THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. II.

BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN ADAMS,
JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH IZARD, FRANCIS
DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS,
M. DE LAFAYETTE, M. DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING
THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED
STATES DURING THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;

TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.

Published under the Direction of the President of the United States,
from the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.

EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.

VOL. II.

BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN.
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK.

1829.

HALE’S STEAM PRESS.
No. 6 Suffolk Buildings, Congress Street, Boston.

CONTENTS
OF THE
SECOND VOLUME.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARTHUR LEE,

COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES
TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.

Arthur Lee was a native of Virginia, and born on the 20th of December, 1740. His early education was finished at Eton College, in England, whence he proceeded to Edinburgh, with a view of preparing himself for the medical profession. Having gone through with the usual courses, he took the degree of doctor of medicine. After leaving Edinburgh, he travelled in Holland and Germany, and then returned to Virginia, where he commenced the practice of physic. Not well satisfied with this calling, he resolved to abandon it, and apply himself to the study of the law. He went over to London, and became a student in the Temple, about the year 1766.

From this period till the beginning of the Revolution, Arthur Lee held a correspondence with his brothers, and several other persons in America, respecting the political state of things in England, and the transactions relating to the Colonies. He was warmly attached to the interests of his country, and was appointed by the Assembly of Massachusetts to be Agent for that Colony, as successor to Dr Franklin, who left England in the spring of 1775. In December, of the same year, the Committee of Secret Correspondence requested Mr Lee to act as their secret agent in London, and to transmit to them any information, which he might think important. He wrote to the Committee several letters, while acting in this agency.

When Commissioners to the Court of France were appointed, Mr Jefferson, one of the number, declined accepting the appointment, and Arthur Lee was put in his place, October 22d, 1776. He proceeded from London to Paris, where he met the other Commissioners. In the spring of 1777 he went to Spain, by the advice of his colleagues, with the design of procuring aid from the Spanish Government for the United States, in which he was partially successful. On his return to Paris, he made a short tour to Vienna and Berlin for similar purposes, and maintained for some time a correspondence of a political nature with Baron de Schulenburg, one of the Prussian Ministers. Meantime he received from Congress the appointment of Commissioner to Spain, but he never went out of France while acting under this commission. It expired when Mr Jay was made Minister Plenipotentiary to that Court.

Arthur Lee returned to the United States in September, 1780, and the next year he was chosen a Representative to the Assembly of Virginia. By this body he was sent a Delegate to Congress. While in that capacity, he was made one of a commission to form treaties with the Indians on the Northwestern frontiers, and was occupied several months in the duties of that expedition. He died in Virginia, after a short illness, on the 12th of December, 1792.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, December 12th, 1775.

Sir,

By this conveyance we have the pleasure of transmitting to you sundry printed papers, that such of them as you think proper may be immediately published in England.

We have written on the subject of American affairs to Monsieur C. G. F. Dumas, who resides at the Hague. We recommend to you to correspond with him, and to send through his hands any letters to us which you cannot send more directly. He will transmit them via St Eustatia.

Mr Story may be trusted with any despatches you think proper to send us. You will be so kind as to aid and advise him.

It would be agreeable to Congress to know the disposition of foreign powers towards us, and we hope this object will engage your attention. We need not hint that great circumspection and impenetrable secrecy are necessary. The Congress rely on your zeal and abilities to serve them, and will readily compensate you for whatever trouble and expense a compliance with their desire may occasion. We remit you for the present £200.

Whenever you think the importance of your despatches may require it, we desire you to send an express boat with them from England, for which service your agreement with the owner there shall be fulfilled by us here.

We can now only add, that we continue firm in our resolutions to defend ourselves, notwithstanding the big threats of the ministry. We have just taken one of their ordnance storeships, in which an abundance of carcasses and bombs, intended for burning our towns, were found.

With great esteem, we are, Sir, your most obedient humble servants,

B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN DICKINSON,
JOHN JAY.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

London, February 13th, 1776.

The enclosed will easily explain itself. The intelligence you should observe, and take measures accordingly. A fund for necessary expenses should be fixed here, in such hands as can be confided in. You know who is to be trusted. From experience I can say, (though without any connexion or commerce with them) the New England men are fittest to be trusted in any dangerous or important enterprise. Show this only to R. H. L.[1] of Virginia, and he will guess from whence it comes.

The intelligence, if it gets to hand in time, should be communicated as soon as possible to every part of America, that she may be prepared.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.[2]

[Enclosed in the foregoing.]

London, February 13th, 1776.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 30th of November, 1775, announcing the appointment of a Secret Committee reached me a few days since. Miscarriages will be manifold indeed, if you have not frequently heard from me. All my solicitude has been about my letters reaching you; every disguise was necessary to effect that. I am, however, much obliged to the General for the step taken to secure me.

You will be curious to know what are the ministerial intentions, and their force for the next campaign. The following is their army upon paper,—Hessians, 12,000; Brunswickers, Woolfenbutlers and Waldeckers, 5000; six regiments under Lord Cornwallis, 3000; eight more to sail in the spring, 4000; Highlanders, 2000; now in America, 8000.

The sailing and destination of this armament is thus. Those under General Lord Cornwallis are now embarked at Cork, and wait for sailing orders, their destination, Virginia. By the treaty just now signed, the Germans are to be ready on the 27th of this month to march to the seacoast and embark, but for what part of America is not exactly known; the march by land is near six weeks, so that they cannot sail before April. The second embarkation from Cork will be about the same time, and it seems probable that their destination will be against Canada, under General Burgoyne, who is soliciting that command. In the meantime, the 29th regiment, with General Carleton’s brother, is to sail from hence immediately to reinforce Quebec, supposing that they can get high enough up the river, as far as the Isle of Orleans, to make good their march by land. The regiments under Lord Cornwallis are the 37th, 33d, 54th, 15th, 28th, 46th. Those for the spring are the 34th, 53d, 62d, 3d, 9th, 11th, 20th, 24th. Lord Howe is appointed to the command at sea, but the commander on land is not known; certain however it is, that there are two Lieutenant Generals, and one of them old, that go with the Germans, so that it must be one of great reputation and old in the service to command over them. It is therefore conjectured Count de Lippe will be the man. He commanded the army in Portugal during the last war. They are taking up East Indiamen for the transport service, supposing they will be able to beat off the cruisers. A great number of artillery and waggon horses are to be sent, and a train of large battering cannon is preparing, which it would seem can only be intended against Quebec, should it be taken by General Montgomery.

The English and Irish troops go with infinite reluctance, and strong guards are obliged to be kept upon the transports to keep them from deserting by wholesale. The Germans too, I am well informed, are almost mutinous, but the Landgrave of Hesse is an absolute tyrant, and must be obeyed. It is therefore conceived, that if the Congress have proposals prepared in English and German, to distribute among them when they land, which no precautions can prevent, multitudes will desert.

Upon the whole, the ministry, if every thing favors them, may have about thirty thousand men in America by the latter end of June. They will have no horse but two regiments of light dragoons, that are now there, and Burgoyne’s, which is to go. If the Americans have horse well trained to the woods, it will harrass such an army infinitely; and if they act upon the defensive, entrench well, harrass them continually, cut off their convoys, and if ever they hazard an engagement, make their push upon one wing; it is imagined here, that no General on earth can make the campaign decisive, and it is hardly possible this country can stand another. They have found it impossible to recruit in England, Ireland, or Scotland, though the leading people of the last are to a man violently against America. They have therefore been obliged to draft from the other regiments to complete those which are going, so that when the whole are embarked, there will be scarce 2000 men remaining in Ireland, and as many in England, besides the foot guards and cavalry. I am well assured, that the French Government will wink at the exportation of arms and ammunition. A General of the first abilities and experience would go over, if he could have any assurance from the Congress of keeping his rank; but that being very high, he would not submit to have any one but an American his superior, and that only in consideration of the confidence due to an American in a question so peculiarly American.

Let me have your opinion of all these things. The opposition gains ground, and the nation begins to feel; but America must trust to her own arm and Heaven for protection. The resolutions of January the 2d[3] do you infinite honor, and will undoubtedly serve the cause. Your conduct, I trust, will be noble, as that is great and good. I know your attachment to the country you have adopted. Prince Ferdinand’s recommendation of the General mentioned above is in these words. “As to experience, intelligence and valor, I do not know whether another can be found to equal him.” Your letter of the 30th of November, 1775, cost 19s. 6d. postage, there was so much superfluous paper; would not a packet sent to some of the Canary Islands, and committed to proper care, reach us safest and soonest? If there is any friend there to be trusted, the opportunities from thence hither are frequent. Cover mine and address it to John Horsfall, Treasurer, Middle Temple.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.

London, February 14th, 1776.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed list is the ministerial army upon paper. In effect it will amount to about 15000 Germans and 18000 British; their destination I can now give you with some certainty; 4000 Brunswickers and Waldeckers, with 500 Hessians from Hanan, are now at Stade, a port in Hanover, ready for immediate embarkation and destined for Canada, to be joined by the twentyninth regiment, and 1000 drafted from the Foot Guards, under Colonel Matthews. There is to be another embarkation in the spring from Ireland for Canada, and the whole is to be commanded by General Burgoyne, and Carleton I believe recalled.

The second body, being Hessians, are to march this day for Stade, and the third on the 14th of next month; these are for Boston. Lord Cornwallis, with six regiments, to sail immediately from Cork for Virginia, where General Clinton is to take the command. They have certain assurances of being joined by the Scotch in Virginia, and those on the borders of North Carolina under the command of one M’Donald. In the mean time, they have been directed to protect themselves under a treaty of neutrality. Besides this land force, Lord Howe is to have a fleet of seventytwo sail to block up the coast. For this purpose large ships are to be stationed at the mouths of the great rivers, and the rest are to cruise at some distance from the coast three deep, but not in file, so as to render it more difficult to cross them. They are to get possession of New York and Hudson’s river, so as to cut off all south and north communications, and they have some idea of attacking Canada too, by Montreal. Halifax is to be their naval magazine.

The Germans are commanded by two Lieutenant Generals, of whom the eldest is named De Heister, who has some military character. This is the favorable review of their plan. On the contrary, the whole army, native and foreign, is averse to the service, so that it is much apprehended, that if the provincials are dexterous in throwing among them advantageous propositions, and faithful in performing them, the desertion will be immense. The British troops have not one in five that is a soldier, the rest are boys and debilitated manufacturers, just recruited, at the reduced standard of five feet four inches. A vast number of the best subaltern officers have quitted the service. It is thought they will make Howe commander in chief, which must disgust the German generals, who are much older. The expense will be immense, the difficulty of providing magazines immense, and another campaign hardly possible. Lord George Sackville is the minister, with absolute and hated authority even in the Cabinet.

Great expectations too are entertained from treachery in the provincials. Dr Church was in league with others, particularly Flemming the printer.[4] This I have from ministerial authority, which may be depended on. They will also endeavor to depreciate the Congress paper, by throwing in forged notes. A general of the first rank and abilities would go over, if the Congress would authorise any one to promise him a proper reception. This I had from Mr Lee, agent for Massachusetts, but it must be secret with you, as I was not to mention it.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.

April 15th, 1776.

Dear Sir,

On the 7th ult. the Snow, Dickinson, Captain Meston, consigned to Messrs Montandouine & Frere at Nantes, was brought into Bristol by her crew, and delivered up with all her papers. From these the ministry are apprized of all the ships, which have been sent to the different ports of France, and cruisers are despatched into the Bay of Biscay to watch them. John Sands, mate of the Dickinson, had made memorandums long before he left Philadelphia of every material transaction, which shows a premeditated plan of treachery. The proceedings of the ministry, relative to this proof of the French interposition, have not yet transpired, but France does not seem to be settled or spirited enough to enter into a war, should England resent this business.

On the 5th of this month, a fleet sailed with 2000 Brunswick troops and General Burgoyne; it is therefore understood that they are gone to succor Quebec. Six regiments, about 4000 effective men, made up with German recruits, are now ready for sailing orders at Cork. It is probable that they are destined to Quebec. The first divisions of the Hessians are not yet arrived, so that it is not likely the whole of them will sail till the latter end of May. They are, by stipulation, to serve altogether, and therefore, will go to Boston or Long Island. It is supposed the provincials will possess the strong posts on Elizabeth River, which, if in the enemy’s hands, will give them the command of Jersey, Staten Island, &c. If the provincials always have redoubts in the front and flanks of their army, it is the opinion of the ablest in the profession, that they will be better than entrenchments or lines, and will foil the regulars by breaking their line, or forcing them to sacrifice a number of men, which they cannot afford.

People here begin to feel the matter as very serious, since the publications of Dr Price and Lord Stair have convinced them, that new taxes must be imposed for supporting this armament, which it is certain will cost upwards of twelve millions. The ships sent out are exceedingly ill manned, and there is such a disposition to desertion among the German troops, that if proper offers are made to them, the ministerial people are much afraid they will desert in great numbers. They have hopes, however, that divisions will take place among the provinces, and in the Congress, as they are satisfied that firmness and unanimity will force their own terms.

The city of London has addressed the throne for an avowal of the conditions on which peace is to be restored. The answer was in effect unconditional submission. You may reckon that in July the troops will be arrived, so as to enable General Howe to take the field. Lord Howe, though he has accepted the command, is not yet sailed; he goes in the Eagle, of sixtyfour guns. He is a brave man, but has a very confused head, and is therefore very unfit for an extensive command. As there will not be above two line of battle ships, if the Congress could procure five line of battle ships from the French and Spaniards, they might destroy or drive the whole British fleet from their coasts. Adieu.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.[5]

June 3d, 1776.

Gentlemen,

The desire of the Court of France to assist may be depended on; but they are yet timid and the ministry unsettled. Turgot, lately removed, was the most averse to a rupture with England; his removal is of consequence. The contention for the lead now is between Count de Vergennes and the Duke de Choiseul; both are friends to you and for vigorous measures. The disposition in France may for these reasons be relied on. Spain is more reserved, but surely when France moves Spain will co-operate. The clear revenue from the farm of tobacco is twentyfour millions of livres to France. It has been hinted to me, that she is likely to tell Great Britain, that if England cannot furnish it, she will send for it herself. You may judge, therefore, what an important instrument that is in your hands. A Scotch banker, Sir Robert Herries, proposed to the Farmers in France to supply them at the home price here, that is, with the duty, to which they agreed. He then applied to this government for leave to import it upon paying the duties, which was refused.

In the last debate, Lord George Germain, who is undoubtedly minister, affirmed that no treaty would be held with you till you had laid down your arms. My opinion is, that independency is essential to your dignity, essential to your present safety, and essential to your future prosperity and peace. Some of the Congress correspond with Mr Jackson, of the Board of Trade, and with Mr Molleson, a Scotch merchant; the intelligence they give goes directly to the minister.

The young gentleman who will deliver this is of great worthiness, and deserves much of his country for his fidelity and zeal. Six thousand of the Hessian troops sailed last month, the remainder is not yet arrived here, so that it may be September before they reach you. In the mean time, it may be Howe’s plan to amuse you with a negotiation, which may also furnish an opportunity of feeling some pulses among you, as to the efficacy of money and promises. Beware of Joseph Reed[6] of Philadelphia. One Brooke Watson, who was permitted to travel last year from New York to Quebec, gave in a plan to the ministry for attacking Canada, and is with the invaders.

Record of the Committee of Secret Correspondence.[7]

Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776.

Mr Thomas Story, (who had been sent by the Committee of Secret Correspondence, December 13th, 1775, to France, Holland, and England) reported verbally as follows. “On my leaving London, Arthur Lee requested me to inform the Committee of Correspondence, that he had several conferences with the French ambassador, who had communicated the same to the French Court; that, in consequence thereof, the Duke de Vergennes had sent a gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him, that the French Court could not think of entering into a war with England; but that they would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall two hundred thousand pounds sterling worth of arms and ammunition to St Eustatia, Martinique, or Cape François; that application was to be made to the governors or commandants of those places, by inquiring for Monsieur Hortalez, and that, on persons properly authorised applying, the above articles would be delivered to them.”

The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers this day, being the only two members of the Committee of Secret Correspondence now in this city; and on our considering the nature and importance of it, we agree in opinion, that it is our indispensable duty to keep it a secret, even from Congress, for the following reasons.

First. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New York, they would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and thereby deprive us, not only of these succors, but of others expected by the same route.

Secondly. As the Court of France have taken measures to negotiate this loan and succor in the most cautious and most secret manner, should we divulge it immediately, we may not only lose the present benefit, but also render that Court cautious of any further connexion with such unguarded people, and prevent their granting other loans and assistance that we stand in need of, and have directed Mr Deane to ask of them; for it appears from all our intelligence that they are not disposed to enter into an immediate war with Great Britain, though disposed to support us in our contest with them; we, therefore, think it our duty to cultivate their favorable disposition towards us, and draw from them all the support we can; and in the end their private aid must assist us to establish peace, or inevitably draw them in as parties to the war.

Thirdly. We find, by fatal experience, that the Congress consists of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more strongly enjoined than the present embassy to France, notwithstanding which, Mr Morris was this day asked by Mr Reese Meredith, whether Dr Franklin and others were really going ambassadors to France; which plainly proves, that this Committee ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required.

Fourthly. We are of opinion, that it is unnecessary to inform Congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr Morris belongs to all the committees that can properly be employed in receiving and importing the expected supplies from Martinique, and will influence the necessary measures for that purpose; indeed, we have already authorised William Bingham to apply at Martinique and St Eustatia for what comes there, and remit part by the armed sloop Independence, Captain Young, promising to send others for the rest.

Mr Morris will apply to the Marine Committee to send other armed vessels after her, and also to Cape François, (without communicating this advice), in consequence of private intelligence lately received, that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be procured at those places.

But should any unexampled misfortune befall the States of America, so as to depress the spirits of Congress, it is our opinion, that, on any event of that kind, Mr Morris (if Dr Franklin should be absent) should communicate this important matter to Congress, otherwise keep it until part or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen, to render the communication of it more proper than it appears to be at present.

B. FRANKLIN,
ROBERT MORRIS.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, October 23d, 1776.

Sir,

By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deane, a resolve of the Honorable the Continental Congress of Delegates from the thirteen United States of America, whereby you are appointed one of their Commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity, and commerce with the Court of France, and also for negotiating treaties with other nations, agreeably to certain plans and instructions of Congress, which we have transmitted by various conveyances to Mr Deane, another of the Commissioners. We flatter ourselves, from the assurances of your friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake this important business, and that our country will greatly benefit of those abilities and that attachment, which you have already manifested in sundry important services, which at a proper period shall be made known to those you would wish.

ROBERT MORRIS,
B. FRANKLIN.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

Paris, December 23d, 1776.

My Lord,

A very few hours after my last letter to your Lordship, brought me the desire of my country to serve her in a public character. Your Lordship, I hope, thinks too well of me to suppose I could hesitate a moment. In fact, almost the same minute saw me bid adieu, perhaps forever, to a country where from choice I had fixed my fortunes, and to a people whom I most respected and could have loved. But the first object of my life is my country; the first wish of my heart is public liberty. I must see, therefore, the liberties of my country established or perish in her last struggle.

In truth, I have long despaired even of a struggle for liberty in England; I will not insult Scotland with the idea. It is not the subtle Weddeburne, poisoning the fountain of public security, nor the ruthless Thurloe, deliberately butchering the liberties of his country, that make me despair; but yet, perhaps, the people are only not virtuous, and America may yet, with a sort of filial piety, reanimate her expiring constitution.

Our Pater Patriae, with whom and Mr Deane I am joined in power, is in good health and spirits. If fate will have it, that America, as she has reared her temples and her altars to liberty, must furnish her victims too, I know not where she can find a sacrifice more respectable.

Should the event of this measure be found fatal to England, it is the perfidy of her Ministers which compels it, and to which the consequences are justly imputable.

I beg your Lordship to remember me as one, who can never cease to have the most perfect esteem for you. I have communicated to the Abbé Raynal all the facts I could collect, in answer to his questions. He will write to you soon.

May I beg to be remembered to our friends in the college and to those out of it, who I hope will always do me the honor of remembering me; Colonel Barré, Mr Dunning, Dr Priestly, Dr Price, &c.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, January 3d, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of receiving your favor, announcing to me my appointment as one of the Commissioners from the Congress of the United States of America.

I cannot express how greatly I am obliged to that most respectable body, for giving me an opportunity of showing how much I prefer the service of my country, and of her present cause, to every other pursuit and situation in life.

I had the happiness of joining Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, the day after the arrival of the former at this place.

We have employed every moment in preparing the way for fulfilling the purposes of our mission. It is impossible to say yet, in what degree we shall be able to accomplish our instructions and our wishes.

The politics of this Court are in a kind of trembling hesitation. It is in consequence of this, that the promises, which were made to me by the French agent in London, and which I stated to you by Mr Story and others, have not been entirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode of conveying what they promised was settled with Mr Deane, whom Mons. Hortalez, or Beaumarchais, found here upon his return from London, and with whom therefore all the arrangements were afterwards made.

I hope you will have received some of the supplies long before this reaches you; infinitely short as they are of what was promised in quantity, quality, and time, I trust they will be of very material service in the operations of the next campaign. It is that, to use the words of our arch enemy, to which we must look forward, and no exertions in preparing for it can be too great, because the events of it must be very decisive.

I have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

FROM THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, January 5th, 1777.

Sir,

The Congress, the better to defend their coasts, protect their trade, and drive off the enemy, have instructed us to apply to France for eight ships of the line, completely manned, the expense of which they will undertake to pay. As other princes of Europe are lending or hiring their troops to Britain against America, it is apprehended, that France may if she thinks fit afford our Independent States the same kind of aid, without giving England any first cause of complaint. But if England should on that account declare war, we conceive, that by the united force of France, Spain, and America, she will lose all her possessions in the West Indies, much the greatest part of that commerce, which has rendered her so opulent, and be reduced to that state of weakness and humiliation which she has, by her perfidy, her insolence, and her cruelty, both in the east and the west, so justly merited.

We are also instructed to solicit the Court of France for an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large quantity of ammunition and brass field pieces, to be sent under convoy. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery, and ammunition, and to defray the expense of the convoy. This application has now become the more necessary, as the private purchase made by Mr Deane of those articles is rendered ineffectual, by an order forbidding their exportation.

We also beg it may be particularly considered, that while the English are masters of the American seas, and can without fear of interruption, transport with such ease their army from one part of our extensive coast to another, and we can only meet them by land marches, we may possibly, unless some powerful aid is given us, or some strong diversion be made in our favor, be so harassed and be put to such immense distress, as that finally our people will find themselves reduced to the necessity of ending the war by an accommodation.

The Courts of France and Spain may rely, with the fullest confidence, that whatever stipulations are made by us, in case of granting such aid, will be ratified and punctually fulfilled by the Congress, who are determined to found their future character with regard to justice and fidelity on a full and perfect performance of all their present engagements.

North America now offers to France and Spain her amity and commerce. She is also ready to guaranty in the firmest manner to those nations all her present possessions in the West Indies, as well as those they shall acquire from the enemy, in a war that may be consequential of such assistance as she requests. The interests of the three nations are the same. The opportunity of cementing them and of securing all the advantages of that commerce, which in time will be immense, now presents itself. If neglected, it may never again return. And we cannot help suggesting, that a considerable delay may be attended with fatal consequences.[8]

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. GERARD.

Paris, January 14th, 1777.

We thank M. Gerard for the polite and explicit manner in which he has communicated his Majesty’s message.

We beg to return our most grateful sense of the gracious intentions, which his Majesty has had the goodness to signify to our States, and to assure his Majesty that we shall ever retain the warmest gratitude for the substantial proofs he has given us of his regard, and that we will endeavor in due time to impress our constituents with the same sentiments.

We feel the strength of the reasons his Majesty has been pleased to assign for the conduct he means to hold; and the magnanimity of his motives. We beg leave to assure his Majesty, that we shall at all times and in all things endeavor to conform ourselves to the views he has opened for us, as nothing is further from our intentions than to precipitate his Majesty into any measures, which his royal wisdom and justice may disapprove. And if in anything we should contravene those purposes, we shall always be happy and ready to amend it according to the advice and direction of government.

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 1st, 1777.

Messrs Franklin, Deane, and Lee, Ministers from the Congress of the United States, beg leave to represent to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, that besides the general alarming accounts of the success of the English against their country, they have just received authentic intelligence from England that eight thousand men, chiefly Germans, under the command of General Burgoyne, are to be sent early in the spring to America, and to be employed, with some ships of war, in the invasion of Virginia and Maryland.

That if not by some means diverted from their design, it will be in their power to destroy a great part of those States, as the houses and estates of the principal inhabitants are situated on the navigable waters, and so separated from each other as to be incapable of being defended from armed vessels conveying troops, the place of whose landing cannot be foreseen, and consequently force cannot be assembled in all places sufficient to oppose them.

That great danger is also to be apprehended from the blacks of those States, who, being excited and armed by the British, may greatly strengthen the invaders, at the same time that the fear of their insurrection will prevent the white inhabitants from leaving their places of residence and assembling in such numbers for their own defence against the English, as otherwise they might do.

That the greatest part of the tobacco of those States is probably collected as usual in the warehouses of the inspectors, which are also situated on navigable waters, and will be liable to be taken and destroyed by the invaders; that the destruction of these two States probably may make a great impression on the people in the rest, who, seeing no prospect of assistance from any European power, may be more inclined to listen to terms of accommodation.

That the supplies of arms and ammunition of war, which they have been made to expect from France, having been by various means delayed and retarded, are not likely to arrive before the commencement of the next campaign, and may perhaps be despaired of, especially if those supplies are to be carried first to the French islands.

That notwithstanding the measures taken to convince the Court of Britain that France does not countenance the Americans, that Court, according to our information, believes firmly the contrary; and it is submitted to the consideration of your Excellency, whether, if the English make a conquest of the American States, they will not take the first opportunity of showing their resentment, by beginning themselves the war that would otherwise be avoided; and perhaps beginning it as they did the last, without any previous declaration.

That upon the whole, we cannot on this occasion omit expressing our apprehensions, that if Britain is now suffered to recover the Colonies, and annex again their great growing strength and commerce to her own, she will become in a few years the most formidable power, by sea and land, that Europe has yet seen, and assuredly, from the natural pride and insolence of that people, a power to all the other States the most pernicious and intolerable.

We would therefore with all deference submit it to the wisdom of his Majesty and his Ministers, whether, if the independence of the United States of America, with the consequent diminution of British power, and the freedom of commerce with them, be an object of importance to all Europe, and to France in particular, this is not the proper time for effectual exertions in their favor; and for commencing that war, which can scarcely be much longer avoided, and which will be sanctified by this best of justifications, that a much injured and innocent people will thereby be protected and delivered from cruel oppression, and secured in the enjoyment of their just rights; than which, nothing can contribute more to the glory of his Majesty and of this nation.

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Nantes, February 11th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I received the enclosed despatches at this place on my way to Spain. By the information I have from London, which I think may be depended upon, the plan of operations is for Howe and his recruited army to act against New England, while Carleton makes his way over the lakes to keep the middle Colonies in awe; and Burgoyne, with an armament from England of ten thousand, if it can be procured, invades the South, probably Virginia and Maryland.[9]

The intelligence from England is, that ten thousand Germans are actually engaged; while the French Minister and the Spanish Ambassador both assure us, that it is with very great difficulty the enemy can procure the recruits necessary to keep up the number formerly stipulated. That the force of their different armaments will fall greatly short of what they intend, I believe, but it seems to me almost certain that the three attacks will be made.

That their utmost efforts will be made this campaign is infallible, because nothing is more certain, than that the present state of Europe forbids every expectation of their being long unemployed nearer home. If, therefore, they do not succeed this year against us, there is an end of their prospects of ravage and revenge. Even at this moment, they have put every thing at hazard; England, Ireland, and Hanover being left almost defenceless by their efforts against us. I should submit whether it is not fit that it should be made known to the army, that the forces to be sent this year, both from England and Germany, are new raised, and therefore totally undisciplined. Because the attacking such troops on their first arrival, would be taking them in their weakest state, and they ought not to carry with them the terror of disciplined troops, which, in fact, they are not, and of which it would encourage their opponents to be apprized.

The French Minister told me when I took leave, that the king of Great Britain had endeavored in vain to get troops in Germany to supply the place in Hanover of those whom he sent to garrison Gibraltar. All these things concur to show, that they are pressed on every side to make the last effort against our liberties, which I trust will be met with proportionable exertions on our part, and under the providence of Heaven defeated.

The losses, which the enemy’s West India trade has suffered by captures this year, have determined the government to make provision against it in future, by sending a number of armed cutters, which will take the small cruisers which have hitherto been so successful against their West Indiamen. These too are to be armed as in time of war; I therefore submit to your consideration the propriety of marking out another line of cruising for the small privateers, and sending such only into the Gulf as are of force to drive off the cutters, and make prize of the armed West Indiamen.

Whatever orders you have for me will be forwarded from the ports of Spain, and I must beg a few blank commissions for privateers, as it will be one part of my endeavors to excite merchants in Spain to cruise against our enemies.

We have been so repeatedly warned of bad arms being sent from hence, that I cannot help mentioning the necessity of having the muskets proved wherever it can be done before they are paid for. This too suggests the propriety of not advancing money for goods, since though the very capital merchants in France are men of honor, and will not impose, yet the middle and lower orders of them are often directly the reverse.

Bewick & Co. at Cadiz will not pay the proceeds of the Sally to Mr Schweighauser, upon a pretence of not having any order so to do; but it seems their real design is to keep the money in their hands for what they pretend is due to them from Messrs Willing, Morris & Co. I shall endeavor to have them compelled to do justice in this business, and you will determine how far they are to be trusted for the future. A large cargo of woollens, linen, cordage, and sailcloth, will be despatched from hence in three weeks, which I hope will reach their destination in time.

I could have wished that my present destination had been specifically ordered by you, with regard to the Court, as that would have imported a respect and consideration for them, which might have greatly facilitated my object, which I apprehend will meet with some obstacle in the umbrage, that the want of such attention, and the apparent preference given where it is perhaps less deserved, may possibly occasion. Perhaps that may yet be remedied by some such power, if it should seem proper to you.[10]

The Corporation here have lowered the city duty on tobacco, brought from America into this port, in order to encourage a commerce with us, for which I have thought it my duty to return them thanks.

Upon examination, I find your commercial connexions here greatly deranged. It appears to have been the first plan of the Committee to place Mons. Schweighauser as a check over Mons. Penet. The established character and credit of the former were to control the confidence reposed in the latter, who, the Committee say, “had not such recommendations as they could wish.” For this purpose the consignments were to be made to Mons. Schweighauser, out of which he was to pay Mons. Penet for such goods as were shipped on your account, after being inspected and approved by the former. This was certainly a wise plan and a necessary precaution. In my humble judgment, it still continues to be absolutely necessary; but instead of the consignments having been made to Mr Schweighauser, they have been chiefly addressed directly to Penet; in consequence of this, the latter has not submitted the goods sent to the inspection of the former, and Mr Schweighauser has reason to complain of his being neglected, after an express promise given him of your consignments, without his being able to conceive in what he has offended. These are facts which I think it my duty to state to you. Mons. Montanduine and Mons. Schweighauser are certainly the first in rank and reputation here. It is of much more consequence, that merchants of this description should be your correspondents here, than it is in England, because they have an influence with government which those of an inferior order have not. Of this order is Mr Gruel, and still lower M. Penet; but the credit and character of the former are exceedingly well established.

The rigor of the season, the badness of the roads, and the slowness of conveyance in Spain will protract my journey miserably, but you may depend upon my using every diligence to reach my destination in time to make the best advantage of the present critical situation of affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Nantes, February 14th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

The enclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, and as such I have thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author in Paris, who is a man of very high character and so strongly our friend, that I have no doubt if the want of his second volume, which is not yet published, should render any explanation necessary, he will give it with pleasure.

Since I had the honor of writing yesterday, Mr Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement, which he has just concluded with the Farmers-General for all the tobacco that shall arrive here on your account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation of this, that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest government here through them in our commerce, so much as to secure their utmost protection of it; to insure the exports of our produce, which we apprehended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render impracticable in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, &c. which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To compass these objects we were induced to offer them such tempting terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one, but I fear it will not retrieve us from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase daily.

Our latest intelligence from England informs us, that a bill is now passing for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for repealing so much of their former act, as confined it to the navy. The press there still continues very violent, but not equally productive; that, together with the great preparations of France and Spain, seems to render the continuance of peace for many months impossible. From every thing that I can learn, their armaments against you will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all; but it is best to prepare for their plan, as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance upon the politics of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon their issue.

I believe you have not yet been apprized of what it may be material for you to know, which is, that the British government offered to deliver the prisoners, taken on Long Island, to the East India Company to be sent to their settlements, if the Company would send for them to Gibraltar. This proposition is upon record in the Company’s books, a general court having been held expressly upon it.

I have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

FROM JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.

Madrid, February 17th, 1777.

Sir,

My person and house, in the commercial way, are well known in the American Colonies, not only on account of our long standing correspondence of thirty to forty years, but also on that of the true affection with which we have endeavored to serve them. I am lately arrived at Madrid on some particular affairs, which have occasioned my treating with the ministers of State, who have honored me with their especial favors and trust, and of course this has led me into the bottom of the principal affairs of Europe, among which I have talked about your coming from Paris to Spain, undoubtedly with the design of treating on the subject of the Colonies, as I judge they have already done, and continue doing at Paris. But I have heard that in such a small place as Madrid it would be absolutely impossible to remain incog, either by your own or any other name, and you would of course be spied by the gentlemen here who have a real interest therein, and consequently you could not treat with the ministers without hurting the Colonies in the highest degree by your own doings; and, besides, you would set this Court at variance without success. I judge you will improve the opportunity which offers by chance, and I think is an excellent one, and have therefore no objections to hint it to you; being fully assured that it will cause no displeasure here.

The Marquis of Grimaldi intends to set out soon for Biscay, and I propose to do the same for my house at Bilboa, all which we shall so manage as to meet one and the other at Vitoria, where we shall tarry under some good disguise until our mutual arrival; and as this noble minister has had to this day the entire direction of all affairs, and is of course fully acquainted with his Majesty’s intentions, I believe he is the most proper person with whom you may treat either in said place, or some country house that might be picked up for the purpose, and thereby avoid the inconveniences which must inevitably follow by your coming to Madrid. By the aforesaid belief I have given you a further proof of my attachment to the Colonies, and I must also add with all truth, that the principal persons here are of the same opinion, although the present state of affairs obliges them to make no show thereof. In short, Sir, I hope you will approve of my proposed method being the safest and most natural to carry on the views of both parties, I beg you will give me an answer through the same hands, as will deliver the present to you, not doubting that you will tarry at Vitoria until we get there, and you will also observe that you will be at full liberty to proceed to Madrid if you should judge proper, after you have talked over the matter with the said nobleman.

I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c.

JAMES GARDOQUI.

P. S. Having considered upon the properest place for our meeting, we have settled it on that of Burgos instead of Vitoria, which pray note accordingly, and I hope to meet you there.

[In a letter dated at Burgos, 28th February, 1777, Mr Lee replied to the above as follows. “I have the honor of yours of the 17th, and agreeable to your request will wait for you at this place.”]

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Bordeaux, February 18th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

On my arrival here, on my way to Madrid, I found a letter dated February 2d, from a confidential correspondent, which contains the following passages. “Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, and ships sent to convey them; the number of British cannot exceed three thousand, and those very indifferent; but much is expected from their being sent early. Boston is certainly to be attacked in the spring. Burgoyne will command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. The government expect great advantage from dissensions in Pennsylvania.”

Finding that our commerce here labors under great difficulties from the heavy duties laid on fish, oil, wax, &c., I have directed an account of it to be transmitted to your Commissioners at Paris, together with an estimate of the imports and exports during the last year from the United States, that they may be better enabled to negotiate an alleviation or removal of the duties, which were originally intended to discourage the British commerce.

I had the honor of stating to you a year ago, that tobacco was the most weighty political engine we could employ with the French Court. It is absolutely necessary to the Farmers-General, and the Farmers as absolutely necessary to government.

Mr Delap informs me that there are several more cargoes belonging to the Congress, in the hands of merchants in Spain, the proceeds of which cannot be obtained. I have written to Mr Morris, at Nantes, begging the favor of him to send me a proper account of them, that I may complain of those merchants at the Court of Spain. There is a ship at Nantes, totally deserted by her crew, which has been lying there many months unregarded, at an expense to the Congress of one hundred dollars per month. I have advised Mr Schweighauser to consult with Mr. Morris about selling her, which ought to have been done as soon as her crew quitted her.

The ship too, which was intrusted to Mr Myrkle, is lying here at a considerable charge, and no appearance of her return.

I enclose you Captain Cleveland’s account of Mr Myrkle’s conduct, which he wishes may be offered in his justification. I have referred him to Dr Franklin for advice.

I have the honor of being your obedient servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.

Vitoria, February 26th, 1777.

Dear Sirs,

I am thus far safe on my journey, which by the spur of six pistoles more I am to finish two days sooner than was at first agreed. Therefore, if no accident happens, I shall reach my destination the 6th of next month. In the Committee’s letter of the 23d of October to me, it is said, “we are to negotiate with other nations agreeable to certain plans and instructions transmitted to Mr Deane.” I have none with me, nor do I remember to have seen any, but those which relate expressly to France, and that plan has already been transmitted where I am going. Nothing is more likely than my being asked what I have to propose, particularly relative to this meridian. This question was put to us on our first visit to —— ——.[11] But the same answer will not serve here. I must entreat you, therefore, to favor me with your ideas upon this particular. What alteration would you think proper in that plan, when applied to this country? It is best to be prepared for every favorable moment that may offer. This must plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer as possible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative of letting a favorable opportunity pass unembraced, or of hazarding a measure of so much moment to the public, upon my weak judgment and very limited information.

With my best wishes for your health and success, and begging to be remembered kindly to our friends, I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, dear Sirs, your obedient servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL,

Delivered by Arthur Lee to the Marquis de Grimaldi.

Burgos, March 5th, 1777.

Upon maturely weighing what his Excellency the Marquis de Grimaldi had the goodness to communicate from his Majesty, Mr Lee feels himself obliged (notwithstanding his earnest wish to coincide with his Majesty’s views, and conciliate his amity to the United States) to beg his attention to the following considerations.

1st. Were it the question now, whether Mr Lee being at Paris should come to Madrid, he might do it or not without any material consequences, but it being known, that he was deputed upon that business, and upon his way, his return without going to Madrid will beget an opinion, that Spain has renounced the States of America, in refusing to receive their deputy. For the fact of his return being notorious, and the reasons for it necessarily secret, it will make the same impression as if no such reasons existed.

This opinion will very materially injure the credit of the States in France and Holland, and it may have a very unfavorable effect in America. For it must be considered, that the fact will reach America by a thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass through one only, and that too from the situation of things in obscure hints.

Mr Lee therefore hopes, that his Majesty will weigh these reasons before he determines finally upon a measure, which may be deemed ungracious to the Congress, and highly detrimental to their interests.

2dly. Mr Lee cannot conceive on what pretence of reason, right, or law, the English Ambassador, or his Court, can take exception to his Majesty’s receiving a deputy from the United States, since the right of a neutral Court so to do is clearly established by the unquestioned practice of all times, and recognised by the best writers on the laws of nations. Neither has the English Ambassador at Paris, or his Court, taken any exception to it there.

3dly. That it will be so far from preventing the execution of any gracious intentions his Majesty may have of assisting the States, that the best and safest channel of conveying that aid is from one from which Mr Lee’s being at Madrid will rather divert than direct the attention of England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply of money to support the credit of the States, and pay for what is necessary, is the most effectual aid. The support of this contest calls upon the Congress for considerable funds. The means of establishing them by the export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the powers that are friendly to their cause; among whom they have the greatest reliance upon his Majesty the king of Spain. This purpose will be answered by his Majesty’s ordering his Ambassador at the Hague, to authorise Sir George Grand of Amsterdam to pay the sum destined to this use to the order of B. Franklin, Silas Deane, or Arthur Lee. Sir George Grand is fixed upon as one, who has been already trusted by the Court of France in this business, and on whose attachment they can depend.

Mr Lee must beg leave to wait his Majesty’s pleasure at Burgos, or Vitoria, not at Bayonne, because he is persuaded, upon reflection, that he should incur the highest displeasure of his constituents, if he were to leave Spain without a definitive answer to the object of his mission.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Burgos, March 8th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

A person of high rank having been sent to confer with me here, I am authorised to assure you, that supplies for the army will be sent to you by every opportunity from Bilboa. I can say with certainty, that a merchant there has orders for that purpose; he is now here with me to have a list from me, and to contract for blankets, which are manufactured in this part of the country. I am also desired to inform you of ammunition and clothing being deposited at New Orleans and the Havanna, with directions to lend them to such American vessels as may call there for that purpose.

I am trying to get a sum of money put into our hands immediately, that we may the more assuredly answer your bills, should you find it necessary to draw, and may pay for some ships of war in Europe. It will also be my endeavor to procure some able veteran officers from the Irish brigades in this service.

From the best authority here I am told, that the German agreement is for seven thousand recruits, and eight hundred Hessian Chasseurs. They are to sail from some German port towards the end of this month.

News is just arrived here of the death of the king of Portugal. Considerable bodies of troops have been for some time marching from Madrid towards the frontiers of that kingdom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL,

Presented to the Court of Spain.

Burgos, March 8th, 1777.

The present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain does not seem to be so fully understood, as to render a clear representation of it unnecessary.

America has declared herself independent, and has defeated all the efforts of Great Britain to reduce her during two campaigns. In this resistance she has hitherto stood alone and almost unassisted. Her infant and unprepared state has been compensated by her ardor, her indignation, her enthusiasm.

Great Britain, however, is determined to redouble her efforts to make this campaign decisive of the fate of America. In this situation, America offers her commerce and her friendship, which she has withdrawn from Great Britain, to Spain and France. This offer ought to be deemed of double value, because it takes from their rival and foe, what it gives to them. It is, therefore, taken for granted, that this is an object of the first magnitude, and worthy of the highest attention of both these Courts. It is also taken for granted, that Spain and France do not wish Great Britain should prevail in the contest, or regain America by conquest or conciliation. There remains, therefore, but this single question; whether it be more politic for the two powers to declare immediately, or to wait the event of the next campaign?

To judge of this, it will be necessary to consider what will be the probable event of the next campaign. As Great Britain is resolved to put forth her utmost strength, it is probable that the event will be, either the total reduction of America, or an accommodation founded upon a mutual conviction of each other’s strength; and this accommodation must be hastened by America being left destitute of any material assistance from Europe.

It is manifest, that the neutrality of Spain and France leaves the field open to the operations of the British force, and to the production of one of those events, either of which must be highly prejudicial to both nations and advantageous to their enemy. If Great Britain should be victorious, America will become a powerful instrument in her hands, to be wielded at her will against these countries; and that it will not remain long unemployed, no one will doubt, who knows that the Court of Great Britain is well informed of the countenance, at least, given to what they call a most dangerous rebellion, and that the head of that Court is of a temper that never forgives or forgets.

If an accommodation should produce a reunion, the same advantages will be lost, and almost all the same consequences are to be feared. The end of the campaign cannot, therefore, promise so favorable a moment for the interposition of Spain and France as the present; and in all human probability it will be then fruitless.

In truth, what moment can be wished more favorable than the present, when Great Britain is so equally matched by what were her Colonies, that the scales hang doubtful? Nor can it be questioned, that the interposition of Spain or France, and much more of both, would make that of America decidedly preponderate, and separate her from Great Britain forever. And what object can be more important, than to deprive her of this great and growing source of her commerce and her wealth, her marine, and her dominion?

There is nothing of which the Court of Great Britain is more persuaded, than that the loss of America would be the inevitable consequence of a war in Europe; nor is there a man in the nation that is ignorant of it; hence it is, that the king finds himself obliged, in all his speeches, to assure his Parliament of the tranquillity of Europe, that they may be emboldened to support his war against America. Hence it is, that they have labored to prevent a rupture between Spain and Portugal, and have, at length, renounced the latter. It is therefore certain, that Great Britain would endure any insult, short of an open and outrageous act of hostility, rather than engage in a European war during her contest with America.

During the last war, America contributed twelve thousand seamen, and twenty thousand troops to the assistance of Great Britain. These are now tripled against her. The commerce of America, according to the declaration of Mr Pitt, who conducted it, carried Great Britain triumphantly through it. The full tide of that commerce is now turned against her. From America, all the expeditions against the islands of Spain and France were then supplied. Now these supplies are ready to assist in seizing her islands.

Deprived of all those aids, which ministered to her success and her triumphs during the last war, what could prevent her now from experiencing the bitter reverse of her former fortune? What policy can withhold two Sovereigns, whose prosperity is incompatible with her power, to let slip such an opportunity of humbling her as may never return?

If Great Britain should be again united to America by conquest or conciliation, it would be in vain to menace her with war. America has been felt like Hercules in his cradle. Great Britain, knit again to such growing strength, would reign the irresistible, though hated arbiter of Europe. This then is the moment in which Spain and France may clip her wings and pinion her forever. One of the most respectable bodies in England told their Sovereign some two years since, with a kind of prophetic spirit, that his Ministers were precipitating his dominions into a situation in which their existence would depend upon the forbearance of their enemies. That situation is now certainly occurred. The rest as certainly remains in the arbitration of Spain and France.[12]

ARTHUR LEE.

ANSWER,

To the Memorial, by the Marquis de Grimaldi at Vitoria.

You have considered your own situation and not ours. The moment is not yet come for us. The war with Portugal,—France being unprepared, and our treasure from South America not being arrived,—makes it improper for us to declare immediately. These reasons will probably cease within a year, and then will be the moment.[13]

TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA,
MINISTER TO THE KING OF SPAIN.

Vitoria, March 17th, 1777.

Mr Lee wishes to state to his Excellency, the Count de Florida Blanca, what he has understood from his Excellency, the Marquis de Grimaldi, to be the intentions of his Majesty relative to the United States of America.

That for very powerful reasons his Majesty cannot at this moment enter into an alliance with them, or declare in their favor; that nevertheless, they may depend upon his Majesty’s sincere desire to see their rights and liberties established, and of his assisting them as far as may be consistent with his own situation; that for this purpose the house of Gardoqui at Bilboa would send them supplies for their army and navy from time to time; that they would find some ammunition and clothing deposited for them at New Orleans, the communication with which would be much secured and facilitated by their taking possession of Pensacola; that their vessels should be received at the Havanna upon the same terms with those of France, and that the Ambassador at Paris should have directions immediately to furnish their Commissioners with credit in Holland. The Marquis added, that his Majesty would do these things out of the graciousness of his royal disposition, without stipulating any return, and that, if upon inquiry any able veteran officers could be spared from his Irish brigade, the States should have them.

These most gracious intentions Mr Lee has communicated to the Congress of the United States, in terms as guarded as possible without mentioning names, so that the source of those aids, should the despatches fall into the enemy’s hands, can only be conjectured from the matter, not determined from the manner in which they are mentioned. And for further security, the captain has the strictest orders to throw the despatches into the sea should he be taken.

Mr Lee is sensible that these intentions are measured by the magnanimity of a great and opulent prince, and becoming the character of so illustrious a monarch as the king of Spain. He is satisfied they will raise the strongest sentiments of gratitude and veneration in the breasts of those whom they regard. At the same time he trusts, that the Spanish nation will receive no inconsiderable retribution from the freedom of that commerce, the monopoly of which contributed so much to strengthen and aggrandize her rival and her foe; nor can anything give more lasting satisfaction to the royal mind, than the reflection of having employed those means which God has put into his hands, in assisting an oppressed people to vindicate those rights and liberties, which have been violated by twice six years of incessant injuries and insulted supplications; those rights which God and nature, together with the convention of their ancestors and the constitution of their country, gave to the people of the States. Instead of that protection in these rights, which was the due return for the sovereignty exercised over them, they have seen their defenceless towns wantonly laid in ashes, their unfortified country cruelly desolated, their property wasted, their people slain; the ruthless savage, whose inhuman war spares neither age nor sex, instigated against them; the hand of the servant armed against his master by public proclamation, and the very food which the sea that washes their coast, furnishes, forbidden them by a law of unparalleled folly and injustice. Proinde quasi injuriam facere id demum esset imperio uti. Nor was it enough that for these purposes the British force was exhausted against them, but foreign mercenaries were also bribed to complete the butchery of their people, and the devastation of their country. And that nothing might be wanting to make the practices equivalent to the principles of this war, the minds of these mercenaries were poisoned with every prejudice, that might harden their hearts and sharpen their swords against a people, who not only never injured or offended them, but who have received with open arms and provided habitations for their wandering countrymen. These are injuries which the Americans can never forget. These are oppressors whom they can never again endure. The force of intolerable and accumulated outrages has compelled them to appeal to God and to the sword. The king of Spain, in assisting them to maintain that appeal, assists in vindicating the violated rights of human nature. No cause can be more illustrious, no motives more magnanimous.[14]

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Vitoria, March 18th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of writing to you on the 8th from Burgos, since which I have had another conference at this place for greater secrecy and despatch.

In addition to the supplies, which I informed you were to be furnished through the house of Gardoqui by every opportunity, and the powder and clothing which are at New Orleans, and will be advanced to your order, I am assured of having credit from time to time on Holland, and that orders will be given to receive your vessels at the Havanna, as those of the most favored nation, the French, are received. They have promised to examine whether there are any veteran Irish officers fit for your service, and if there are to send them.

I have avoided stipulating any return on our part.

As to an immediate declaration in your favor, they say this is not the moment, and for reasons, which, if I might venture to commit them to this paper, I think you would deem satisfactory. The same reasons render an explicit acknowledgment of your independency, and a treaty of alliance with you, inadmissable at present; but I am desired to assure you of their taking a sincere and zealous part in the establishment of your liberties, which they will promote in every way consistent with their own situation.

I cannot help thinking that the postponing of a treaty is happy for us, since our present situation would raise demands, and perhaps enforce concessions, of which we might sorely repent hereafter. I am sensible, that in consequence we shall be obliged to make greater exertions, and to search deeper for resources within ourselves; but this must in the end be highly beneficial to a young people. It was in this manner the Roman republic was so deeply rooted; and then magis dandis, quam accipiendis beneficiis, amicitias parabat. The liberties and benefits which are hardly earned will be highly prized and long preserved.

In conformity with the above arrangement, I have settled with M. Gardoqui, who now is with me, and from whom I have received every possible assistance, to despatch a vessel with all possible expedition, laden with salt, sail and tent cloth, cordage, blankets, and warlike stores, as he can immediately procure, and an assortment of such drugs as I think will be necessary for the three prevailing camp diseases. Those who furnish these supplies are very desirous of an expedition being ordered against Pensacola, in order that the possession of that place may render the communication between the Southern Colonies and New Orleans, from which they would wish to succor you, more sure and secret. The captain has my directions to make for Philadelphia, or any port to the southward, and wait your orders. At Mons. Gardoqui’s desire, I have given him a recommendation to all the American captains, who may sail from Bilboa, whether in public or private service, to receive such stores as he shall send them for your use.

When this is arranged, I am to return to Paris, where the business of the credit upon Holland is to be settled, and of which you shall have notice by the first opportunity.

In my former letters from Bordeaux and Nantes, I took the liberty of remarking upon the deranged state of your commerce. I find here that you have not sent any vessels to Bilboa, though as being the most convenient, it is most frequented by private vessels. It is a free port, has no custom-house, and therefore business is despatched with more secrecy and expedition. Rice, indigo, tar, pitch, and turpentine, bear a good price there, and fish in Lent. By the provincial laws of Biscay, tobacco is prohibited, but it may be landed at the port of St Sebastian, some fourteen leagues distant; and it sells well in Spain; but it must be strong Virginia tobacco for this market. The house of Gardoqui has promised to collect from other places, such things as I have informed them will be proper for your service. As Mons. Montandauine and Mons. Schweighauser at Nantes, and the Messrs Delaps at Bordeaux, are the best and most respectable merchants, so the Gardoquis are at Bilboa. Their zeal and activity in our cause were greatly manifested in the affair of the privateer; they are besides in the special confidence of the Court, and one of them has been employed as interpreter in all our business.

If touching upon commercial subjects, which are somewhat out of my province, should be of any use, that will be my excuse; if not, I hope the expectation of its being useful will plead my pardon. I mentioned in my last, that the Germans, intended to be sent the latter end of this month through Holland, were to consist of seven thousand recruits and eight hundred Hessian chasseurs; but from the best accounts I can get, they will neither be so forward nor so numerous as was intended. To retard them the more, I have proposed to the Commissioners at Paris, to remonstrate with the States-General against granting them a passage, which is to expedite their embarkation, and I have written to Holland to have the account of the captivity of their countrymen and the refusal to exchange them and settle a cartel, destributed among the troops, in German, before they embark.

I have sent copies of General Washington’s letter, and such an account as I could collect from the newspapers, of the success of your arms all over Europe; since that, I find by the enclosed Gazette, that the Court of Great Britain have already published their account of it. It is lamentable to observe, to what unworthy means of flattering the vices of princes the human mind will stoop. The Carletons, the Howes, and the Perceys call themselves honorable men; yet, because they know nothing pleases the king of England more than the grossest abuse of the Americans, they let slip no opportunity of accusing and traducing them. That these charges may not fall into the hands of future historians uncontradicted, I could wish, since it has now become a public accusation by General Howe, that General Washington might write him a letter, stating the injustice of the charge, and mentioning the instances, such as the burying Captain Leslie with the honors of war, in which the troops under his command have manifested a disposition directly opposite to that of which he has accused them; this would go down to posterity as an authentic vindication. I am as jealous of the honor of our name as desirous of the success of our arms.

I mentioned in my former letters their plan of sending out cutters of twelve and fourteen guns, commanded by lieutenants of the navy, to cruise on your coast, chiefly in the Gulf, and that the West India ships were to be armed. On the other hand we are assured, by both France and Spain, that such a disposition of their fleets and forces will be made as ought to persuade England, that she cannot sustain the war against you as she has planned. Your wisdom will direct you how far to trust to these assurances, or their expected consequences, when our stake is so precious, that the most ardent and unremitting exertions cannot be too great; not that I suspect the sincerity of these assurances, but the effects they are to produce; for I know the nature of the king of England to be such, that nothing but personal fear, which the quietism of the people is not likely to produce, will restrain him from the most desperate attempts to injure and enslave us; besides, the state of Europe is such as to render it morally certain, that a war in Europe will relieve you from these extraordinary exertions before a year has passed away. The death of the king of Portugal is too recent for any certain judgment to be formed of its consequences; probably however it will produce an accommodation with Spain, but should it extinguish this spark of a war, it will leave Spain more at liberty to aid us, and awe, if not attack Great Britain. The situation of the enemy seems to be this. Great Britain and Ireland exhausted, the difficulties of recruiting for the ensuing campaign, from Germany, great and notorious, though the demand was proportioned to the prosperous state of their affairs; from this quarter therefore they have little more to hope; to Russia alone they may apply if the cloud that is rising from Constantinople should blow over, without which it is impossible they should have any aid from thence; but if this should happen it will be our endeavor, and I hope we shall succeed in raising the opposition of other European Powers to that measure. I mean to propose on my return to Paris, the sounding both of the emperor and the king of Prussia on this subject. The one wishes to promote the port of Ostend, the other of Emden, and by these we may perhaps work them up to our wishes.

It is upon this view of things, that I found my hopes of the next campaign being the last struggle of any importance, which the enemy can make against us. The distress of their finances and the difficulty of raising the supplies are great. It is certain, that the Dutch, on whom they so much depend, withhold their money as far as they can find Spanish paper to vest it in. The degree of their alarm from France and Spain may be seen from their embodying the militia; and their expensive preparations by sea; that this alarm will not be suffered to subside I believe. Their divisions at home are apparent from the suspension of the habeas corpus act, which will probably realise their apprehensions of domestic troubles.

I find that in consequence of my application to the Count d’Aranda in Paris, he had written to his Court here concerning the detention of the proceeds of some of your cargoes, by the merchants of Cadiz. As soon as I can get an accurate statement of that affair from Mr Thomas Morris, it will be put in a train of certainly obtaining justice. There are some, I am informed, in the same situation at Lisbon, and I think we may feel the pulse of the new government there, by applying to that Court for justice.

I subjoin an estimate of the current prices of several American articles at Bilboa, and have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

Flour 16 pistareens per hundred weight.—Rice from 20 to 22 do. per do.—Fish 22 to 30 do. per quintal.—Beeswax from 212 to 215 do.—Fine common Sugars from 49 to 54 do. per do.—Large brown Cocoa 6 bitts per lb.—Indigo from 7 to 10 pistareens per lb.—Masts, Yards, and Spars in great demand. Furs the same. Tobacco lower in Spain than lately in France.

P. S. As well as I can collect from the foreign papers, they have passed a bill in England to enable the King to commit to any prison such persons as he suspects of favoring America, and to fix the crime of piracy on all those who are taken at sea with your commission. In some former resolution, you declared that retaliation should be made on those, who were suspected of favoring the measures of the British Government in the States; and hitherto the American privateers have permitted the subjects of Great Britain to depart in peace. Our enemies are determined to show how unworthy they are of such lenity, as several individuals besides Captain Ross have done. They will compel you to make it a war of revenge, not of redress.

It would not, I think, be difficult to negotiate a loan of money for the States of Virginia and South Carolina, through the Havanna; if you think this would be useful, please to give your directions in it by the first opportunity. The present disposition to oblige us may not last forever.

A. L.

FROM B. FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, March 21st, 1777.

Dear Sir,

We have received your favors from Vitoria and Burgos.

The Congress sitting at Baltimore despatched a packet to us the 9th of January, containing an account of the success at Trenton, and subsequent events to that date, as far as they had come to knowledge. The vessel was obliged to run up a little river in Virginia to avoid some men of war, and was detained there seventeen days, or we should have had these advices sooner. We learn however through England, where they have news from New York to the 4th of February, that in Lord Cornwallis’s retreat to New Brunswick two regiments of his rear guard were cut to pieces; that General Washington having got round him to Newark and Elizabethtown, he had retired to Amboy in his way to New York; that General Howe had called in the garrisons of Fort Lee and Fort Constitution, which were now possessed by our people; that on the New York side, Forts Washington and Independence were retaken by our troops, and that the British forces at Rhode Island were recalled for the defence of New York.

The Committee in their letters mention the intention of Congress to send ministers to the Courts of Vienna, Tuscany, Holland, and Prussia. They also send us a fresh commission, containing your name instead of Mr Jefferson’s, with this additional clause, “and also to enter into, and agree upon a treaty with His Most Christian Majesty, or such other person or persons as shall be by him authorised for that purpose, for assistance in carrying on the present war between Great Britain and these United States.” The same clause is in a particular commission they have sent me to treat with the Court of Spain, similar to our common commission to the Court of France;[15] and I am accordingly directed to go to Spain; but as I know that choice was made merely on the supposition of my being a little known there to the great personage for whom you have my letter, (a circumstance of little importance) and I am really unable through age to bear the fatigue and inconveniences of such a journey, I must excuse myself to Congress, and join with Mr Deane in requesting you to proceed in the business on the former footing, till you can receive a particular commission from Congress, which will no doubt be sent as soon as the circumstances are known.

We know of no plans or instructions to Mr Deane but those you have with you. By the packet, indeed, we have some fresh instructions which relate to your mission, viz. that in case France and Spain will enter into the war, the United States will assist the former in the conquest of the British sugar islands, and the latter in the conquest of Portugal, promising the assistance of six frigates manned, of not less than twentyfour guns each, and provisions equal to 2,000,000 dollars; America desiring only for her share, what Britain holds on the continent; but you shall by the first safe opportunity have the instructions at length. I believe we must send a courier.

If we can, we are ordered to borrow £2,000,000 on interest. Judge then, what a piece of service you will do, if you can obtain a considerable subsidy, or even a loan without interest.

We are also ordered to build six ships of war. It is a pleasure to find the things ordered, which we were doing without orders.

We are also to acquaint the several Courts, with the determination of America to maintain at all events our independence. You will see by the date of the resolution relating to Portugal, as well as by the above, that the Congress were stout in the midst of their difficulties. It would be well to sound the Court of Spain on the subject of permitting our armed ships to bring prizes into her ports, and there dispose of them. If it can be done openly, in what manner can we be accommodated with the use of their ports, or under what restrictions? This government has of late been a little nice on that head; and the orders to L’Orient have occasioned Captain Wickes some trouble.

We have good advice of our friend at Amsterdam, that in the height of British pride on their summer success, and just before, they heard of any check, the ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, had been ordered to send a haughty memorial to the States, importing that notwithstanding their promises to restrain their subjects from supplying the rebels, it was notorious, that those supplies were openly furnished by Hollanders at St Eustatia; and that the governor of that island had returned from his fort the salute of a rebel ship of war with an equal number of guns; that his Majesty justly and highly resented these proceedings, and demanded that the States should by more severe provisions restrain that commerce; that they should declare their disapprobation of the insolent behavior of their governor, and punish him by an immediate recall; otherwise his Majesty, who knows what appertains to the dignity of his crown, would take proper measures to vindicate it; and he required an immediate answer. The States coolly returned the memorial with only this answer, that when the respect due to sovereigns was not preserved in a memorial, it ought not to be expected in an answer. But the city of Amsterdam took fire at the insolence of it, and instructed their deputies in the States to demand satisfaction by the British Court’s disavowal of the memorial, and the reprimand of the ambassador. The States immediately demanded a number of men of war ships to be in readiness. Perhaps since the bad news has come, England may be civil enough to make up this little difference.

Mr Deane is still here. You desire our advice about your stopping at Burgos. We are of opinion that you should comply with the request. While we are asking aid, it is necessary to gratify the desires and in some sort comply with the humors of those we apply to. Our business now is to carry our point. But I have never yet changed the opinion I gave in Congress, that a virgin State should preserve the virgin character, and not go about suitoring for alliances, but wait with decent dignity for the applications of others. I was overruled; perhaps for the best.

With the greatest esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG,
MINISTER TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Paris, April 19th, 1777.

Sir,