its attraction; for in this action the Alliency is reciprocall, which jointly felt, they mutually approach and run into each others arms."

The page and line references given in these notes are in all cases first to the Latin edition of 1600, and secondly to the English edition of 1900.

[2] Page 1, line 28. Page 1, line 28. Plato in Ione.—The passage in the Io of Plato is in chap. v. Socrates addressing the poet Io tells him that his facility in reciting Homer is not really an art: θεία δὲ δύναμις, ἥ σε κινεῖ ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ λίθῳ, ἥν Εὐριπίδης μὲν Μαγνῆτιν ὠνόμασεν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ Ἡράκλειαν. καὶ γὰρ ἄυτη ἡ λίθος οὐ μόνον αὐτοὺς τοὺς δακτυλίους ἄγει τοὺς σιδηροῦς, ἀλλὰ καὶ δύναμιν ἐντίθησι τοῖς δακτυλίοις, ὤστ ἄυ δύνασθαι ταυτὸυ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ὅπερ ἡ λίθος, ἄλλους ἄγειν δακτυλίους, ὥστ' ἐνίοθ' ὁρμαθὸς μακρὸς πάνυ σιδηρίων καὶ δακτυλίων ἐξ ἀλλήλων ἤρτηται πᾶσι δὲ τούτοις ἐξ ἐκείνης τῆς λίθου ἡ δύναμις ἀνήρτηται. The idea is that as the loadstone in attracting an iron ring will make it into a magnet, which can in turn act magnetically on another ring, and this on yet another, so the inspiration of the Muse is transferred to the poet, who in turn hands on the inspiration through the reciter to the listener. After further expanding the same idea of the transference of influence, Socrates again mentions the magnet (chap. vii.): Ὄισθ' ὄυν ὅτι οὐτός ἐστιν ὁ θεατὴς τῶν δακτυλίων ὁ ἔσχατος, ὥν ἐγὼ ἔλεγον ὑπὸ τῆς Ἡρακλειώτιδος λίθου ἀπ' ἀλλήλων τὴν δύναμιν λαμβάνειν, ὁ δὲ μέσος σὺ ὁ ῥαψωδὸς καὶ ὑποκριτής, ὁ δὲ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ὁ ποιητής; ὁ δὲ θεὸς διὰ πάντων τούτων ἕλκει τὴν ψυχὴν ὅποι ἂν βούληται τῶν ἀνθρώπων, κ.τ.λ. (Edition Didot of 1856, vol. i., p. 391; or Stephanus, p. 533 D).

There is another reference in Plato to the magnet, namely, in the Timæus (p. 240, vol. ii., Edit. citat.). See the [Note] to p. [61].

The reference by Euripides to the magnet occurs in the lost play of Œneus, in a fragment preserved by Suidas. See Fragmenta Euripidis (Ed. Didot, 1846, p. 757, or Nauck's edition, No. 567).

ὡς Εὐριπίδης ἐν Οἰνεῖ· τὰς βροτῶν γνώμας σκοπῶν, ὥστε Μαγνῆτις λίθος τὴν δόξαν ἕλκει καὶ μεθίστησιν πάλιν.

[3] Page 1, line 28. Page 1, line 29. The brief passage from Aristotle's De Anima referring to Thales is quoted by Gilbert himself at the bottom of p. 11.

[4] Page 2, line 1. Page 1, line 29. The edition of 1628 inserts commas between Theophrastus and Lesbius, and between Julius and Solinus, as though these were four persons instead of two.

[5] Page 2, line 8. Page 2, line 5. si allio magnes illitus fuerit, aut si adamas fuerit. An excellent version of this myth is to be found in Julius Solinus, Polyhistor, De Memorabilibus, chap. lxiv., of which the English version of 1587, by A. Golding, runs thus: "The Diamonde will not suffer the Lodestone to drawe yron unto him: or if ye Lodestone haue alreadie drawne a peece of yron to it, the Diamond snatcheth and pulleth away as hys bootye whatsoever the Lodestone hath taken hold of." Saint Augustine repeats the diamond myth in his De Civitate Dei, lib. xxi. Baptista Porta says (p. 211 of the English version of 1658): "It is a common Opinion amongst Sea-men, That Onyons and Garlick are at odds with the Loadstone: and Steers-men, and such as tend the Mariners Card are forbid to eat Onyons or Garlick, lest they make the Index of the Poles drunk. But when I tried all these things, found them to be false: for not onely breathing and belching upon the Loadstone after eating of Garlick, did not stop its vertues: but when it was all anoynted over with the juice of Garlick, it did perform its office as well as if it had never been touched with it: and I could observe almost not the least difference, lest I should make void the endeavours of the Ancients.

And again, When I enquired of Marines, whether it were so, that they were forbid to eat Onyons and Garlick for that reason; they said, they were old Wives fables, and things ridiculous; and that Sea-men would sooner lose their lives, then abstain from eating Onyons and Garlick."

The fables respecting the antipathy of garlick and of the diamond to the operation of the magnet, although already discredited by Ruellius and by Porta, died hard. In spite of the exposure and denunciations of Gilbert—compare p. [32]—these tales were oft repeated during the succeeding century. In the appendix to Sir Hugh Plat's Jewel House of Art and Nature, in the edition of 1653, by D. B. Gent, it is stated there (p. 218): "The Loadstone which ... hath an admirable vertue not onely to draw Iron to it self, but also to make any Iron upon which it is rubbed to draw iron also, it is written notwithstanding, that being rubbed with the juyce of Garlick, it loseth that vertue, and cannot then draw iron, as likewise if a Diamond be layed close unto it."

Pliny wrote of the alleged antipathy between diamond and goat's blood. The passage as quoted from the English version of Pliny's Natural Historie of the World, translated by Philemon Holland (London, 1601, p. 610, chap, iv.), runs: "But I would gladly know whose invention this might be to soake the Diamond in Goats bloud, whose head devised it first, or rather by what chance was it found out and knowne? What conjecture should lead a man to make an experiment of such a singular and admirable secret, especially in a goat, the filthiest beast ... in the whole world? Certes I must ascribe both this invention and all such like to the might and beneficence together of the divine powers: neither are we to argue and reason how and why Nature hath done this or that? Sufficient is it that her will was so, and thus she would have it."

[6] Page 2, line 22. Page 2, line 22. Machometis sacellum. Gilbert credits Matthiolus (the well-known herbalist and commentator on Dioscorides) with producing the fable as to Mahomet's coffin being suspended in the air by a magnet. Sir Richard Burton, in his famous pilgrimage to El Medïnah in 1855, effectually disposed of this myth. The reputed sarcophagus rests simply on bricks on the floor. But it had long been known that aerial suspension, even of the lightest iron object, in the air, without contact above or below, was impossible by any magnetic agency.

In Barlowe's Magneticall Aduertisements (London, 1616, p. 45) is the following: "As for the Turkes Mahomet, hanging in the ayer with his yron chest it is a most grosse untruth, and utterly impossible it is for any thing to hange in the ayer by any magneticall power, but that either it must touch the stone it selfe, or else some intermediate body, that hindreth it from comming to the stone (like as before I haue shewed) or else some stay below to keepe it from ascending, as some small wier that may scantly bee seene or perceived."

[7] Page 2, line 26. Page 2, line 26. Arsinoes templum.—The account in Pliny of the magnetic suspension of the statue of Arsinoe in the temple built by Chinocrates is given as follows in the English version (London, 1601) of Philemon Holland (p. 515): "And here I cannot chuse but acquaint you with the singular invention of that great architect and master deviser, of Alexandria in Ægypt Dinocrates, who began to make the arched roufe of the temple of Arsinoe all of Magnet or this Loadstone, to the end, that within that temple the statue of the said princesse made of yron, might seeme to hang in the aire by nothing. But prevented he was by death

before hee could finish his worke, like as king Ptolomæe also, who ordained that temple to be built in the honour of the said Arsinoe his sister."

There are a number of similar myths in Ausonius, Claudian, and Cassiodorus, and in the writings of later ecclesiastical historians, such as Rusinus and Prosper Aquitanus. The very meagre accounts they have left, and the scattered references to the reputed magical powers of the loadstone, suggest that there existed amongst the primitive religions of mankind a magnet-worship, of which these records are traces.

[8] Page 2, line 37. Page 2, line 41. Brasevolus [or Brasavola].—The list of authorities here cited consists mostly of well-known mediæval writers on materia medica or on minerals: the last on the list, Hannibal Rosetius Calaber, has not been identified.

The following are the references in the order named by Gilbert:

Antonio Musa Brasavola. Examen omnium simplicium medicamentorum, Section 447 (Lugdun., 1537).

Joannes Baptista Montanus. Metaphrasis summaria eorum quæ ad medicamentorum doctrinà attinet (Augustæ Rheticæ, 1551).

Amatus Lusitanus. Amati Lusitani in Dioscoridis Anazarbei de materia medica libros quinque (Venet., 1557, p. 507).

Oribasius. Oribasii Sardiani ad Eunapium libri 4 quibus ... facultates simplicium ... continentur (Venet., 1558).

Aetius Amidenus. Aetii Amideni Librorum medicinalium ... libri octo nunc primum in lucem editi (Greek text, Aldine edition, Venet., 1534). A Latin edition appeared in Basel, 1535. See also his tetrabiblos ex veteribus medicinæ (Basil., 1542).

Avicenna (Ibn Sinâ). Canona Medicinæ (Venice, 1486), liber ii., cap. 474.

Serapio Mauritanus (Yuhanná Ibn Sarapion). In hoc volumine continentur ... Ioan. Sarapionis Arabis de Simplicibus Medicinis opus præclarum et ingens ... (edited by Brunfels, Argentorati, 1531, p. 260).

Hali Abbas (’Alí Ibn Al ’Abbās). Liber totius medicinæ necessaria cōtinens ... quem Haly filius Abbas edidit ... et a Stephano ex arabica lingua reductus (Lugd., 1523, p. 176 verso).

Santes de Ardoniis (or Ardoynis). Incipit liber de venenis quem magister santes de ardoynis ... edere cepit venetiis die octauo nouēbris, 1424 (Venet., 1492).

Petrus Apponensis (or Petrus de Abano). The loadstone is referred to in two works by this author.

(1) Conciliator differentiarum philosophorum: et precipue medicorum clarissimi viri Petri de Abano Patauini feliciter incipit (Venet., 1496, p. 72, verso, Quæstio LI.).

(2) Tractatus de Venenis (Roma, 1490, cap. xi.).

Marcellus (called Marcellus Empiricus). De Medicamentis, in the volume Medici antiqui omnes (Venet., 1547, p. 89).

Arnaldus (Arnaldus de Villa Nova). Incipit Tractatus de virtutibus herbarum (Venet., 1499). See also Arnaldi Villanovani Opera omnia (Basil., 1585).

Marbodeus Gallus. Marbodei Galli poetae vetustissimi de lapidibus pretiosis Enchiridion (Friburgi, 1530 [1531], p. 41).

Albertus Magnus. De Mineralibus et rebus metallicis (Venet., 1542, lib. ii., de lapidibus preciosis, p. 192). There is a reference to the loadstone

also in a work attributed falsely to Albertus, but now ascribed to Henricus de Saxonia, De virtutibus herbarum, de virtutibus lapidum, etc. (Rouen, 1500, and subsequent editions). An English version, The Secrets of Albertus Magnus of the vertues of hearbs stones and certaine beasts was publisht in London in 1617.

Matthæus Silvaticus. Pandectæ Medicinæ (Lugduni, 1541, cap. 446).

Hermolaus Barbarus. His work, Hermolai Barbari Patritii Veneti et Aqvileiensis patriarchæ Corollarii Libri quinque ... Venet., 1516, is an early herbal. On p. 103 are to be found descriptions of lapis gagatis and lapis magnes. The latter is mostly taken from Pliny, and mentions the alleged theamedes, and the myth of the floating statue.

Camillus Leonardus. Speculum Lapidum (Venet., 1502, fol. xxxviii.). An English translation, The Mirror of Stones, appeared in London in 1750.

Cornelius Agrippa. Henrici Cor. Agrippæ ab Nettesheym ... De Occulta Philosophia Libri Tres (Antv., 1531). The English version Of the Vanitie and uncertaintie of Artes was publisht in London, 1569, and again later.

Fallopius (Gabriellus). G. F. de simplicibus medicamentis purgantibus tractatus (Venet., 1566). See also his Tractatus de compositione medicamentorum (Venet., 1570).

Johannes Langius. Epistolarum medicinalium volumen tripartitum (Paris, 1589, p. 792).

Cardinalis Cusanus (Nicolas Khrypffs, Cardinal de Cusa). Nicolai Cusani de staticis experimentis dialogus (Argentorati, 1550). The English edition, entitled The Idiot in four books, is dated London, 1650.

[9] Page 3, line 1. Page 2, line 42. Marcellus.—"Marcellus Empiricus, médecin de Théodose-le-Grand, dit que l'aimant, appelé antiphyson, attire et repousse le fer." (Klaproth, Sur l'invention de la boussole, 1834, p. 12.) The passage from Marcellus runs: "Magnetes lapis, qui antiphyson dicitur, qui ferrum trahit et abjicit, et magnetes lapis qui sanguinem emittit et ferrum ad se trahit, collo alligati aut circa caput dolori capitis medentur." (Marcellus, de Medicamentis: in the volume Medici antiqui omnes, qui latinis literis morborum genera persecuti sunt. Venet., 1547, p. 89.)

[10] Page 3, line 11. Page 3, line 9. Thomas Erastus.—The work in question is Dispvtationvm de Medicina nova Philippi Paracelsi, Pars Prima: in qua quæ de remediis svperstitiosis & Magicis curationibus ille prodidit, præcipuè examinantur à Thoma Erasto in Schola Heydebergensi, professore. (Basiliæ, 1572. Parts 2 and 3 appeared the same year, and Part 4 in 1573.)

Gilbert had no more love for Paracelsus than for Albertus Magnus or others of the magic-mongers. Indeed the few passages in Paracelsus on the magnet are sorry stuff. They will mostly be found in the seventh volume of his collected works (Opera omnia, Frankfurt, 1603). A sample may be taken from the English work publisht in London, 1650, with the title: Of the Nature of Things, Nine Books; written by Philipp Theophrastus of Hohenheim, called Paracelsvs.

"For any Loadstone that Mercury hath but touched, or which hath been smeered with Mercuriall oyle, or only put into Mercury will never draw Iron more" (p. 23).

"The life of the Loadstone is the spirit of Iron; which may bee extracted, and taken away with spirit of Wine" (p. 32).

[11] Page 3, line 13. Page 3, line 11. Encelius (or Entzelt, Christoph)

wrote a work publisht in 1551 at Frankfurt, with the title De re metallica, hoc est, de origine, varietate, et natura corporum metallicorum, lapidum, gemmarum, atque aliarum quæ ex fodinis eruuntur, rerum, ad medicine usum deservientium, libri iii. This is written in a singular medley of Latin and German. Gilbert undoubtedly took from it many of his ideas about the properties of metals. See the [note] to p. [27] on plumbum album.

[12] Page 3, line 20. Page 3, line 21. Thomas Aquinas.—The reference is to his commentaries upon the Physica of Aristotle. The passage will be found on p. 96 bis of the Giunta edition (Venet., 1539). The essential part is quoted by Gilbert himself on p. [64].

[13] Page 3, line 39. Page 3, line 45. pyxidem.—The word pyxis, which occurs here, and in the next sentence as pyxidem nauticam, is translated compass. Eleven lines lower occurs the term nautica pyxidula. This latter word, literally the "little compass," certainly refers to the portable compass used at sea. Compare several passages in Book IV. where a contrasting use is made of these terms; for example, on pp. [177] and [202]. Calcagninus, De re nautica, uses the term pyxidecula for an instrument which he describes as "vitro intecta." On p. [152], line 9, Gilbert uses the non-classical noun compassus, "boreale lilium compassi (quod Boream respicit)," and again on p. [178], line 3.

[14] Page 4, line 2. Page 4, line 2. Melphitani.—The inhabitants of Amalfi in the kingdom of Naples. The claim of the discovery or invention of the mariners' compass in the year 1302 by one Joannes Goia, or Gioia, also named as Flavio Goia, has been much disputed. In Guthrie's New System of Modern Geography (London, 1792, p. 1036), in the Chronology, is set down for the year 1302:

"The mariner's compass invented, or improved by Givia, of Naples. The flower de luce, the arms of the Duke of Anjou, then King of Naples, was placed by him at the point of the needle, in compliment to that prince."

In 1808 an elaborate treatise was printed at Naples, by Flaminius Venanson with the title, De l'invention de la Boussole Nautique. Venanson, who cites many authorities, endeavours to prove that if Gioia did not discover magnetic polarity he at least invented the compass, that is to say, he pivotted the magnetic needle and placed it in a box, with a card affixed above it divided into sixteen parts bearing the names of the sixteen principal winds. He alleges in proof that the compass-card is emblazoned in the armorial bearings of the city of Amalfi. This view was combatted in the famous letter of Klaproth to Humboldt publisht in Paris in 1834. He shows that the use of the magnetized needle was known in Europe toward the end of the twelfth century; that the Chinese knew of it and used it for finding the way on land still earlier; that there is no compass-card in the arms of the city of Amalfi; but he concedes that Gioia may have improved the compass in 1302 by adding the wind-rose card. The most recent contributions to the question are a pamphlet by Signorelli, Sull' invenzione della Bussola nautica, ragionamento di Pietro Napoli Signorelli, segretario perpetuo della Società Pontaniana; letto nella seduta del 30 settembre 1860; Matteo Camera's Memorie Storico-diplomatiche dell' antica città e ducato di Amalfi (Salerno, 1876); and Admiral Luigi Fincati's work Il Magnete, la Calamita, e la Bussola (Roma, 1878). An older mention of Gioia is to be found in Blundevile's Exercises (3rd edition, 1606, pp. 257-258). See also Crescentio della Nautica Mediterranea, (Roma, 1607, p. 253), and Azuni, Dissertazione sull' origine della bussola nautica (Venezia, 1797).

There appears to be a slip in Gilbert's reference to Andrea Doria, as he has confounded the town of Amalfi in Principato Citra with Melfi in Basilicata.

One of the sources relied upon by historians for ascribing this origin of the compass is the Compendia dell' Istoria del Regno di Napoli, of Collenuccio (Venet., MDXCI.), p. 5.

"Nè in questo tacerò Amalfi, picciola terra, & capo della costa di Picentia, alia quale tutti quelli, che'l mar caualcano, vfficiosamente eterno gratie debono referire, essendo prima in quella terra trovato l'vso, & l'artificio della calamita, & del bussolo, col quale i nauiganti, la stella Tramontana infallibilmente mirando, direzzano il lor corso, si come è publica fama, & gli Amalfitani si gloriano, nè senza ragione dalli piu si crede, essendo cosa certa, che gli antichi tale instromento non hebbero; nè essendo mai in tutto falso quello, che in molto tempo è da molti si diuolga."

Another account is to be found in the Historiarum sui temporis, etc., of Paulus Jovius (Florent., 1552), tom. ii., cap. 25, p. 42.

"Quum essem apud Philippum superuenit Ioachinus Leuantius Ligur a Lotrechio missus, qui deposceret captiuos; sed ille negauit se daturum, quando eos ad ipsum Andream Auriam ammirantem deducendos esse iudicaret. Vgonis uerò cadauer, ut illudentium Barbarorum contumeliis eriperetur, ad Amalphim urbem delatum est, in ædeque Andreæ apostoli, tumultuariis exequiis tumulatum. In hac urbe citriorum & medicorum odoratis nemoribus æquè peramœna & celebri, Magnetis usum nauigantibus hodie familiarem & necessarium, adinuentum suisse incolæ asserunt."

Flavius Blondus, whom Gilbert cites, gives the following reference, in which Gioia's name is not mentioned, in the section upon Campania Felix of his Italy (Blondi Flavii Forlinensis ... Italia Illustrata, Basiliæ, 1531, p. 420).

"Sed fama est qua Amalphitanos audiuimus gloriari, magnetis usum, cuius adminiculo nauigantes ad arcton diriguntur, Amalphi suisse inuentum, quicquid uero habeat in ea re ueritas, certû est id noctu nauigandi auxilium priscis omnino suisse incognitum."

There is a further reference to the alleged Amalphian in Caelius Calcagninus De re nautica commentatio. (See Thesaurus Græcarum Antiquitatum, 1697, vol. xi., p. 761.) On the other hand Baptista Porta, who wrote in Naples in 1558 (Magia Naturalis) distinctly sets aside the claim as baseless.

William Barlowe, in The Navigators Supply (1597, p. A3), says: "Who was the first inuentor of this Instrument miraculous, and endued, as it were, with life, can hardly be found. The lame tale of one Flauius at Amelphis, in the kingdome of Naples, for to haue deuised it, is of very slender probabilitie. Pandulph Collenutius writing the Neapolitane historie telleth vs, that they of Amelphis say, it is a common opinion there, that it was first found out among them. But Polidore Virgil, who searched most diligently for the Inuentors of things, could neuer heare of this opinion (yet himselfe being an Italian) and as he confesseth in the later ende of his third booke de inventoribus rerum, could neuer vnderstand anything concerning the first inuention of this instrument."

According to Park Benjamin (Intellectual Rise in Electricity, p. 146) the use of the pivotted compass arose and spread not from Amalfi at the hands of Italians in the fourteenth century, but from Wisbuy, at the hands of the Finns, in the middle of the twelfth century.

Hakewill (An Apologie or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God, London, 1673, pp. 284-285) says:

"But Blondus, who is therein followed by Pancirollus, both Italians, will not haue Italy loose the praise thereof, telling vs that about 300 yeares agoe it was found out at Malphis or Melphis, a Citty in the Kingdome of Naples in the Province of Campania, now called Terra di Lovorador. But for the Author of it, the one names him not, and the other assures vs, he is not knowne: yet Salmuth out of Ciezus & Gomara confidently christens him with the name of Flavius, and so doth Du Bartas in those excellent verses of his touching this subject.

"'W' are not to Ceres so much bound for bread,

Neither to Bacchus for his clusters red,

As Signior Flavio to thy witty tryall,

For first inventing of the Sea-mans dyall,

Th' vse of the needle turning in the same,

Divine device, O admirable frame!'

"It may well be then that Flavius the Melvitan was the first inventor of guiding the ship by the turning of the needle to the North: but some German afterwards added to the Compasse the 32 points of the winde in his owne language, whence other Nations haue since borrowed it."

[15] Page 4, line 14. Page 4, line 14. Paulum Venetum.—The reference is to Marco Polo. He returned in 1295 from his famous voyage to Cathay. But the oft-repeated tale that he first introduced the knowledge of the compass into Europe on his return is disposed of by several well-established facts. Klaproth (op. citat., p. 57) adduces a mention of its use in 1240 in the Eastern Mediterranean, recorded in a work written in 1242 by Bailak of Kibdjak. And the passages in the Iceland Chronicle, and in Alexander of Neckham are still earlier.

[16] Page 4, line 17. Page 4, line 17. Goropius. See Hispanica Ioannis Goropii Becani (Plantin edition, Antv., 1580), p. 29. This is a discussion of the etymologies of the names of the points of the compass: but is quite unauthoritative.

[17] Page 4, line 23. Page 4, line 26. Paruaim.—Respecting this reference, Sir Philip Magnus has kindly furnisht the following note. A clue to the meaning of Parvaim, which should be written in English letters with a v, not a u, will be found in 2 Chronicles, iii. 6. In the verse quoted the author speaks of gold as the gold of Parvaim,

וְהַזָּהָב זְהַב פַּרְוָיִם

‎, and

פּרוים

‎ Parvaim is taken as a gold-producing region. It is regarded by some as the same as Ophir. The word is supposed to be cognate with a Sanskrit word pûrva signifying "prior, anterior, oriental." There is nothing in the root indicating gold. A form similar to Parvaim, and also a proper name, is Sepharvaim, found in 2 Kings, xix. 13, and in Isaiah, xxxvii. 13, and supposed to be the name of a city in Assyria.

[18] Page 4, line 35. Page 4, line 41. Cabot's observation of the variation of the compass is narrated in the Geografia of Livio Sanuto (Vinegia, 1588, lib. i., fol. 2). See also Fournier's Hydrographie, lib. xi., cap. 10.

[19] Page 4, line 36. Page 4, line 42. Gonzalus Oviedus.—The reference is to Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdès. Summario de la Historia general y natural de las Indias occidentales, 1525, p. 48, where the author speaks of the crossing of "la linea del Diametro, donde las Agujas hacen la

diferencia del Nordestear, ò Noroestear, que es el parage de las Islas de los Açores."

[20] Page 5, line 8. Page 5, line 11. Petri cujusdam Peregrini.—This opusculum is the famous letter of Peter Peregrinus written in 1269, of which some twenty manuscript copies exist in various libraries in Oxford, Rome, Paris, etc., and of which the oldest printed edition is that of 1558 (Augsburg). See also Libri, Histoire des Sciences Mathématiques (1838); Bertelli in Boncompagni's Bull. d. Bibliogr. T. I. and T. IV. (1868 and 1871), and Hellmann's Rara Magnetica (1898). A summary of the contents of Peregrinus's book will be found in Park Benjamin's Intellectual Rise in Electricity (1895), pp. 164-185.

[21] Page 5, line 12. Page 5, line 15. Johannes Taisner Hannonius.—Taisnier, or Taysnier, of Hainault, was a plagiarist who took most of the treatise of Peregrinus and publisht it in his Opusculum... de Natura Magnetis (Coloniæ, 1562), of which an English translation by Richard Eden was printed by R. Jugge in 1579.

[22] Page 5, line 18. Page 5, line 23. Collegium Conimbricense.—This is a reference to the commentaries on Aristotle by the Jesuits of Coimbra. The work is Colegio de Coimbra da Companhia de Jesu, Cursus Conimbricensis in Octo libros Physicorum (Coloniæ, sumptibus Lazari Ratzneri, 1599). Other editions: Lugd. 1594; and Colon., 1596. The later edition of 1609, in the British Museum, has the title Commentariorum Collegii Conimbricensis in octo libros physicorum.

[23] Page 5, line 25. Page 5, line 31. Martinus Cortesius.—His Arte de Navegar (Sevilla, 1556) went through various editions in Spanish, Italian, and English. Eden's translation was publisht 1561, and again in 1609.

[24] Page 5, line 26. Page 5, line 33. Bessardus.—Toussaincte de Bessard wrote a treatise, Dialogue de la Longitude (Rouen, 1574), which gives some useful notes of nautical practice, and of the French construction of the compass. Speaking of the needle he says: "Elle ne tire pas au pole du monde: ains regarde, au Pole du Zodiaque, comme il sera discoursu, cy apres" (p. 34). On p. 50 he speaks of "l'aiguille Aymantine." On p. 108 he refers to Mercator's Carte Générale, and denies the existence of the alleged loadstone rock. On p. 15 he gives the most naïve etymologies for the terms used: thus he assigns as the derivation of Sud the Latin sudor, because the south is hot, and as that of Ouest that it comes from Ou and Est. "Come, qui diroit, Ou est-il? à scauoir le Soleil, qui estoit nagueres sur la terre."

[25] Page 5, line 28. Page 5, line 35. Jacobus Severtius.—Jacques Severt, whose work, De Orbis Catoptrici sev mapparvm mvndi principiis descriptione ac usu libri tres (Paris, 1598), would have probably lapsed into obscurity, but being just newly publisht was mentioned by Gilbert for its follies.

[26] Page 5, line 30. Page 5, line 38. Robertus Norman.—Author of the rare volume The Newe Attractiue, publisht in London, 1581, and several times reprinted. This work contains an account of Norman's discovery of the Dip of the magnetic needle, and of his investigation of it by means of the Dipping-needle, which he invented. He was a compassmaker of the port of London, and lived at Limehouse.

[27] Page 5, line 32. Page 5, line 40. Franciscus Maurolycus.—The work to which the myth of the magnetic mountains is thus credited is, D. Francisci Abbatis Messanensis Opuscula Mathematica, etc. (Venet, MDLXXV, p. 122a). "Sed cur sagitta, vel obelus à vero Septentrione, quandoque ad dextram,

quandoque ad sinistram declinat? An quia sagitta, sicut magnes (cuius est simia) non verum Septentrionem, sed insulam quandam (quam Olaus Magnus Gothus in sua geographia vocat insulam magnetum) semper ex natura inspicere cogitur?"

[28] Page 5, line 35. Page 5, line 43. Olaus Magnus.—The famous Archbishop of Upsala, who wrote the history of the northern nations (Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus), of which the best edition, illustrated with many woodcuts, appeared in Rome in 1555. An English edition entitled A Compendious History of the Goths, Swedes, and Vandals, and Other Northern Nations was printed in London in 1658; but it is much abbreviated and has none of the quaint woodcuts. The reference on p. 5 appears to be to the following passage on p. 409 (ed. 1555). "Demum in suppolaribus insulis magnetum montes reperiuntur, quorum fragmentis ligna fagina certo tempore applicata, in saxeam duritiem, et vim attractivam convertuntur," or the following on p. 89: "Magnetes enim in extremo Septentrionis veluti montes, unde nautica directio constat, reperiuntur: quorum etiam magnetum tam vehemens est operatio, ut certis lignis fagineis conjuncti, ea vertunt in sui duritiem, & naturam attractivam." On p. 343 is a woodcut depicting the penalties inflicted by the naval laws upon any one who should maliciously tamper with the compass or the loadstone, "qui malitiosè nauticum gnomonem, aut compassum, & præcipuè portionem magnetis, unde omnium directio dependet, falsaverit." He was to be pinned to the mast by a dagger thrust through his hand. It will be noted that the ships carried both a compass, and a piece of loadstone wherewith to stroke the needle.

There is in the Basel edition of this work, 1567, a note ad lectorem, on the margin of Carta 16a, as follows:

"Insula 30 milliarium in longitud. & latitud. Polo arctico subjecta.

"Vltra quam directorium nauticum bossolo dicũ uires amittit: propterea quòd ilia insula plena est magnetum."

This myth of the magnetic mountains, probably originating with Nicander, appears, possibly from an independent source, in the East, in China, and in the tales of the Arabian Nights.

Ptolemy gives the following account in his Geographia (lib. vii., cap. 2):

Φέρονται δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι συνεχεῖς δέκα νῆσοι καλούμεναι Μανίολαι ἐν ἄις φάσι τὰ σιδήρους ἔχοντα ἥλους πλοῖα κατέχεσθαι, μήποτε τῆς Ἡρικλείας λίθου περὶ αὐτὰς γενομένης, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐπιούροις ναυπηγεῖσθαι. Some editions omit the name of the Manioles from the passage.

No two authorities agree as to the place of these alleged magnetic mountains. Some place them in the Red Sea. Fracastorio, De Sympathia et Antipathia, cap. 7 (Opera omnia, Giunta edition, 1574, p. 63), gives the following reason for the variation of the compass:

"Nos igitur diligentius rem considerãtes dicimus causam, q˜ perpendiculum illud ad polum vertatur, esse montes ferri, & magnetis, qui sub polo sunt, vt negociatores affirmant, quorum species per incredibilem distantiam vsque ad maria nostra propagata ad perpendiculum vsq;, vbi est magnes, consuetam attractionem facit: propter distantiam autem quum debilis sit, non moueret quidem magnetem, nisi esset in perpendiculo: quare & si non trahit vsq; ac. principium, vnde effluxit, at mouet tamẽ, & propinquiorem facit, quo potest. Quod si naues sorte vllæ propinquiores sint illis montibus, ferrum omne earũ cuellitur, propter quod nauigijs incolæ vtuntur clauis ligneis astrictis."

In the last chapter of his De Sympathia, Fracastorio returns to the subject

in consequence of some doubts expressed by Giambattista Rhamnusio, seeing that the loadstones in the Island of Elba do not sensibly deflect the magnet. Fracastorio replies thus (p. 76, op. citat.):

"Primum igitur vtrum sub Polo sint. Magnetis mõtes, nec ne, sub ambiguo relinquamus, scimus enim esse, qui scribãt planas magis esse eas regiones, de quo Paulus Iouius Ep˜us Nucerinus Luculẽtus historiarũ nostri tẽporis scriptor, circa eã Sarmatiæ partem, quæ Moscouia nũc dicitur, diligentẽ inquisitionem ab incolis fecit, qui ne eos etiã inueniri montes retulere, qui Rhyphei ab antiquis dicti sunt: meminimus tamẽ nos quasdam chartas vidisse earum, quas mundi mappas appellãt, in quibus sub polo montes notati erant (qui Magnetis montes inscripti fuerant). Siue igitur sint, siue non sint ij montes, nihil ad nos in præsentiarum attinet, quando per montes polo subiectos cathenam illam montium intelligimus, qui ad septentrionem spectant tanti, & tam vasti, ac Ferri & Magnetis feraces: qui, & si magis distant à nostro mari, q˜ Iluæ insulæ montes, potentiores tamen sunt ad mouendum perpendiculum propter abundantiam & copiã Ferri, & Magnetis. Fortasse autem, & qui in Ilua est Magnes, non multæ actionis est in ea minera: multi enim dũ in minera sunt, minus valent, q˜ extracti, q˜ spirituales species sua habeant impedimenta: signum autem parum valere in sua minera Iluæ insulæ Magnetem, q˜ tam propinquus quum sit nauigijs illac prætereuntibus, perpendiculum tamen non ad se cõuertit."

Aldrovandi in the Musæum Metallicum (Bonon., 1648, p. 554) gives another version of the fable:

"Nonnulli, animadversa hac Magnetis natura, scripserunt naves, quibus in Calecutanam regionem navigatur, clavis ferreis non figi, ob magneticorum frequentiam scopulorum, quoniam facilè dissolverentur. Sed Garzias in Historia Aromatum id fabulosum esse tradidit: quandoquidem plures naues Calecutanæ regionis, & illius tractus, ferreis clauis iunctas obseruauit: immò addidit naues in insulis Maldiuis ligneis quidem clauis copulari, non quia à Magnete sibi metuant, sed quoniam ferri inopia laborant."

According to Aldrovandi (p. 563, op. citat.) the magnetic mountains are stated by Sir John Mandeville to be in the region of Pontus.

Lipenius in his Navigatio Salomonis Ophritica illustrata (Witteb., 1660), which is a mine of curious learning, in discussing the magnetic mountains quotes the reply of Socrates to the inquirer who asked him as to what went on in the infernal regions, saying that he had never been there nor had he ever met any one who had returned thence.

The loadstone rock figures in several early charts. In Nordenskiöld's Facsimile Atlas (Stockholm, 1889) is given a copy of the Map of Johan Ruysch from an edition of Ptolemy, publisht in Rome in 1508, which shows four islands within the ice-bound Arctic regions. South of these islands and at the east of the coast of Greenland is the inscription: Hic compassus navium non tenet, nec naves quæ ferrum tenent revertere valent. To which (on p. 63) Nordenskiöld adds the comment: Sagan on magnetberg, som skulle draga till sig fartyg förande jern, är gamal. And he recalls the reference of Ptolemy to the magnetic rocks in the Manioles. A second inscription is added to Ruysch's map in the ornamental margin that borders the Arctic islands. Legere est in libro de inventione fortunati sub polo arctico rupem esse excelsam ex lapide magnete 33 miliarium germanorum ambitu. This refers to a matter recorded in Hakluyt's Principall Navigations (Lond., 1589, p. 249), namely: "A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician, maister John Dee,

touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas de Linna. Anno 1360 a frier of Oxford, being a good Astronomer, went in companie with others to the most Northren islands of the world, and there leaving his company together, he travelled alone, and purposely described all the Northern islands, with the indrawing seas: and the record thereof at his return he delivered to the king of England. The name of which booke is Inventio Fortunata (aliter fortunæ) qui liber incipit a gradu 54 usq. ad polum."

The situation of the alleged loadstone rock is thus described by T. Blundevile in his Exercises in the chapter entitled A plaine and full description of Peter Plancius his vniuersall Map, seruing both for sea and land, and by him lately put foorth in the yeare of our Lord, 1592.... Written in our mother tongue by M. Blundeuill, Anno Domini 1594. The passage is quoted from p. 253 of the third edition (1606):

"Now betwixt the 72. and 86. degrees of North latitude he setteth downe two long Ilands extending from the West towardes the East somewhat beyond the first Meridian, and from the saide Meridian more Eastward he setteth downe other two long Ilandes ... and hee saith further that right under the North pole there is a certaine blacke and most high rocke which hath in circuite thirtie and three leagues, which is nintie and nine miles, and that the long Iland next to the Pole on the West is the best and most healthfull of all the North parts. Next to the foresaide Ilandes more Southward hee setteth downe the Ilandes of Crocklande and Groynelande, making them to haue a farre longer and more slender shape then all other mappes doe.... Moreouer at the East end of the last Ilande somewhat to the Southwarde, he placeth the Pole of the Lodestone which is called in Latine Magnes, euen as Mercator doth in his Mappe who supposing the first Meridian to passe through Saint Marie or Saint Michael, which are two of the outermost Ilandes of the Azores Eastwarde, placeth the Pole of the stone in the seuentie fiue degree of Latitude, but supposing the first Meridian to passe through the Ile Coruo, which is the furthest Ile of the Azores Westwarde, he placeth the Pole of the Lodestone in the seuentie seuen degree of Latitude."

Further, in the chapter on The Arte of Nauigation in the same work (p. 332, ed. citat.), Blundevile says:

"But whereas Mercator affirmeth that there should bee a mine or great rocke of Adamant, wherunto all other lesser rockes or Needles touched with the Lodestone doe incline as to their chiefe fountaine, that opinion seemeth to mee verie straunge, for truely I rather beleeue with Robert Norman that the properties of the Stone, as well in drawing steele, as in shewing the North Pole, are secret vertues given of GOD to that stone for mans necessarie vse and behoofe, of which secrete vertues no man is able to shewe the true cause."

The following is one of the inscriptions in the compartments of the great Chart of Mercator entitled Ad Usum Navigantium, published in 1569:

"Testatur Franciscus Diepanus peritissimus nauarchus volubiles libellas, magnetis virtute infectas recta mundi polum respicere in insulis C. Viridis, Solis, Bonauista, et Maio, cui proxime astipulantur qui in Tercera, aut S. Maria (insulæ sunt inter Açores) id fieri dicunt, pauci in earundem occidentalissima Corvi nomine id contingere opinantur. Quia vero locorum longitudinis a communi magnetis et mundi meridiano iustis de causis initium sumere oportet, plurium testimonium sequutus primum meridianum per dictas C. Viridis insulas protraxi, et quum alibi plus minusque a polo deuiante

magnete polum aliquum peculiarem esse oporteat quo magnetes ex omni mundi parte despiciant, euum hoc quo assignaui loco existere adhibita declinatione magnetis Ratisbonæ obseruata didici. Supputaui autem eius poli situm etiam respectu insulæ Corui, ut iuxta extremo primi meridiani positus extremi etiam termini, intra quos polum hunc inueniri necesse est, conspicui fierent, donec certius aliquod nauclerorum obseruatio attulerit."

Not all the map-makers were as frank as Paulus Merula, the author of a Cosmographia Generalis, printed by Plantin in 1605, at Leyden. For in the description of his tabula universalis (op. citat. lib. iii., cap. 9) he says that he does not believe in the magnetic islands; but that he has put them into his chart lest unskilful folk should think that he had been so careless as to leave them out!

In the well-known myth of Ogier the Dane, immortalized by William Morris in the Earthly Paradise (London, 1869, vol. i., p. 625), the loadstone rock is an island in the far North. But this story is not one of the Scandinavian sagas, and belongs to the Carlovingian cycle of heroic poems, of which the chief is the Chanson de Roland; and Ogier le Danois is really not a Dane but an Ardennois.

In the Middle-High German epic of Kudrun, the adventures of the fleet of Queen Hilda when attracted by the loadstone mountain at Givers, in the North Sea, are narrated at some length. (See Kudrun, herausgegeben und erklärt von Ernst Martin. Halle, 1872.) One stanza will serve as a sample:

1126. Ze Givers vor dem berge | lac daz Hilden her.

swie guot ir anker wæren, | an daz vinster mer.

magnêten die steine | heten si gezogen.

ir guote segelboume | stuonden alle gebogen.

which may be rendered:

1126. At Givers before the mountain | lay Hilda's ships by.

Though good their anchors were, | upon the murky sea.

Magnets the stones were | had drawn them thither.

Their good sailing masts | stood all bent together.

Recent magnetic research has shown that while there are no magnetic mountains that would account for the declination of the compass in general, yet there are minor local variations that can only be accounted for by the presence of magnetic reefs or rocks. The reader is referred to the account of the magnetic survey of Great Britain in the Philosophical Transactions (1890) by Professors Rücker and Thorpe. The well-known rocky peak the Riffelhorn above Zermatt, in Switzerland, produces distinct perturbations in the direction of the compass within half a mile of its base. Such local perturbations are regularly used in Sweden for tracing out the position of underground lodes of iron ore. See Thalén, Sur la Recherche des Mines de Fer à l'aide de Mesures magnétiques (Soc. Royale des Sciences d'Upsal, 1877); or B. R. Brough, The Use of the Magnetic Needle in exploring for Iron Ore (Scientific American, Suppl. No. 608, p. 9708, Aug. 27, 1887).

Quite recently Dr. Henry Wilde, F.R.S., has endeavoured to elucidate the deviations of the compass as the result of the configurations of land and sea on the globe, by means of a model globe in which the ocean areas are covered with thin sheet iron. This apparatus Dr. Wilde calls a Magnetarium. See Proc. Roy. Soc., June, 1890, Jan., 1891, and June, 1891.

An actual magnetic rock exists in Scandinavia, the following account of it being given in the Electrical Review of New York, May 3, 1899:

"The island of Bornholm in the Baltic, which consists of a mass of magnetic iron ore, is much feared by mariners. On being sighted they discontinue steering by compass, and go instead by lighthouses. Between Bornholm and the mainland there is also a dangerous bank of rock under water. It is said that the magnetic influence of this ore bank is so powerful that a balanced magnetic needle suspended freely in a boat over the bank will take a vertical position."

[29] Page 5, line 35. Page 5, line 43. Josephus Costa.—This is unquestionably a misprint for Acosta (Joseph de), the Jesuit, whose work Historia natural y moral de las Indias was publisht at Seville in 1590. An Italian edition appeared at Venice in 1596. The English edition, translated by E. Grimestone, The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies, was publisht in London in 1604 and 1878. There are in Gilbert's book references to two writers of the name of Costa or Costæus, Joannes Costa of Lodi, who edited Galen and Avicenna (see pp. [3] and [62]), and Filippo Costa of Mantua, who wrote on antidotes and medicaments (see p. [141]). The passage to which Gilbert refers is in Acosta's Historia (ed. 1590, p. 64).

"Deziame a mi vn piloto muy diestro Portugues q˜ eran quatro puntos en todo el orbe, donde se afixaua el aguja con el Norte, y contaualas por sus nombres, de que no me acuerdo bien. Vno destos es el paraje de la Isla del Cueruo, en las Terceras, o Islas de Açores, como es cosa y a muy sabida. Passando di alli a mas altura, Noruestea, que es dezir, q˜ declina al Poniente ... que me digã la causa desta efecto?... Porque vn poco de hierro de fregarse cõ la piedra Iman ...

"Mejor es, como dize Gregorio Theologo, que a la Fe se sujete la razon, pues aun en su casa no sabe bien entenderse...."

[30] Page 5, line 36. Page 5, line 45. Livius Sanutus.—Livio Sanuto publisht at Venice in 1588 a folio work, Geografia distinta in xii Libri; ne' quali, oltre l'esplicatione di nostri luoghi di Tolomeo, della Bussola e dell' Aguglia, si dichiarono le provincie ... dell' Africa. In this work all Liber i. (pages 1-13) deals with observations of the compass, mentioning Sebastian Cabot, and other navigators. He gives a map of Africa, showing the central lakes out of which flow the Zaires fluvius and the Zanberes fluvius.

[31] Page 6, line 2. Page 6, line 5. Fortunius Affaitatus.—The work of Affaytatus, Physicæ ac astronomiæ considerationes, was publisht in Venice in 1549.

[32] Page 6, line 3. Page 6, line 6. Baptista Porta.—The reference is to his celebrated Magia naturalis, the first edition of which came out in 1558 at Naples. An English edition, Natural Magick by John Baptista Porta, a Neapolitaine, was printed in London, 1658. Book seven of this volume treats "Of the wonders of the Load-stone." In the proem to this book Porta says: "I knew at Venice R. M. Paulus, the Venetian, that was busied in the same study: he was Provincial of the Order of servants, but now a most worthy Advocate, from whom I not only confess, that I gained something, but I glory in it, because of all the men I ever saw, I never saw any man more learned, or more ingenious, having obtained the whole body of learning; and is not only the Splendor and Ornament of Venice or Italy, but of the whole world." The reference is to Fra Paolo Sarpi, better known as the historian of the Council of Trent. Sarpi was himself known to Gilbert.

His relations with Gilbert are set forth in the memoir prefixt to the edition of his works, Opere di Fra Paolo Sarpi, Servita ... in Helmstat, MDCCLXI, p. 83. "Fino a questi giorni continuava il Sarpi a raccorre osservazioni sulla declinazione dell' Ago Calamitato; e poi ch' egli, atteso il variare di tal declinazione, assurdità alcuna non trovava riguardo al pensamento dell' Inglese Guglielmo Gilberto, cioè, che l'interno del nostro Globo fosse gran Calamita...." Here follows a quotation from a letter of Sarpi to Lescasserio:

"... Unde cuspidem trahi a tanta mole terrena, quæ supereminet non absurde putavit Gullielmus Gilbertus, et in eo meridiano respicere recta polum, cave putes observatorem errasse. Est Vir accuratissimus, et interfuit omnibus observationibus, quas plures olim fecimus, et aliquas in sui gratiam, et cum arcubus vertici cupreo innitentibus, et cum innatantibus aquæ, et cum brevibus, et cum longis, quibus modis omnibus et Hierapoli usus suit."

Sarpi had correspondence with Gilbert, Bacon, Grotius, and Casaubon. He also wrote on magnetism and other topics in materia di Fisica, but these writings have perisht. He appears to have been the first to recognize that fire destroyed the magnetic properties. (See Fra Paolo Sarpi, the greatest of the Venetians by the Rev. Alexander Robertson, London, 1894; see also the notice of Sarpi in Park Benjamin's Intellectual Rise in Electricity.)

[33] Page 6, line 7. Page 6, line 11.: R. M. Paulus Venetus. See preceding note.

[34] Page 6, line 21. Page 6, line 28.: Franciscus Rueus.—Francois de la Rue, author of De Gemmis Aliquot ... (Paris, 1547). Amongst other fables narrated by Rueus is that if a magnet is hung on a balance, when a piece of iron is attracted and adheres to the magnet, it adds nothing to the weight!

[35] Page 6, line 25. Page 6, line 33.: Serapio.—This account of the magnetic mountains will be found in an early pharmacology printed in 1531 (Argentorati, G. Ulricher Andlenus), with the title "In hoc volumine continetur insignium medicorum Joan. Serapionis Arabis de Simplicibus Medicinis opus præclarum et ingens, Averrois Arabis de eisdem liber eximius, Rasis filius Zachariæ de eisdem opusculum perutile." It was edited by Otho Brunsels. Achilles P. Gasser, in his Appendix to the Augsburg edition of Peregrinus, gives a reference to Serapio Mauritanus, parte 2, cap. 394, libri de medicinis compositis.

[36] Page 6, line 30. Page 6, line 39.: Olaus Magnus. See [note] to p. [5].

[37] Page 6, line 34. Page 6, line 44.: Hali Abas.—A reference is given in Gasser's (1558) edition of Peregrinus to Haliabbas Arabs, lib. 2, practicæ cap. 45, Regalis Dispositionis Medicinæ. The passage to which Gilbert refers is found in the volume Liber totius medicinæ necessaria cōtinens ... quem Haly filius Abbas ... edidit ... et a Stephano ex arabica lingua reductus. (Lugd., 1523, 4to.) Liber Primus. Practice, Cap xlv. de speciebus lapidum, § 466. "Lapis magnetes filis e vtute sadenego: & aiunt qm si teneatr in manu mitigat q sunt in pedibs ipis dolores ac spasmū."

Mr. A. G. Ellis identifies the noun sadenegum as a Latin corruption of the Arabic name of hæmatite, shâdanaj.

[38] Page 6, line 36. Page 6, line 46.: Pictorius.—His poem was publisht at Basel, 1567. See also [note] on Marbodæus, p. [7], line 20, below.

[39] Page 6, line 36. Page 7, line 1.: Albertus Magnus.—Albertus, the celebrated Archbishop of Ratisbon, is responsible for propagating sundry of the myths of the magnet; and Gilbert never loses a chance of girding at him.

The following examples are taken from the treatise De mineralibus et rebus metallicis (Liber II. de lapidibus preciosis), Venet., 1542.

p. 171. "Et quod mirabile videtur multis his lapis [adamas] quando Magneti supponitur ligat Magnetem et non permittit ipsum ferrum trahere."

p. 193. "Vnctus autẽ lapis alleo non trahit, si superponitur ei Adamas iterum non attrahit, ita quod paruus Adamas magnũ ligat Magnetẽ. Inventus autẽ est nostris tẽporibus Magnes qui ab uno angulo traxit ferrũ et ab alio fugavit, et hunc Aristot. ponit aliud genus esse Magnetis. Narrauit mihi quidam ex nostris sociis experimẽtator quod uidit Federicum Imperatorem habere Magnetem qui non traxit ferrum, sed ferrum uiceuersa traxit lapidem."

The first edition of this work de mineralibus appears to have been publisht in Venice as a folio in 1495.

[40] Page 7, line 9. Page 7, line 15. Gaudentius Merula.—This obscure passage is from Liber IIII., cap. xxi., Lapides, of the work Memorabilium Gaudentii Merulæ... (Lugd., 1556), where we find:

"Qui magneti vrsæ sculpserit imaginem, quãdo Luna melius illuc aspiciat, & filo ferreo suspẽderit, compos fiet vrsæ cælestis virtutis: verùm cum Saturni radiis vegetetur, satius fuerit eam imaginem non habere: scribunt enim Platonici malos dæmones septentrionales esse" (p. 287).

"Trahit autem magnes ferrum ad se, quod ferro sit ordine superior apud vrsum" (p. 287).

The almost equally obscure passage in the De triplici vita of Marsiglio Ficino (Basil., 1532) runs:

"Videmus in specula nautarum indice poli libratum acum affectum in extremitate Magnete moueri ad Vrsam, illuc uidelicet trahente Magnete: quoniam & in lapide hoc præualet uirtus Vrsæ, & hinc transfertur in ferrum, & ad Vrsam trahit utrunq;. Virtus autem eiusmodi tum ab initio infusa est, tum continue Vrsæ radijs uegetatur, Forsitan ita se habet Succinum ad polum alterum & ad paleas. Sed dic interea, Cur Magnes trahit ubiq; ferrum? non quia simile, alioquin & Magnetem Magnes traheret multo magis, ferrumq; ferrū: non quia superior in ordine corporum, imò superius est lapillo metallum ... Ego autem quum hæc explorata hactenus habuissem admodum gratulabar, cogitabamq; iuuenis adhuc Magneti pro uiribus inscluperet (sic) coelestis Vrsæ figuram, quando Luna melius illuc aspiciat, & ferro tūc filo collo suspendere. Sperabam equidem ita demum uirtutis me sideris illius compotem fore," &c. (p. 172).

[41] Page 7, line 14. Page 7, line 20. Ruellius.—Joannes Ruellius wrote a herbal De Natura Stirpium, Paris, 1536, which contains a very full account of amber, and a notice of the magnet (p. 125) and of the fable about garlic. But on p. 530 of the same work he ridicules Plutarch for recording this very matter.

[42] Page 7, line 20. Page 7, line 27. Marbodæus Gallus.—This rare little book is entitled Marbodei Galli Poetæ vetustissimi de lapidibus pretiosis Enchiridion. It was printed at Paris in 1531. The Freiburg edition, also of 1531, has the commentaries of Pictorius. The poem is in Latin hexameters. After a preface of twenty-one lines the virtues of stones are dealt with, the paragraph beginning with a statement that Evax, king of the Arabs, is said to have written to Nero an account of the species, names and colours of stones, their place of origin and their potencies; and that this work formed the basis of the poem. The alleged magical powers of the magnet are recited in Caput I., Adamas. Caput XLIII., Magnes, gives further myths.

The commentary of Pictorius gives references to earlier writers, Pliny, Dioscorides, Bartholomæus Anglicus, Solinus, Serapio, and to the book de lapidibus erroneously ascribed to Aristotle.

The following is a specimen of the poem of Marbodeus:

Magnetes lapis est inuentus apud Trogloditas,

Quē lapidā genetrix nihilominus India mittit.

Hic ferruginei cognoscitur esse coloris,

Et ui naturæ uicinum tollere ferrum.

Ededon magus hoc primum ferè dicītur usus,

Conscius in magica nihil esse potentius arte.

Post illum fertur famosa uenefica Circe

Hoc in præstigijs magicis specialiter usa.

This poem was reprinted (1854) in Migne's Patrologia. In 1799 Johann Beckmann issued an annotated variorum edition of Marbodeus (Marbodi Liber Lapidvm sev de Gemmis..., Göttingæ, 1799), in which there is a bibliography of the poem, the first edition of which appears to have been publisht in 1511, at Vienna, thirteen other editions being described. Beckmann adds many illustrative notes, and a notice of the Arabian Evax, who is supposed to have written the treatise de lapidibus. Not the least curious part is a French translation alleged to have been written in 1096, of which Chap. XIX. on the Magnet begins thus:

Magnete trovent Trogodite,

En Inde e precieus est ditte.

Fer resemble e si le trait,

Altresi cum laimant fait.

Dendor lama mult durement.

Qi lusoit a enchantement.

Circe lus a dot mult chere,

Cele merveillose forciere, &c.

[43] Page 7, line 21. Page 7, line 28. echeneidis.—The echeneis, or sucking-fish, reputed to have magical or magnetic powers, is mentioned by many writers. As an example, see Fracastorio, De Sympathia et Antipathia, lib. i., cap. 8, De Echineide, quomodo firmare nauigia possit (Giunta edition, Venet., 1574, p. 63). For other references to the Echeneis see Gaudentius Merula (op. citat.) p. 209. Also Dr. Walter Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro Gassendo-Charltoniana (Lond., 1654), p. 375. Compare p. [63], line 3.

[44] Page 7, line 33. Page 7, line 43. Thomas Hariotus, etc.—The four Englishmen named were learned men who had contributed to navigation by magnetic observations. Harriot's account of his voyage to Virginia is printed in Hakluyt's Voyages. Robert Hues (or Hood) wrote a treatise on Globes, the Latin edition of which appeared in 1593 (dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh), and the English edition in 1638. It was republisht by the Hakluyt Society, 1889. Edward Wright, the mathematician and writer on navigation, also wrote the preface to Gilbert's own book. Abraham Kendall, or Abram Kendal was "Portulano," or sailing-master of Sir Robert Dudley's ship the Bear, and is mentioned in Dudley's Arcano del Mare. On the return of Dudley's expedition in 1595, he joined Drake's last expedition, which sailed that year, and died on the same day as Drake himself, 28 January, 1596. (See Hakluyt, ed. 1809, iv., p. 73.)

[45] Page 7, line 36. Page 8, line 1. Guilielmus Borough.—Borough's book has the title: A Discours of the Variation of the Cumpas, or magneticall

Needle. Wherein is Mathematically shewed, the manner of the obseruation, effectes, and application thereof, made by W. B. And is to be annexed to The Newe Attractive of R. N., 1581 (London).

[46] Page 7, line 37. Page 8, line 2. Guilielmus Barlo.—Archdeacon William Barlowe (author, in 1616, of the Magneticall Aduertisements) wrote in 1597 a little work called The Navigators Supply. It gives a description of the ordinary compass, and also one of a special form of meridian compass provided with sights for taking the bearings by the sun.

[47] Page 7, line 37. Page 8, line 3. Robertus Normannus. See [Note] to p. [5].

[48] Page 8, line 14. Page 8, line 21. illo fabuloso Plinij bubulco.—The following is Pliny's account from Philemon Holland's English version of 1601 (p. 586): "As for the name Magnes that it hath, it tooke it (as Nicander saith) of the first inventor and deviser thereof, who found it (by his saying) upon the mountaine Ida (for now it is to be had in all other countries, like as in Spaine also;) and (by report) a Neat-heard he was: who, as he kept his beasts upon the aforesaid mountaine, might perceive as he went up and downe, both the hob-nailes which were on his shoes, and also the yron picke or graine of his staffe, to sticke unto the said stone."

[49] Page 9, line 22. Page 9, line 30. Differentiæ priscis ex colore.—Pliny's account of the loadstones of different colours which came from different regions is mainly taken from Sotacus. The white magnet, which was friable, like pumice, and which did not draw iron, was probably simply magnesia. The blue loadstones were the best. See p. 587 of Holland's translation of Pliny, London, 1601. St. Isidore (Originum seu Etymologiarum, lib. xvi., cap. 4) says: "Omnis autem magnes tanta melior est, quanto [magis] cæruleus est."

[50] Page 10, line 29. Page 10, line 42. Suarcebergo ... Snebergum & Annæbergum.—In the Stettin editions of 1628 and 1633 these are spelled Swarcebergs ... Schnebergum & Annebergum. The Cordus given as authority for these localities is Valerius Cordus, the commentator on Dioscorides.

[51] Page 11, line 3. Page 11, line 12. Adriani Gilberti viri nobilis.—"Adrian Gylbert of Sandridge in the Countie of Devon, Gentleman" is the description of the person to whom Queen Elizabeth granted a patent for the discovery of a North-West passage to China. See Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii., p. 96.

[52] Page 11, line 17. Page 11, line 28. Dicitur a Græcis ηρακλιος.—The discussion of the names of the magnet in different languages by Gilbert in this place is far from complete. He gives little more than is to be found in Pliny. For more complete discussions the reader is referred to Buttmann, Bemerkungen über die Benennungen einiger Mineralien bei den Alten, vorzüglich des Magnetes und des Basaltes (Musæum der Alterthumswissenschaft, Bd. II., pp. 5-52, and 102-104, 1808); G. Fournier, Hydrographie (livre xi., chap. I, 1643); Ulisse Aldrovandi, Musæum Metallicum (Bononiæ, 1648, lib. iv., cap. 2, p. 554); Klaproth, Lettre à M. le Baron A. de Humboldt, sur l'invention de la Boussole, Paris, 1834; T. S. Davies, The History of Magnetical Discovery (Thomson's British Annual, 1837, pp. 250-257); Th. Henri Martin, De l'Aimant, de ses noms divers et de ses variétés suivant les Anciens (Mémoires présentés par divers savants a l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, Ire série, t. vi., Ire partie, 1861); G. A. Palm, Der Magnet in Alterthum (Programm des k. württembergischen Seminars Maulbronn, Stuttgart,

1867). Of these works, those of Klaproth and of Martin are by far the most important. Klaproth states that in modern Greek, in addition to the name μαγνῆτις, the magnet also has the names ἀδάμας and καλαμίτα. The former of these, in various forms, adamas, adamant, aimant, yman, and piedramon, has gone into many languages. Originally the word ἀδάμας (the unconquered) was applied by the Greeks to the hardest of the metals with which they were acquainted, that is to say, to hard-tempered iron or steel, and it was subsequently because of its root-signification also given by them to the diamond for the same reason; it was even given to the henbane because of the deadly properties of that plant. In the writings of the middle ages, in St. Augustine, St. Isidore, Marbodeus, and even in Pliny, we find some confusion between the two uses of adamas to denote the loadstone as well as the diamond. Certainly the word adamas, without ceasing to be applied to the diamond, also designated the loadstone. At the same time (says Martin) the word magnes was preserved, as Pliny records, to designate a loadstone of lesser strength than the adamas. On the other hand, the word diamas, or deamans, had already in the thirteenth century been introduced into Latin to signify the diamond as distinguisht from the magnet. Adamas was rendered aymant in the romance version of the poem of Marbodeus on stones (see Beckmann's variorum edition of 1799, p. 102), and in this form it was for a time used to denote both the magnet and the diamond. Then it gradually became restricted in use to the stone that attracts iron.

Some confusion has also arisen with respect to the Hebrew name of the magnet. Sir W. Snow Harris makes the following statement (Magnetism, p. 5): "In the Talmud it [the loadstone] is termed achzhàb'th, the stone which attracts; and in their ancient prayers it has the European name magnēs." On this point Dr. A. Löwy has furnisht the following notes. The loadstone is termed in one of the Talmudical sections and in the Midrash, Eben Shoebeth (lapis attrahens). This would of course be written

אבן שואבת

‎. Omitting the

ו

‎ which marks the participial construction, the words would stand thus:

אבן שאבת

‎ A person referring to Buxtorf's Lexicon Talmudicum would in the index look out for "Lapis magnesius," or for "magnes." He would then, in the first instance, be referred to the two words already quoted. Not knowing the value of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, he reads

אבן שאבת

‎ thus:

אכזשאבת

‎ achzhab'th. It is true that Buxtorf has inserted in his Lexicon the vocable

מַגְנִיסֵס

‎, "corruptum ex gr. μάγνης, μαγνήτης, μαγνῆτις, named after the Asiatic city Magnesia." He goes on to say, "Inde Achilles Statius istum lapidem vocavit μαγνήσιαν λίθον. Hinc

אבן המגניסס חמשוך הברזל

‎. Lapis Magnesius trahit ferrum." Here he quotes from (Sepher) Ikkarem IV., cap. 35.

Kircher, in his Magnes, sive de Arte magnetica (Coloniæ, 1643), gives several other references to Hebrew literature. Others have supposed that the word

חלמיש

khallamish, which signifies pebble, rock, or hard rock, to be used for the magnet.

As to the other Greek name, σιδηρῖτις, or λίθος σιδηρῖτις this was given not only to the loadstone but also to non-magnetic iron. In the Etymologicum magnum (under the word μαγνῆτις), and in Photius (Quæst. amphiloch., q. 131), it is stated that the name sideritis was given to the loadstone either because of its action on iron, or of its resemblance in aspect to iron, or rather, they say, because the loadstone was originally found in the mines of this metal. Alexander of Aphrodisias expressly says (Quætiones Physicæ, II. 23) that

the loadstone appears to be nothing else than γῆ σιδηρῖτις, the earth which yields iron, or the earth of iron.

[53] Page 11, line 19. Page 11, line 29. ab Orpheo.—The reference is to v. 301-328 of the Λιθικά. The passage, as given in Abel's edition (Berol., 1881), begins:

Τόλμα δ' ἀθανάτους καὶ ἑνήεϊ μειλίσσεθαι

μαγνήσσῃ, τὴν δ' ἔξοχ' ἐφίλατο θούσιος Ἄρης,

οὕνεκεν, ὁππότε κεν πελάσῃ πολιοῖο σιδήρου,

ἠύτε παρθενικὴ τερενόχροα χερσὶν ἑλοῦσα

ἠΐθεον στέρνῳ προσπτύσσεται ἱμεροέντι,

ὥς ἥγ' ἁρπάζουσα ποτὶ σφετερὸν δέμας αἱεὶ

ἂψ πάλιν οὐκ ἐθέλει μεθέμεν πολεμιστὰ σὶδηρον.

[54] Page 11, line 20. Page 11, line 31. Gallis aimant.—The French word aimant, or aymant, is generally supposed to be derived from adamas. Nevertheless Klaproth (op. citat., p. 19) suggests that the word aimant is a mere literal translation into French of the Chinese word thsu chy, which is the common name of the magnet, and which means loving stone, or stone that loves. All through the east the names of the magnet have mostly the same signification, for example, in Sanskrit it is thoumbaka (the kisser), in Hindustani tchambak.

[55] Page 11, line 20. Page 11, line 32. Italis calamita.—The name calamita, universal in Italian for the magnet, is also used in Roumanian, Croatian, Bosnian, and Wendish. Its supposed derivation from the Hebrew khallamîsh is repudiated by Klaproth, who also points out that the use of καλαμιτα in Greek is quite modern. He adds that the only reasonable explanation of the word calamita is that given by Father Fournier (op. citat.), who says:

"Ils (les marins français) la nomment aussi calamite, qui proprement en français signifie une grenouille verte, parce qu'avant qu'on ait trouvé l'invention de suspendre et de balancer sur un pivot l'aiguille aimantée, nos ancêtres l'enfermaient dans une fiole de verre demi-remplie d'eau, et la faisaient flotter, par le moyen de deux petits fétus, sur l'eau comme une grenouille." Klaproth adds that he entirely agrees with the learned Jesuit, but maintains that the word calamite, to designate the little green frog, called to-day le graisset, la raine, or la rainette, is essentially Greek. For we read in Pliny (Hist. Nat. lib. xxxii., ch. x.): "Ea rana quam Græci calamiten vocant, quoniam inter arundines, fruticesque vivat, minima omnium est et viridissima."

[56] Page 11, line 20. Page 11, line 32. Anglis loadstone & adamant stone.

The English term loadstone is clearly connected with the Anglo-Saxon verb lœdan, to lead, and with the Icelandic leider-stein. There is no doubt that the spelling lodestone would be etymologically more correct, since it means stone that leads not stone that carries a load. The correct form is preserved in the word lode-star.

The word adamant, from adamas, the mediæval word for both loadstone and diamond, also occurs in English for the loadstone, as witness Shakespeare:

"You draw me, you hard-hearted adamant

But yet you draw not iron; for my heart

Is true as steel."

Midsummer Night's Dream, Act II, Scene 1.

[57] Page 11, line 21. Page 11,

line 33. Germanis magness, & siegelstein. The Stettin edition of 1628 reads Germanis Magnetstein, Belgis Seylsteen; while that of 1633 reads Germanis Magnetstein, Belgis Sylsteen.

[58] Page 11, line 26. Page 11, line 39. In this line the Greek sentence is, in every known copy of the folio of 1600, corrected in ink upon the text, θαλῆς being thus altered into Θαλῆς, and απομνεμονύουσι into απομνεμονεύουσι. Four lines lower, brackets have been inserted around the words (lapidum specularium modo). These ink corrections must have been made at the printers', possibly by Gilbert's own hand. They have been carried out as errata in the editions of 1628 and 1633. The "facsimile" Berlin reprint of 1892 has deleted them, however. Other ink corrections on pp. 14, 22, 38, 39, 47, 130, and 200 of the folio edition of 1600 are noted in due course.

[59] Page 11, line 29. Page 11, line 45. lapis specularis. This is the mediæval name for mica, but in Elizabethan times known as talc or muscovy stone. Cardan, De Rerum Varietate (Basil., 1557, p. 418), lib. xiiii., cap. lxxii., mentions the use of lapis specularis for windows.

[60] Page 11, line 31. Page 11, line 46.: Germanis Katzensilbar & Talke.—In the editions of 1628 and 1633 this is corrected to Germanis Katzensilber & Talcke. Goethe, in Wilhelm Meister's Travels, calls mica "cat-gold."

[61] Page 12, line 30. Page 12, line 35. integtum appears to be a misprint for integrum, which is the reading of editions 1628 and 1633.

[62] Page 13, line 4. Page 13, line 3. μικρόγη seu Terrella. Although rounded loadstones had been used before Gilbert's time (see Peregrinus, p. 3 of Augsburg edition of 1558, or Baptista Porta, p. 194, of English edition of 1658), Gilbert's use of the spherical loadstone as a model of the globe of the earth is distinctive. The name Terrella remained in the language. In Pepys's Diary we read how on October 2, 1663, he "received a letter from Mr. Barlow with a terella." John Evelyn, in his Diary, July, 1655, mentions a "pretty terella with the circles and showing the magnetic deviations."

A Terrella, 4½ inches in diameter, was presented in 1662 by King Charles I. to the Royal Society, and is still in its possession. It was examined in 1687 (see Phil. Transactions for that year) by the Society to see whether the positions of its poles had changed.

In Grew's Catalogue and Description of the Rarities belonging to the Royal Society and preserved at Gresham College (London, 1681, p. 364) is mentioned a Terrella contrived by Sir Christopher Wren, with one half immersed in the centre of a plane horizontal table, so as to be like a Globe with the poles in the horizon, having thirty-two magnet needles mounted in the margin of the table to show "the different respect of the Needle to the several Points of the Loadstone."

In Sir John Pettus's Fleta Minor, London, 1683, in the Dictionary of Metallick Words at the end, under the word Loadstone occurs the following passage:

"Another piece of Curiosity I saw in the Hands of Sir William Persal (since Deceased also) viz., a Terrella or Load-stone, of little more than 6 Inches Diameter, turned into a Globular Form, and all the Imaginery Lines of our Terrestrial Globe, exactly drawn upon it: viz. the Artick and Antartick Circles, the two Tropicks, the two Colures, the Zodiack and Meridian; and these Lines, and the several Countryes, artificially Painted on it, and all of them with their true Distances, from the two Polar Points, and to find the truth of those Points, he took two little pieces of a Needle, each of about half

an Inch in length, and those he laid on the Meridian line, and then with Brass Compasses, moved one of them towards the Artick, which as it was moved, still raised it self at one end higher and higher, keeping the other end fixt to the Terrella; and when it had compleated it Journy to the very Artick Points, it stood upright upon that Point; then he moved the other piece of Needle to the Antartick Point, which had its Elevations like the other, and when it came to the Point, it fixt it self upon that Point, and stood upright, and then taking the Terrella in my Hand, I could perfectly see that the two pieces of Needles stood so exactly one against the other, as if it had been one intire long Needle put through the Terrella, which made me give credit to those who held, That there is an Astral Influence that darts it self through the Globe of Earth from North to South (and is as the Axel-Tree to the Wheel, and so called the Axis of the World) about which the Globe of the Earth is turned, by an Astral Power, so as what I thought imaginary, by this Demonstration, I found real."

[63] Page 13, line 20. Page 13, line 22. The editions of 1628 and 1633 give a different woodcut from this: they show the terrella lined with meridians, equator, and parallels of latitude: and they give the compass needle, at the top, pointing in the wrong direction.

[64] Page 14, line 3. Page 14, line 3. The Berlin "facsimile" reprint omits the asterisk here.

[65] Page 14, line 5. Page 14, line 6. erectus altered in ink in the folio to erecta. But erectus is preserved in editions 1628 and 1633. In Cap. IIII., on p. 14, both these Stettin editions insert an additional cut representing the terrella A placed in a tub or vessel B floating on water.

[66] Page 14, line 34. Page 14, line 39. variatione quadā. The whole of Book IIII. is devoted to a discussion of the variation of the compass.

[67] Page 16, line 28. Page 16, line 34. aquæ.—This curious use of the dative occurs also on p. 222, line 8.

[68] Page 17, line 1. Page 17, line 1. videbis.—The reading vibebis of the 1633 edition is an error.

[69] Page 18, line 24. Page 18, line 27. Theamedem.—For the myth about the alleged Theamedes, or repelling magnet, see Cardan, De Subtilitate (folio ed., 1550, lib. vii., p. 186).

Pliny's account, in the English version of 1601 (p. 587), runs:

"To conclude, there is another mountaine in the same Æthyopia, and not farre from the said Zimiris, which breedeth the stone Theamedes that will abide no yron, but rejecteth and driveth the same from it."

Martin Cortes, in his Arte de Nauegar (Seville, 1556), wrote:

"And true it is that Tanxeades writeth, that in Ethiope is found another kinde of this stone, that putteth yron from it" (Eden's translation, London, 1609).

[70] Page 21, line 24. Page 21, line 25. Hic segetes, &c.—The English version of these lines from Vergil's Georgics, Book I., is by the late Mr. R. D. Blackmore.

[71] Page 22, line 18. Page 22, line 19. quale, altered in ink in the folio text to qualis. The editions of 1628 and 1633 both read qualis.

[72] Page 22, line 19. Page 22, line 20. rubrica fabrili: in English ruddle or reddle. See "Sir" John Hill, A General Natural History, 1748, p. 47. In the De Re Metallica of Entzelt (Encelius), Frankfurt, 1551, p. 134, is a paragraph headed De Rubrica Fabrili, as follows: "Rubrica fabrilis duplex

est. à Germanis añt utraque dicitur rottel, röttelstein, wie die zimmerleüt vnd steynmetzen brauchen. à Græcis μίλτος τεκτονική. Est enim alia nativa, alia factitia. Natiua à Germanis propriè dicitur berckrottel. haec apud nos est fossilis.... Porro factitia est rubrica fabrilis, à Germanis braunrottel, quæ fit ex ochra usta, ut Theophrastus et Dioscorides testantur."

[73] Page 22, line 19. Page 22, line 20. In Sussexia Angliæ.—In Camden's Britannia (1580) we read concerning the iron industry in the villages in Sussex: "They are full of iron mines in sundry places, where, for the making and founding thereof, there be furnaces on every side; and a huge deal of wood is yearly burnt. The heavy forge-hammers, worked by water-power, stored in hammer-ponds, ceaselessly beating upon the iron, fill the neighbourhood round about, day and night, with continual noise."

[74] Page 23, line 1. Page 22, line 44. in libro Aristotelis de admirandis narrationibus.—The reference is to the work usually known as the De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, Cap. XLVIII.: "Fertur autem peculiarissima generatio esse ferri Chalybici Amisenique, ut quod ex sabulo quod a fluviis defertur, ut perhibent certe, conflatur. Alii simpliciter lotum in fornace excoqui, alii vero, quod ex lotura subsedit, frequentius lotum comburi tradunt adjecto simul et pyrimacho dicto lapide, qui in ista regio plurimus reperiri fertur." (Ed. Didot, vol. ii., p. 87.) According to Georgius Agricola, the stone pyrimachus is simply iron pyrites.

[75] Page 23, line 22. Page 23, line 23. vt in Italia Comi, &c.—This is mostly taken from Pliny. Compare the following passage from Philemon Holland's translation (1601), p. 514:

"But the most varietie of yron commeth by the meanes of the water, wherein the yron red-hot is eftsoones dipped and quenched for to be hardened. And verely, water only which in some place is better, in other worse, is that which hath ennobled many places for the excellent yron that commeth from them, as namely, Bilbilis in Spaine, and Tarassio, Comus also in Italie; for none of these places have any yron mines of their owne, and yet there is no talke but of the yron and steele that commeth from thence."

Bilbilis is Bambola, and Tariassona the Tarazona of modern Spain.

[76] Page 24, line 28. Page 24, line 27. Quare vani sunt illi Chemici.—Gilbert had no faith in the alchemists. On pp. [19] and [21] he had poked fun at them for declaring the metals to be constituted of sulphur and quicksilver, and for pronouncing the fixed earth in iron to be sulphur. On p. [20] he had denied their proposition that the differences between silver, gold, and copper could arise from proportions of their constituent materials; and he likewise denounced unsparingly the supposed relation between the seven metals and the seven planets. He now denounces the vain dreams of turning all metals into gold, and all stones into diamonds. Later he rejects as absurd the magnetic curing of wounds. His detachment from the pseudo-science of his age was unique if not complete.

[77] Page 25, line 15. Page 25, line 16. Petro-coriis, & Cabis Biturgibus.—The Petro-corii were a tribe in the neighbourhood of Perigord; the Cubi Biturges another in that of Bourges.

[78] Page 25, line 21. Page 25, line 23. Pliny's account, as translated by P. Holland (ed. 1601, p. 515), runs thus:

"Of all mines that be, the veine of this mettall is largest, and spreadeth it selfe into most lengths every way: as we may see in that part of Biscay that coasteth along the sea, and upon which the Ocean beateth: where there

is a craggie mountaine very steep and high, which standeth all upon a mine or veine of yron. A wonderfull thing, and in manner incredible, howbeit, most true, according as I have shewed already in my Cosmographie, as touching the circuit of the Ocean."

[79] Page 26, Line 15. Page 26, line 12. quas Clampas nostri vocant.—The name clamp for the natural kiln formed by heaping up the bricks, with ventilating spaces and fuel within the heap, is still current.

[80] Page 26, line 39. Page 26, line 38. Pluebat in Taurinis ferrum.—The occurrence is narrated by Scaliger, De Subtilitate, Exercitat. cccxxiii.:

"Sed falsò lapidis pluviam creas tu ex pulvere hausto à nubibus, atque in lapidem condensato. At ferrum, quod pluit in Taurinis, cuius frustum apud nos extat, qua ex fodina sustulit nubes? Tribus circiter annis antè, quàm ab Rege provincia illa recepta esset, pluit ferro multis in locis, sed raris" (p. 434, Editio Lutetiæ, 1557).

"During the latter ages of the Roman Empire the city of Augusta Taurinorum seems to have been commonly known (as was the case in many instances in Transalpine Gaul) by the name of the tribe to which it belonged, and is called simply Taurini in the Itineraries, as well as by other writers, hence its modern name of Torino or Turin" (Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geographies, p. 1113).

There exists a considerable literature respecting falls of meteors and of meteoric iron. Livy, Plutarch, and Pliny all record examples. See also Remarks concerning stones said to have fallen from the clouds, by Edward King (London, 1796); Chladni, Ueber den Ursprung der von Pallas gefundenen und anderer ihr ähnlicher Eisenmassen (Riga, 1794); Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxxviii., pp. 37 and 183; vol. lxxxv., p. 103; vol. xcii., p. 174; Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. i. (p. 97 of London edition, 1860); C. Rammelsberg, Die chemische Natur der Meteoriten (Berlin, 1879); Maskelyne, Some lecture-notes on Meteorites printed in Nature, vol. xii., pp. 485, 504, and 520, 1875. Maskelyne denominates as siderites those meteorites which consist chiefly of iron. They usually contain from 80 to 95 per cent. of iron, often alloyed with nickel. This meteoric iron is sometimes so pure that it can at once be forged by the smith. An admirable summary of the whole subject is to be found in L. Fletcher's An Introduction to the study of Meteorites, publisht by the British Museum (Nat. Hist.), London, 1896.

[81] Page 27, line 3. Page 26, line 41. vt Cardanus ... scribit.—The passage runs:

"Vidimus anno MDX cum cecidisset è cœlo lapides circiter MCC in agrum fluvio Abduæ conterminum, ex his unum CXX pondo, alium sexaginta delati fuerunt ad reges Gallorũ satrapes, plurimi: colos ferrugineus, durities eximia, odor sulphureus" (Cardan, De Rerum Varietate, lib. xiiii., cap. lxxii.; Basil., 1557, p. 545).

[82] Page 27, line 9. Page 27, line 2. aut stannum, aut plumbum album. Although most authorities agree in translating plumbum album or plumbum candidum as "tin" (which is unquestionably the meaning in such examples as Pliny's Nat. Hist., xxxiv. 347, and iv. 16; or Strabo, iii. 147), nevertheless it is certain that here plumbum album is not given as a synonym of stannum and therefore is not tin. That Gilbert meant either spelter or pewter is pretty certain. He based his metallic terms mainly upon Encelius (Christoph Entzelt) whose De Re Metallica was published at Frankfurt in 1551. From this work are taken the following passages:

p. 61. De Plumbo candido. Cap. XXXI.

"Veluti plumbum nigrũ uocatur à Germanis blei simpliciter, od' schwartzblei: ita plumbũ candidũ ab his uocatur weissblei, od' ziñ. Impropriè autem plumbum hoc nostrum candidum ziñ, stannum dicitur. Et non sunt idem, ut hactenus voluerunt, stannum et plumbum candidum, unser ziñ. Aliud est stannum, de quo mox agemus: et aliud plumbum candidum nostrum, unser ziñ, quod nigro plumbo quasi est quiddã purius et perfectius...."

p. 62. De Stanno. Cap. XXXII.

"In præcedenti capite indicauimus aliud esse stannum, aliud esse plumbũ candidũ. Illa ergo definitio plumbi candidi, dess zinnes, etiã apud chimistas nõ de stanno, sed de plumbo candido (ut mihi uidetur) intelligenda est, cum dicunt: Stannum (es soll heyssen plumbum candidum) est metallicum album, non purum, lividum...."

p. 63. "Sic uides stannum, secundum Serapionem, metallicum esse quod reperitur in sua propria uena, ut forsitan apud nos bisemutũ: ecõtra nostrũ candidũ plumbũ, est Plinij candidũ plumbũ, das zin, quod cõflatur ut plumbum nigrum, ex pyrite, galena, et lapillis nigris. Deinde uides stannum Plinio esse quiddã de plumbo nigro, nempe primum fluorem plumbi nigri, als wann man vnser bley ertz schmeltzet, das erst das do fleüsset, zwäre Plinio stannum. Et hoc docet Plinius adulterari plũbo candido, mit vnserm zinn, vnd wann du ihm recht nachdenckest, daruon die kannen gemacht werden, das man halbwerck heist.... O ir losen vngelerten, vnckenbrenner. Stannum proculdubio Arabis metallum est preciosius nostro candido plumbo: sicuti apud nos bisemuthum quiddam plumbo preciosius."

[83] Page 27, line 21. Page 27, line 17. venas ... venis.—It is impossible to give in English this play on words between veins of ore and veins of the animal body.

[84] Page 28, line 23. Page 28, line 20. quem nos verticitatem dicimus.—See the notes on Gilbert's glossary, ante. The word verticity remained in the language. On p. 140 of Joseph Glanvill's Vanity of Dogmatizing (Lond., 1661) we read: "We believe the verticity of the Needle, without a Certificate from the dayes of old."

[85] Page 29, line 15. Page 29, line 16. Nos verò diligentiùs omnia experientes.—The method of carefully trying everything, instead of accepting statements on authority, is characteristic of Gilbert's work. The large asterisks affixed to Chapters IX. X. XI. XII. and XIII. of Book I. indicate that Gilbert considered them to announce important original magnetical discoveries. The electrical discoveries of Book II., Chapter II., are similarly distinguished. A rich crop of new magnetical experiments, marked with marginal asterisks, large and small, is to be found in Book II., from Chapter XV. to Chapter XXXIV.; while a third series of experimental magnetical discoveries extends throughout Book III.

[86] Page 31, line 30. Page 31, line 25. verticem.—The context and the heading of the Chapter appear to require verticitatem. All editions, however, read verticem.

[87] Page 32, line 12. Page 32, line 9. Gartias ab horto.—The passage from Gartias ab Horto runs as follows in the Italian edition of 1616, Dell' Historia dei Semplici Aromati.... di Don Garzia dall' Horto, Medico Portughese, ... Venezia mdcxvi., p. 208.

"Nè meno è questa pietra velenosa, si come molti hanno tenuto; imperoche le genti di queste bande dicono che la Calamita presa per bocca, però in poca

quantità, conserva la gioventù. La onde si racconta, che il Re di Zeilan il vecchio' s'haveva fatto fare tutti i vasi, dove si cocevano le vivãde per lui, di Calamita. Et questo lo disse à me colui proprio, che fu à questo officio destinato."

[88] Page 32, line 29. Page 32, line 29. Plutarchus & C. Ptolemæus.—The garlick myth has already been referred to in the [note] to p. [1]. The originals are Plutarch, Quæstiones Platonicæ, lib. vii., cap. 7, § 1; C. Ptolemæus, Opus Quadripartitum, bk. i., cap. 3. The English translation of the latter, by Whalley (London, 1701), p. 10, runs: "For if the Loadstone be Rubbed with Garlick, the Iron will not be drawn by it."

[89] Page 32, line 32. Page 32, line 33. Medici nonnulli.—This is apparently a reference to the followers of Rhazes and Paracelsus. The argument of Gilbert as to the inefficacy of powdered loadstones is reproduced more fully by William Barlowe in his Magneticall Aduertisements (1616, p. 7), as follows:

"It is the goodnesse of the Loadstone ioyned with a fit forme that will shew great force. For as a very good forme with base substance can doe but very litle, so the substance of the Loadstone bee it neuer so excellent, except it haue some conuenient forme, is not auaileable. For example, an excellent loadstone of a pound waight and of a good fashion, being vsed artificially, may take vp foure pounds of Iron; beate it into small pouder, and it shall bee of no force to take vp one ounce of Iron; yea I am very well assured that halfe an ounce of a Loadstone of good fashion, and of like vertue will take vp more then that pound will doe being beaten into powder. Whence (to adde this by the way) it appeareth manifestly, that it is a great error of those Physitions and Surgeons, which to remedy ruptures, doe prescribe vnto their Patients to take the pouder of a Loadstone inwardly, and the small filing of iron mingled in some plaister outwardly: supposing that herein the magneticall drawing should doe great wonders."

[90] Page 33, line 11. Page 33, line 8. Nicolaus in emplastrum divinum....—Nicolaus Myrepsus is also known as Præpositas. In his Liber de compositione medicamentorum (Ingoldstat, 1541, 4to) are numerous recipes containing loadstone: for example, Recipe No. 246, called "esdra magna," is a medicine given for inflammation of the stomach and for strangury, compounded of some forty materials including "litho demonis" and "lapis magnetis." The emplastrum divinum does not, however, appear to contain loadstone. In the English tractate, Præpositas his Practise, a worke ... for the better preservation of the Health of Man. Wherein are ... approved Medicines, Receiptes and Ointmentes. Translated out of Latin in to English by L. M. (London, 1588, 4to), we read on p. 35, "An Emplaister of D. N. [Doctor Nicolaus] which the Pothecaries call Divinum." This contains litharge, bdellium, and "green brasse," but no loadstone.

Luis de Oviedo in his treatise Methodo de la Coleccion y reposicion de las Medicinas simples, edited by Gregorio Gonçalez, Boticario (Madrid, 1622), gives (p. 502) the following: "Emplasto de la madre. Recibe: Nuezes moscadas, clauos, cinamono, artemisia, piedraimon. De cada uno dos onças.... Entre otras differencias que ay de piedraiman se hallan dos. Vna que por la parte que mira al Septentrion, atrae el hierro, por lo quel se llama magnes ferrugineus. Y otra que atrae la carne, a la qual llaman magnes creaginus."

An "Emplastrum sticticum" containing amber, mummy, loadstone,

hæmatite, and twenty other ingredients, and declared to be "vulnerum ulcerumque telo inflictorum sticticum emplastrum præstantissimum," is described on p. 267 of the Basilica chimica of Oswaldus Crollius (Frankfurt, 1612).

[91] Page 33, line 12. Page 33, line 9. Augustani ... in emplastrum nigrum....—Amongst the physicians of the Augsburg school the most celebrated were Adolphus Occo, Ambrosio Jung, and Gereone Seyler. This particular reference is to the Pharmacopœia Augustana ... a Collegio Medico recognita, published at Augsburg, and which ran through many editions. The recipe for the "emplastrum nigrum vulgo Stichpflaster" will be found on p. 182 of the seventh edition (1621-2). The recipe begins with oil of roses, colophony, wax, and includes some twenty-two ingredients, amongst them mummy, dried earthworms, and two ounces lapidis magnetis præparati. The recipe concludes: "Fiat Emplastrum secundùm artem. Perquàm efficax ad recentia vulnera et puncturas, vndè denominationem habet." The volume is a handsome folio not unlike Gilbert's own book, and bears at the end of the prefatory address ad Lectorem identically the same cul de lampe as is found on p. [44] of De Magnete.

The contradictions as to the alleged medicinal virtues of loadstone are well illustrated by Galen, who in his De facultatibus says that loadstone is like hæmatite, which is astringent, while in his De simplici medicina he says it is purgative.

[92] Page 33, line 14. Page 33, line 12. Paracelsus in fodicationum emplastrum.—Paracelsus's recipe for a plaster against stab-wounds is to be found in Wundt vund Leibartznei ... D. Theoph. Paracelsus (Frankf., 1555, pp. 63-67).

[93] Page 33, line 17. Page 33, line 15. Ferri vis medicinalis.—This chapter on the medicinal virtues of iron is a summary of the views held down to that time. Those curious to pursue the subject should consult Waring's Bibliotheca Therapeutica (London, 1878). Nor should they miss the rare black-letter quarto by Dr. Nicholas Monardus, of Seville, Joyfull Newes out of the New-found Worlde, translated by John Frampton (London, 1596), in which are recited the opinions of Galen, Rhazes, Avicenna, and others, on the medicinal properties of iron. In addition to the views of the Arabic authors, against whom his arguments are directed, Gilbert discusses those of Joannes Manardus, Curtius, and Fallopius. The treatise of Manardus, Epistolarum medicinalium libri viginti (Basil., 1549), is a résumé of the works of Galen and the Arabic physicians, but gives little respecting iron. Curtius (Nicolaus) was the author of a book, Libellus de medicamentis præparatibus et purgantibus (Giessæ Cattorum, 1614). The works of Fallopius are De Simplicibus Medicamentis purgentibus tractatus (Venet., 1566, 4to), and Tractatus de Compositione Medicamentorum (Venet., 1570, 4to).

[94] Page 34, line 7. Page 34, line 3. quorundã Arabum opiniones.—The Arabian authorities referred to here or elsewhere by Gilbert are:

Albategnius (otherwise known as Machometes Aractensis), Muhammad Ibn Jābir, Al-Battānī.

Avicenna (otherwise Abohali). Abou-’Ali al-’Hoséin ben-’Abd-Allah Ibn-Sinâ, or, shortly, Ibn Sîna.

Averroes. Muhammad Ibn Ahmed Ibn-Roschd, Abou Al-Walíd.

Geber. Abū Mūsā Jābir Ibn Haiyān, Al-Tarsūsi.

Hali Abas. ’Alí Ibn Al-’Abbás, Al Majúsi.

Rhazes, or Rasis. Muhammad Ibn Zakarīyā.

Serapio. Yuhanná Ibn Sarapion.

Thebit Ben-Kora (otherwise Thabit Ibn Corrah). Abū Thabit Ibn Kurrah, Al Harrani.

[95] Page 34, line 38.: Page 34, line 40. electuarium de scoria ferri descriptum à Raze.—Rhazes or Rasis, whose Arabic name was Muhammad Ibn Zakarīyā, wrote De Simplicibus, ad Almansorem. In Chap. 63 of this work he gives a recipe for a stomachic, which includes fennel, anise, origanum, black pepper, cinammon, ginger, and iron slag. In the splendid folio work of Rhazes publisht at Venice in 1542, with the title Habes candide lector Continẽtem Rasis, Libri ultimi, cap. 295, under the heading De Ferro, are set forth the virtues of iron slag: "Virtus scorie est sicut virtus scorie [a]eris sed debilior in purgãdo: et erugo ferri est stiptica: et cũ superpositur retinet fluxus menstruorũ.... Ait Paulus: aqua in qua extinguitur ferrũ calens.... Dico: certificatus sum experientia q˜ valet contra emorryodas diabetem et fluxum menstruorum."

[96] Page 35, line 16.: Page 35, line 13. Paulus.—This is not Fra Paolo Sarpi, nor Marco Polo, nor Paulus Jovius the historian, nor Paulus Nicolettus Venetus, but Paulus Aeginæ.

[97] Page 35, line 29.: Page 35, line 28. Sed malè Avicenna.—The advice of Avicenna to administer a draught containing powdered loadstone, reads as follows in the Giunta edition (Venice, 1608):

Lib. ii., cap. 470, p. 356. "Magnes quid est? Est lapis qui attrahit ferrum, quum ergo aduritur, fit hæmatites, & virtus ejus est sicut virtus illius.... Datur in potu [ad bibitionem limaturæ ferri, quum retinetur in ventre scoria ferri. Ipse enim extrahit] ipsam, & associatur ei apud exitum. Et dicitur, quando in potu sumuntur ex eo tres anulusat cum mellicrato, educit solutione humorem grossum malum."

The passage is identical with that in the Venetian edition of 1486, in both of which the liquid prescribed is mellicratus—mead. Gilbert says that the iron is to be given in juice of mercurialis. Here he only follows Matthiolus, who, in his Commentaries on Dioscorides, says (p. 998 of the Basil. edition of 1598): "Sed (vt idem Auicenna scribit) proprium hujusce ferrei pharmaci antidotum, est lapis magnes drachmæ pondere potus, ex mercurialis, vel betæ succo."

Serapio, in his De Simplicibus Medicinis (Brunfels' edition, Argentorati, 1531), p. 264, refers to Galen's prescription of iron scoriæ, and under the article de lapide magnetis, p. 260, quotes Dioscorides as follows: "Et uirtus huius lapidis est, ut quãdo dantur in potu duo onolosat ex eo cũ melicrato, laxat humores grossos."

The original passage in Dioscorides, De Materia Medica, ch. 147 (Spengel's edition of 1829) runs: "Τοῦ δὲ μαγνήτου λίθου ἄριστός ἐστιν ὁ τὸν σίδηρον εὐχερῶς ἕλκων, καὶ τὴν χρόαν κυανίζων, πυκνός τε κὰι οὐκ ἄγαν βαρύς. Δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει πάχους ἀγωγὸν διδόμενος μετὰ μελικράτου τριωβόλου βάρος· ἔνιοι δὲ τοῦτον καίοντες ἀντὶ αἱματίτου πιπράσκουσιν.."

In the Frankfurt edition of Dioscorides, translated by Ruellius (1543), the passage is:

"Magnes lapis optimus est, qui ferrum facile trahit, colore ad cœruleum uergente, densus, nec admodum gravis. Datur cum aqua mulsa, trium obolorum pondere, ut crassos humores eliciat. Sunt qui magnetem crematū pro hæmatite vendant...."

In the Scholia of Joannes Lonicerus upon Dioscorides In Dioscoridæ

Anazarbei de re medica libros a Virgilio Marcello versos, Scholia nova, Ioanne Lonicero autore (Marburgi, 1543, p. 77), occurs the following:

"De recremento ferri. Cap. XLIX.

"Σκωρία σιδήρου. scoria vel recrementum ferri. Quæ per ignem à ferro et cupro sordes separantur ac reijciuntur, et ab aliis metallis σκωρία uocantur. Omnis scoria, maxime uero ferri exiccat. Acerrimo aceto macerauit Galenus ferri scoriam, ac deinde excocto, pharmacum efficax confecit ad purulentas quæ multo tempore uexatæ erant, aures, admirando spectantium effectu. Ardenti scoria uel recrementum ἕλκυσμα, inquit Galenus."

See also the Enarrationes eruditissimæ of Amatus Lusitanus (Venet., 1597), pp. 482 and 507, upon iron and the loadstone.

[98] Page 36, line 27. Page 36, line 29. eijcitur for ejicitur.

[99] Page 37, line 18. Page 37, line 22. ut Cardanus philosophatur.—Cardan's nonsense about the magnet feeding on iron is to be found in De Subtilitate, lib. vii. (Basil., 1611, p. 381).

[100] Page 38, line 4. Page 38, line 7. ferramenta ... in usum navigantium.—Compare Marke Ridley's A Short Treatise of Magneticall Bodies and Motions (Lond., 1613), p. a2 in the Preface Magneticall, where he speaks of the "iron-workes" used in building ships. The phraseology of Marke Ridley throws much light on the Latin terms used by Gilbert.

[101] Page 38, line 36. Page 38, line 42. vruntur; changed in ink to vrantur in the folio of 1600; but uruntur appears in the editions of 1628 and 1633.

[102] Page 39, line 12. Page 39, line 12. virumque; altered in ink to virunque in all copies of the folio edition of 1600.

[103] Page 40, line 32. Page 40, line 33. ad tantos labores exantlandos.—Pumping, as it was in mining before the invention of the steam engine, may best be realized by examining the woodcuts in the De re metallica of Georgius Agricola (Basil., Froben, 1556).

[104] Page 40, line 34. Page 40, line 36. quingentas orgyas.—Gilbert probably had in his mind the works of the Rorerbühel, in the district of Kitzbühl, which in the sixteenth century had reached the depth of 3,107 feet. See Humboldt's Cosmos (Lond., 1860, vol. i., p. 149).

[105] Page 43, line 34. Page 43, line 33. glis.—This word, here translated grit, does not appear to be classical Latin; it may mean ooze or slime.

[106] Page 45, line 25. Page 45, line 26. Motus igitur ... quinque. The five kinds of magnetic motions correspond in fact to the remaining sections of the book; as follows: Coitio, Book II.; Directio, Book III.; Variatio, Book IV.; Declinatio, Book V.; and Revolutio, Book VI.

[107] Page 46, line 7. Page 46, line 8. Jofrancus Offusius.—The reference is to the treatise De divina astrorum faculitate of Johannes Franciscus Offusius (Paris, 1570).

[108] Page 47, line 15. Page 47, line 18. Græci vocant ἠλεκτρον, quia ad se paleas trahit. In this discussion of the names given to amber, Gilbert apparently conceives ἠλεκτρον to be derived from the verb ἑλκεῖν; which is manifestly a doubtful etymology. There has been much discussion amongst philologists as to the derivation of ἠλέκτρον or ἤλεκτρον, and its possible connection with the word ἠλέκτωρ. This discussion has been somewhat obscured by the circumstance that the Greek authors unquestionably used ἤλεκτρον (and the Latins their word electrum) in two different significations, some of them using these words to mean amber, others to mean a shining

metal, apparently of having qualities between those of gold and silver, and probably some sort of alloy. Schweigger, Ueber das Elektron der Alten (Greifswald, 1848), has argued that this metal was indeed no other than platinum: but his argument partakes too much of special pleading. Those who desire to follow the question of the derivation of ἤλεκτρον may consult the following authorities: J. M. Gessner, De Electro Veterum (Commentt. Soc. Reg. Scientt. Goetting., vol. iii., p. 67, 1753); Delaunay, Mineralogie der Alten, Part II., p. 125; Buttmann, Mythologus (Appendix I., Ueber das Elektron), Vol. II., p. 355, in which he adopts Gilbert's derivation from ἕλκειν; Beckmann, Ursprung und Bedeutung des Bernsteinnamens Elektron (Braunsberg, 1859); Th. Henri Martin, Du Succin, de ses noms divers et de ses variétés suivant les anciens (Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, Tome VI., 1re série, 1re partie, 1860); Martinus Scheins, De Electro Veterum Metallico (Inaugural dissertation, Berlin, 1871); F. A. Paley, Gold Worship in relation to Sun Worship (Contemporary Review, August, 1884). See also Curtius, Grundzüge der griechischen Etymologie, pp. 656-659. The net result of the disputations of scholars appears to be that ἠλέκτωρ (he who shines) is a masculine form to which there corresponds the neuter form ἤλεκτρον (that which shines). Stephanus admits the accentuation used by Gilbert, ἠλέκτρον, to be justified from the Timæus of Plato; see [Note] to p. [61].

[109] Page 47, line 16. Page 47, line 19. ἅρπαξ dicitur, & χρυσοφόρον.—With respect to the other names given to amber, M. Th. Henri Martin has written (see previous note) so admirable an account of them that it is impossible to better it. It is therefore given here entire, as follows:

"Le succin a reçu chez les anciens des noms très-divers. Sans parler du nom de λυγκούριον, lyncurium, qui peut-être ne lui appartient pas, comme nous le montrerons plus loin, il s'est nommé chez les Grecs le plus souvent ἤλεκτρον au neutre,1 mais aussi ἤλεκτρος au masculin2 et même au féminin,3 χρυσήλεκτρος,4 χρυσόφορος5 et peut-être, comme nous l'avons vu, χαλκολίθανον; plus tard σούχιον6 ou σουχίνος7, et ἠλεκτριανὸς λίθος;8 plus tard encore βερενίκη, βερονίκη ou βερνίκη;9 il s'est nommé ἅρπαξ chez les Grecs établis en Syrie;10 chez les Latins succinum, electrum, et deux variétés, chryselectrum et sualiternicum ou subalternicum;11 chez les Germains, Gless;12 chez les Scythes, sacrium;13 chez les Egyptiens, sacal;14 chez les Arabes, karabé15 ou kahraba;16 en persan, káruba.17 Ce mot, qui appartient bien à la langue persane, y signifie attirant la paille, et par conséquent exprime l'attraction électrique, de même que le mot ἅρπαξ des Grecs de Syrie. En outre, le nom de haur roumi (peuplier romain) était donné par les Arabes, non-seulement à l'arbre dont ils croyaient que le succin était la gomme, mais au succin lui-même. Haur roumi, transformé en aurum par les traducteurs latins des auteurs arabes, et consondu mal à propos avec ambar ou ambrum, nom arabe latinisé de l'ambre gris, a produit le nom moderne d'ambre, nom commun à l'ambre jaune ou succin, qui est une résine fossile, et à l'ambre gris, concrétion odorante qui se forme dans les intestines des cachalots. On ne peut dire avec certitude si le nom de basse grécité βερνίκη est la source ou le dérivé de Bern, radical du nom allemand du succin (Bernstein). Quoi qu'il en soit, le mot βερνίκη a produit vernix, nom d'une gomme dans la basse latinité, d'où nous avons fait vernis.18"

1 Voyez Hérodote, III., 115; Platon, Timée, p. 80 c; Aristote, Météor., IV., 10; Théophraste, Hist. des plantes, IX., 18 (19), § 2; Des pierres, § 28 et 29; Diodore de Sic., V., 23; Strabon, IV., 6, no 2, p. 202 (Casaubon); Dioscoride, Mat. méd., I., 110; Plutarque, Questions de table, II., 7, § 1; Questions platoniques, VII., 1 et 7; Lucien, Du succin et des cygnes; le même, De Pastrologie, § 19; S. Clément, Strom. II., p. 370 (Paris, 1641, in-fol.); Alexandre d'Aphr., Quest. phys. et mor., II., 23; Olympiodore, Météor., I., 8, fol. 16, t. I., p. 197 (Ideler) et l'abréviateur d'Etienne de Byzance au mot Ηλεκτρίδες.

2 Voyez Sophocle, Antigone, v. 1038, et dans Eustathe, sur l'Iliade, II., 865; Elien, Nat. des animaux, IV. 46; Quintus de Smyrne, V., 623; Eustathe, sur la Périégèse de Denys, p. 142 (Bernhardy), et sur l'Odyssée, IV., 73; et Suidas au mot ὑάλη.

3 Voyez Alexandre, Problèmes, sect. 1, proœm., p. 4 (Ideler); Eustathe, sur l'Odyssée, IV., 73, et Tzetzès, Chiliade VI., 650.

4 Voyez Psellus, Des pierres, p. 36 (Bernard et Maussac).

5 Voyez Dioscoride, Mat. méd., I., 110.

6 Voyez S. Clément, Strom., II., p. 370 (Paris, 1641, in-fol.). Il paraît distinguer l'un de l'autre τὸ σούχιον et τὸ ἤλεκτρον, probablement parce qu'il attribue à tort au métal ἤλεκτρον la propriété attractive du succin.

7 Voyez le faux Zoroastre, dans les Géoponiques, XV., 1, § 29.

8 Voyez le faux Zoroastre, au même endroit.

9 Voyez Eustathe, sur l'Odyssée, IV., 73; Tzetzès, Chil. VI., 650; Nicolas Myrepse, Antidotes, ch. 327, et l'Etymol. Gud. au mot ἤλεκτρον. Comparez Saumaise, Exert. plin., p. 778.

10 Voyez Pline, XXXVII., 2, s. 11, no 37.

11 Voyez Pline, XXXVII., 2, s. 11-13, et Tacite, Germanie, ch. 45. La forme sualiternicum, dans Pline (s. 11, no 33), est donnée par le manuscrit de Bamberg et par M. Sillig (t. V., p. 390), au lieu de la forme subalternicum des éditions antérieures.

12 Voyez Tacite et Pline, ll. cc.

13 Voyez Pline, XXXVII., 2, s. 11, no 40, Comp. J. Grimm, Gesch. der deutsch. Sprache, Kap. x., p. 233 (Leipzig, 1848, in-8).

14 Pline, l. c.

15 Voyez Saumaise, De homon. hyles iatricæ, c. 101, p. 162 (1689, in-fol.).

16 Voyez Sprengel, sur Dioscoride, t. II., pp. 390-391.

17 Voyez M. de Sacy, cité par Buttmann, Mythologus, t. II., pp. 362-363.

18 Voyez Saumaise, Ex. plin., p. 778. Il n'est pas probable que le mot βερνίκη ou βερενίκη nom du succin dans la grécité du moyen âge, soit lié étymologiquement avec le nom propre βερενίκη, qui vient de l'adjectif macédonien βερένικος pour φερένικος.

[110] Page 47, line 17. Page 47, line 20. Mauri vero Carabem appellant, quià solebant in sacrificijs, & deorum cultu ipsum libare. Carab enim significat offerre Arabicè; ita Carabe, res oblata; aut rapiens paleas, vt Scaliger ex Abohali citat, ex linguâ Arabicâ, vel Persicâ.—The printed text, line 18, has "Non rapiens paleas," but in all copies of the folio of 1600, the "Non" has been altered in ink into "aut," possibly by Gilbert's own hand. Nevertheless the editions of 1628 and 1633 both read "Non." There appears to be no doubt that the origin of the word Carabe, or Karabe, as assigned by Scaliger, is substantially correct. As shown in the preceding note, Martin adopted this view. If any doubt should remain it will be removed by the following notes which are due to Mr. A. Houtum Schindler (member of the Institution of Electrical Engineers), of Terahan.

Reference is made to the magnetic and electric properties of stones in three early Persian lapidaries. There are three stones only mentioned, amber, loadstone, and garnet. The electric property of the diamond is not mentioned. The following extracts are from the Tansûk nâmah, by Nasîr ed dîn Tûsi, A.D. 1260. The two other treatises give the first extracts in the same words.

"Kâhrubâ, also Kahrabâ [Amber],

"Is yellow and transparent, and has its name from the property, which it possesses, of attracting small, dry pieces of straw or grass, after it has been rubbed with cloth and become warm. [Note. In Persian, Kâh = straw; rubâ = the robber, hence Kâhrubâ = the straw-robber.] Some consider it a mineral, and say that it is found in the Mediterranean and Caspian seas, floating on the surface, but this is not correct. The truth is that Kâhrubâ

is the gum of a tree, called jôz i rûmî [i.e., roman nut; walnut?], and that most of it is brought from Rûm [here the Eastern Rome] and from the confines of Sclavonia and Russia. On account of its bright colour and transparency it is made into beads, rings, belt-buckles, &c. ... &c.


"The properties of attraction and repulsion are possessed by other substances than loadstone, for instance, by amber and bîjâdah,1 which attract straws, feathers, etc., and of many other bodies, it can be said that they possess the power of attraction. There is also a stone which attracts gold; it has a pure yellow colour. There is also a stone which attracts silver from distances of three or two yards. There are also the stone which attracts tin, very hard, and smelling like asafœtida, the stone attracting hair, the stone attracting meat, etc., but, latterly, no one has seen these stones: no proof, however, that they do not exist."

Avicenna (Ibn Sinâ) gives the following under the heading of Karabe (see Canona Medicinæ, Giunta edition, Venet., 1608, lib. ii., cap. 371, p. 336):

"Karabe quid est? Gumma sicut sandaraca, tendens ad citrinitatem, & albedinem, & peruietatem, & quandoque declinat ad rubedinem, quæ attrahit paleas, & [fracturas] plantarum ad se, & propter hoc nominatur Karabe, scilicet rapiens paleas, persicè.... Karabe confert tremori cordis, quum bibitur ex eo medietas aurei cum aqua frigida, & prohibet sputum sanguinis valde.... Retinet vomitum, & prohibet materias malas a stomacho, & cum mastiche confortat stomachum.... Retinet fluxum sanguinis ex matrice, & ano, & fluxum ventris, & confert tenasmoni."

Scaliger in De Subtilitate, Exercitatio ciii., § 12, the passage referred to by Gilbert says: "Succinum apud Arabas uocatur, Carabe: quod princeps Aboali, rapiens paleas, interpretatur" (p. 163 bis, editio Lutetiæ, 1557).

1 Bîjâdah is classified by Muhammad B. Mansûr (A.D. 1470) and by Ibn al Mubârak (A.D. 1520) under "stones resembling ruby"; the Tansûk nâmah describes it in a separate chapter. From the description it can be identified with the almandine garnet, and the method of cutting this stone en cabochon, with hollow back in order to display its colour better is specially mentioned. The Tansûk nâmah only incidentally refers to the electric property of the bîjâdah in the chapter on loadstone, but the other two treatises specially refer to it in their description of the stone. The one has: "Bîjâdah if rubbed until warm, attracts straws and other light bodies just as amber does"; the other: "Bîjâdah, if rubbed on the hair of the head, or on the beard, attracts straws." Surûri, the lexicographer, who compiled a dictionary in 1599, considers the bîjâdah "a red ruby which possesses the property of attraction." Other dictionaries do not mention the attractive property, but some authors confound the stone with amber, calling it Kâbrubâ, the straw-robber. The bîjâdah is not rubellite (red tourmaline) for it is described in the lapidaries as common, whereas rubellite (from Ceylon) has always been rare, and was unknown in Persia in the thirteenth century.

[111] Page 47, line 21. Page 47, line 25. Succinum seu succum.—Dioscorides regarded amber as the inspissated juice of the poplar tree. From the Frankfurt edition of 1543 (De Medicinali materia, etc.) edited by Ruellius, we have, liber i., p. 53:

Populus. Cap. XCIII.

"... Lachrymam populorum commemorant quæ in Padum amnem defluat, durari, ac coire in succinum, quod electrum vocant, alii chrysophorum. id attritu jucundum odorem spirat, et aurum colore imitatur. tritum potumque stomachi ventrisque fluxiones sistit."

To this Ruellius adds the commentary:

"Succinum seu succina gutta à succo dicta, Græcis ἤλεκτρομ [sic], esse

lachryma populi albæ, vel etiam nigræ quibusdam videtur, ab ejusdem arboris resina. Dioscoridi et Galeno dicta differens et πτερυγοφόρος, id est paleas trahens, quoque vocatur, quantum ei quoque Galenus tribuit li. 37, ca. 9. Succinum scribit à quibusdam pinei generis arboribus, ut gummi à cerasis excidere autumno, et largum mitti ex Germania septentrionali, et insulis maris Germanici. quod hodie nobis est compertissimum: ad hæc liquata igni valentiore, quia à frigido intensiore concrevit. pineam aperte olet, calidum primo gradu, siccum secundo, stomachum roborat, vomitum, nauseam arcet. cordis palpitationi prodest. pravorem humorum generationem prohibet.

"Germani weiss und gelbaugstein et brenstein.

"Galli ambra vocant: vulgo in corollis precariis frequens."

In the scholia of Johann Lonicer in his edition of Dioscorides, we find, lib. i., cap. xcviii., De nigra Populo:

"ἄιγειρος, populus nigra ... idem electrum vel succinum αἱγείρου lachrymam esse adseverat [Paulus], cui præter vires quæ ab Dioscoride recensentur, tribuit etiam vim sistendi sanguinis, si tusum in potu sumatur. Avicennæ Charabe, ut colligitur ex Joanne Jacobo Manlio, est electrum hoc Dioscoridis, attestatur Brunfelsius. Lucianus planè nullum electrum apud Eridanum seu Padum inveniri tradit, quandoquidem ne populus quidem illa ab nautis ei demonstrari potuerit. Plinius rusticas transpadanas ex electro monilia gestare adfirmat, quum à Venetis primum agnoscere didicissent adversus nimirum vitia gutturis et tonsillarum. Num sit purgamentum maris, vel lachryma populi, vel pinus, vel ex radiis occidentis solis nascatur, vel ex montibus Sudinorum profluat, incertum etiam Erasmus Stella relinquit. Sudinas tamen Borussiorum opes esse constat."

Matthiolus (in P. A. Mattioli ... Opera quæ extant omnia, hoc est Commentarii in vi libros P. Dioscoridis de materia medica, Frankfurt, 1596, p. 133) comments on the suggestion of Galen that amber came from the Populus alba, and also comments on the Arabic, Greek, and Latin names of amber.

The poplar-myth is commemorated by Addison (in Italy) in the lines:

No interwoven reeds a garland made,

To hide his brows within the vulgar shade;

But poplar wreathes around his temples spread,

And tears of amber trickled down his head.

Amber is, however, assuredly not derived from any poplar tree: it comes from a species of pine long ago extinct, called by Göppert the pinites succinifer.

Gilbert does not go into the medicinal uses, real or fancied, that have been ascribed to amber in almost as great variety as to loadstone. Pliny mentions some of these in his Natural Historie (English version of 1601, p. 609):

"He [Callistratus] saith of this yellow Amber, that if it be worne about the necke in a collar, it cureth feavers, and healeth the diseases of the mouth, throat, and jawes: reduced into pouder and tempered with honey and oile of roses, it is soveraigne for the infirmities of the eares. Stamped together with the best Atticke honey, it maketh a singular eyesalve for to help a dim sight: pulverized, and the pouder thereof taken simply alone, or else drunke in water with Masticke, is soveraigne for the maladies of the stomacke."

Nicolaus Myrepsus (Recipe 951, op. citat.) gives a prescription for

dysentery and diabetes confiding chiefly of "Electri vel succi Nili (Nili succum appellant Arabes Karabem)."

[112] Page 47, line 22. Page 47, line 26. Sudauienses seu Sudini.—Cardan in De Rerum Varietate, lib. iii., cap. xv. (Editio Basil., 1556, p. 152), says of amber:

"Colligitur in quadam penè insula Sudinorum, qui nunc uocātur Brusci, in Prussia, nunc Borussia, juxta Veneticum sinum, & sunt orientaliores ostiis Vistulæ fluuii: ubi triginta pagi huic muneri destinati sunt," etc. He rejects the theory that it consists of hardened gum.

There exists an enormous literature concerning Amber and the Prussian amber industry. Amongst the earliest works (after Theophrastus and Pliny) are those of Aurifaber (Bericht über Agtstein oder Börnstein, Königsberg, 1551); Goebel (De Succino, Libri duo, authore Severino Gœbelio, Medico Doctore, Regiomont., 1558); and Wigand (Vera historia de Succino Borussico, Jena, 1590). Later on Hartmann, P. J. (Succini Prussici Physica et civilis Historia, Francofurti, 1677); and the splendid folio of Nathaniel Sendel (Historia Succinorum corpora aliena involventium, Lipsiæ, 1742), with its wealth of plates illustrating amber specimens, with the various included fossil fauna and flora. Georgius Agricola (De natura Fossilium, liber iv.), and Aldrovandi (Musæeum Metallicum, pp. 411-412) must also be mentioned. Bibliographies of the earlier literature are to be found in Hartmann (op. citat.), and in Daniel Gralath, Elektrische Bibliothek (Versuche und Abhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft in Danzig, Zweiter Theil, pp. 537-539, Danzig and Leipzig, 1754). See also Karl Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, vol. i., Zweites Buch, pp. 211-224, Zinn und Bernsteinhandel (Berlin, 1870), and Humboldt's Cosmos (Bohn's edition, London, 1860, vol. ii., p. 493).

The ancient Greek myth according to which amber was the tears of the Heliades, shed on the banks of the river Eridanus over Phaethon, is not alluded to by Gilbert. It is narrated in well-known passages in Ovid and in Hyginus. Those interested in the modern handling of the myth should refer to Müllenhoff (op. citat., pp. 217-223, der Bernsteinmythus), or to that delightful work The Tears of the Heliades, by W. Arnold Buffum (London, 1896).

[113] Page 47, line 30. Page 47, line 36. quare & muscos ... in frustulis quibusdam comprehensos retinet.—The occurrence of flies in amber was well known to the ancients. Pliny thus speaks of it, book xxxvii., chap. iii. (p. 608 of P. Holland's translation of 1601):

"That it doth destill and drop at the first very clear and liquid, it is evident by this argument, for that a man may see diverse things within, to wit, Pismires, Gnats, and Lizards, which no doubt were entangled and stucke within it when it was greene and fresh, and so remain enclosed within as it waxed harder."

A locust embedded in amber is mentioned in the Musæum Septalianum of Terzagus (Dertonæ, 1664).

Martial's epigram (Epigrammata, liber vi., 15) is well known:

Dum Phaethontea formica vagatur in umbra

Implicuit tenuem succina gutta feram.

See also Hermann (Daniel), De rana et lacerta Succino Borussiaco insitis

(Cracov., 1580; a later edition, Rigæ, 1600). The great work on inclusa in amber is, however, that of Nathaniel Sendel. See the previous note.

Sir Thomas Browne must not be forgotten in this connexion. The Pseudodoxia (p. 64 of the second edition, 1650) says:

"Lastly, we will not omit what Bellabonus upon his own experiment writ from Dantzich unto Mellichius, as he hath left recorded in his chapter De Succino, that the bodies of Flies, Pismires and the like, which are said oft times to be included in Amber, are not reall but representative, as he discovered in severall pieces broke for that purpose. If so, the two famous Epigrams hereof in Martiall are but poeticall, the Pismire of Brassavolus Imaginary, and Cardans Mousoleum for a flie, a meer phancy. But hereunto we know not how to assent, as having met with some whose reals made good their representments." See also Pope's Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, line 169.

[114] Page 47, line 34. Page 47, line 40. Commemorant antiqui quod succinum festucas et paleas attrahit.—Pliny (book xxxvii., chap. ii., p. 606 of the English edition of 1601) thus narrates the point:

"Hee [Niceas] writeth also, that in Aegypt it [amber] is engendered.... Semblably in Syria, the women (saith hee) make wherves of it for their spindles, where they use to call it Harpax, because it will catch up leaves, straws, and fringes hanging to cloaths."

p. 608. "To come to the properties that Amber hath, If it bee well rubbed and chaufed betweene the fingers, the potentiall facultie that lieth within, is set on work, and brought into actual operation, whereby you shall see it to drawe chaffe strawes, drie leaves, yea, and thin rinds of the Linden or Tillet tree, after the same sort as loadstone draweth yron."

[115] Page 47, line 36. Page 47, line 42. Quod etiam facit Gagates lapis.—The properties of Jet were well known to the mediæval writers. Julius Solinus writes in De Mirabilibus, chapter xxxiv., Of Britaine (English version of 1587 by A. Golding):

"Moreover to the intent to passe the large aboundance of sundry mettals (whereof Britaine hath many rich mynes on all sides), Here is store of the stone called Geate, and ye best kind of it. If ye demaund ye beautie of it, it is a black Jewell: if the qualitie, it is of no weight: if the nature, it burneth in water, and goeth out in Oyle; if the power, rubbe it till it be warme, and it holdeth such things as are laide to it; as Amber doth. The Realme is partlie inhabited of barbarous people, who even frõ theyr childhoode haue shapes of divers beastes cunninglye impressed and incorporate in theyr bodyes, so that beeing engraued as it were in theyr bowels, as the man groweth, so growe the marks painted vpon him...."

Pliny describes it as follows (p. 589, English edition of 1601):

"The Geat, which otherwise we call Gagates, carrieth the name of a toune and river both in Lycia, called Gages: it is said also, that the sea casteth it up at a full tide or high water into the Island Leucola, where it is gathered within the space of twelve stadia, and no where else: blacke it is, plaine and even, of a hollow substance in manner of the pumish stone, not much differing from the nature of wood; light, brittle, and if it bee rubbed or bruised, of a strong flavour." (Book xxxvi., chap. xviii.)

In the Commentary of Joannes Ruellius upon Dioscorides, Pedanii Dioscoridis Anazarbei de medicinali materia libri sex, Ioanne Ruellio Suessionensi interprete ... (Frankfurt, 1543, fol., liber quintus, cap. xcii.) is the following description:

"In Gagatarum lapidum genere, præferendus qui celeriter accenditur, et odorem bituminis reddit. niger est plerunque, et squalidus, crustosus, per quam levis. Vis ei molliendi, et discutiendi. deprehendit sonticum morbum suffitus, recreatque uuluæ strangulationes. fugat serpentes nidore. podagricis medicaminibus, et a copis additur. In Cilicia nasci solet, qua influens amnis in mare effunditur, proxime oppidum quod Plagiopolis dicitur. vocatur autem et locus et amnis Gagas, in cujus faucibus ii lapides inveniuntur.

"Gagates lapis colore atro, Germanis Schwartzer augstein, voce parum depravata, dicitur. odore dum uritur bituminis, siccat, glutinat, digerit admotus, in corollis precariis et salinis frequens."

And in the Scholia upon Dioscorides of Joannes Lonicer (Marpurgi, 1643, cap. xcvii., p. 80) is the following:

"De Gagate Lapide. Ab natali solo, urbe nimirum Gagae Lyciae nomen habet. Galenus se flumen isthuc et lapidem non invenisse, etiamsi naui parua totam Lyciam perlustravit: ait, se autem in caua Syria multos nigros lapides invenisse glebosos, qui igni impositi, exiguam flammam gignerent. Meminit hujus Nicander in Theriacis nempe suffitum hujus abigere venenata."

There is also a good account of Gagates (and of Succinum) by Langius, Epistola LXXV., p. 454, of the work Epistolarum medicinalium volumen tripartitum (Francofurti, 1589).

[116] Page 47, line 39. Page 47, line 45. Multi sunt authores moderni.—The modern authors who raised Gilbert's wrath by ignorantly copying out all the old tales about amber, jet, and loadstone, instead of investigating the facts, were, as he says at the beginning of the chapter, some theologians, and some physicians. He seems to have taken a special dislike to Albertus Magnus, to Puteanus (Du Puys), and to Levinus Lemnius.

[117] Page 47, line 39. Page 47, line 46. & gagate.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 both read ex gagate.

[118] Page 48, line 14. Page 48, line 16. Nam non solum succinum, & gagates (vt illi putant) allectant corpuscula.—The list of bodies known to become electrical by friction was not quite so restricted as would appear from this passage. Five, if not six, other minerals had been named in addition to amber and jet.

(1.) Lyncurium. This stone, about which there has been more obscurity and confusion than about any other gem, is supposed by some writers to be the tourmaline, by others a jacinth, and by others a belemnite. The ancients supposed it to be produced from the urine of the lynx. The following is the account of Theophrastus, Theophrastus's History of Stones. With an English Version ..., by "Sir" John Hill, London, 1774, p. 123, ch. xlix.-l. "There is some Workmanship required to bring the Emerald to its Lustre, for originally it is not so bright. It is, however, excellent in its Virtues, as is also the Lapis Lyncurius, which is likewise used for engraving Seals on, and is of a very solid Texture, as Stones are; it has also an attractive Power, like that of Amber, and is said to attract not only Straws and small pieces of Sticks, but even Copper and Iron, if they are beaten to thin pieces. This Diocles affirms. The Lapis Lyncurius is pellucid, and of a fire Colour." See also W. Watson in Philos. Trans., 1759, L. i., p. 394, Observations concerning the Lyncurium of the ancients.

(2.) Ruby.

(3.) Garnet. The authority for both these is Pliny, Nat. Hist., book xxxvii., chap. vii. (p. 617 of English edition of 1601).

"Over and besides, I find other sorts of Rubies different from those above-named;... which being chaufed in the Sun, or otherwise set in a heat by rubbing with the fingers, will draw unto them chaffe, strawes, shreads, and leaves of paper. The common Grenat also of Carchedon or Carthage, is said to doe as much, although it be inferiour in price to the former."

(4.) Jasper. Affaytatus is the authority, in Fortunii Affaitati Physici atque Theologi ... Physicæ & Astronomicæ cōsiderationes (Venet., 1549), where, on p. 20, he speaks of the magnet turning to the pole, likening it to the turning of a "palea ab Ambro vel Iaspide et hujuscemodi lapillis lucidis."

(5.) Lychnis. Pliny and St. Isidore speak of a certain stone lychnis, of a scarlet or flame colour, which, when warmed by the sun or between the fingers, attracts straws or leaves of papyrus. Pliny puts this stone amongst carbuncles, but it is much more probably rubellite, that is to say, red tourmaline.

(6.) Diamond. In spite of the confusion already noted, à propos of adamas (Note to p. [47]), between loadstone and diamond, there seems to be one distinct record of an attractive effect having been observed with a rubbed diamond. This was recorded by Fracastorio, De sympathia et antipathia rerum (Giunta edition, Venice, MDLXXIIII, chap. v., p. 60 verso), "cujus rei & illud esse signum potest, cum confricata quædã vt Succinum, & Adamas fortius furculos trahunt." And (on p. 62 recto); "nam si per similitudine (vt supra diximus) fit hæc attractio, cur magnes non potius magnetem trahit, q˜ ferrum, & ferrum non potius ad ferrum movetur, quàm ad magnetem? quæ nam affinitas est pilorum, & furculorum cum Electro, & Adamante? præsertim q˜ si cum Electro affines sunt, quomodo & cum Adamante affinitatem habebunt, qui dissimilis Electro est?" An incontestable case of the observation of the electrification of the diamond occurs in Gartias ab Horto. The first edition of his Historia dei Semplici Aromati was publisht at Goa in India in 1563. In chapter xlviii. on the Diamond, occur these words (p. 200 of the Venetian edition of 1616): "Questo si bene ho sperimentato io più volte, che due Diamanti perfetti fregati insieme, si vniscono di modo insieme, che non di leggiero li potrai separare. Et ho parimente veduto il Diamante dopo di esser ben riscaldato, tirare à se le festuche, non men, che si faccia l'elettro." See also Aldrovandi, Musæum Metallicum (Bonon., 1648, p. 947).

Levinus Lemnius also mentions the Diamond along with amber. See his Occulta naturæ miracula (English edition, London, 1658, p. 199).

[119] Page 48, line 16. Page 48, line 18. Iris gemma.—The name iris was given, there can be little doubt, to clear six sided prisms of rock-crystal (quartz), which, when held in the sun's beams, cast a crude spectrum of the colours of the rainbow. The following is the account of it given in Pliny, book xxxvii., chap. vii. (p. 623 of the English version of 1601):

"... there is a stone in name called Iris: digged out of the ground it is in a certaine Island of the red sea, distant from the city Berenice three score miles. For the most part it resembleth Crystall: which is the reason that some hath tearmed it the root of Crystall. But the cause why they call it Iris, is, That if the beames of the Sunne strike upon it directly within house, it doth send from it against the walls that bee neare, the very resemblance both in forme and also in colour of a rainebow; and eftsoones it will chaunge the same in much varietie, to the great admiration of them that behold it. For certain it is knowne, that six angles it hath in manner of the Crystall: but they say that some of them have their sides rugged, and the same

unequally angled: which if they be laid abroad against the Sunne in the open aire, do scatter the beames of the Sunne, which light upon them too and fro: also that others doe yeeld a brightnes from themselves, and thereby illuminat all that is about them. As for the diverse colours which they cast forth, it never happeneth but in a darke or shaddowie place: whereby a man may know, that the varietie of colours is not in the stone Iris, but commeth by the reverberation of the wals. But the best Iris is that which representeth the greatest circles upon the wall, and those which bee likest unto rainebowes indeed."

In the English translation of Solinus's De Mirabilibus (The excellent and pleasant worke of Julius Solinus containing the noble actions of humaine creatures, the secretes and providence of nature, the descriptions of countries ... tr. by A. Golding, gent., Lond., 1587), chapter xv. on Arabia has the following:

"Hee findeth likewise the Iris in the Red sea, sixe cornered as the Crystall: which beeing touched with the Sunnebeames, casteth out of him a bryght reflexion of the ayre like the Raynebowe."

Iris is also mentioned by Albertus Magnus (De mineralibus, Venet., 1542, p. 189), by Marbodeus Gallus (De lapidibus, Par. 1531, p. 78), who describes it as "crystallo simulem sexangulam," by Lomatius (Artes of curious Paintinge, Haydocke's translation, Lond., 1598, p. 157), who says, "... the Sunne, which casting his beames vpon the stone Iris, causeth the raine-bowe to appeare therein ...," and by "Sir" John Hill (A General Natural History, Lond., 1748, p. 179).

Figures of the Iris given by Aldrovandi in the Musæum Metallicum clearly depict crystals of quartz.

[120] Page 48, line 16. Page 48, line 18. Vincentina, & Bristolla (Anglica gemma siue fluor). This is doubtless the same substance as the Gemma Vincentij rupis mentioned on p. 54, line 16 (p. [54], line 18, of English Version), and is nothing else than the so-called "Bristol diamond," a variety of dark quartz crystallized in small brilliant crystals upon a basis of hæmatite. To the work by Dr. Thomas Venner (Lond., 1650), entitled Via Recta or the Bathes of Bathe, there is added an appendix, A Censure concerning the water of Saint Vincents Rocks neer Bristol (Urbs pulchra et Emporium celebre), in which, at p. 376, occurs this passage: "This Water of Saint Vincents Rock is of a very pure, cleare, crystalline substance, answering to those crystalline Diamonds and transparent stones that are plentifully found in those Clifts."

In the Fossils Arranged of "Sir" John Hill (Lond., 1771), p. 123, is the following entry: "Black crystal. Small very hard heavy glossy. Perfectly black, opake. Bristol (grottos, glass)" referring to its use.

The name Vincentina is not known as occurring in any mineralogical book. Prof. H. A. Miers, F.R.S., writes concerning the passage: "Anglica gemma sive fluor seems to be a synonym for Bristolla, or possibly for Vincentina et Bristolla. Both quartz and fluor are found at Clifton. In that case Vincentina and Bristolla refer to these two minerals, and if so one would expect Bristolla to be the Bristol Diamond, and Vincentina to be the comparatively rare Fluor spar from that locality."

At the end of the edition of 1653 of Sir Hugh Plat's Jewel House of Art and Nature, is appended A rare and excellent Discourse of Minerals, Stones, Gums, and Rosins; with the vertues and use thereof, By D. B. Gent. Here, p. 218, we read:

"We have in England a stone or mineral called a Bristol stone (because

many are found thereabouts) which much resembles the Adamant or Diamond, which is brought out of Arabia and Cyprus; but as it is wanting of the same hardnesse, so falls it short of the like vertues."

[121] Page 48, line 18. Page 48, line 19. Crystallus.—Rock-crystal. Quartz. Pliny's account of it (Philemon Holland's version of 1601, p. 604) in book xxxvii., chap, ii., is:

"As touching Crystall, it proceedeth of a contrarie cause, namely of cold; for a liquor it is congealed by extreame frost in manner of yce; and for proofe hereof, you shall find crystall in no place els but where the winter snow is frozen hard: so as we may boldly say, it is verie yce and nothing else, whereupon the Greeks have give it the right name Crystallos, i. Yce.... Thus much I dare my selfe avouch, that crystall groweth within certaine rockes upon the Alps, and these so steepe and inaccessible, that for the most part they are constrained to hang by ropes that shall get it forth."

[122] Page 48, line 18. Page 48, line 20. Similes etiam attrahendi vires habere videntur vitrum ... sulphur, mastix, & cera dura sigillaris. If, as shown above, the electric powers of diamond and ruby had already been observed, yet Gilbert was the first beyond question to extend the list of electrics beyond the class of precious stones, and his discovery that glass, sulphur, and sealing-wax acted, when rubbed, like amber, was of capital importance. Though he did not pursue the discovery into mechanical contrivances, he left the means of that extension to his followers. To Otto von Guericke we owe the application of sulphur to make the first electrical machine out of a revolving globe; to Sir Isaac Newton the suggestion of glass as affording a more mechanical construction.

Electrical attraction by natural products other than amber after they have been rubbed must have been observed by the primitive races of mankind. Indeed Humboldt in his Cosmos (Lond., 1860, vol. i., p. 182) records a striking instance:

"I observed with astonishment, on the woody banks of the Orinoco, in the sports of the natives, that the excitement of electricity by friction was known to these savage races, who occupy the very lowest place in the scale of humanity. Children may be seen to rub the dry, flat and shining seeds or husks of a trailing plant (probably a Negretia) until they are able to attract threads of cotton and pieces of bamboo cane."

[123] Page 48, line 23. Page 48, line 25. arsenicum.—This is orpiment. See the Dictionary of metallick words at the end of Pettus's Fleta Minor.

[124] Page 48, line 23. Page 48, line 26. in convenienti cœlo sicco.—The observation that only in a dry climate do rock-salt, mica, and rock-alum act as electrics is also of capital importance. Compare page [56].

[125] Page 48, line 27. Page 48, line 31. Alliciunt hæc omnia non festucas modo & paleas.—Gilbert himself marks the importance of this discovery by the large asterisk in the margin. The logical consequence was his invention of the first electroscope, the versorium non magneticum, made of any metal, figured on p. 49.

[126] Page 48, line 34. Page 48, line 36. quod tantum siccas attrahat paleas, nec folia ocimi.—This silly tale that basil leaves were not attracted by amber arose in the Quæstiones Convivales of Plutarch. It is repeated by Marbodeus and was quoted by Levinus Lemnius as true. Gilbert denounced it as nonsense. Cardan (De Subtilitate, Norimb., 1550, p. 132) had already contradicted the fable. "Trahit enim," he says, "omnia levia, paleas, festucas, ramenta

tenuia metallorum, & ocimi folia, perperam contradicente Theophrasto." Sir Thomas Browne specifically refuted it. "For if," he says, "the leaves thereof or dried stalks be stripped into small strawes, they arise unto Amber, Wax, and other Electricks, no otherwise then those of Wheat or Rye."

[127] Page 48, line 34. Page 48, line 38. Sed vt poteris manifestè experiri....

Gilbert's experimental discoveries in electricity may be summarized as follows:

1. The generalization of the class of Electrics.

2. The observation that damp weather hinders electrification.

3. The generalization that electrified bodies attract everything,

including even metals, water, and oil.

4. The invention of the non-magnetic versorium or electroscope.

5. The observation that merely warming amber does not electrify it.

6. The recognition of a definite class of non-electrics.

7. The observation that certain electrics do not attract if roasted or

burnt.

8. That certain electrics when softened by heat lose their power.

9. That the electric effluvia are stopped by the interposition of a sheet

of paper or a piece of linen, or by moist air blown from the mouth.

10. That glowing bodies, such as a live coal, brought near excited amber

discharge its power.

11. That the heat of the sun, even when concentrated by a burning mirror,

confers no vigour on the amber, but dissipates the effluvia.

12. That sulphur and shell-lac when aflame are not electric.

13. That polish is not essential for an electric.

14. That the electric attracts bodies themselves, not the intervening air.

15. That flame is not attracted.

16. That flame destroys the electrical effluvia.

17. That during south winds and in damp weather, glass and crystal, which

collect moisture on their surface, are electrically more interfered

with than amber, jet and sulphur, which do not so easily take up

moisture on their surfaces.

18. That pure oil does not hinder production of electrification or exercise

of attraction.

19. That smoke is electrically attracted, unless too rare.

20. That the attraction by an electric is in a straight line toward it.

[128] Page 48, line 35. Page 48, line 39. quæ sunt illæ materiæ.—Gilbert's list of electrics should be compared with those given subsequently by Cabeus (1629), by Sir Thomas Browne (1646), and by Bacon. The last-named list occurs in his Physiological Remains, published posthumously in 1679; it contains nothing new. Sir Thomas Browne's list is given in the following passage, which is interesting as using for the first time in the English language the noun Electricities:

"Many stones also both precious and vulgar, although terse and smooth, have not this power attractive; as Emeralds, Pearle, Jaspis, Corneleans, Agathe, Heliotropes, Marble, Alablaster, Touchstone, Flint and Bezoar. Glasse attracts but weakely though cleere, some slick stones and thick glasses indifferently: Arsenic but weakely, so likewise glasse of Antimony, but Crocus Metallorum not at all. Saltes generally but weakely, as Sal Gemma, Alum, and also Talke, nor very discoverably by any frication: but if gently warmed at the fire, and wiped with a dry cloth, they will better discover their Electricities." (Pseudodoxia Epidemica, p. 79.)

In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xx., p. 384, is A Catalogue of Electrical Bodies by the late Dr. Rob. Plot. It begins "Non solum succinum," and ends "alumen rupeum," being identical with Gilbert's list except that he calls "Vincentina & Bristolla" by the name "Pseudoadamas Bristoliensis."

[129] Page 49, line 25. Page 49, line 30. non dissimili modo.—The modus

operandi of the electrical attractions was a subject of much discussion; see Cardan, op. citat.

[130] Page 51, line 2. Page 51, line 1. appellunt.—This appears to be a misprint for appelluntur.

[131] Page 51, line 22. Page 51, line 23. smyris.—Emery. This substance is mentioned on p. [22] as a magnetic body.

[132] Page 52, line 1. Page 51, line 46. gemmæ ... vt Crystallus, quæ ex limpidâ concreuit. See the [note] to p. [48].

[133] Page 52, line 30. Page 52, line 32. ammoniacum.—Ammoniacum, or Gutta Ammoniaca, is described by Dioscorides as being the juice of a ferula grown in Africa, resembling galbanum, and used for incense.

"Ammoniack is a kind of Gum like Frankincense; it grows in Lybia, where Ammon's Temple was." Sir Hugh Plat's Jewel House of Art and Nature (Ed. 1653, p. 223).

[134] Page 52, line 38. Page 52, line 41. duæ propositæ sunt causæ ... materia & forma.—Gilbert had imbibed the schoolmen's ideas as to the relations of matter and form. He had discovered and noted that in the magnetic attractions there was always a verticity, and that in the electrical attractions the rubbed electrical body had no verticity. To account for these differences he drew the inference that since (as he had satisfied himself) the magnetic actions were due to form, that is to say to something immaterial—to an "imponderable" as in the subsequent age it was called—the electrical actions must necessarily be due to matter. He therefore put forward his idea that a substance to be an electric must necessarily consist of a concreted humour which is partially resolved into an effluvium by attrition. His discoveries that electric actions would not pass through flame, whilst magnetic actions would, and that electric actions could be screened off by interposing the thinnest layer of fabric such as sarcenet, whilst magnetic actions would penetrate thick slabs of every material except iron only, doubtless confirmed him in attributing the electric forces to the presence of these effluvia. See also p. [65]. There arose a fashion, which lasted over a century, for ascribing to "humours," or "fluids," or "effluvia," physical effects which could not otherwise be accounted for. Boyle's tracts of the years 1673 and 1674 on "effluviums," their "determinate nature," their "strange subtilty," and their "great efficacy," are examples.

[135] Page 53, line 9. Page 53, line 11. Magnes vero....—This passage from line 9 to line 24 states very clearly the differences to be observed between the magnetical and the electrical attractions.

[136] Page 53, line 36. Page 53, line 41. succino calefacto.—Ed. 1633 reads succinum in error.

[137] Page 54, line 9. Page 54, line 11. Plutarchus ... in quæstionibus Platonicis.—The following Latin version of the paragraph in Quæstio sexta is taken from the bilingual edition publisht at Venice in 1552, p. 17 verso, liber vii., cap. 7 (or, Quæstio Septima in Ed. Didot, p. 1230).

"Electrum uero quæ apposita sunt, nequaquàm trahit, quem admodum nec lapis ille, qui sideritis nuncupatur, nec quicquā à seipso ad ea quæ in propinquo sunt, extrinsecus assilit. Verum lapis magnes effluxiones quasdam tum graves, tum etiam spiritales emittit, quibus aer continuatus & iunctus repellitur. Is deinceps alium sibi proximum impellit, qui in orbem circum actus, atque ad inanem locum rediens, ui ferrum fecum rapit & trahit. At Electrum uim quandam flammæ similem & spiritalem continet, quam quidem

tritu summæ partis, quo aperiuntur meatus, foras eijcit. Nam leuissima corpuscula & aridissima quæ propè sunt, sua tenuitate atque imbecillitate ad seipsum ducit & rapit, cum non sit adeo ualens, nec tantum habeat ponderis & momenti ad expellendam aeris copiam, ut maiora corpora more Magnetis superare possit & uincere."

[138] Page 54, line 16. Page 54, line 18. Gemma Vincentij rupis.—See the [note] to p. [48] supra, where the name Vincentina occurs.

[139] Page 54, line 30. Page 54, line 35. orobi.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 read oribi.

[140] Page 55, line 34. Page 55, line 42. in euacuati.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 read inevacuati.

[141] Page 58, line 21. Page 58, line 25. assurgentem vndam ... declinat ab F.—These words are wanting in the Stettin editions.

[142] Page 59, line 9. Page 59, line 9. fluore.—This word is conjectured to be a misprint for fluxu but it stands in all editions.

[143] Page 59, line 22. Page 59, line 25. Ruunt ad electria.—This appears to be a slip for electrica, which is the reading of the editions of 1628 and 1633.

[144] Page 60, line 7. Page 60, line 9. tanq materiales radij.—The suggestion here of material rays as the modus operandi of electric forces seems to foreshadow the notion of electric lines of force.

[145] Page 60, line 10. Page 60, line 12. Differentia inter magnetica & electrica.—Though Gilbert was the first systematically to explore the differences that exist between the magnetic attraction of iron and the electric attraction of all light substances, the point had not passed unheeded, for we find St. Augustine, in the De Civitate Dei, liber xxi., cap. 6, raising the question why the loadstone which attracts iron should refuse to move straws. The many analogies between electric and magnetic phenomena had led many experimenters to speculate on the possibility of some connexion between electricity and magnetism. See, for example, Tiberius Cavallo, A Treatise on Magnetism, London, 1787, p. 126. Also the three volumes of J. H. van Swinden, Receuil de Mémoires sur l'Analogie de Electricité et du Magnétisme, La Haye, 1784. Aepinus wrote a treatise on the subject, entitled De Similitudine vis electricæ et magneticæ (Petropolis, 1758). This was, of course, long prior to the discovery, by Oersted, in 1820, of the real connexion between magnetism and the electric current.

[146] Page 60, line 25. Page 60, line 31. Coitionem dicimus, non attractionem.—See the remarks, at the outset of these Notes, on Gilbert's definitions of words.

[147] Page 60, line 33. Page 61, line 1. Orpheus in suis carminibus.—This passage is in the chapter Λιθικά of Orpheus, verses 301 to 327. See [Note] to p. [11], line 19.

[148] Page 61, line 15. Page 61, line 19. Platonis in Timæo opinio.—The passage runs (edition Didot, vol. ii., p. 240, or Stephanus, p. 80, C.):

Καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ τῶν ὑδάτων πάντα ῥεύματα ἔτι δὲ τὰ τῶν κεραυνῶν πτώματα καὶ τὰ θαυμαζόμενα ἠλέκτρων περὶ τῆς ἕλξεως καὶ τῶν Ἡρακλείων λίθων, πάντων τούτων ὁλκὴ μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδένι ποτε, τὸ δὲ κενὸν εἶναι μηδεν περιωθεῖν τε αὑτὰ ταῦτα εἰς ἄλληλα, τό τε διακρινόμενα καὶ συγκρινόμενα πρὸς τήν αὑτῶν διαμειβόμενα ἕδραν ἕκαστα ἰέναι πάντα, τούτοις τοῖς παθήμασι πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλεχθεῖσι τεθαυματουργημένα τῷ κατὰ τρόπον ζητοῦντι φανήσεται.

[149] Page 61, Line 30. Page 61, line 38. The English version of the lines of Lucretius is from Busby's translation.

[150] Page 62, line 5.

Page 62, line 7. Iohannes Costæus Laudensis.—Joannes Costa, of Lodi, edited Galen and Avicenna. He also wrote a De universali stirpium Natura (Aug. Taurin., 1578).

[151] Page 63, line 3. Page 63, line 4. Cornelius Gemma 10. Cosmocrit.—This refers to the work De Naturæ Divinis Characterismis ... Libri ii. Avctore D. Corn. Gemma (Antv., 1575, lib. i., cap. vii., p. 123).

"Certè vt à magnete insensiles radij ferrum ad se attrahunt, ab echineide paruo pisciculo sistuntur plena nauigia, à catoblepa spiritu non homines solùm, sed & alta serpentum genera interimuntur, & saxa dehiscunt."

See also Kircher's Magneticum Naturæ Regnum (Amsterodami, 1667, p. 172), Sectio iv., cap. iii., De Magnete Navium, quæ Remora seu Echeneis dicitur. See the note to p. [7], line 21.

[152] Page 63, line 6. Page 63, line 7. Guilielmus Puteanus.—Puteanus (Du Puys) wrote a work De Medicamentorum quomodocunque Purgantium Facultatibus, Libri ii. (Lugd., 1552), in which he talks vaguely about the substantial "form" of the magnet, and quotes Aristotle and Galen.

[153] Page 63, line 21. Page 63, line 25. Baptistæ Portæ.—The passage in the translation is quoted from the English version of 1658, pp. 191, 192.

[154] Page 64, line 4. Page 64, line 9. Eruditè magis Scaliger.—Gilbert pokes fun at Scaliger, whose "erudite" guess (that the motion of iron to the magnet was that of the offspring toward the parent) is to be found in his book De Subtilitate, ad Cardanum, Exercitatio CII. (Lutetiæ, 1557, p. 156 bis).

[155] Page 64, line 7. Page 64, line 11. Diuus Thomas.—On p. [3] Gilbert had already spoken of St. Thomas Aquinas as a man of intellect who would have added more about the magnet had he been more conversant with experiments. The passage here quoted is from the middle of Liber vii. of his commentaries on the de Physica of Aristotle, Expositio Diui Thome Aquinatis Doctoris Angelici super octo libros Physicorum Aristotelis, etc. (Venice, Giunta edition, 1539, p. 96 verso, col. 2).

[156] Page 64, line 16. Page 64, line 24. Cardinalis etiam Cusanus.—Cardinal de Cusa (Nicolas Khrypffs) wrote a set of dialogues on Statics, Nicolai Cusani de staticis experimentis dialogus (1550), of which an English version appeared in London in 1650 with the title, The Idiot in four books; the first and second of wisdom, the third of the minde, the fourth of statick experiments. By the famous and learned C. Cusanus. In the fourth book of statick Experiments, Or experiments of the Ballance, occurs (p. 186) the following:

"Orat. Tell me, if thou hast any device whereby the vertues of stones may be weighed.

"Id. I thinke the vertue of the Load-stone might be weighed, if putting some Iron in one scale, and a Load-stone in the other, untill the ballance were even, then taking away the Load-stone, and some other thing of the same weight being put into the scale, the Load-stone were holden over the Iron, so that that scale wou'd begin to rise; by reason of the Load-stones attraction of the Iron, then take out some of the weight of the other scale, untill the scale wherein the iron is, doe sinke againe to the æquilibrium, or equality still holding the Load-stone unmovable as it was; I beleeve that by weight of what was taken out of the contrary scale, one might come proportionably to the weight of the vertue or power of the Load-stone. And in like manner, the vertue of a Diamond, might be found hereby, because they say it hinders the Load-stone from drawing of Iron; and so other vertues of other stones, consideration, being alwayes had of the greatnesse of the bodyes, because in a greater body, there is a greater power and vertue."

In the 1588 edition of Baptista Porta's Magiæ Naturalis Libri xx., in lib. vii., cap. xviii., occurs the description of the use of the balance to which Gilbert refers.

[157] Page 67, line 21. Page 67, line 22. aëris rigore.—All editions read thus, but the sense seems to require frigore.

[158] Page 67, line 27. Page 67, line 31. Fracastorius.—See his De Sympathia, lib. i., cap. 5 (Giunta edition, 1574, p. 60).

[159] Page 68, line 5. Page 68, line 6. Thaletis Milesij.—See the [note] to p. [11], line 26.

[160] Page 68, line 30. Page 68, line 35. Ità coitio magnetica actus est magnetis, & ferri, non actio vnius.—See the introductory remarks to these notes. There is a passage in Scaliger's De Subtilitate ad Cardanum (Exercitat. CII., cap. 5, p. 156 op. citat.) which may be compared with Gilbert's for its use of Greek terms: "Nã cùm uita dicatur actus animæ, acceptus est abs te actus pro actione. Sed actus ille est ἐντελέχεια, nõ autem ἔργον. At Magnetis attractio est ἔργον, non autẽ ἐντελέχεια." To which Gilbert retorts: "non actio unius, utriusque ἐντελέχεια; non ἔργον, συνεντελέχεια et conactus potius quam sympathia." He returns on p. [70] to the attack on Scaliger's metaphysical notions. There is a parallel passage in the Epitome Naturalis Scientiæ of Daniel Sennert (Oxoniæ, 1664), in the chapter De Motu.

[161] Page 71, line 4. Page 71, line 8. vt in 8. physicorum Themistius existimat.—See Omnia Themistii Opera (Aldine edition, 1533, p. 63), Book 8 of his Paraphrase on Aristotle's Physica.

[162] Page 71, line 9. Page 71, line 14. Quod verò Fracastorius.Op. citat., lib. i., cap. 7, p. 62 verso.

[163] Page 73, line 2. Page 73, line 2. si A borealis.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 omit the twelve words next following.

[164] Page 73, line 9. Page 73, line 11. ex minera.Minera is not a recognized word, even in late Latin. It occurs again, p. [97], line 12.

[165] Page 77, line 2. Page 77, line 2. multo magis.—This is an à fortiori argument. It is interesting to find Gilbert comparing the velocity of propagation of magnetic forces in space with the velocity of light. The parallel is completed in line 13 by the consideration that as the rays of light require to fall upon an object in order that they may become visible, so the magnetic forces require a magnetic object in order to render their presence sensible.

[166] Page 78, line 14. Page 78, line 16. Orbem terrarum distinguunt.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 here add a figure of a globe marked with meridians and parallels of latitude, but with an erroneous versorium pointing to the south. These editions also both read existentiam for the word existentium in line 20.

[167] Page 83, line 5. Page 83, line 5. magnes longior maiora pondera ferri attollit.—Gilbert discovered the advantage, for an equal mass of loadstone, of an elongated shape. It is now well known that the specific amount of magnetism retained by elongated forms exceeds that in a short piece of the same material subjected to equal magnetizing forces.

[168] Page 83, line 24. Page 83, line 28. Non obstant crassa tabulata.—Gilbert has several times referred (e.g., on p. [77]) to the way in which magnetic forces penetrate solid bodies. The experimental investigation in this chapter

is the more interesting because it shows that Gilbert clearly perceived the shielding action of iron to be due to iron conducting aside or diverting the magnetic forces.

[169] Page 85, line 26. Page 85, line 31. non conveniant.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 both read et conveniant.

[170] Page 86, line 3. Page 86, line 3. illud quod exhalat.—Literally, that which exhales, in the sense of that which escapes: but in modern English the verb exhale in the active voice is now not used of the substance that escapes, but is used of the thing which emits it. It must therefore be rendered that which is exhaled (i.e., breathed out).

[171] Page 86, line 13. Page 86, line 15. Ita tota interposita moles terrestris.—Gilbert's notion that the gravitational force of the moon in producing the tides acts through the substance of the earth may seem curiously expressed. But the underlying contention is essentially true to-day. The force of gravity is not cut off or screened off by the interposition of other masses. A recent investigation by Professor Poynting, F.R.S., has shown that so far as all evidence goes all bodies, even the densest, are transparent with respect to gravitational forces.

[172] Page 86, line 18. Page 86, line 20. Sed de æstus ratione aliàs.—There is no further discussion of the tides in De Magnete. But a short account is to be found in Gilbert's posthumous work De Mundo nostro Sublunari Philosophia nova (Amsterdam, Elzevir, 1651), in Lib. v., the part which in the manuscript was left in English, and was turned into Latin by his brother. It comprises about fifteen quarto pages, from Cap. X. to Cap. XIX. inclusive, beginning with a characteristic diatribe against Taisnier, Levinus Lemnius, and Scaliger. But in assigning causes he himself goes wide of the mark. Proceeding by a process of elimination he first shows that the moon's light cannot be the cause that impels the tides. "Luna," he says, "non radio, non lumine, maria impellit. quomodo igitur? Sane corporum conspiratione, acque (ut similitudine rem exponam) Magnetica attractione." This cryptic utterance he proceeds to explain by a diagram, and adds: "Quare Luna non tam attrahit mare, quàm humorem & spiritum subterraneum; nec plus resistit interposita terra, quàm mensa, aut quicquam aliud densum, aut crassum, magnetis viribus."

[173] Page 87, line 7. Page 87, line 9. armatura.—Here this means the cap or snout of iron with which the loadstone was armed. This is apparently the first use of the term in this sense.

In the Dialogues of Galileo (p. 369 of Salusbury's Mathematical Collections, Dialogue iii.), Sagredus and Salviatus discuss the arming of the loadstone, and the increased lifting power conferred by adding an iron cap. Salviatus mentions a loadstone in the Florentine Academy which, unarmed, weighed six ounces, lifting only two ounces, but which when armed took up 160 ounces. Whereupon Galileo makes Salviatus say: "I extreamly praise, admire, and envy this Authour, for that a conceit so stupendious should come into his minde. ... I think him [i.e., Gilbert] moreover worthy of extraordinary applause for the many new and true Observations that he made, to the disgrace of so many fabulous Authours, that write not only what they do not know, but whatever they hear spoken by the foolish vulgar, never seeking to assure themselves of the same by experience, perhaps, because they are unwilling to diminish the bulk of their Books."

[174] Page 87, line 12. Page 87, line 15. The reference to lib. 3 is

a misprint for lib. 2. It is corrected in the edition of 1633, but not in that of 1628.

[175] Page 87, line 17. Page 87, line 21. conactu.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 read conatu.

[176] Page 88, line 2. Page 88, line 3. Coitio verò non fortior.—This heading to chap. xix., taken with the seven lines that follow, and the contrast drawn between unitio and coitio, throw much light on the fundamental sense attached by Gilbert to the term coitio. It is here clearly used in the sense of mutual tendency toward union. Note also the contrasted use in chap. xx. of the verbs cohære and adhære. Adhærence connotes a one-sided force (an impossibility in physics), cohærence a mutual force.

[177] Page 90, line 9. Page 90, line 9. nempè vt alter polus maius pondus arripiat.—This acute observation is even now not as well known as it ought to be. Only so recently as 1861 Siemens patented the device of fastening a mass of iron to one end of an electromagnet in order to increase the power of the other end. The fact, so far as it relates to permanent magnets was known to Servington Savery. See Philos. Transactions, 1729, p. 295.

[178] Page 92, line 3. Page 92, line 4. Suspendit in aëre ferrum Baptista Porta.—Porta's experiment is thus described (Natural Magick, London, 1658, p. 204): "Petrus Pellegrinus saith, he shewed in another work how that might be done: but that work is not to be found. Why I think it extream hard, I shall say afterwards. But I say it may be done, because I have now done it, to hold it fast by an invisible band, to hang in the air; onely so, that it be bound with a small thread beneath, that it may not rise higher: and then striving to catch hold of the stone above, it will hang in the air, and tremble and wag itself."

[179] Page 97, line 29. Page 97, line 33. Sed quæri potest ...—The question here raised by Gilbert is whether the lifting-power of magnets of equal quality is proportional to their weight. If a stone weighing a drachm will lift a drachm, would a stone that weighs an ounce lift an ounce? Gilbert erroneously answers that this is so, and that the lifting-power of a loadstone, whether armed or unarmed, is proportional to its mass.

The true law of the tractive force or lifting-power of magnets was first given in 1729 by James Hamilton (afterwards Earl of Abercorn) in a work entitled Calculations and Tables Relating to the Attractive Virtue of Loadstones ... Printed [at London?] in the Year 1729. (See also a paper in the Philos. Transactions, 1729-30, vol. xxxvi., p. 245). This work begins thus:

"The Principle upon which these Tables are formed, is this: That if Two Loadstones are perfectly Homogeneous, that is, if their Matter be of the same Specifick Gravity, and of the same Virtue in all Parts of one Stone, as in the other; and that Like Parts of their Surfaces are Cap'd or Arm'd with Iron; then the Weights they sustain will be as the Squares of the Cube Roots of the Weights of the Loadstones; that is, as their Surfaces."

Upon lifting-power see also D. Bernoulli, Acta Helvetica, iii., p. 223, 1758; P. W. Haecker, Zur Theorie des Magnetismus, Nürnberg, 1856; Van der Willigen, Arch. du Musée Teyler, vol. iv., Haarlem, 1878 ; S. P. Thompson, Philos. Magazine, July, 1888.

In the book of James Hamilton, p. 5, he mentions a small terrella weighing 139 English grains, which would sustain no less than 23,760 grains, and was valued at £21 13s. 10¾d.

In the Musæum Septalianum of Terzagus (Dertonæ, 1664, p. 42) is mentioned a loadstone weighing twelve ounces which would lift sixty pounds of iron.

Sir Isaac Newton had a loadstone weighing 3 grains, which he wore in a ring. It would lift 746 grains.

Thomson's British Annual, 1837, p. 354, gives the following reference: "In the Records of General Science, vol. iii., p. 272, there is an interesting description of a very powerful magnet which was sent from Virginia in 1776 by the celebrated Dr. Franklin to Professor Anderson, of Glasgow. It is now in the possession of Mr. Crichton. It weighs 2½ grains, and is capable of supporting a load of 783 grains, which is equivalent to 313 times its own weight."

[180] Page 99, line 10. Page 99, line 11. Manifestum est.—In this, as in many other passages, Gilbert uses this expression in the sense that it is demonstrable rather than meaning that it is obvious: for the fact here described is one that is not at all self-evident, but one which would become plain when the experiment had been tried. For other instances of this use of manifestum see pages [144], line 20; [158], line 19; [162], line 10.

[181] Page 100, line 20. Page 100, line 24. si per impedimēta ... pervenire possunt.—All editions agree in this reading, but the sense undoubtedly requires non possint. Compare p. 91, line 21.

[182] Page 102, line 4. Page 102, line 4. capite 4.—This is a misprint for capite 40, and is retained in the later editions. In the quotation from Baptista Porta, where the English version of 1658 is adhæred to, the words "& deturbat eam" have been omitted by the translator.

[183] Page 107, line 16. Page 107, line 18. Cardanus scribit.—The alleged perpetual motion machine is mentioned in De rerum varietate, lib. 9, cap. xlviii. (Basil., 1581, p. 641). See also the [Note] to p. [223]. For Peregrinus and for Taisnier, see the [note] to p. [5], lines 8 and 12.

[184] Page 107, line 19. Page 107, line 21. Antonij de Fantis.—His work is: Tabula generalis scotice subtilitatis octo Sectionibus vniuersam Doctoris Subtilis Peritiā cōplectēs: ab excellentissimo doctore Antonio de Fātis taruisino edita ... Lugd., 1530.

[185] Page 108, line 26. Page 108, line 31. Cusani in staticis.—See the [note] to p. [64], line 16.

[186] Page 108, line 33. Page 108, line 41. Languidi ... tardiùs acquiescunt.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 omit these seven words.

[187] Page 109, line 11. Page 109, line 13. halinitro.—Either native carbonate of soda or native carbonate of potash might be meant, but not saltpetre. Scaliger, in his De Subtilitate ad Cardanum (Lutet., 1557, p. 164), Exercitatio CIII., 15, under the title, Nitrum non est Salpetræ, says: "More tuo te, tuaque confundis. Salpetræ inter salis fossilis ponis hîc. Mox Halinitrum inter salis, & nitri naturam, speciem obtinere."

"Sal nitrum is salt which is boiled out of the earth, especially fat earth, as in stables, or any place of excrements." (A Chymicall Dictionary explaining Hard Places and Words met withall in the Writings of Paracelsus ..., Lond., 1650.)

[188] Page 109, line 20. Page 109, line 23. arte ioculatoriâ.—Edition 1628, joculatoriâ; edition 1633, jaculatoriâ.

[189] Page 110, line 11. Page 110, line 12. qualis fuit Antonij denarius.—The Elizabethan version of Pliny (book xxxiii., ch. ix., p. 479) runs thus:

"To come now unto those that counterfeit money. Antonius whiles hee was one of the three usurping Triumvirs, mixed yron with the Romane silver denier. He tempered it also with the brasen coine, and so sent abroad false and counterfeit money."

Georgius Agricola (De Natura Fossilium, p. 646) says:

"Sed ea fraus capitalis est, non aliter ac eorum qui adulterinas monetas cudunt, argento miscentes multam plumbi candidi portionem, aut etiam ferri, qualis fuit Antonii denarius, ut Plinius memoriæ tradidit. Nunc dicam de candido plumbo, nam majoris pretii est quàm aes. In quod plumbum album, inquit Plinius, addita aeris tertia portione candidi adulteratur stannum."

[190] Page 111, line 3. Page 111, line 3. Meminerunt Chatochitis lapis Plinius, atque Iulius Solinus.—The passage in Pliny (English version of 1601, book xxxvii., ch. x., p. 625) runs:

"Catochitis is a stone proper unto the Island Corsica: in bignesse it exceedeth ordinarie pretious stones: a wonderfull stone, if all be true that is reported thereof, and namely, That if a man lay his hand thereon, it will hold it fast in manner of a glewie gum."

[191] Page 111, line 7. Page 111, line 7. Sagda vel Sagdo.—Albertus Magnus in De Mineralibus (Venet., 1542, p. 202) says:

"Sarda quem alij dicunt Sardo lapis est qui se habet ad tabulas ligni sicut magnes ad ferrū, et ideo adhæret ita fortiter tabulis nauium quòd euelli nō possit, nisi abscindatur cum ipso ea pars tabulæ cui inhæserit, est autē in colore purissimus nitens."

And Pliny (op. citat., p. 629):

"Sagda is a stone, which the Chaldeans find sticking to ships, and they say it is greene as Porrets or Leekes."

[192] Page 111, line 8. Page 111, line 8. Euace.—Evax, king of the Arabs, is said to have written to Nero a treatise on the names, colours, and properties of stones. See the [note] on Marbodæus, p. [7], line 20.

[193] Page 113, line 14. Page 113, line 19. repulsus sit. The words read thus in all editions, but the sense requires repulsa sint.

[194] Page 113, line 23. Page 113, line 29. Electrica omnia alliciunt cuncta, nihil omninò fugant vnquam, aut propellunt. This denial of electrical repulsion probably arose from the smallness of the pieces of electric material with which Gilbert worked. He could hardly have failed to notice it had he used large pieces of amber or of sealing-wax. Electrical repulsion was first observed by Nicolas Cabeus, Philosophia Magnetica, Ferrara, 1629; but first systematically announced by Otto von Guericke in his treatise Experimenta Nova (ut vocantur) Magdeburgica, de Vacuo Spatio (Amstel., 1672).

[195] Page 113, line 29. Page 113, line 37. cùm de calore quid sit disputabimus.—The discussion of the nature of heat is to be found in Gilbert's De Mundo nostro Sublunari (Amstel., 1651), lib. i., cap. xxvi., pp. 77-88.

[196] Page 115, line 23. Page 115, line 23. trium vel quatuor digitorum.—Here as in all other places in Gilbert, digitus means a finger's breadth, so that three or four digits means a length of two or three inches, or from six to eight centimetres.

[197] Page 117, line 26. Page 117, line 25. ille Thebit Bencoræ trepidationis motus.

"Trepidation in the ancient Astronomy denotes a motion which in the Ptolemaic system was attributed to the firmament, in order to account for

several changes and motions observed in the axis of the world, and for which they could not account on any other principle." (Barlow's Mathematical Dictionary.)

[198] Page 118, line 10. Page 118, line 8. cuspis is aut lilium.—Gilbert uses cuspis or lilium always of the North-pointing end of the needle. Sir Thomas Browne speaks of "the lilly or northern point"; but he differs from Gilbert in saying "the cuspis or Southern point" (Pseudodoxia Epidemica, 1650, p. 46). Only in one place (p. [101], line 5) does Gilbert speak of cuspis meridionalis. Everywhere else the south-pointing end is called the crux.

[199] Page 118, line 15. Page 118, line 13. nam æquè potens est.—Later observation showed this view to be incorrect. The horizontal component of the earth's magnetic field is not equally strong all over the globe, and the sluggishness of the needle's return to its position of rest is not due to the supporting pin becoming blunt with wear. The value of the horizontal component is zero at the north magnetic pole, and increases toward the magnetic equator. It is greatest near Singapore and in Borneo, being there more than twice as great as it is at London. (See Captain Creak in Report of Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger, Physics and Chemistry, vol. ii., part vi., 1889.)

[200] Page 119, line 5. Page 119, line 2. lapis.—Both Stettin editions read lapidis.

[201] Page 119, lines 9-11. Page 119, lines 7-9. The gist of the whole book is summarized in these lines. They furnish a cardinal example of that inductive reasoning which was practist by Gilbert, and of which Bacon subsequently posed as the apostle. Compare pages [41] and [211].

[202] Page 120, line 8. Page 120, line 5. dicturi sumus.—Change of verticity is treated of in book iii., chap. x., pp. [137] to [140].

[203] Page 125, line 24. Page 125, line 29. appositam.—All editions give this word, though the sense requires appositum.

[204] Page 128, line 9. Page 128, line 11. non nimis longum.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 read (wrongly) minus instead of nimis.

[205] Page 130, line 12. Page 130, line 14. The word hunc in the folio of 1600 is corrected in ink to tunc, and the Stettin editions both read tunc.

[206] Page 132, line 9. Page 132, line 10. minimus & nullius ponderis.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 both wrongly read est for &.

[207] Page 132, line 28. Page 133, line 1. nutat.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 both wrongly read mutat.

[208] Page 134, line 22. Page 134, line 25. in rectâ sphærâ.—The meaning of the terms a right or direct sphere, an oblique sphere and a parallel sphere are explained by Moxon on pages 29 to 31 of his book A Tutor to Astronomy and Geography (Lond., 1686):

"A Direct Sphere hath both the Poles of the World in the Horizon ... It is called a Direct Sphere, because all the Celestial Bodies, as Sun, Moon, and Stars, &c. By the Diurnal Motion of the Primum Mobile, ascend directly Above, and descend directly Below the Horizon. They that Inhabit under the Equator have the Sphere thus posited."

"An Oblique Sphere hath the Axis of the World neither Direct nor Parallel to the Horizon, but lies aslope from it."

"A Parallel Sphere hath one Pole of the World in the Zenith, the other in the Nadir, and the Equinoctial Line in the Horizon."

[209] Page 136, line 1. Page 136, line 1. præsenti.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 read sequenti, to suit the altered position of the figure.

[210] Page 137, line 24.

Page 137, line 28. atque ille statim.—The Stettin editions both wrongly read illi.

[211] Page 139. There is a curious history to this picture of the blacksmith in his smithy striking the iron while it lies north and south, and so magnetizing it under the influence of the earth's magnetism. Woodcuts containing human figures are comparatively rare in English art of the sixteenth century; a notable exception being Foxe's Acts and Monuments with its many crude cuts of martyrdoms. The artist who prepared this cut of the smith took the design from an illustrated book of Fables by one Cornelius Kiliani or Cornelius van Kiel entitled Viridarium Moralis Philosophiæ, per Fabulas Animalibus brutis attributas traditæ, etc. (Coloniæ, 1594). This rare work, of which there is no copy in the British Museum, is illustrated by some 120 fine copper-plate etchings printed in the text. On p. 133 of this work is an etching to illustrate the fable Ferrarii fabri et canis, representing the smith smiting iron on the anvil, whilst his lazy dog sleeps beneath the bellows. The cut on p. 139 of Gilbert gives, as will be seen by a comparison of the pictures just the same general detail of forge and tools; but the position of the smith is reversed right for left, the dog is omitted, and the words Septrenio and Auster have been added.

In the Stettin edition of 1628 the picture has again been turned into a copper-plate etching separately printed, is reversed back again left for right, while a compass-card is introduced in the corner to mark the north-south direction.

In the Stettin edition of 1633 the artist has gone back to Kiliani's original

plate, and has re-etched the design very carefully, but reversing it all right for left. As in the London version of 1600, the dog is omitted, and the words Septentrio and Auster are added. Some of the original details—for example, the vice and one pair of pincers—are left out, but other details, for instance, the cracks in the blocks that support the water-tub, and the dress of the blacksmith, are rendered with slavish fidelity.

It is perhaps needless to remark that the twelve copper-plate etchings in the edition of 1628, and the twelve completely different ones in that of 1633, replace certain of the woodcuts of the folio of 1600. For example, take the woodcut on p. [203] of the 1600 edition, which represents a simple dipping-needle made by thrusting a versorium through a bit of cork and floating it, immersed, in a goblet of water. In the 1633 edition this appears, slightly reduced, as a small inserted copper-plate, with nothing added; but in the 1628 edition it is elaborated into a full-page plate (No. xi.) representing the interior, with shelves of books, of a library on the floor of which stands the goblet—apparently three feet high—with a globe and an armillary sphere; while beside the goblet, with his back to the spectator, is seated an aged man, reading, in a carved armchair. This figure and the view of the library are unquestionably copied—reversed—from a well-known plate in the work Le Diverse & Artificiose Machine of Agostino Ramelli (Paris, 1558).

In the Emblems of Jacob Cats (Alle de Wercken, Amsterdam, 1665, p. 65) is given an engraved plate of a smith's forge, which is also copied—omitting the smith—from Kiliani's Viridarium.

[212] Page 140, line 2.. Page 140, line 2. præcedenti.—This is so spelled in all editions, though the sense requires præcedente.

[213] Page 141, line 21. Page 141, line 24. quod in epistolâ quâdam Italicâ scribitur.—The tale told by Filippo Costa of Mantua about the magnetism acquired by the iron rod on the tower of the church of St. Augustine in Rimini is historical. The church was dedicated to St. John, but in the custody of the Augustinian monks. The following is the account of it given by Aldrovandi, Musæum Metallicum (1648, p. 134), on which page also two figures of it are given:

"Aliquando etiam ferrum suam mutat substantiam, dum in magnetem conuertitur, & hoc experientia constat, nam Arimini supra turrim templi S. Ioannis erat Crux a baculo ferreo ponderis centum librarum sustentata, quod tractu temporis adeò naturam Magnetis est adeptum, vt, illivs instar, ferrum traheret: hinc magna admiratione multi tenentur, qua ratione ferrum, quod est metallum in Magnetem, qui est lapis transmutari possit; Animaduertendum est id à maxima familiaritate & sympathia ferri, & magnetis dimanare cum Aristoteles in habentibus symbolum facilem transitum semper admiserit. Hoc in loco damus imaginem frusti ferri in Magnetem transmutati, quod clarissimo viro Vlyssi Aldrouando Iulius Caesar Moderatus diligens rerum naturalium inquisitor communicauit; erat hoc frustum ferri colore nigro, & ferrugineo, crusta exteriori quodammodo albicante." And further on p. 557.

"Preterea id manifestissimum est; quoniam Arimini, in templo Sancti Ioannis, fuit Crux ferrea, quæ tractu temporis in magnetem conuersa est, & ab vno latere ferrum trahebat, & ab altero respuebat." See also Sir T. Browne's Pseudodoxia Epidemica (edition of 1650, p. 48), and Boyle's tract, Experiments and Notes about the Mechanical Production of Magnetism (London, 1676, p. 12).

Another case is mentioned in Dr. Martin Lister's A Journey to Paris (Lond., 1699, p. 83). "He [Mr. Butterfield] shewed us a Loadstone sawed off that piece of the Iron Bar which held the Stones together at the very top of the Steeple of Chartres. This was a thick Crust of Rust, part of which was turned into a strong Loadstone, and had all the properties of a Stone dug out of the Mine. Mons. de la Hire has Printed a Memoir of it; also Mons. de Vallemont a Treatise. The very outward Rust had no Magnetic Virtue, but the inward had a strong one, as to take up a third part more than its weight unshod." Gassendi and Grimaldi have given other cases.

Other examples of iron acquiring strong permanent magnetism from the earth are not wanting. The following is from Sir W. Snow Harris's Rudimentary Magnetism (London, 1872, p. 10).

"In the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences for 1731, we find an account of a large bell at Marseilles having an axis of iron: this axis rested on stone blocks, and threw off from time to time great quantities of rust, which, mixing with the particles of stone and the oil used to facilitate the motion, became conglomerated into a hardened mass: this mass had all the properties of the native magnet. The bell is supposed to have been in the same position for 400 years."

[214] Page 142, line 13. Page 142, line 15. tunc planetæ & corpora cœlestia.—Gilbert's extraordinary detachment from all metaphysical and ultra-physical explanations of physical facts, and his continual appeal to the test of experimental evidence, enabled him to lift the science of the magnet out of the slough of the dark ages. This passage, however, reveals that he still gave credence to the nativities of judicial Astrology, and to the supposed influence of the planets on human destiny.

[215] Page 144, line 14. Page 144, line 14. ijdem.—The editions of 1628 and 1633 erroneously read iisdem.

[216] Page 147, line 27. Page 147, line 29. ex optimo aciario.—Gilbert recommended that the compass-needle should be of the best steel. Though the distinction between iron and steel was not at this time well established, there is no reason to doubt that by aciarium was meant edge-steel as used for blades. Barlowe, in his Magneticall Advertisements (Lond., 1616), p. 66, gives minute instructions for the fashioning of the compass-needle. He gives the preference to a pointed oval form, and describes how the steel must be hardened by heating to whiteness and quenching in water, so that it is "brickle in a manner as glass it selfe," and then be tempered by reheating it over a bar of red hot iron until it is let down to a blue tint. Savery (Philos. Trans., 1729) appears to have been the first to make a systematic examination of the magnetic differences between hard steel and soft iron.

Instructions for touching the needle are given in the Arte de Nauegar of Pedro de Medina (Valladolid, 1545, lib. vi., cap. 1).

[217] Page 149, line 8. Page 149, line 9. per multa sæcula.—Compare Porta's assertion (p. 208, English edition) "iron once rubbed will hold the vertue a hundred years." Clearly not a matter within the actual experience of either Porta or Gilbert.

[218] Page 153, line 2. Page 153, line 2. Cardani ab ortu stellæ in cauda vrsæ.—What Cardan said (De Subtilitate, Edit. citat., p. 187) was: "ortum stellæ in cauda ursæ minoris, quæ quinque partibus orientalior est polo mundi, respicit."

[219] Page 153, line 21. Page 153, line 26. sequitur quod versus terram magnam, siue continentem ... à vero polo inclinatio magnetica fiat.—Gilbert

goes on to point out how, at that date, all the way up the west European coast from Morocco to Norway, the compass is deflected eastward, or toward the elevated land. He argued that this was a universal law.

In Purchas his Pilgrimes (Lond., 1625), in the Narrative, in vol. iii., of Bylot and Baffin's Voyage of 1616, there is mentioned an island between Whale-Sound and Smith's Sound, where there had been observed a larger variation than in any other part of the world. Purchas, in a marginal note, comments on this as follows: "Variation of the Compass 56° to the West, which may make questionable D. Gilbert's rule, tom. 1., l. 2, c. 1, that where more Earth is more attraction of the Compass happeneth by variation towards it. Now the known Continents of Asia, &c., must be unspeakably more than here there can be, & yet here is more variation then about Jepan, Brasil, or Peru, &c."

Gilbert's view was in truth founded on an incomplete set of facts. At that time, as he tells us, the variation of the compass at London was 11⅓ degrees eastward. But he did not know of the secular change which would in about fifty-seven years reduce that variation to zero. Still less did he imagine that there would then begin a westward variation which in the year 1816 should reach 24° 30', and which should then steadily diminish so that in the year 1900 it should stand at 16° 16' westward. For an early discussion of the changes of the variation see vol. i. of the Philosophical Transactions (Abridged), p. 188. Still earlier is the classical volume of Henry Gellibrand, A Discovrse Mathematical on the Variation of the Magneticall Needle (Lond., 1635). Gilbert heads chapter iii. of book iiii. (p. 159) with the assertion Variatio uniuscuiusque loci constans est, declaring that to change it would require the upheaval of a continent. Gellibrand combats this on p. 7 of the work mentioned. He says:

"Thus hitherto (according to the Tenents of all our Magneticall Philosophers) we have supposed the variations of all particular places to continue one and the same. So that when a Seaman shall happly returne to a place where formerly he found the same variation, he may hence conclude he is in the same former Longitude. For it is the Assertion of Mr. Dr. Gilberts. Variatio vnicuiusq; Loci constans est, that is to say, the same place doth alwayes retaine the same variation. Neither hath this Assertion (for ought I ever heard) been questioned by any man. But most diligent magneticall observations have plainely offred violence to the same, and proved the contrary, namely that the variation is accompanied with a variation."

In 1637 Henry Bond wrote in the Sea-Mans Kalendar that in the year 1657 the variation would be zero at London. Compare Bond's Longitude Found (Lond., 1676, p. 3).

As to inconstancy of the variation in one place see further Fournier's Hydrographie (Paris, 1667, liv. xi., ch. 12, p. 413), and Kircher, Magnes (Colon. Agripp., 1643, p. 418).

[220] Page 157, line 4. Page 157, line 5. perfecto.—Though this word is thus in all editions, it ought to stand perfectâ, as in line 10 below.

[221] Page 157, line 11. Page 157, line 13. varietas, for variatio.

[222] Page 160, line 20. Page 160, line 23. in Borrholybicum.—This name for the North-west, or North-North-West, is rarely used. It is found on the chart or windrose of the names of the winds on pp. 151 and 152 of the Mécometrie de l'Eyman of G. Nautonier (1602). Here the name Borrolybicus is given as a synonym for Nortouest Galerne, or Ὀλυμπιάς, while the two winds on the points next on the western and northern sides respectively are called Upocorus and Upocircius.

In Swan's Specvlvm Mundi (Camb., 1643, p. 174) is this explanation: "Borrholybicus is the North-west wind."

In Kircher's Magnes (Colon. Agripp., 1643, p. 434) is a table of the names of the thirty-two winds in six languages, where Borrolybicus is given as the equivalent of Maestro or North-West.

[223] Page 161, line 2. Page 161, line 2. Insula in Oceano variationem non mutat.—The conclusions derived from the magnetic explorations of the Challenger expedition, 1873-1876, are briefly these: That in islands north of the magnetic equator there is a tendency to produce a local perturbation, attracting the north-seeking end of the needle downwards, and horizontally towards the higher parts of the land; while south of the magnetic equator, the opposite effects are observed. (See Challenger Reports, Physics and Chemistry, vol. ii., part vi., Report on the Magnetical Results by Staff-Commander Creak, F.R.S.)

[224] Page 162, line 2. Page 162, line 3. quarè & respectiuum punctum ... excogitauit.—The passage referred to is in The newe Attractiue of Robert Norman (Lond., 1581), chap. vi.

"Your reason towards the earth carrieth some probabilitie, but I prove that there be no Attractive, or drawing propertie in neyther of these two partes, then is the Attractive poynt lost, and falsly called the poynt Attractive, as shall be proved. But because there is a certayne point that the Needle alwayes respecteth or sheweth, being voide and without any Attractive propertie: in my judgment this poynt ought rather to bee called the point Respective ... This Poynt Respective, is a certayne poynt, which the touched Needle doth alwayes Respect or shew ..."

[225] Page 165, line 2. Page 165, line 2. De pyxidis nauticæ vsitatæ compositione.—Gilbert's description of the usual construction of the mariner's compass should be compared with those given by Levinus Lemnius in The Secret Miracles of Nature (London, 1658); by Lipenius in Navigatio Salomonis Ophiritica (Witteb., 1660, p. 333); and with that given in Barlowe's Navigators Supply (London, 1597). See also Robert Dudley's Dell' Arcano del Mare (Firenze, 1646).

[226] Page 165 deals with the construction; the process of magnetizing by the loadstone had already been discussed in pp. [147] to [149]. It is interesting to see that already the magnetized part attached below the compass-card was being specialized in form, being made either of two pieces bent to meet at their ends, or of a single oval piece with elongated ends. The marking of the compass-card is particularly described. It was divided into thirty-two points or "winds," precisely as the earlier "wind-rose" of the geographers, distinguisht by certain marks, and by a lily—or fleur-de-lys—indicating the North. Stevin in the Havenfinding Art (London, 1599), from which work the passage on p. [167] is quoted, speaking on p. 20 of "the Instrument which we call the Sea-directorie, some the nautical box, ... or the sea compasse," mentions the "Floure de luce" marking the North.

The legend which assigns the invention of the compass to one Goia or Gioja of Amalfi in 1302 has been already discussed in the [Note] to page [4]. Gilbert generously says that in spite of the adverse evidence he does not wish to deprive the Amalfians of the honour of the construction adopted in the compasses used in the Mediterranean. But Baptista Porta the Neapolitan, who wrote forty years before Gilbert, discredited the legend. "Flavius saith, an Italian found it out first, whose name was Amalphus, born in our

Campania. But he knew not the Mariners Card, but stuck the needle in a reed, or a piece of wood, cross over; and he put the needles into a vessel full of water that they might flote freely." (Porta's Natural Magick, English translation, London, 1658, p. 206.) See also Lipenius (op. citat. p. 390).

The pivotting of the needle is expressly described in the famous Epistle on the Magnet of Peter Peregrinus, which was written in 1269. Gasser's edition, Epistola Petri Peregrini ... de magnete, was printed in Augsburg in 1558. In Part II., cap. 2, of this letter, a form of instrument is described for directing one's course to towns and islands, and any places in fact on land or sea. This instrument consists of a vessel like a turned box (or pyxis) of wood, brass, or any solid material, not deep, but sufficiently wide, provided with a cover of glass or crystal. In its middle is arranged a slender axis of brass or silver, pivotted at its two ends into the top and the bottom of the box. This axis is pierced orthogonally with two holes, through one of which is passed the steel needle, while through the other is fixed square across the needle another stylus of silver or brass. The glass cover was to be marked with two cross lines north-south and east-west; and each quadrant was to be divided into ninety degrees. This the earliest described pivotted compass was therefore of the cross-needle type, a form claimed as a new invention by Barlowe in 1597. The first suggestion of suspending a magnetic needle by a thread appears to be in the Speculum Lapidum of Camillus Leonardus (Venet., 1502, fig. k ij, lines 25-31): "Nã tacto ferro ex una pte magnetis ex opposita eius pte appropinquato fugat: ut expiẽtia docet de acu appenso filo."

The earliest known examples of the "wind-rose" are those in certain parchment charts preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice. These go back to 1426 or 1436, the best being ascribed to Andrea Bianco. They have the North indicated by a fleur-de-lys, a trident, a simple triangle, or a letter T; while the East is distinguisht by a cross. The West is marked with a P. (see Fincati, op. citat.). The eight marks in order, clock wise, run thus,

The letters correspond to the Italian names of the principal winds:

Tramontano North.
Greco North-East.
Levante East.
Sirocco South-East.
Ostro South.
Africo or Libeccio South-West.
Ponente West.
Maestro North-West.

Wind-roses marked with the names of the minor winds are found in Nautonier's Mécometrie de l'Eyman (Vennes, 1602-1604, pp. 151-152), and Kircher's Magnes Siue de Arte Magnetica (Colon. Agripp., 1643, p. 432). The description above given of the early Venetian wind-roses exactly describes the compass-card as depicted by Pedro de Medina in his Arte de Nauegar (Valladolid, 1545, folio lxxx.), in the sixth book entitled "las aguias de navegar"; while in the Breve compendio de la sphera of Martin Cortes (Sevilla, 1551, cap. iii., de la piedrayman) a similar wind-rose, without the letters, is found.

In the De Ventis et navigatione of Michaele Angelo Blondo (Venet., 1546, p. 15) is given a wind-rose, described as "Pixis uel Buxolus instrumentum et dux nauigantium," having twenty-six points inscribed with the names of the winds, there being six between north and east, and six between south and west, and only five in each of the other quadrants. In the middle is a smaller wind-rose exactly like the early Italian ones just mentioned.

In the Della Guerra di Rhodi of Jacobo Fontano (Venet., 1545, pages 71-74) is a chapter Dei Venti, e della Bvssola di nauicare di Giovanni Quintino, giving a wind-rose, and a table of the names of the winds, the north being indicated by a pointer, at the cusp of which are seven stars, and the west by an image of the sun. The other cardinal points are marked with letters.

Barlowe, in The Navigators Supply (Lond., 1597), speaks thus:

"The merueilous and diuine Instrument, called the Sayling Compasse (being one of the greatest wonders that this World hath) is a Circle diuided commonly into 32. partes, tearmed by our Seamen Windes, Rumbes, or Points of Compasse."

It is a disputed point with whom the method of naming the winds originated. Some ascribe it to Charlemagne. Michiel Coignet (Instruction novvelle ... touchant l'art de naviguer, Anvers, 1581, p. 7) ascribes it to Andronicus Cyrrhestes. See Varro, De Re Rustica, iii., 5, 17, and Vitruvius, i., 6, 4.

Gilbert's complaint of the evil practice of setting the needles obliquely beneath the card, with the intention of allowing for the variation, is an echo of a similar complaint in Norman's Newe Attractiue. In chapter x. of this work Norman thus enumerates the different kinds of compasses:

"Of these common Sayling Compasses, I find heere (in Europa) five sundry sortes or sets. The first is of Levant, made in Scicile, Genoüa, and Venice: And these are all (for the most parte) made Meridionally, with the Wyers directlye sette under the South, and North of the Compasse: And therefore, duely shewing the poynt Respective, in all places, as the bare Needle. And by this Compasse are the Plats made, for the most part of all the Levants Seas.

"Secondly, there are made in Danske, in the Sound of Denmarke, and in Flanders, that have the Wyers set at 3 quarters of a point to the Eastwards of the North of the compasse, and also some at a whole point: and by these Compasses they make both the Plats and Rutters for the Sound.

"Thirdly, there hath beene made in this Countrey particulary, for Saint Nicholas and Ruscia, Compasses set at 3 seconds of a point, and the first Plats of that Discoverie were made by this Compasse.

"Fourthly the Compasse made at Sevill, Lisbone, Rochell, Bourdeaux, Roan, and heere in England, are moste commonly set at halfe a point: And by this Compasse are the Plats of the East and West Indies made for their Pylotes, and also for our Coastes neere hereby, as France, Spayne, Portugall, and England: and therefore best of these Nations to bee used, because it is the most common sorte that is generally used in these Coastes."

Bessard (op. citat., pages 22 and 48) gives cuts of compasses showing the needle displaced one rumbe to the East.

Gallucci, in his Ratio fabricandi horaria mobilia et permanentia cum magnetica acu (Venet., 1596), describes the needle as inclined 10 degrees from the south toward the south-west.

The frontispiece of the work of Pedro Nuñez, Instrumenta Artis Navigandi, Basil., 1592, depicts a compass with the lily set one point to the east.

Reibelt, De Physicis et Pragmaticis Magnetis Mysteriis (Herbipolis, 1731), depicts the compass with the needle set about 12 degrees to the East of North. See also Fournier, Hydrographie (Paris 1667); De Lanis, Magisterium Natvræ et Artis (Brixiæ, 1684); Milliet Deschales, Cursus seu Mundus

Mathematicus (Lugd., 1674). Both the latter works give pictures of the compass-cards as used in South Europe, and in North Europe, and of the various known shapes of needles.

[227] Page 168, line 29. Page 168, line 33. Directio igitur inualidior est propè polos. Here as in many passages direction means the force which directs. A similar usage prevails with the nouns variation and declination, meaning frequently the force causing variation or declination respectively.

Page 172, line 13. perquirere. The edition of 1633 reads perquirero, in error.

[228] Page 172, line 29. Page 172, line 33. Ad pyxidis nauticæ veræ & meridionalis formam ... fiat instrumentum.—An excellent form of portable meridian compass, provided with sights for taking astronomical observations, is described by Barlowe (The Navigators Supply, London, 1597), and is depicted in an etched engraving. An identical engraving is repeated in Dudley's Arcano del Mare (Firenze, 1646). Gilbert's new instrument was considerably larger.

[229] Page 174, line 19. Page 174, line 21. addendo vel detrahendo prostaphæresin.—"Prosthaphæresis, conflata dictione, ex additione et subtractione speciebus logistices, nomen habet ab officio, quia vt in semicirculo altero ad æquabilem motum adijcitur, ita in altero subtrahitur, vt adparens motus ex æquabili taxetur: atque hinc fit, quòd quæ Prosthaphæresis dicitur Ptolemæo, ea vulgò æquatio vocetur." (Stadius, Tabulæ Bergenses, Colon. Agripp., 1560, p. 37.)

[230] Page 174, line 28. Page 174, line 31. Stellæ Lucidæ.—According to Dr. Marke Ridley (Magneticall Animadversions, London, 1617, p. 9), this chapter xii. of book iv., with the Table of Stars, was written by Edward Wright, the author of the Prefatory Epistle of De Magnete. Wright was Lecturer on Navigation to the East India Company, and author of sundry treatises on Navigation.

[231] Page 187, line 14. Page 187, line 16. hic qui versus boream constitit ... meridionalis est, non borealis, quem antè nos omnes existimabant esse borealem.—Earlier on, on pages 15 and 125, Gilbert had mentioned this point. His insistence caused Barlowe (Magneticall Aduertisements, 1616, p. 4) to speak of the south-pointing end of the needle as the "true North," and thereby drew on himself the animadversions of Marke Ridley.

[232] Page 188, line 15. Page 188, line 16. in rectâ sphærâ.—See [note] to p. [134].

[233] Page 190, line 14. Page 190, line 19. declinans in Borealibus.—Dipping as it does in northern regions; that is, with the north-seeking or true-south pole downward.

[234] Page 195, line 20. Page 195, line 24. multa maiora pondera.—Many greater weights. All editions read multa, but the sense requires multo: "much greater weights."

[235] Page 196, line 10. Page 196, line 12. constans est.—This must not be read "is constant," for it is constant only in any given latitude.

[236] Page 196, line 15. Page 196, line 18. De proportione declinationis pro latitudinis ratione.—Gilbert here announces, and proceeds in the next seven pages to develop, the proposition that to each latitude there corresponds a constant dip to a particular number of degrees. If this were accurately so, then a traveller by merely measuring the dip would be able to ascertain, by calculation, by reference to tables, or by aid of some geometrical appliance,

the latitude of the place. In this hope Gilbert fought to perfect the dipping-needle; and he also worked out, on pages [199] and [200], an empirical theory, and a diagram. This theory was still further developed by him, and given to Thomas Blundevile (see the [Note] to p. [240]). Briggs of Gresham College, on Gilbert's suggestion, calculated a table of Dip and Latitude on this theory. It was found, however, that the observed facts deviated more or less widely from the theory. Kircher (Magnes, 1643, p. 368) gives a comparative table of the computed and observed values. Further discovery showed the method to be impracticable, and Gilbert's hope remained unfulfilled.

[237] Page 197, line 18. Page 197, line 21. progressionis centri.—Note Gilbert's precision of phrase.

[238] Page 200, line 12. Page 200, line 11. subintelligūtur.—This is printed subintelligitur, and is altered in ink in all copies of the folio edition. The editions of 1628 and 1633 read subintelliguntur. Similarly in line 14 the word ducit has had a small r added in ink, making it read ducitur, as also the other editions.

[239] Page 203. This figure of the experiment with the simple dipping needle suspended in water in a goblet is due to Robert Norman. In his Newe Attractiue (London, 1581, chap. vi.) he thus describes it:

"Then you shall take a deepe Glasse, Bowle, Cuppe, or other vessell, and fill it with fayre water, setting it in some place where it may rest quiet, and out of the winde. This done, cut the Corke circumspectly, by little and little, untill the wyre with the Corke be so fitted, that it may remain under the superficies of the water two or three inches, both ends of the wyer lying levell with the superficies of the water, without ascending or descending, like to the beame of a payre of ballance beeing equalie poysed at both ends.

"Then take out of the same the wyer without mooving the Corke, and touch it with the Stone, the one end with the South of the Stone, and the other end with the North, and then set it againe in the water, and you shall see it presentlie turne it selfe upon his owne Center, shewing the aforesay'd Declining propertie, without descending to the bottome, as by reason it should, if there were any Attraction downewards, the lower part of the water being neerer that point, then the superficies thereof."

[240] Page 212, line 7. Page 212, line 8. ex altera parte.—The sense seems to require et altera parte, but all editions read ex.

[241] Page 213, line 1. Page 213, line 2. The passage here quoted from Dominicus Maria Ferrariensis, otherwise known as the astronomer Novara, does not occur in any known writing of that famous man. It is, however, quoted as being by Novara in at least three other writings of the same epoch. See the Tabulæ secvndorum mobilium coelestium of Maginus (Venet., 1585, p. 29, line 19 to p. 30, line 11); the Eratosthenes Batavvs of Willebrord Snell (Lugd. Batav., 1617, pp. 40-42); and the Almagesti novi (Pars Posterior) of Riccioli (Bonon., 1651, p. 348). The original document appears to have perisht. See a notice by M. Curtze in Boncompagni's Bullettino di Bibliografia, T. iv., April, 1871.

[242] Page 214, line 26. Page 214, line 31. Philolaus Pythagoricus.

"Philolaüs a le premier dit que la terre se meut en cercle; d'autres disent que c'est Nicétas de Syracuse."

"Les uns prétendent que le terre est immobile; mais Philolaüs le pythagoricien dit qu'elle se meut circulairement autour du feu (central) et suivant un cercle oblique, comme le soleil et la lune."—(Chaignet, Pythagore et la Philosophie pythagoricienne, Paris, 1873.)

It appears that the first of these dicta is taken from Diogenes Laërt., viii. 85; and the second from Plutarch, Placit. Philos., III. 7. The latter

passage may be compared with Aristotle, De Coelo, II. 13, who, referring to the followers of Pythagoras, says: "They say that the middle is fire, that the earth is a star, and that it is moved circularly about this centre; and that by this movement it produces day and night."

[243] Page 214, line 34. Page 214, line 42. Copernicus.—His work is De revolutionibus orbium coelestium, libri vi. (Basil., 1566).

[244] Page 215, line 27. Page 215, line 24. quæ ... in cælo varijs distantijs collocata sunt.—This remark appears to be Gilbert's one contribution to the science of Astronomy; the stars having previously been regarded as fixed in the eighth sphere all at the same distance from the central earth, around which it revolved.

[245] Page 220, line 6. Page 220, line 6. quem nycthemeron vocamus.—The 1628 and 1633 editions read nyctemoron.

[246] Page 221, line 10. Page 221, line 11. poli verè oppositi sint.—For verè, the 1628 and 1633 editions read rectæ. All editions read sint, though sunt seems to make better sense.

[247] Page 223, line 7. Page 223, line 8. ad telluris conformitatem.—The word conformitas is unknown in classical Latin.

[248] Page 223, line 16. Page 223, line 17. Omitto quod Petrus Peregrinus constanter affirmat, terrellam super polos suos in meridiano suspensam, moveri circulariter integrâ revolutione 24 horis: Quod tamen nobis adhuc videre non contingit; de quo motu etiam dubitamus.

This statement that a spherical loadstone pivotted freely with its axis parallel to the earth's axis will of itself revolve on its axis once a day under the control of the heavens, thus superseding clocks, is to be found at the end of chap. x. of Peregrinus's Epistola De Magnete (Augsb., 1537).

Gilbert, who doubted this experiment because of the stone's own weight is taken to task by Galileo, in the third of his Dialogues, for his qualified admission.

"I will speak of one particular, to which I could have wished that Gilbert had not lent an ear; I mean that of admitting, that in case a little Sphere of Loadstone might be exactly librated, it would revolve in it self; because there is no reason why it should do so" (p. 376 of Salusbury's Mathematical Collections, London, 1661). The Jesuit Fathers who followed Gilbert, but rejected his Copernican ideas, pounced upon this pseudo-experiment, as though by disproving it they had upset the Copernican theory.

[249] Page 227, line 6. Page 227, line 7. This line is left out in the 1628 edition. In the 1633 edition it was also left out by the printer, and subsequently printed in in the margin, being page 219 of that edition.

[250] Page 234, line 35. Page 234, line 40. vt poli telluris respectus à polis.—If it may be permitted to read respectu for respectus the sense is improved, and the passage may then be translated thus: "that just as it was needful ... that the poles of the Earth as to direction should be 23 degrees and more from the poles of the Ecliptick; so now, &c."

[251] Page 237, line 19. Page 237, line 22. vt motus quidem obscuri saluarentur.—It has been conjectured that quidem is here a misprint for quidam, but the adverb quidem adds a satirical flavour to his argument against the folly of those who held the doctrine of the moving spheres. The verb salvare does not occur in classical Latin.

[252] Page 240, line 13. Page 240, line 17. à Copernico (Astronomiæ instauratore).—Gilbert was the first in England to uphold the doctrines of

Copernicus as to the motion of the earth on its axis and its revolution around the sun. He considered that his magnetic observations brought new support to that theory, and his views are quoted with approbation by Kepler, Epitome Astronomiæ Copernicanæ ... Authore Ioanne Keplero ... (Francofurti, 1635); and by Galileo, Dialogus de Systemate Mundi (Augustæ Treboc., 1635), an English translation of which appeared in Salusbury's Mathematical Collections and Translations (London, 1661, pp. 364 to 377).

For this the book De Magnete was considered by many as heretical. Many of the copies existing in Italy are found to be either mutilated or else branded with a cross. For example, the copy in the library of the Collegio Romano in Rome has book VI. torn out. Galileo states that the Book of Gilbert would possibly never have come into his hands "if a Peripatetick Philosopher, of great fame, as I believe to free his Library from its contagion, had not given it me." In England Barlowe, in his Magneticall Aduertisements (1616), expressly repudiated Gilbert's Copernican notions, while praising his discoveries in magnetism. Marke Ridley, while upholding Gilbert's views, in his Magneticall Animadversions (1617) did not consider him "skilfull in Copernicus." The Jesuit writers, Cabeus, Kircher, Fonseca, Grandamicus, Schott, Leotaudus, Millietus, and De Lanis, one and all, who followed Gilbert in their magnetic writings, repudiated the idea that the magnetism of the globe gave support to the heretical modern Astronomy.

The works referred to are:

Cabeus, Philosophia Magnetica, in qua Magnetis natura penitus explicatur ... auctore Nicolao Cabeo Ferrarensi Soc. Jesv. (Ferrariæ, 1629).

Kircher, Magnes, Siue de Arte Magnetica, Libri tres, Authore Athanasio Kirchero ... e Soc. Iesv. (Romæ, 1641).

Grandamicus, Nova Demonstratio immobilitatis terræ petita ex virtute magnetica (Flexiæ, 1645). This work is most beautifully illustrated with copper-plate etchings of cupids making experiments with terrellas.

Schott, Gaspar, Thaumaturgus Physicus (Herbipolis, 1659).

Leotaudus, R. P. Vincentinii Leotavdi Delphinatis, Societ. Iesv., Magnetologia; in qva exponitvr Nova de Magneticis Philosophia, (Lvgdvni, 1668).

Millietus (Milliet Deschales), Cursus seu Mundus Mathematicus (Lugd., 1674), Tomus Primus, Tractatus de Magnete.

De Lanis, Magisterium Natvræ et Artis. Opus Physico-Mathematicvm P. Francisci Tertii de Lanis, Soc. Jesv. (Brixiæ, 1684).

[253] Page 240, line 24. Page 240, line 31. hic finem & periodum imponimus.

On February 13 [1601] Gilbert wrote to Barlowe (see Magneticall Aduertisements, p. 88):

"I purpose to adioyne an appendix of six or eight sheets of paper to my booke after a while, I am in hand with it of some new inventions, and I would haue some of your experiments, in your name and inuention put into it, if you please, that you may be knowen for an augmenter of that arte."

This he never did. Perhaps his appointment (in February, 1601) as chief physician in personal attendance on the Queen interfered with the project; or his death, of the plague, in 1603, intervened before his intention had been carried into effect. But it is probable that the substance of the proposed additions is to be found in the chapter, publisht in Gilbert's lifetime, in Blundevile's Theoriques of the seuen Planets (London, 1602), thus described in the title-page of the work: "There is also hereto added,

The making, description, and vse, of two most ingenious and necessarie Instruments for Sea-men, to find out thereby the latitude of any Place vpon the Sea or Land, in the darkest night that is, without the helpe of Sunne, Moone, or Starre. First inuented by M. Doctor Gilbert, a most excellent Philosopher, and one of the ordinarie Physicians to her Maiestie: and now here plainely set downe in our mother tongue by Master Blundeuile."

Of these two instruments the first consists of a mechanical device, with movable quadrants, to be cut out in cardboard, to be used in connection with the diagram of spiral lines which Gilbert had given as a folding plate between pages [200] and [201] of De Magnete. The intention was that the Sea-man having found by experiment with a dipping-needle the amount of the dip at any place, should by applying this diagram and its moving quadrants, ascertain the latitude, according to the theory expounded in book V., chap. VII.

The second instrument is a simplified portable dipping-needle, having the degrees engraved on the inner face of a cylindrical brass ring.

Blundevile adds a Table, calculated by Briggs, and "annexed to the former Treatise by Edward Wright, at the motion of the right Worshipful M. Doctor Gilbert." This gives the values of the dip for different latitudes, as calculated from Gilbert's empirical theory.

The other work, De Mundo nostro Sublunari Philosophia Nova, which Gilbert left in manuscript at his death, does not contain any additional matter on the magnetical investigations. Though it contains several direct references to the de Magnete, and particularly to Book VI. on the rotation of the earth, it is doubtful whether it was written after or before the publication of de Magnete. On pages 137 to 144 of the posthumous edition (Amsterdam, 1651) Gilbert refers to Peregrinus's alleged perpetually revolving sphere, and denies its possibility. The greater part of the work is an anti-Aristotelian discussion on Air, Meteorology, Astronomy, the Winds, Tides, and Springs.


INDEX TO AUTHORITIES

Abano, Pietro di, [6].

Acosta, Josephus, [16].

Addison, Joseph, [35].

Aepinus, [44].

Aetius Amidenus, [6].

Affaytatus, [16], [39].

Agricola, Georgius, [25], [31], [36], [50].

Agrippa, H. Cornelius, [7].

Albategnius, [29].

Albertus Magnus, [6], [17], [38], [39], [40], [50].

Aldrovandi, Ulisse, [13], [36], [53].

Alexander Aphrodiseus, [3], [21].

Amatus Lusitanus, [6], [31].

Apponensis, Petrus, [6]. See Abano.

Aquinas, St. Thomas, [8], [45].

Ardoynis, Santes de, [6].

Aristotle, [4], [19], [25], [61].

Arnaldus de Villa nova, [6].

Augustani, [29].

Augustine, St., [4], [21], [43].

Aurifaber, [36].

Averroes, [29].

Avicenna, [6], [29], [30], [34].

Azuni, [8].

Bacon, Lord, [17], [42].

Barlow, Peter, [51].

Barlowe, William, [1], [2], [5], [9], [20], [28], [54], [56], [57], [58], [59], [62].

Beckmann, Johann, [19], [21], [32].

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Benjamin, Park, [9], [11], [17].

Bernoulli, D., [48].

Bertelli, Timoteo, [11].

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Borough, William, [2], [19].

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Briggs, Henry, [60], [62].

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Burton, Sir Richard F., [5].

Buttmann, [20], [32].

Buxtorf, [21].

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Cabot, Sebastian, [10], [16].

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Calaber, Hannibal Rosetius, [6].

Calcagninus, Cælius, [8], [9].

Camden, William, [25].

Camera, Matteo, [8].

Cardan, Hieronymo, [23], [24], [26], [31], [36], [37], [41], [43], [49], [54].

Casaubon, [17].

Cats, Jacob, [53].

Cavallo, Tiberius, [44].

Chaignet, [60].

Charlemagne, [58].

Charles II., [23].

Charleton, Dr. W., [19].

Chladni, [26].

Coignet, Michiel, [58].

Collenuccio, Pandolfo, [9].

Conimbricenses, [11].

Cordus, Valerius, [20].

Cortes, Martin, [11], [24], [57].

Costa, Filippo, [16], [53].

Costa, Joseph. See Acosta.

Costaeus, Joannes, of Lodi, [16], [45].

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Creech, T., [3].

Crescentius, [8].

Crollius, O., [29].

Curtius, [32].

Curtius, N., [29].

Curtze, M., [60].

Cusan (Cardinal de Cusa), [7], [45], [49].

Cyrrhestes, Andronicus, [58].

Davies, T. S., [20].

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De Lanis, [58], [62].

Delaunay, [32].

Diogenes Laertius, [60].

Dioscorides, [30], [34], [35], [37], [38], [43].

Dominicus Maria Ferrariensis (Novara), [60].

Drake, Sir Francis, [19].

Dudley, Sir Robert, [19], [56], [59].

Du Puys (Puteanus), [38], [45].

Encelius, or Entzelt, [7], [24], [26].

Erastus, Thomas, [7].

Euripides, [4].

Evax, [18], [50].

Evelyn, John, [23].

Fallopius, Gabriellus, [7], [29].

Fantis, Antonius de, [49].

Ficino, Marsiglio, [18].

Fincati, Admiral, [8].

Fletcher, L., [26].

Fonseca, [62].

Fontano, Jacopo, [58].

Forcellini, [2].

Fournier, G., [10], [20], [22], [55], [58].

Foxe, [52].

Fracastorio, Hieronymo, [12], [19], [29], [51].

Galen, [29], [30], [31], [35].

Galileo, [47], [62].

Gallucci, [58].

Gartias ab Horto, [13], [27], [39].

Gassendi, [54].

Gasser, Achilles P., [17], [57].

Geber, [29].

Gellibrand, Henry, [55].

Gemma, Cornelius, [45].

Gessner, [32].

Gilbert, Adrian, [20].

Gilbert, William, de Mundo nostro Sublunari, [47], [50], [63].

Gioia, or Goia, [8], [56].

Glanvill, Joseph, [27].

Goebel, [36].

Goethe, [23].

Gonzalus Oviedus, [10].

Goppert, [35].

Goropius, Henricus Becanus, [10].

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Grandamicus, [62].

Grew, N., [23].

Grimaldi, [54].

Grotius, Hugo, [17].

Guericke, Otto von, [41], [50].

Haecker, P. W., [48].

Hakewill, G., [10].

Hakluyt, [13], [20].

Hali Abbas, [6], [17], [29].

Hamilton, James (Earl of Abercorn), [48].

Hariot, Thomas, [19].

Harris, Sir W. Snow, [21], [54].

Hartmann, P. J., [36].

Hellmann, G., [11].

Hermann, D., [36].

Hermolaus Barbarus, [7].

Hill, "Sir" John, [24], [38], [40].

Hood, T., [3].

Hues, Robert, [19].

Humboldt, [26], [31], [36], [41].

Hyginus, [36].

Isidore, St., [20], [21], [39].

Kendall, Abraham, [19].

Kepler, [62].

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Kudrun, [15].

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Leotaudus, [62].

Levinus Lemnius, [38], [39], [41], [56].

Libri, [11].

Linna, Nicolas de, [14].

Lipenius, [13], [56].

Lister, Martin, [53].

Livio Sanuto, [10], [16].

Livy, [26].

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Löwy, [21].

Lucretius, [3], [44].

Maginus, [60].

Magnus, Sir Philip, [10].

Manardus, Joannes, [29].

Marbodeus, [6], [18], [21], [40], [41], [50].

Marcellus Empiricus, [6], [7].

Marco Polo, [10].

Martial, [36], [37].

Martin, Th. Henri, [20], [21], [32], [33].

Maskelyne, N. Story, [26].

Matthæus Silvaticus, [7].

Matthiolus, P., [5], [30], [35].

Maurolycus, Franciscus, [11].

Medina, Pedro de, [54], [57].

Mercator, [11], [14].

Merula, Gaudentius, [18], [19].

Merula, P., [15].

Miers, H. A., [40].

Migne, [19].

Milliet Deschales, [58], [62].

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Montanus, Joannes Baptista, [6].

Morris, William, [15].

Moxon, Joseph, [51].

Muellenhoff, K., [36].

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Neckham, Alexander of, [10].

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Nicander, [38].

Nicolaus Myrepsius (or Præpositas), [28], [35].

Nonius Petrus (or Nuñez), [58].

Nordenskjold, [13].

Norman, Robert, [1], [11], [14], [28], [56], [58], [60].

Novara, Dominicus Maria, [60].

Offusius, Joannes Franciscus, [31].

Olaus Magnus, [12], [17].

Oribasius, [6].

Orpheus, [22], [44].

Ovid, [36].

Oviedo, Luis de, [28].

Oviedus, Gonzalus, [10].

Paley, F. A., [32].

Palm, G. A., [20].

Paracelsus (Bombast von Hohenheim), [7], [29].

Paulus Aeginæ, [30].

Paulus Jovius, [9].

Paulus Venetus (Fra Paolo Sarpi), [17].

Pepys, Samuel, [23].

Peregrinus, Petrus, [1], [11], [23], [48], [57], [61].

Pettus, Sir John, [23], [41].

Philolaus, [60].

Photius, [21].

Pictorio, G., [18].

Plancius, [14].

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Plato, [4], [44].

Plautus, [2].

Pliny (Caius Plinius Secundus), [5], [20], [21], [22], [24], [25], [26], [27], [35], [36], [37], [38], [39], [41], [49], [50].

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Plutarch, [26], [28], [41], [60].

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Poynting, J. H., [47].

Præpositas (or Nicolas Myrepsius), [28], [35].

Ptolemy, [12], [28].

Purchas, [55].

Puteanus, Gulielmus, [38], [45].

Quintino, Giovanni, [58].

Ramelli, Agostino, [53].

Rammelsberg, [26].

Reibelt, [58].

Rhazes, [28], [29], [30].

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Ruysch, Johan, [13].

Salusbury, T., [61], [62].

Santes de Ardoynis, [6].

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Savery, Servington, [48], [54].

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Scheins, M., [32].

Schindler, A. Houtum, [33].

Schott, G., [62].

Schweigger, J. C., [32].

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Sennert, Daniel, [46].

Serapio, [6], [17], [30].

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Shakespeare, William, [22].

Siemens, [48].

Signorelli, [8].

Silvaticus, Matthæus, [7].

Smith, Dr. William, [26].

Snell, Willebrord, [60].

Solinus, Julius, [4], [37], [40].

Stadius, [59].

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Stevinus, Simon, [56].

Strabo, [26].

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Terzagus, [36], [49].

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Thebit Ben Korrah, [30], [50].

Themistius, [46].

Theophrastus, [32], [36], [38].

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Thomson, R. D., [49].

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Van Swinden, [44].

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CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.