Transcriber's Note:
Table of Contents and List of Illustrations have been compiled by the transcriber.
Current History: The European War.
From the Beginning to March 1915.
"Who Began the War, and Why?"
Published by the New York Times.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTERPageNo
[WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?
THE CASE FOR GERMANY] 209
[Speeches by Kaiser Wilhelm II.]209
[TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.] 211
["TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."] 212
[JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.] 212
[FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.] 212
[HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."] 213
[WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.] 216
[The Mighty Fate of Europe] 219
["YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY."] 219
[AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER.] 219
[Austria-Hungary's Version of the War] 225
[MANIFESTO.] 226
["DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY."] 226
[WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD.] 226
[A German Review of the Evidence] 228
[I. THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION] 229
[II. GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS] 233
[III. THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE] 239
["Truth About Germany"] 244
[THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION.] 253
[ARMY AND NAVY.] 255
[THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES.] 260
[GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER.] 267
[COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS] 269
[WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS?] 271
[Speculations About Peace, September, 1914
Report to President Wilson.] 273
[WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?
CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE] 276
[FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL.
Speeches by British Ministers.] 276
[PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED.
Sir Edward Grey's Speech in the House of Commons
Aug. 3.] 282
[GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY.] 292
[PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY.] 293
[Great Britain's Mobilization] 294
[KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET.] 294
[IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS.] 298
[EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS] 304
[Summons of the Nation to Arms] 308
[PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER.] 309
[MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH.] 316
[LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE.] 329
[THE GREAT WAR.] 336
[Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi] 343
[Entrance of France Into War] 350
[NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED.] 350
[POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC.] 351
[BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE.] 357
[Russia to Her Enemy
Slav Emperor Announces New Policies.] 358
[A MANIFESTO.] 358
[NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY] 360
[POLISH AMERICAN OPINION.] 360
[DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN.] 361
[NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS.] 361
[FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM.] 363
[NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE.] 363
[RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER."] 365
["The Facts About Belgium"] 365
[Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany] 369
[WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?
Atrocities of the War] 374
[GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST.] 374
[PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY.] 377
[I. Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael.] 378
[III. Destruction of Louvain.] 381
[A SUPPLEMENT.] 385
[LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES.] 390
[Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral] 392
[WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?
The Socialists' Part] 397
[HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER.] 397
["REVOLUTION!"] 399
[GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED.] 402
[SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS.] 402
[SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM.] 408
[KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS.] 410
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
[HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X.]
WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?
THE CASE FOR GERMANY
SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II.
From the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, July 31, 1914.
A fateful hour has fallen for Germany.
Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense.
The sword is being forced into our hand. I hope that if my efforts at the last hour do not succeed in bringing our opponents to see eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace we shall with God's help so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath again with honor.
War would demand enormous sacrifices of blood and property from the German people, but we should show our enemies what it means to provoke Germany.
And now I commend you to God. Go to church. Kneel down before God and pray for His help for our gallant Army.
FORGIVES ENEMIES.
Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech from the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2.
I thank you for the love and loyalty shown me. When I enter upon a fight let all party strife cease. We are German brothers and nothing else. All parties have attacked me in times of peace. I forgive them with all my heart. I hope and wish that the good German sword will emerge victorious in the right.
SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.
Kaiser Wilhelm II., Opening Special Session of the Reichstag in White Room of the Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 4.
WILHELM II., German Emperor.
(Photo from Charles E. Ritzmann.)
Honored Sirs: It is in an hour fraught with fate that I have assembled about me all the representatives of the German people. For almost half a century we have been able to keep to the path of peace. The attempts to attribute a warlike temperament to Germany and to circumscribe its position in the world have often put to severe tests the patience of our people. With unswerving honesty, my Government, even in provoking circumstances, has pursued as its highest aim the development of all moral, spiritual, and economic powers. The world has been witness how tirelessly we strove in the first rank during the pressure and confusion of the last few years to spare the nations of Europe a war between the great powers.
The very grave dangers which had arisen owing to the events in the Balkans appeared to have been overcome, but then the murder of my friend, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, opened up a great abyss. My high ally, the Emperor and King Francis Joseph, was compelled to take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous intrigues from a neighboring State. In the pursuit of her proper interests the Dual Monarchy has found her path obstructed by the Russian Empire. Not only our duty as an ally calls us to the side of Austria-Hungary, but on us falls also the mighty task of defending the ancient community of culture of the two kingdoms and our own position in the world against the attack of hostile powers. With a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize my army against a neighbor with whom it has fought side by side on so many fields of battle. With sincere sorrow I saw a friendship broken of which Germany had given faithful proofs. The Imperial Russian Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism, has taken sides with a State which by encouraging criminal attacks has brought on the evil of this war. That France, also, placed herself on the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too often have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations with the French Republic come in collision with old hopes and ancient malice.
Honored Sirs: What human insight and power could do to arm a people against the last extremities has been done with your patriotic help. The hostility which has been smouldering for a long time in the East and in the West has now burst into bright flames. The present situation did not proceed from transient conflicts of interest or diplomatic entanglements, it is the result of an ill will which has for many years been active against the strength and the prosperity of the German Empire. We are not incited by lust for conquest, we are inspired by the unyielding determination to keep for ourselves and all future generations the place which God has given us.
From the proofs which have been given you, you will see how my Government, and especially my Chancellor, strove up to the last moment to avert the worst. We grasp the sword in compulsory self-defense, with clean hands and a clean conscience.
To the peoples and races of the German Empire my call goes forth to defend with all their strength and in brotherly co-operation with our ally that which we have created by peaceful labor. After the example of our fathers, firmly and faithfully, sincerely and with chivalry, humbly before God and battling joyfully before the enemy, let us place our trust in the eternal Omnipotence, and may He strengthen our defense and bring it to a good end!
To you, honored sirs, the whole German people, assembled about its Princes and its leaders, look this day. Make your decision unanimously and quickly. That is my heartfelt wish.
Gentlemen (addressing the Deputies directly): You have read what I said to my people the other day from the balcony of my castle. I repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only Germans. And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death, I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to come forward and lay their hands in mine as a pledge.
TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.
Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.
After three and forty years of peace I call the men of Germany to arms.
It has become necessary to protect our most sacred possessions, the Fatherland, our very hearths against ruthless destruction.
Enemies on every hand! That is the situation. A mighty struggle, a great sacrifice confronts us.
I trust that the old spirit of battle still lives on in the German people, that powerful spirit of battle which grapples with the foe wherever it meets it, be the cost what it may, which has ever been the terror and fear of our enemies.
Soldiers of Germany, in you I place my trust! In each one of you lives the passionate will to conquer, which nothing can subdue. Each one of you knows, if need be, how to die a hero's death.
Remember our great and glorious past!
Remember that you are Germans!
God help us!
WILHELM.
Berlin, Schloss, Aug. 6, 1914.
TO GERMAN WOMEN.
An Appeal from the Kaiserin.
AUGUSTA VICTORIA, German Empress.
(Photo from M.E. Berner.)
On the summons of the Emperor our people are preparing for an unprecedented struggle, which it did not invoke and which it is only carrying on in its defense. Whoever can bear arms will joyfully hasten to the colors to defend the Fatherland with his blood. The struggle will be gigantic and the wounds to be healed innumerable, therefore I call upon you women and girls of Germany, and all to whom it is not given to fight for our beloved home, for help. Let every one now do what lies in her power to lighten the struggle for our husbands, sons, and brothers. I know that in all ranks of our people, without exception, the will exists to fulfill this high ideal, but may the Lord God strengthen us in our holy work of love, which summons us women to devote all our strength to the Fatherland in its decisive struggle.
The organizations primarily concerned who should be supported first have already sent out notices regarding the mustering of volunteers and the collection of gifts of all kinds.
AUGUSTE VICTORIA.
Berlin, Aug. 6.
"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."
Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.
Since the foundation of the empire it has been for forty-three years the object of the efforts of myself and my ancestors to preserve the peace of the world and to advance by peaceful means our vigorous development. But our adversaries were jealous of the successes of our work. There has been latent hostility on the east and on the west and beyond the sea. It was borne by us till now, as we were aware of our responsibility and power. Now, however, these adversaries wish to humiliate us, asking that we should look on with crossed arms and watch our enemies preparing themselves for a coming attack. They will not suffer that we maintain resolute fidelity to our ally who is fighting for its position as a great power and with whose humiliation our power and honor would equally be lost. So the sword must decide.
In the midst of perfect peace the enemy surprises us. Therefore to arms! Any dallying, any temporizing would be which our fathers founded; to be or not to be, is the question for the empire which our fathers founded. To be or not to be German power and German existence. We shall resist to the last breath of man and horse, and shall fight out the struggle even against a world of enemies. Never has Germany been subdued when it was united. Forward with God, who will be with us as He was with our ancestors!
Berlin, Aug. 6. WILHELM.
JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.
Speech of Kaiser at a Parade During Swift German Advance Toward Paris.
Comrades: I have gathered you around me here in order to take joy with you in the glorious victory which our comrades have in several days of hot battle won with their swords. Troops out of every nook and cranny of the empire helped one another in invincible bravery and unshakable loyalty to win great results. There stood together under the leadership of the son of the Bavarian King and fought, with equal blades, troops of all ages, active, reservists, and landwehr.
For our victory we are thankful, in the first place, to our God, (unserem alten Gott.) He will not desert us, since we stand for a holy cause. Many of our comrades have already fallen in battle. They died as heroes for the Fatherland. We will think of them with honor here, and shout to the honor of those still in the field. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
We still have many a bloody battle before us. Let us hope for further successes like this. We shall not relent, and we shall get to the enemy's hide. We shall not lose our faith and trust in our good old God up there, (unserem guten alten Gott dort oben.) We are determined to win, and we must win.
FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.
Telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II. to Chief of Troops in Upper Alsace, Aug. 15.
Grateful to God, Who was with us. I thank you and your troops for the first victory. Please convey to all the troops which took part in the fight my imperial thanks in the name of the Fatherland.
YOUR CHIEF WAR CAPTAIN.
A PRAYER FOR VICTORY.
By the Kaiser's Order to Supreme Council of the Evangelical Church—To Be Included in the Liturgy Throughout the War.
Almighty and merciful God! God of the armies! We beseech Thee in humility for Thy almighty aid for our German Fatherland. Bless the entire German war force, lead us to victory, and give us grace that we may show ourselves to be Christians toward our enemies as well. Let us soon arrive at the peace which will everlastingly safeguard our free and independent Germany.
"UP AND AT THE FOES."
Kaiser's Farewell Speech to First Regiment of Foot Guards at Potsdam.
I draw the sword that with God's help I have kept all these years in the scabbard. I have drawn the sword, which without victory and without honor I cannot sheath again. All of you will see to it that only in honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guarantee that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and at the foes, and down with the enemies of Brandenburg!
ON VICTORY NEAR METZ.
From Cabinet Order of Kaiser Wilhelm II., Published in Berlin Aug. 23.
The mobilization and concentration of the army is now complete, the German railways having carried out the enormous transport movements with unparalleled certainty and punctuality. With a heart filled with gratitude my first thoughts turn to those who since 1870-71 have worked quietly upon the development of an organization which has emerged from its first serious test with such glorious success. To all who have co-operated with them I wish to express my imperial thanks for their loyal devotion to duty in making possible in obedience to my call the transportation of armed masses of German troops against my enemies. The present achievement [near Metz] convinces me that the railways of the country will be equal to the heaviest demands that might be made upon them during the course of the gigantic struggle in which we are engaged for the future of the German Nation.
THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN.
Kaiser's Telegram from Dresden to the King of Saxony, Oct. 2.
I am very glad to be able to send you the best reports of the Nineteenth Army Corps and the Twelfth Reserve Corps. I visited yesterday the Third Army and greeted especially the brave 181st Regiment, to which I expressed my recognition. I found your third son and your brother Max as well as Laffert and Kirchbach in the best of health. The spirit among the men is splendid. With such an army we shall be able to complete victoriously the rest of our difficult task. To this end may the Almighty stand by us.
WILHELM.
HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."
Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its Consequences.
An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life," appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain—until his declarations on the eve of the present war—deeply stirred the German people in protest and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the "representative Englishman" was as follows:
Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the Emperor.
I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion.
His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying: "You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England. Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and distort them."
Resents a Personal Insult.
"This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged, to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press, or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?"
Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as it is in England respecting Germany."
The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German Government has already done.
The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts very differently, and effusively approved of them because they indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco.
"There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg."
Kaiser and the Boer War.
Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were striving to obtain European intervention?"
"They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome. They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy?
"Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any concerted European action to bring pressure against England and bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power like England.
"Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my word should know what my actions were in the hour of their adversity.
"Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces.
"With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the serenely impartial verdict of history.
"Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just and say."
The German Navy.
Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to protect them. He said:
"Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing. They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily prepare?
"Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates of the future."
The interviewer concludes:
"The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust with which his offer of friendship is too often received."
The Consequences.
On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's published interview and setting forth:
First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to express views affecting the relations of the empire with other countries except through his responsible Ministers. This expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee.
Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions.
Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was accurately indicated by the press of the country.
The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger, in the form of a communication, which read:
During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a report by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the position he had taken during the course of the debates and interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the Emperor received the statements and explanations with great earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows:
"Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence."
WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.
Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914.
The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the German Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal transcript of the original document in which occur a few slight errors in spelling. The existence of the document was first made known to the public by the military correspondent of The Times, who published a letter on the subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not divulged.
The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of the naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding year, 1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests of international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to determine how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of opinion in this country which was persuaded that the only method of seeking peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the Imperial German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its menace to British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country. Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in ships not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was virtually even.
Dreadnought Supremacy.