Transcriber’s Note

The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

The Economist:

OR
THE POLITICAL, COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL, AND FREE-TRADE JOURNAL.

"If we make ourselves too little for the sphere of our duty; if, on the contrary, we do not stretch and expand our minds to the compass of their object; be well assured that everything about us will dwindle by degrees, until at length our concerns are shrunk to the dimensions of our minds. It is not a predilection to mean, sordid, home-bred cares that will avert the consequences of a false estimation of our interest, or prevent the shameful dilapidation into which a great empire must fall by mean reparation upon mighty ruins."—Burke.

CONTENTS.

"If a writer be conscious that to gain a reception for his favourite doctrine he must combat with certain elements of opposition, in the taste, or the pride, or the indolence of those whom he is addressing, this will only serve to make him the more importunate. There is a difference between such truths as are merely of a speculative nature and such as are allied with practice and moral feeling. With the former all repetition may be often superfluous; with the latter it may just be by earnest repetition, that their influence comes to be thoroughly established over the mind of an inquirer."—Chalmers.

OUR BRAZILIAN TRADE AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY PARTY.

Since the publication of our article on the Brazilian Treaty, we have received several letters from individuals who, agreeing with us entirely in the free-trade view of the question, nevertheless are at variance with us as to the commercial policy which we should pursue towards that country, in order to coerce them into our views regarding slavery. We are glad to feel called upon to express our views on this subject, to which we think full justice has not yet been done.

We must, however, in doing so, make a great distinction between the two classes of persons who are now found to be joined in an alliance against this application of free-trade principles; two classes who have always hitherto been so much opposed to each other, that it would have been very difficult ten years since to have conceived any possible combinations of circumstances that could have brought them to act in concert: we mean the West India interest, who so violently opposed every step of amelioration to the slave from first to last; and that body of truly great philanthropists who have been unceasing in their efforts to abolish slavery wherever and in whatever form it was to be found. To the latter alone we shall address our remarks.

As far as it can be collected, the argument relied upon by this party appears to be, that having once abolished slavery in our own dominions we ought to interdict the importation of articles produced by slave labour in other countries, in order to coerce them, for the sake of their trade with us, to follow our example.

We trust we shall be among the last who will ever be found advocating the continuance of slavery, or opposing any legitimate means for its extinction; but we feel well assured that those who have adopted the opinion quoted above, have little considered either the consequences or the tendencies of the policy they support.

The first consideration is, that if this policy is to be acted upon, on principle, it must extend to the exclusion of all articles produced in whatever country by slaves. It must apply with equal force to the gold, silver, and copper of Brazil, as it does to the sugar and coffee produced in that country;—it must apply with equal force to the cotton, the rice, the indigo, the cochineal, and the tobacco of the Southern States of America, and Mexico, as it does to the sugar and coffee of Cuba. To be in any way consistent in carrying out this principle, we must exclude the great material on which the millions of Lancashire, the West of Yorkshire, and Lanarkshire depend for their daily subsistence; we must equally exclude tobacco, which gives revenue to the extent of 3,500,000l. annually; we must refuse any use of the precious metals, whether for coin, ornament, or other purposes. But even these form only one class of the obligations which the affirming of this principle would impose upon us. If we would coerce the Brazilians by not buying from them, it necessarily involves the duty of not selling to them; for if we sell, we supply them with all the means of conducting their slave labour; we supply the implements of labour, or the materials from which they are made; we supply clothing for themselves and their slaves; we supply part of their foods and most of their luxuries; the wines and the spirits in which the slave-owner indulges; and we even supply the very materials of which the implements of slave punishment or coercion are made;—and thus participate much more directly in the profits of slavery than by admitting their produce into this country. But if we supply them with all these articles, which we do to the extent of nearly 3,000,000l. a year, and are not to receive some of their slave-tainted produce, it must follow that we are to give them without an equivalent, than which no greater encouragement could be given for a perseverance in slave-holding. But the truth is—whatever pretensions we make on this subject—we do, in exchange for our goods, buy their polluted produce; we employ our ships to convey it from their shores, and ourselves find a market for it among other countries already well supplied with cheap sugar, where it is not required, and where it only tends the more to depress the price in markets already abundantly supplied. Nay, we do more; we admit it into our ports, we land it on our shores, we place it in our bonded warehouses, and our busy merchants and brokers deal as freely on our exchanges in this slave produce as in any other, only with this difference—that this cheap sugar is not permitted to be consumed by our own starving population, but can only be sold to be refined in bond for the consumption of the free labourers in our West India colonies and others, or to be re-exported, as it is, for the use of "our less scrupulous but more consistent" neighbours on the continent.

Consistency, therefore, requires equally the abandonment of all export trade to slave-producing countries, as it does of the import of their produce; and the effect will carry us even further. We know it is a favourite feeling with Mr Joseph Sturge and others of that truly benevolent class, that in eschewing any connexion with slave-producing countries, we have the better reason to urge free-trading intercourse with such countries as use only free labour,—with the Northern States of America, with Java, and other countries similarly circumstanced. Now of what does our trade to these countries, in common with others, chiefly consist? Of the 51,400,000l. of British manufactures and produce which we exported in 1840, upwards of 24,500,000l. consisted of cotton goods, nearly the whole of which were manufactured from slave-grown cotton, and partly dyed and printed with the cochineal and indigo of Guatamala and Mexico. Consistency would therefore further require that we abandon at least one-half of our present foreign trade even with free-labour countries, instead of opening any opportunity for its increase.

When men are prepared and conceive it a duty to urge the accomplishment of all these results, they may then consistently oppose the introduction of Brazilian sugar and coffee, and support the present West India monopoly; but not till then.

But now, what effect must this argument have upon slave-producing states, in inducing them to abandon slavery? Has it not long been one of the chief arguments of the anti-slavery party everywhere, that free labour is actually cheaper than slave labour? Now, will the Brazilians give credit to this proposition, so strongly insisted upon, when they see that the anti-slavery party conceive it needful to give support to a system which affirms the necessity of protecting free labour against slave labour, by imposing a prohibitory duty of upwards of 100 per cent. on the produce of the latter? Will their opinion of the relative cheapness of the two kinds of labour not rather be determined by our actions than our professions?

We firmly believe that free labour, properly exercised, is cheaper than slave labour; but there is no pretence to say that it is so at this moment in our West India colonies; and we undertake to show, in an early number, in connexion with this fact, that the existence of the high protecting duties on our West India produce has done more than anything else to endanger the whole experiment of emancipation.

But, moreover, our West India monopoly,—the existence of the high prohibitory differential duty on sugar, is the greatest, strongest, and least answerable argument at present used by slave-holding countries against emancipation. The following was put strongly to ourselves in Amsterdam a short time since by a large slave owner in Dutch Guiana:—"We should be glad," said he, "to follow your example, and emancipate our slaves, if it were possible; but as long as your differential duties on sugar are maintained, it will be impossible. Here is an account sale of sugar produced in our colony, netting a return of 11l. per hogshead to the planter in Surinam; and here is an account sale of similar sugar sold in London, netting a return of 33l. to the planter in Demerara: the difference ascribable only to your differential duty. The fields of these two classes of planters are separated only by a few ditches. Now such is the effort made by the planter in Demerara to extend his cultivation to secure the high price of 33l., that he is importing free labourers from the hills of Hindostan, and from the coast of Africa, at great cost, and is willing to pay higher wages than labour will command even in Europe. Let us, then, emancipate our slaves, which, if it had any effect, would confer the privilege of a choice of employer, and Dutch Guiana would be depopulated in a day,—an easy means of increasing the supply of labour to the planters of Demerara, at the cost of entire annihilation of the cultivation of the estates in Surinam. But abandon your differential duties, give us the same price for our produce, and thus enable us to pay the same rate of wages, and I, for one, will not object to liberate my slaves to-morrow."

Whatever amount of credence people may be disposed to place in this willingness to abandon slavery, nothing can be more clear than that the higher rate of wages paid in our colonies, attributable solely to the high and extravagant price which, by our differential duties, their produce commands, must ever form a strong and conclusive reason with these slave-holding countries against their entertaining the question of emancipation.

We believe most sincerely that an equalization of these duties—that an entire free trade would do more than any other act to encourage an adoption of our example everywhere: while the maintenance of monopoly and high prices as an essential to the carrying out of the experiment of free labour successfully—must be the strongest reason against its adoption with all those countries who have no means of commanding this accompanying confessed essential.

But now were it otherwise:—have the professors of these opinions ever considered the huge responsibility which they arrogate to themselves by such a course? Let these men remember that, by seeking to coerce the slave-labour producer in distant countries, they inflict a severe punishment on the millions of hard-working, ill-fed consumers among their fellow countrymen; but they seem always to overlook the fact, that there is a consumer to consider as well as a producer;—and that this consumer is their own countryman, their own neighbour, whose condition it is their first duty to consult and watch;—duty as well as charity ought to be first exercised at home. That is a very doubtful humanity which exercises itself on the uncertain result of influence indirectly produced upon governments in the other hemisphere of the globe, and neglects, nay sacrifices, the interests of the poor and helpless around our own doors,—not only by placing the necessaries of life beyond their reach, but at the same time destroying the demand for their labour by which alone they can obtain them.

If individuals entertain conscientious scruples against the use of slave produce—let them, if they please, act upon them themselves, but do not let them seek to inflict certain punishment, and the whole train of vice and misery consequent on starvation and want of employment, upon their poorer neighbours, for the purpose of conferring some speculative advantage on the slaves of the Brazils or elsewhere: no man can be called upon as a duty to do so great a present evil, in order to accomplish some distant good, however great—or however certain.

THE FALLACY OF PROTECTION.

All laws made for the purpose of protecting the interests of individuals or classes must mean, if they mean anything, to render the articles which such classes deal in or produce dearer than they would otherwise be if the public was left at liberty to supply itself with such commodities in the manner which their own interests and choice would dictate. In order to make them dearer it is absolutely necessary to make them scarcer; for quantity being large or small in proportion to demand, alone can regulate the price;—protection, therefore, to any commodity simply means that the quantity supplied to the community shall be less than circumstances would naturally provide, but that for the smaller quantity supplied under the restriction of law the same sum shall be paid as the larger quantity would command without such restriction.

Time was when the Sovereigns of England relied chiefly on the granting of patents to individuals for the exclusive exercise of certain trades or occupations in particular places, as the means of rewarding the services of some, and as a provision for others of their adherents, followers, and favourites, who either held the exclusive supply in their own hands on their own terms, or who again granted to others under them that privilege, receiving from them a portion of the gains. In the course of time, however, the public began to discover that these monopolies acted upon them directly as a tax of a most odious description; that the privileged person found it needful always to keep the supply short to obtain his high price (for as soon as he admitted plenty he had no command of price)—that, in short, the sovereign, in conferring a mark of regard on a favourite, gave not that which he himself possessed, but only invested him with the power of imposing a contribution on the public.

The public once awake to the true operation of such privileges, and severely suffering under the injuries which they inflicted, perseveringly struggled against these odious monopolies, until the system was entirely abandoned, and the crown was deprived of the power of granting patents of this class. But though the public saw clearly enough that these privileges granted by the sovereign to individuals operated thus prejudicially on the community, they did not see with equal clearness that the same power transferred to, and exercised by, Parliament, to confer similar privileges on classes; to do for a number of men what the sovereign had before done for single men, would, to the remaining portion of the community, be just as prejudicial as the abuses against which they had struggled. That like the sovereign, the Parliament, in protecting or giving privileges to a class, gave nothing which they possessed themselves, but granted only the power to such classes of raising a contribution from the remaining portion of the community, by levying a higher price for their commodity than it would otherwise command. As with individuals, it was equally necessary to make scarcity to secure price, and that could only be done by restricting the sources of supply by prohibiting, or by imposing high duties on, foreign importations. Many circumstances, however, combined to render the use of this power by Parliament less obvious than it had been when exercised by the sovereign, but chiefly the fact that protection was usually granted by imposing high duties, often in their effect quite prohibitory, under the plea of providing revenue for the state. Many other more modern excuses have been urged, such as those of encouraging native industry, and countervailing peculiar burthens, in order to reconcile public opinion to the exactions arising out of the system, all of which we shall, on future occasions, carefully consider separately. But, above all, the great reason why these evils have been so long endured has been, that the public have believed that all classes and interests, though perhaps not exactly to the same extent, have shared in protection. We propose at present to confine our consideration to the effects of protection,—first, on the community generally; and secondly, on the individual classes protected.

As it is admitted that protection ought, if granted at all, to be given to all alike, it would follow that the whole produce of the country would be raised to an artificial price; and if this were the case, as far as regarded the exchange or transactions among members of the same community, the effect would be merely nominal, of no advantage to any one, and of little disadvantage beyond the enormous public expense needed to prevent people cheating each other by smuggling and bringing in the cheaper foreign article;—but such a community must forego all notion or idea of a foreign trade;—they must have no desires to be gratified beyond themselves, and they must have within themselves the independent means of supplying every want. For even if the law be strong enough to maintain an artificial high price at home, it has no power of making other countries pay that price; and if everything we possessed commanded a higher price at home than other countries could supply the same for, we should have nothing which we could exchange for the produce of other countries, and thus no more foreign trade could exist, than in a poor country which had no surplus produce. It is therefore essential that every country should bear in mind, in adopting a system of protection to manufactures or other produce, that they thereby effectually debar themselves from all foreign trade to neutral countries in such articles; for if they require high duties at home to protect them from the produce of other countries, which could only come at considerable expense to compete with them at home, how can they withstand that competition when they meet on the same terms in every respect in a neutral market? How effectually has France stayed her export linen trade by raising the duties and the price of linen yarn, and by that act, intended as a blow to English trade, given the linen manufacturers of this country a greater advantage over France in the markets of the world than ever. How idle are the efforts of the Belgian government to establish depôts and factories for the sale of their manufactures in St Thomas add other places, while the manufacturers in Ghent are only able to maintain their home trade, by high protective duties, against English, French, and German goods, and still cry out for greater protection!

It is, however, abundantly plain, that the state of a country above described could not long exist, when industry and intelligence were in the course of producing wealth; for if there be one law in nature more distinct than another, it is, that while the productions of every country are less or more limited to particular things, the wants of man extend to every possible variety of products over the whole world, as soon as his means can command them. As a country advances in wealth, it will have more and more surplus produce, which under wise laws would always consist of such things as it could produce with greatest facility and profit, whether from the loom or the soil. This surplus produce would be exchanged for the productions of other climates, but it must be quite clear, as soon as we arrive at this stage, that the power of the law to protect price altogether ceases. The surplus exported must sell in the markets of the world, in competition with the same article produced under the cheapest circumstances, and that article in the home market can command only the same price.

Thus the whole attempt to protect all interests equally would immediately fail; every article produced in excess, and exported, would command only the lowest prices of open markets, and the fancied protection of the law would be void; while everything produced in deficiency, and of which we required to import a portion to make up the needful supply, would continue to be protected above the natural price of the world to any extent of import duty that the law imposed upon the quantity required to make up the deficiency.

Thus, for example, we export a large portion of the woollen, and the largest portion of the cotton goods which we manufacture, to all parts of the world, which we must sell at least as cheap as they can be bought in any other country. The same articles can only command the same price in the home market, and though the law imposed an import duty, by way of pretended protection, to any extent, upon similar foreign goods, it would not have the effect of raising the price one fraction. On the other hand, we do not produce as much wool or food as we consume, and have every year to import large quantities of each to make up the deficiency. Whatever duty, therefore, is put on the import of the quantity thus required, will enable the producers at home to maintain their price so much above the natural level of the world. By this state of things the country at large is injured in two distinct and prominent ways:—first,—those articles which we can make in excess, and export, must ever be the chief means of absorbing the increasing capital and labour of the country; and the impediment thrown in our way, of importing those things which we have in deficiency, must necessarily check our power of extending the demand for the produce of such increasing labour and capital; and, secondly,—the price of such articles as we produce in deficiency, will always be maintained much above the level of the world, to the great disadvantage of the other great class of producers, the price of whose labour, and whose profits, will be regulated by competition with those who have food, &c., at the lowest price.

So much as to the effect on the community at large. We will now shortly consider the effect on individual interests, which are thought to enjoy protection, and we believe we can show that there never was a condition so fraught with mischief and disappointment, with such unmitigated delusion, deception, and exposure to ruin, than is to be found in every case where protection operates. We think it can be clearly shown that such occupations can never be more profitable; that they must usually be less profitable; and that they are always more exposed to vicissitudes than any other class.

They never can be more profitable, because capital and enterprise will always be attracted to any occupation which offers a larger profit than the usual rate, till it is reduced to a level with others; they will usually be less profitable, indeed always in a community of increasing numbers, because the price being maintained by restriction above the price of the world, prevents an extension of such trades in the same proportion as those who naturally belong to them, and look to them for occupation, increase in numbers: they will be exposed to greater vicissitudes, because, being confined to the supply of only one market, any accidental circumstance, which either increases the usual supply, or diminishes the usual demand, will cause an infinitely greater depression than if they were in a condition to avail themselves of the markets of the whole world, over which they could spread an accidental and unusual surplus.

Thus, previous to 1824, the silk manufacturers of this country were protected to a greater extent than any other trade, and the price of silk goods was maintained much above the rate of other countries; our silk trade was therefore necessarily confined almost exclusively to the home market and our colonies, and though they had a monopoly of those markets, it was at the cost of exclusion (on account of higher price) from all other markets.

Notwithstanding this monopoly, the silk manufacturers could never command at any time larger profits than other trades; for had they done so, competition would have increased until the rate was reduced to the common level of the country: on the contrary, the tendency was for profits and rates of wages to be smaller than in other great manufacturing branches, requiring equal capital and skill; because, with the increasing numbers who belonged to the silk trade,—the sons of manufacturers and of weavers, who naturally, in the first instance, look to the trade of their parents for their occupation,—the trade did not proportionably increase, from the fact of our being unable to extend our exports; and, lastly, it was exposed to much greater vicissitudes than other trades; for when, either from a temporary change of fashion or taste, or from a temporary stagnation of trade in this country, the accustomed demand was lessened, the silk manufacturers were unable to obtain any relief by extending their trade in the great neutral markets of the world, being excluded by price, and the whole surplus quantity remained a dead weight on this market only; whereas other branches of manufactures, practically enjoying no protection, in the case of depressed trade at home, had an opportunity of immediate relief, by spreading the surplus thereby created, at a very trifling sacrifice, over the wide markets which they supplied.

In this way the extent and duration of the vicissitudes and depressions in the silk trade were without parallel in any other; but since 1824, since this trade has been placed in a natural position by the removal of monopoly, the whole aspect of it has changed, and these peculiar evils have all disappeared.

Then again with regard to the products of land, which the law attempts to protect more highly than any other. Here again, though the price to the community is maintained much above the prices of other countries, no one person connected with raising the produce can command a higher rate of profit, or higher wages for labour, than other trades having no protection whatever; for if they did, competition would soon reduce them to the same level; but, on the contrary, the wages, of agricultural labourers, and the profits of farmers, are always rather below than above the common rate, and simply from this fact, that the children of farm labourers, and of farmers, who first naturally look to the pursuits of their parents for a trade or occupation, increase in numbers without any corresponding extension of the means of employment, and the competition among them is therefore always greater than in other trades which have the power of extension; and the vicissitudes to which the farmer is exposed are notoriously greater than any other trade. His rent and expenses throughout are fixed by an artificial price of produce, which price can only be maintained as long as a certain scarcity exists; but the moment the markets are plentifully supplied, either from a want of demand owing to a depression of trade, or from the result of a good harvest, he finds that plenty takes out of his hand all control of price, which quickly sinks to the natural rate.

With a free trade the farmer would never be exposed to such reverses. In that state, if the demand and price increased, it would be checked by an increase of imports from other countries; if the demand and price diminished, that would also be checked by a reduction or cessation of the usual imports, and, if necessary, by an export of any surplus which pressed upon the market;—and, if our space allowed, it would not be difficult to show that, with prices at the natural rate, all parties connected with land would not only be in a safer but a much better condition.

No cautious man who well understands the subject will ever hazard his capital in any trade exposed to so many evils and to so much uncertainty as restriction and protection infallibly introduce into it:—but the great error which misleads all men in cherishing such trades is, that they mistake high prices for high profits, which usually, instead of being synonymous terms, are quite the reverse.

AGRICULTURE.
No. II.

ON THE INDICATIONS WHICH ARE GUIDES IN JUDGING OF THE FERTILITY OR BARRENNESS OF THE SOIL.
BY THE REV. WILLIAM THORP.
(Continued from No. 2.)

These three signs, viz., colour, consistence, and vegetation, are named by the Royal Agricultural Society as being pre-eminently indications of the value of lands; yet there are others of equal if not of greater consequence. For example:—

A knowledge of the geology of the land is of the first importance; that is, not only a knowledge of the range and extent of each formation and its subdivisions, which may be called geographical geology, but also how far and to what extent the various lands do depend upon the substratum for their soil, and the local variations in the chemical or mineralogical character of the substrata themselves, and which may be called the differential geology of soils. For not only do the qualities of land vary from one formation to another, but upon the same formation there is frequently considerable difference in the quality of land depending upon chemical difference in the substratum, or upon an intermixture of foreign debris derived from other strata.

A chemical investigation of the soil and subsoil will frequently afford most useful indications respecting the value of land. It may be laid down as an axiom that a soil to be fertile must contain all the chemical ingredients which a plant can only obtain from the soil, and chemistry ought to be able to inform us in unproductive soils what ingredients are wanting. It also is able to inform us if any poisonous substance exists in the soil, and how it may be neutralized; when lime, marl, and chalk are to be used, &c.[1]

The Royal Agricultural Society say that chemistry is unable to explain the productiveness of soils. But why is it unable? One reason is, that supposing everything required by the plant to be present in the soil, yet if the soil be either too wet, or too dry, too cohesive, or loose, the plant will not flourish; and chemical analysis does not declare this, for it affords no information respecting the mechanical division in which substances exist in the soil. Again, the chemical analysis of soils, to be worth anything, must be conducted with more rigid accuracy than those published by English writers. To detect one cwt. of gypsum in an acre there would be only one quarter of a grain in a pound of soil, or in 100 grains only three and a half thousandth of a grain (35⁄10000 or,00035 grs.), or to discover if sufficient alumina existed in a field for the production of red clover there must be ascertained if it contained (one hundred thousandth),00001 per cent. The analyses even by Sprengel do not afford us the quantity of nitrogen in each soil, or the capacity of the soil for this substance; while it is well known that most manures, as well as the different kinds of food, are valuable in proportion to the quantity contained by them, and it is highly probable, ceteris paribus, that the quantity of nitrogen found existing in soil, and the soil's capacity for containing that substance, would afford an easy indication of its immediate fertility, and also of its requiring great or small quantities of nitrogenous manures in its future cultivation.[2]

Chemistry, however, outsteps her province when it is attempted to explain how vegetable productions are formed in the plants by chemical forces; for the recent discoveries of Schwann, Henle, and Schleiden, prove that all the functions of the plant are performed by the means of simple vesicles and cells—that absorption, assimilation, fixation of carbon from the atmosphere, respiration, exhalation, secretion, and reproduction are all effected by single cells, of which the lower plants almost entirely consist—that the cell absorbs alimentary matters through the spongioles of the root, and that the fluid received thus undergoes the first steps of the organizing process—that the inorganic elements are changed into the simplest proximate principles by cells—so also are the further changes into the regular secretions of the plant, the result of cell-life—that gum and sugar are converted into the organizable portion of the nutritious sap by the cells of the leaves. The starchy fluid in the grains of corn is rendered capable of nutrition to the embryo by the development of successive generations of cells, which exert upon it their peculiar vitalizing influence. Albumen is converted into fibrine by the vital agency of cell life—i.e., cells are produced which do not form an integral part of any permanent structure in the plant, but which, after attaining a certain maturity, reproduce themselves and disappear; hence it may be stated that all the vegetable productions which are formed in the plant are effected by a series of vital actions through the agency of cells.

From the different transformations which these undergo all the different tissues in vegetables are formed; for instance, the spiral and dotted ducts, woody fibre, and so on. Schwann showed that the formation of tissues in animals went through exactly the same progress, a fact which has been confirmed by the microscopic observations of Valentin and Barry. Thus vessels, glands, the brain, nerves, muscles, and even bones and teeth are all formed from metamorphosed cells. Dr Bennett says—"If this be true, and there can be little doubt, it obliges us to modify our notions of organization and life. It compels us to confess that vegetables and animals are not simple beings, but composed of a greater or less number of individuals, of which thousands may exist in a mass not larger than a grain of sand, each having a vital centre and separate life, independent of those around it. Each of these individuals, or organized cells, should be regarded as a living being, which has its particular vital centre of absorption, assimilation, and growth, and which continues to vegetate, to increase, and undergo transformations as if it were an isolated individual. At all events, a knowledge of the existence of the cell-life of plants will explain several phenomena respecting the vegetation, growth, and ripening of corn, and may hereafter lead to some valuable practical results."

The climate, elevation, and exposure are not to be neglected. Upon the higher portions of the Wolds crops suffer, much from elevation and exposure, while in the western portion of Yorkshire, upon the moor edges, the harvest is usually a month later than in the central parts of the island.

A moderate depth of soil in general is a favourable sign, although some of shallow soils on the new red sandstone and on the Wolds are very good; to these signs are to be added locality, as respects markets, facilities of obtaining a supply of lime, or other tillage, the rates and outpayments peculiar to the district, &c. &c., all of which are to be taken into account when considering the value of any particular farm.

I shall now briefly apply these indications of fertility over the different geological formations of Yorkshire, and it will be found that each lends aid to the other, and that a person will be able to ascertain the value of land in proportion as he is able to appreciate the collective evidence afforded by them.

(To be continued.)

[1] Mr Brakenridge, of Bretton Lodge, who has extensive practice in land valuing, informs me that a mechanical analysis of the soil affords him much assistance; and he has found that in soils, whenever free from stagnant water, that in a mechanical analysis the larger the proportion which remains suspended in the water, the greater its powers of production will be found, and the less manure it will require. That the best soils are those which, when diffused and well stirred in water and allowed to stand for three minutes, from 20 to 30, say 25, per cent. is carried off with the water of decantation. When 30 per cent. and upwards is decanted off, the soil becomes retentive of water and consequently wet. When less than 20 per cent., say only 16 per cent. and under, is carried off, it becomes too porous; water passes through it too rapidly; its soluble matter is washed off into the substratum, and it has a strong tendency to become thin and sterile.

[2] The celebrated black earth of Russia contains 2,45 per cent. of nitrogen.

COURT AND ARISTOCRACY.

The Queen and Prince Albert, on their return on Thursday week from the Chateau d'Eu, were accompanied by the Prince de Joinville, who remained to dine with the Royal party, and then returned in the evening on board his yacht, for the coast of France. After a few days' repose, her Majesty and the Prince started on another marine excursion. They sailed from Brighton on Tuesday morning, passed Dover, and arrived off Deal about three o'clock, where the Royal yacht anchored, in order to receive the Duke of Wellington, who came from Walmer Castle, and dined with her Majesty on board, a large number of vessels, gaily decked with flags, as well as crowds on shore, giving animation to the scene. The Duke remained with her Majesty and Prince Albert upwards of two hours, and during the time he was on board, the wind, which throughout the day had been blowing rather fresh from the northward and eastward, had considerably increased, and her Majesty, upon the Duke's taking his leave, evinced very great anxiety respecting the safe landing of his Grace. Everybody who knows this coast is aware that when the wind is blowing at all from the eastward that there is a very heavy surf on the beach, and consequently great difficulty in landing. His Grace, however, on thanking her Majesty for the concern she evinced on his account, made light of the matter, and returned on board the Ariel, which brought him as near the shore as possible; here he got into the barge and rowed towards the beach. The swell was too great to admit of his landing at the pier, from which he had started, and the boat was pulled towards the naval yard, where the surf was not so great as at any other part of the shore. Here the Duke landed, but not without a thorough drenching, for no sooner had the bows of the boat touched the shore than a heavy sea broke right over her stern, and completely saturated his Grace's apparel. The Duke, upon landing, all wet as he was, immediately mounted his horse, and rode off to Walmer Castle. A numerous assemblage of persons had congregated on the beach when the Duke came on shore, and loudly and enthusiastically cheered him.

At an early hour on Wednesday morning the squadron got their steam up, and made preparations for taking their departure. The weather had moderated, and the day was fine. About seven o'clock the Royal yacht got under way, and stood out to sea, and was followed by the other steamers, and also by the Penelope, which had been ordered to form one of the Royal squadron.

About two o'clock on Wednesday the Royal yacht entered the port of Ostend, taking the authorities somewhat by surprise, who did not expect it quite so soon. The King and Queen of Belgium, and the official personages of Ostend, were, however, on the pier to await the landing; and the populace displayed the most lively enthusiasm. In the evening there was a grand banquet at the Hotel de Ville, and Ostend was brilliantly illuminated, in a style far surpassing ordinary occasions.

The King of Hanover.—A correspondent writes that his Majesty, while in conversation with a noble friend, expressed the determination, should Divine Providence spare him health, to visit this country again next summer, and he purposed then to come earlier in the season.

Visit of the Regent of Spain to Greenwich Hospital.—On Wednesday, about twelve o'clock, General Espartero paid a visit to the Royal Hospital at Greenwich.

Sir Robert Peel arrived in town by the London and Birmingham Railway on Saturday afternoon, from his seat, Drayton Manor, Staffordshire, and immediately proceeded from the Euston-square terminus to the residence of the Earl of Aberdeen, in Argyll street, to pay a visit to his lordship. Soon, after the arrival of the Right Hon. Baronet, Sir James Graham arrived in Argyll street from the Home office, and had an interview with Sir Robert Peel.

Sir R. Peel left his colleagues at a quarter-past four o'clock for the terminus at London bridge, and travelled by the London and Brighton Railway to Brighton, to dine with her Majesty and Prince Albert, remaining at the Pavilion, on a visit to her Majesty.

MUSIC AND MUSICALES.

Manchester Musical Festival.—This great festival—one of the greatest and finest musical events that ever occurred in Manchester—was held in the magnificent hall of the Anti-Corn-law League, the length of which is 135 feet, the breadth 102 feet, inclosing an area of about 14,000 square feet. The services of all our principal vocal artists were secured. The soprani were Miss Clara Novello and Miss Rainforth; the alto or mezzo soprano, Mrs Alfred Shaw; the tenori, Mr Braham and Mr James Bennett; and the basso, Mr Henry Phillips. The choir was the most complete and efficient one ever collected in Manchester, and consisted of nearly the whole of the vocal members of the Manchester Choral Society and the Hargreaves Choral Society, with some valuable additions from the choirs of Bury and other neighbouring towns, and from gentlemen amateurs, conversant with Handel. The Messiah was the performance of Monday night; and, on the whole, was executed in a style worthy of that great work of art, the conductor being Sir Henry Bishop, who wore his robes as a musical bachelor of the University of Oxford. On Tuesday there was a grand miscellaneous concert, the hall being even more numerously attended than on the preceding evening, there not being fewer than 3,500 persons present. This went off with very great satisfaction to the very numerous auditory; and the Manchester Guardian says, "As to the general impression produced by this festival, we believe we do not err in saying that there is but one opinion,—that it has been throughout an eminently successful experiment. Sir Henry Bishop, we understand, said that he never heard choruses sung with better effect in his life; and that he considered the festival, as a musical performance, most creditable to every one connected with it. As to the capabilities of the hall for singing, we are informed that Miss Clara Novello has declared that she never sang with more ease in any place in her life; and we think the ease with which she did sing was obvious to all who could see her countenance. We have asked many persons who sat in different parts of the hall, especially in distant corners, and all concur in saying that they heard most distinctly Miss Novello's softest and faintest notes."

Musical Intelligence.—Rubini is about to establish an opera at St Petersburg, and has engaged his old colleague, Tamburini, to assist him in the enterprize. He has also engaged Signor Pisani, a young tenor of great promise. Lablache will not appear at the opening of the Italian Opera in Paris. He has gone to Naples, where he will remain for two months, and where he is to be joined by his son-in-law, Thalberg. A grand musical festival, which was to have taken place in Paris on Thursday next, has been postponed till the beginning of October. It is said that this festival will rival those of Germany in splendour.

The Hereford Musical Festival, which was held on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, in All Saints Church, in consequence of the repairs going on at the cathedral, was on a much smaller scale than of late years has been usual with the three choirs, and the attendances at the various performances were by no means so numerous as had been generally expected; still, as the expenses had been studiously kept down, it is to be hoped the receipts may cover them, or nearly so. The collections after the three services amounted to 865l., being 200l. less than in 1840, but 50l. more than in 1837.—Cheltenham Looker-on.

Rossini has just left Paris without its having been possible to procure a note from him. Every effort has been fruitless. Unwilling to hear one word said of music, Rossini has not even been to the Opera. He is returning to Bologna, cured of a painful disease by Doctor Civiale, who, with reason, seemed to him a far more important personage than Duprez. It is said that Rossini replied to the great tenor, who asked him for a part, "I have come too early, and you too late."—French print.

THE METROPOLIS.

The Aldermanic Gown of Bread-street Ward.—It is supposed that there will be a hard contest for the Aldermanic Gown of Bread street, vacant by the resignation of Alderman Lainson, who on Thursday last addressed a letter to the Lord Mayor, announcing his determination to retire, in consequence of ill health.

Metropolitan Improvements.—The works are now about to commence in good earnest for forming Victoria Park. Great progress is being made by the Commissioners of the Metropolis Improvements in the formation of the new street at the West-end. The new street leading from Oxford street to Holborn has been marked out by the erection of poles along the line. Last week several houses were disposed of by auction, for the purpose of being taken down. Some delay has arisen in respect to the purchase of the houses which have formed the locality known as Little Ireland. Among the buildings to be removed is the chapel situated at the top of Plumtree street. In this street the whole of the houses on the west side will be shortly removed, for the new street which will lead from Waterloo bridge. In Belton street, in the line for this intended street, the inmates of several houses received notice to quit yesterday. The occupiers of the several houses forming the clump at the end of Monmouth street, in Holborn, have also received similar notices. Similar progress has been made with the new street communicating between Coventry street and Long acre. The line has been cleared from Castle street to Long Acre on the east. On the west side the inmates of the houses, it is expected, will in a few days have notice to quit. Improvements will also be made between Long acre and St Giles's; and in Upper St Martin's lane the whole of the houses on the west side will be removed, the greater part of which are already taken down.

Report on the Model Prison.—The commissioners appointed to superintend the management of the Pentonville Prison have just presented their report for the approval of the Secretary of State. The report states, that it is the intention of the Secretary of State to appropriate the prison to the reception of convicts between eighteen and thirty-five years, under sentence of transportation not exceeding fifteen years; and that the convicts so selected shall undergo a term of probationary discipline for eighteen months in the prison, when they will be removed to Van Diemen's land under their original sentences.

Returns of the Royal Mint.—The Master of the Mint has issued his annual return of the work done in the refinery of the Mint, and of the assays made during the past year on other accounts than those of Government, and of public and private bodies, in conformity with an order of the house on a motion made by Mr Hume. The return estimates the amount of bullion refined in the year 1842, under this head, at 940 lbs 0 oz. 19 dwts. of gold, and 24,376 lbs. 11 oz. of silver, the amount received by the refiner being about 600l. The number of assays made in the same period is put down at 2,158, at a rate of charge of 2s. for each assay.

Post-office Law.—It may be interesting at this season, when so many persons who are out of town have their letters forwarded to them in the country, to see the answer to an inquiry whether a letter forwarded after delivery at one address to another in the country is liable to second postage:—"General Post office, Sept. 7, 1843.—Sir,—I am commanded by the Postmaster-General to inform you, in reply to your communication of the 29th ultimo, that a letter re-directed from one place to another is legally liable to additional postage for the further service. I am, Sir, &c. &c."

Singular Employment of the Police.—Under an order recently issued by the commissioners of the metropolitan police, a number of the officers of each division have been actively engaged in collecting information and making out a return of all new houses completed since the year 1830, in which year the police force was established; all new houses commenced but not finished; all new churches, new chapels, new schools, and other public buildings; all new streets and squares formed since that period, with their names and the name of the neighbourhood.

THE PROVINCES.

Sanitary State of Liverpool.—A Mr Henry Laxton has published a very thin pamphlet, in the shape of a letter to Dr Lyon Playfair, who has been appointed, under the commission of inquiry, to examine and report upon the unhealthy state of Liverpool. But though Mr Laxton's pamphlet is very small, it exposes evils too complicated and large to be remedied without vigorous, continuous, steadily-applied exertion. Groups of houses packed together, with scarcely room for the inhabitants to stir; open cesspools continually sending up their poisonous exhalations, and in hot or wet weather so infesting the air as to render it almost insupportable; smoke from the factories and steam-vessels, which, when the wind is westerly, covers the town, blackening the buildings, soiling goods, and, mixing with the other gases already generated, forming one general conglomeration of deleterious vapours; the state of the inhabited cellars; the neighbourhood of which exhibits scenes of barbarism disgraceful for any civilised state to allow; an inefficient supply of that great necessity of life—water; inefficient drainage, which is only adapted to carry off the surface water;—these are but a sample of the general state of Liverpool, and at the same time very distinct and efficient causes of its excessive mortality.

Sheffield.—It is now understood that there will be no immediate vacancy for Sheffield, and that both Mr Ward and Mr Parker will retain their seats.

Henry Damar, Esq.—The Dorset Chronicle publishes a long account of the festivities which took place at Milton Abbey, in Dorsetshire, on the 5th instant, on the occasion of the coming of age of the proprietor, Henry Damar, Esq.

Proposed Public Meeting in Birmingham.—On Monday a deputation waited on the Mayor of Birmingham, with the requisition requesting him to call a public meeting to petition the Queen to dismiss her present ministers. The requisition was signed by nearly one thousand merchants, manufacturers, and shopkeepers of the town. There was not the name of a working man attached to it. The mayor, however, declined calling the meeting, observing, that although he might not act in accordance with the wishes of many most respectable individuals in the town, he had made up his mind not to call the meeting.

Attendance of the Lancashire Members of the House of Commons in the Session of 1843.—The total number of divisions in the House of Commons, during the session of 1843, was 220, in which there voted—

Destructive Fire at Halifax.—We regret to learn that a fire broke out early on Saturday morning, in the warehouse of Messrs James Acroyd and Son, worsted manufacturers, Bowling Dyke, near Halifax, when the building, together with a large quantity of goods, was entirely destroyed. We understand that Messrs Acroyd were insured to the extent of six or seven thousand pounds, but that the loss considerably exceeds that amount.

Chester Cheese Fair.—At this fair on Wednesday last, the first of the season for this year's make, about 200 tons of new cheese were piled for sale. Early in the morning several dairies went off briskly, but as the day advanced sales became heavy. Prices ranged from 40s. to 50s. per cwt., according to quality. We hear that the make this season has been above an average one.

New College, near Oxford.—A correspondent states that it is intended to establish at Littlemore, near Oxford, a college, in which young men holding Tractarian views may be trained for missionary labour in connexion with the established church. The Right Rev. Dr Coleridge, formerly Bishop of Barbadoes, will be the principal of the institution.

Chatham.—A general Court-martial was held on Wednesday, the 6th inst., in the General Court-martial-room, Chatham Barracks, for the purpose of trying Lieutenant J. Piper, of the 26th Cameronian Regiment. The trial lasted four days, terminating on Saturday, the 9th inst. The charges alleged ungentlemanly and improper conduct. The prisoner's defence being closed, the Court broke up. The sentence of the Court will not be known until the evidence has been laid before the Commander-in-Chief at the Horse Guards. The prisoner is about 26 years of age. The trial excited the greatest interest throughout the garrison.

It is said that there are at present upwards of 2,000 visitors congregated at Harrogate; and all the other watering places in the north of England, Scarborough, Seaton, Carew, Redcar, Tynemouth, Shotley bridge, Gilsland, as well as the lakes, are teeming with gay and respectable company.

IRELAND.

Repeal Association.—On Monday the usual weekly meeting of the Repeal Association was held at the Corn Exchange, Dublin. The week's "rent" amounted to 735l., of which 1l. was from Mr Baldwin, a paper manufacturer of Birmingham, who is of opinion that Ireland would be of greater benefit to England with a domestic legislature than she was at present.

Repeal Meetings.—A repeal meeting was held on Sunday last at Loughrea, a town in the county of Galway, about ninety miles from Dublin. It was attended by Mr O'Connell, who as it was raining in torrents, addressed the people from under the shelter of an umbrella. Amongst other things in his speech, he said,—"Believe me, my friends, that if you follow my advice, the day is not far distant when you shall have your Parliament restored in Ireland. I am working the plan out. I have it in detail. I will have this protective society of 300 sitting before Christmas, and I hope to be able to give you, as a new year's gift, a Parliament in College green. (Cheers.) People of Ireland, you deserve it. Brave, noble-minded people of Ireland, you deserve it. Faithful, religious, moral, temperate people of Ireland, you deserve to be a nation, and you shall be a nation. (Much cheering.) The Saxon stranger shall not rule you. Ireland shall belong to the Irish, and the Irish shall have Ireland." (Hurrah.) There was a dinner in the evening, at which about 400 persons were present.

Branding of Arms in Ireland.—Government has entered into a contract with Mr Grubb, the scientific and very able mechanist of the Bank of Ireland, for the construction of the machine intended to be used in marking the arms under the new law—they are not to be subjected to the operation of punching, still less, as some strangely supposed, to the notion of fire. The letters, or figures, will be marked by cutting; and, so simple and ingenious is the method employed, that the most unskilful workman, even an ordinary person unpractised in any trade, can effect the process with the most perfect ease. Four figures and two letters are expected to suffice for designating the county or riding of a county, and the number of the piece; the time occupied in the engraving will be one minute. The expense will be extremely moderate; the cost of each machine being, we understand, only twenty-five guineas, one-half of which, by law, will be defrayed out of the consolidated fund, the other half by the county.—Evening Mail.

Scene at the Phœnix Park.—An extraordinary scene took place on Saturday, at the Viceregal Lodge, between the military on duty and a person named Thomas Campbell, who is, it would appear, insane. Thomas Campbell, it appears, is a very powerful young man, about thirty years of age, and a native of the North road, Drogheda. At the lodge, in the Phœnix Park, he asked to see the Lord Lieutenant; but, being armed with a pitchfork and a hammer, he was not considered an eligible visitor, and after a desperate struggle with the guard, whom he kept at bay, he was knocked down and secured by a police constable.

The meeting of Tuesday of the Repeal Association, adjourned over from Monday, was enlivened by the presence of Mr O'Connell, without whom all its proceedings would be "stale, flat, and unprofitable." It again adjourned till Wednesday; and, on that day, Mr O'Connell read an address to the people of Great Britain, setting forth the grievances of the people of Ireland. After the reading of this document, which is long, and certainly ably drawn up, the association adjourned till Monday.

Military Defences.—Before the winter sets in every barrack in Ireland will be in a state of defence, fit to hold out against an insurgent assault. In fact, everything will be prepared, excepting the insurrectionary force; and certainly there does not at present appear to be much chance that the strength of the fortifications will be tested.

Repeal Demonstration in Liverpool.—Some days ago public announcements were made that two days' "demonstration" would be made in this town, in favour of the repeal of the union, and that Mr Daniel O'Connell, jun., youngest son of the Liberator, and one or two others of inferior note would attend. The meeting took place on Tuesday night last, in the Amphitheatre, which was crowded, by not less than between 3,000 and 4,000 persons. Shortly after the doors were opened it appeared evident that a considerable body of Orangemen were dispersed in different parts, from partial sounds of the "Kentish fire," and other circumstances. Mr O'Connell, and the gentlemen accompanying him, arrived about half-past seven, and the chair was taken by Mr James Lennon, who was described as an "Inspector of Repeal Wardens in Liverpool." He delivered a short speech in favour of repeal, during which he was repeatedly interrupted by the Orangemen, and some confusion followed.—Mr Fitzgerald moved the first resolution, which was supported by Mr Daniel O'Connell, jun. His retirement was the signal for the commencement of an uproar which almost defies description. There appeared an evident determination that the proceedings should be stopped; for fights commenced in different parts, many of the benches were torn up, and a sort of attack was made upon the stage by a few Orangemen who were in the pit. The police were very active in endeavouring to secure the assailants, several of whom were seriously hurt; and a few of them having been removed from the building, order was eventually restored, and, with a few trifling exceptions, it was preserved to the end of the proceedings.

SCOTLAND.

The working of the measure of the past session, denominated the Church of Scotland Benefices Act, will soon be tested, and is now undergoing the ordeal of proof, in consequence of objections lodged by the parishioners of Banff, with the presbytery of Fordyce, against the presentation, induction, and translation of the Rev. George Henderson, now incumbent of the church and parish of Cullen, to the cure and pastoral charge of the church and parish of Banff.

The Rev. Mr Grant, formerly parochial minister of Banff, ceased to hold his status in the Established Church of Scotland, having signed the famous deed of secession, and voluntarily resigned his living with his brethren of the non-intrusion clergy. A large portion of his congregation left the establishment along with him, and a free church is now in course of being built for their accommodation. The patronage of the vacant benefice is in the gift of the Earl of Seafield. The Rev. Mr Henderson, of Cullen, has accepted the presentation to the parish church of Banff.

On the day appointed for "moderating on the call," very few names were given in, in favour of the presentee, and the presbytery having fixed a day for receiving objections, a series of reasons and objections was lodged in the hands of that reverend body, and published at length in the Aberdeen Herald, against proceeding with the collation of Mr Henderson. The objections are set forth under no less than fourteen different heads. "The approaches and manners" of the reverend gentleman are not considered such "as to attach and endear his congregation to him." He is reported to be subject "to an occasional exuberance of animal spirits, and at times to display a liveliness of manner and conversation which would be repugnant to the feelings of a large portion of the congregation of Banff." Others of the objections assert, that his illustrations in the pulpit do not bear upon his text—that his subjects are incoherent and ill deduced; and the reverend gentleman is also charged with being subject to a natural defect of utterance—a defect which it is said increases as he "extends his voice," which is of a "very harsh and grating description," and renders it difficult to hear or follow what he says in the church of Banff, which we are informed "is very large, and peculiarly constructed, with an unusually high pulpit, to suit the high galleries;" and moreover, "the said Rev. George Henderson is considered to be destitute of a musical ear, which prevents the correct modulation of his voice!"

Argyllshire Election.—- The election of a member of Parliament for the county of Argyll, in the room of Alexander Campbell, Esq., of Monzie, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds, took place at Inverary on Friday week. The Lord Advocate (Mr Duncan M'Neill), the only candidate in the field, was accompanied to the hustings by a great number of the county gentlemen; and no other candidate having been brought forward, a show of hands was consequently taken, which being perfectly unanimous, he was, of course, declared duly elected.—Glasgow Saturday Post.

The Speaker of the House of Commons, Mr Shaw Lefevre, has been on a visit at Glenquoich, the shooting quarters of Edward Ellice, Esq., M.P., in this county. The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. for Coventry, the Baron James de Rothschild, and other members of the Rothschild family, were also at Glenquoich.—Inverness Courrier.

WALES.

The disturbances in Wales still continue, though the apprehension of some of the rioters who destroyed the Pontardulais gate has had some effect. The following distressing scene is reported in the Times:—

"Outrage in South Wales.—On the road from Llanelly to Pontardulais, and within five hundred yards of the latter place, is a turnpike-gate called Hendy gate. This gate was kept by an old woman upwards of seventy years of age, who has received frequent notices that if she did not leave the gate, her house should be burnt down. About three o'clock on Sunday morning, a party of ruffians set fire to the thatch of the toll-house. The old woman, on being awakened, ran into the road and to a neighbouring cottage within twenty yards of the toll-house, shouting to the people who lived in it, 'For God's sake to come out and help her to put out the fire; there was not much.' The occupier of this cottage, a stout able man, was afraid to go out, and begged the old woman to come into his cottage, which she refused, and went back to try and save some of her furniture. It appears her exclamation had been overheard, for the villains returned and set fire to the thatch again. The old woman then ran across the road, and shouted out, 'She knew them;' when the brutes fired at her, and shot her dead."

An inquest was held on the body of the unfortunate woman, and the jury returned the following astounding verdict:—"That the deceased died from the effusion of blood into the chest, which occasioned suffocation, but from what cause is to this jury unknown."

Meetings of the magistrates, in relation to the turnpike trusts, have been held, and measures taken to mitigate the heaviest tolls.

FOREIGN.

FRANCE.

Louis Philippe has had a remarkable history; but it has been distinguished to an extraordinary degree by its vicissitudes, amongst which we must not forget his involuntary exile, and his residence in this country, where he lived for many years as Duke of Orleans. A worse man than his father it would be difficult to imagine. He was a vain, ambitious, and cowardly voluptuary, who gratified his personal passions at the expense of his sovereign and his country; but his son was reared in a different school, and to that accident, conjoined with a better nature, he probably owes the high position which he now occupies as a European monarch. Misfortune is a stern teacher, and its effects on Louis Philippe may be exemplified by a little story that was told of him and Lord Brougham some years ago:—"I am the most independent crowned head in Europe," said he, "and the best fitted for my office of all my brethren." The praise might be deserved, but it seemed strange to the ex-Chancellor that it should come from his own mouth—he, therefore, bowed assent, and muttered some complimentary phrases about his Majesty's judgment, firmness, and the like. "Pooh, pooh, my lord," he observed, laughing heartily, "I do not mean that—I do not mean that, but that I can—brush my own boots!" This was practical philosophy, and indicated a clear perception of the constitution of modern society, particularly on the part of one who is known to be by no means indifferent to the fortunes of his race. We believe, also, that Louis Philippe has been happy beyond most men of regal rank in the possession of an admirable woman for a wife, the present Queen of the French being, in all respects, a lady of superior intelligence and virtue; properties which are luckily confined to no condition of life, and to no country or creed. She has shared in all her husband's troubles during the last eventful forty years, and now adorns that throne which the exigencies of the times demanded that he should fill if the French monarchy was to be preserved. Her attention to her children has been unremitting, and the result is, that high though their position be, a more united household nowhere exists.

SPAIN.

The Ministry has been on the point of dissolution. General Serrano, angered at the contempt shown to his denunciations and lists of conspirators, by the Home Minister, Caballero, gave in his resignation. General Serrano demanded the dismissal from Madrid of more suspected persons. Senors Olozaga and Cortina intervened, however, and made up the quarrel, ordering the Gazette to declare that the most perfect harmony reigned in the Cabinet. This the Gazette did. Mr Aston has demanded his audience of leave, and quits Madrid on the 15th.

Grenada has blotted the name of Martinez de la Rosa from its lists of candidates, though he had formerly been elected for that place. M. Toreno is expected at Madrid. Senor Olozaga sets out for Paris, to try and persuade Christina to be patient, for that her presence previous to the elections would rather militate against her party.

At Madrid the anniversary of the revolution of 1840, which drove Queen Christina from the Regency, was celebrated by a Te Deum, chanted in the church of San Isidro, on the 1st, and at which assisted the Ayuntamiento and provincial deputation.

Barcelona has been in open insurrection, and a sanguinary conflict commenced on the evening of the 3rd, which continued with intermissions till the 6th. Later intelligence stated that the town still held out. On the 8th the state of things at Barcelona was nearly the same.

One of the great accusations of MM. Prim, Olozaga, and the French party, against the Regent was, that instead of carrying Barcelona and other towns by storm, he fired upon them with muskets and with cannon. Generals Arbuthnot and Prim have pursued precisely the same course, and we see Montjuich again throwing bullets upon Barcelona, and with all this making no progress in its reduction.

Accounts from Barcelona of the 8th, mention that several mansions were damaged. Three cannon shots had traversed the apartments of the British Consul. Prim's own Volunteers of Reus had taken part against him, and many of the towns had declared for the Central Junta. A rural Junta of Prim's had been surprised at Sarria, and several of its members slain.

A Central Junta had been formed at Girona.

Madrid letters of the 5th state that Government were about to dismiss a great many superior officers and functionaries opposed to them. The partisans of Don Francisco have decidedly joined the Esparterists.

AUSTRIA AND ITALY.

The Siècle says that Austria was much alarmed at the state of Italy. "The necessity which Austria finds to defend her Italian possessions by arms is highly favourable to the projects of Russia against the Danubian Provinces of the Ottoman empire."

The National German Gazette of the 8th instant states, that the fortifications of Verona are being considerably strengthened. The heights surrounding the town are to be crowned with towers à la Montalembert, so that the city will become one of the strongest fortresses in Italy. The Hungarian infantry, of which the greater part are cantoned in Upper Italy, are actively employed in the construction of the fortifications.

TURKEY.

Constantinople, August 23.—Petroniewitch and Wulchitch have at length consented to leave Servia, and are probably at this time in Widin, on their way, it is said, to Constantinople. The province has been confided to the care of Baron Lieven and M. Vashenko, who are the actual governors. But the most important feature in the question is a note which the ex-Prince Michael has addressed to the Porte. He declares that the election of Alexander Kara Georgewitch was brought about by violence and intimidation, and that he and his ministers are the only faithful servants of the Porte, and, consequently, the only persons fit to govern Servia. It is generally believed that the Russians have been privy to this step, and that it is their intention to put forward Michael a second time in opposition to Alexander.

A daughter was born to the Sultan on the 17th. She has been named Jamileh, or the Beautiful. The event has been celebrated by the usual illuminations and rejoicings. The Sultan has been the father of nine children, seven of whom, two sons and five daughters, are now living.

EGYPT.

It is said that a misunderstanding exists between Mehemet Pacha and his son Ibrahim, relative to the succession to the throne of Egypt; Mehemet proposing that Abbas Pacha, his grandson, should succeed after the death of Ibrahim, whilst the latter would wish his own son to succeed him.

UNITED STATES.

Arrival of the "Hibernia" at Liverpool, on Wednesday.—Great interest has been excited here for some days past respecting the voyage of the Great Western and the Hibernia, the former leaving New York on the 31st ult., and the latter, Boston on the 1st. The betting has been in favour of the Hibernia, and she has again beaten her great rival. On Tuesday, at midnight, her lights were seen off the port, and at one o'clock she entered the river, after another rapid passage of nine days from Halifax, and eleven from Boston. The news by this arrival is from New York to the 31st, Boston to the 1st, and Halifax to the 3rd; sixteen days later than previously received by the New York packet ship, Liverpool.

The New York American, in its summary for the packet, says:—Our commercial and money markets continue without sensible change, both abounding in supply without any corresponding demand. The trade of the interior is prosecuted cautiously, and for money in hand.

Political affairs are exceedingly dull and uninteresting; even the Irish repeal speakers are quiet.

The progress of the pacification between Mexico and Texas, and Mexico and Yucatan, is slow and somewhat uncertain. The president of Texas, General Houston, has dismissed Commodore Moore and Captain Sothorp from the naval service for disobedience of orders. Indeed, the Texan navy may be said to have been disbanded. The people of Galveston thereupon gave Moore a public dinner, and burnt their president in effigy! The Mexican government has formally complained to the United States minister at Mexico, of the inroads of certain citizens of Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas, into the Mexican territory. Advices from Buenos Ayres to the end of June, describe Monte Video as still holding out; and it was reported in Buenos Ayres that the British commodore would at length allow Commodore Brown, the Buenos Ayrean commander, to prosecute the siege of Monte Video by sea, in conjunction with Oribe by land.

A new constitution has been agreed upon by the republic of Ecuador, establishing the Roman Catholic religion as the state religion, "to the exclusion of all other worship," and the Bishop of Quito, in an address to which the people responded favourably, proposed that "ecclesiastics should be henceforth made sole judges in all questions of faith; and be invested with all the powers of the extinct tribunal of the Inquisition!" The bishop then published a "Pastoral Lecter," to "make known the glad tidings." And yet the people of Ecuador, without religious freedom, call their country a free republic!

Philadelphia.—The President has returned from his country seat to Washington, and although some alterations in the cabinet are spoken of, still the results of the August elections, showing that a majority in the United States Senate will be Whig, have produced a pause in the contemplated changes. Indeed, people are beginning to complain, and not without reason, of such frequent changes in important offices. For example, within three years there have been three Secretaries of State, three of War, three of the Treasury, three of the Navy, three Attorneys-General, and three Postmasters-General. Some of them have really not had time to learn their duties, and they have been succeeded by others who knew still less of the duties and responsibilities of office.

CANADA.

Sir C. Metcalfe has returned to the seat of his government at Montreal. The emigrants from Great Britain arrived this season at Quebec, up to the 19th ult., were 18,131; same time last year, 38,159. A few days ago, a party of Irish labourers, who had received, as they supposed, some offence from a few Canadians, at Beauharnois, attacked and nearly killed two respectable old inhabitants, who had nothing to do with the affair. Another great fire at Toronto has burnt about twenty houses; and the Methodist meeting at Waterloo has been burnt down by some incendiary. The crops in both the Canadas are abundant. American coarse cottons are sold there in great quantities, at a lower price than European goods of the same class.

Arrival of the Emperor of Russia at Berlin.—The Emperor of Russia arrived on the 6th instant at Berlin.

The Disturbances at Bologna.—A letter from Bologna, September 2, in the Debats, says:—"Notwithstanding the nomination of a military commission, and the display of numerous forces, some armed bands have again appeared, as is reported, in our province. One was commanded by a priest at Castel-Bolognese (district of Ravenna). This state of things does injury to trade and business of every description. The greatest number of depositors have withdrawn their funds from the savings' banks. A circular has been sent round to all the mayors of the province, giving a description of eight persons, for the arrest of each of whom a sum of 300 crowns (1,700f.) is offered."

COLONIES AND EMIGRATION.

Emigration during the last Seventeen Years.—From a return furnished by the Emigration Board, it appears that the number of emigrants from England and Wales, in the seven years from 1825 to 1831, were 103,218, or an average of 14,745 yearly; in the ten years from 1832 to 1841, 429,775, or 42,977 per annum. Total number in the last seventeen years, 532,993; or an average for that period of 31,352. But the rate of emigration has greatly increased of late years, as is shown by the fact, that while the emigration of the seven years ending 1831 averaged only 14,745 per annum, that of the last ten years (ending 1841) averaged nearly 43,000 per annum.

New South Wales.—The monetary and commercial disasters which have afflicted this important colony are most serious, and they are thus alluded to by the colonial press:—"Our next mail to England will carry home the tidings of fresh disasters to this once flourishing colony. The fast growing embarrassments of 1841, and the 600 insolvencies of 1842, have been crowned in the first third of the year 1843, by the explosion of the Bank of Australia, then by the minor explosion of the Sydney Bank, and, last of all, by the run on the Savings Bank. These three latter calamities have come in such rapid succession, that before men's minds recovered from the stunning effect of one shock, they were astounded by the sudden burst of another; and we are convinced that at the present moment there is a deeper despondency and a more harrowing anticipation of ruin to the colony than ever existed before since the landing of Governor Philip, in 1788."—The run upon the Savings Bank at Sydney originated, it is said, from malice against Mr George Miller, the accountant, whose exertions had been very useful in exposing the mismanagement of the Bank of Australasia. Reports were circulated that the Governor had gone suddenly down to the Savings Bank and demanded a sight of all the bills under discount and mortgages, and that his Excellency declared that he would not give three straws for all the securities put together; but this statement regarding his Excellency is flatly contradicted. Many of the largest holders of land and stock in the colony are said to be so irretrievably embarrassed, by reason chiefly of the high prices at which their investments were made, that their property must go to the hammer without reserve. The present time is, therefore, held out as a favourable opportunity for emigrants, with moderate capital, to make their purchases. It is broadly declared that 500l. would go as far now in New South Wales, in the purchase of land and live stock, as would 5,000l. four or five years ago.

Australia has been, in some respects, unlucky in its colonization. New South Wales has hitherto flourished from its abundant supply of convict labour, at the expense of those higher interests which constitute the true strength and security of a state. Western Australia was planted with a sound of trumpets and drums, as if another El Dorado were expected. But the sudden disaster and discredit into which it fell, linked the name of Swan River with associations as obnoxious as those which were once inspired by the South Sea or Missisippi. South Australia, again, planned on principles which are universally recognised as containing the elements of sound and successful colonization, has also proved a failure. One of the newest and most enterprising of our Australian settlements, that of Port Philip has been sharing with Sydney in the recent commercial distress and calamity; and though it is already getting over its troubles, it must undergo a painful process before it can lay an unquestioned claim to its title—Australia Felix. Land jobbing; banking facilities at one time freely afforded, and at another suddenly withdrawn; ventures beyond the means of those engaged in them; imprudent speculations, in which useful capital was either rashly risked or hopelessly sunk—these unquestionably have been amongst the causes which have brought on the commercial disasters of New South Wales. It is seldom advantageous for an emigrant, newly arrived, to become a proprietor of land in any part of Australia, unless his capital be considerable; but the eager desire to become possessed of the soil overcame all prudential considerations; land at Port Philip was eagerly bought, at prices varying from 12s. to 500l. In 1840 the influx of moneyed immigrants from England and Van Diemen's Land, to a newly-discovered and extensive territory, produced a land fund exceeding the sum of 300,000l., and engagements were entered into by the colonial Government, on the faith that the land fund would produce annually a large amount, but in 1841 it fell down to 81,000l.; and though in 1842 as much as 343l. 10s. per acre was given for building ground in the town of Brisbane, district of Moreton Bay, it was impossible for this to continue; and even for valuable lands in the neighbourhood of Sydney, in the very same year, wholly inadequate prices were obtained. The colonial Government became embarrassed by the expenditure exceeding the revenue; and in 1842, Sir George Gipps, in an official despatch, says, "Pecuniary distress, I regret to state, still exists to a very great, and even perhaps an increased, degree in the colony, though it at present shows itself more among the settlers (agriculturists or graziers) than the merchants of Sydney. When, however, I consider the vast extent to which persons of the former class are paying interest, at the rate of from 10 to 15 per cent., on borrowed money, I can neither wonder at their embarrassments, nor hope to see an end to them, except by the transfer of a large portion of the property in the colony from the present nominal holders of it to other hands, that is to say, into the hands of their mortgagees or creditors, who, in great part, are resident in England." This official prophecy is now in the act of fulfilment; and when the storm has spent itself, the colony may be prosperous again.

Cape of Good Hope.—The want of Government protection which is felt by the British resident at the Cape of Good Hope is well illustrated by the following extract from a letter addressed by the writer to his family at home:—"I am sure I shall be able to get on well in this country if the Caffres are only prevented from doing mischief, but if they go on in the present way, I shall not be able to keep a horse or an ox, both of which are indispensable to a farmer. Now I can never assure myself that when I let my horses go I shall see them again. It is a disgrace to our Government that we are not protected. As it is, all our profits may be swept away in one night by the marauders."

New Zealand.—We understand a box of specie was placed on board the Thomas Sparkes, in charge of the captain, for Mr Chetham. On the owner opening the box, he discovered to his great surprise that, by some unaccountable process on the voyage, the money—gold, had been turned into one of the baser metals—iron. It is stated that the steward left at Plymouth, and the first and second mates whilst the vessel was detained at the Cape, but whether they had any agency in the transmogrification of gold into iron remains to be proved.—New Zealand Gazette, Feb. 4, 1843.

POLITICAL.

The Abortive Commercial Negotiations with Spain.—Senor Sanchez Silva, known for his speeches in the Cortes, as deputy for Cadiz, has published, in an address to his constituents, an account of the negotiations between the Spanish and British Governments relative to a treaty of commerce. The effect of this publication will be to undeceive the minds of Spaniards from the idea that the Regent's Government was about to sacrifice the interests of Spain, or even of Catalonia, to England. The terms proposed by the Spanish commissioner were, indeed, those rather of hard bargainers than of men eager and anxious for a commercial arrangement. Senor Silva says that England, in its first proposals, demanded that its cottons should be admitted into Spain on paying a duty of 20 per cent., England offering in return to diminish its duties on Spanish wines, brandies, and dried fruits. But England, which offered in 1838 to reduce by one-third its duty on French wines, did not make such advantageous offers to Spain; and the Spanish negotiators demanded that 20 per cent. ad valorem should be the limit of the import duty of Spanish wines and brandies into England, as it was to be the limit of the duty on English cottons into Spain. This demand nearly broke off the negotiation, when Spain made new proposals; these were to admit English cottons at from 20 to 25 per cent. ad valorem duty, if England would admit Spanish brandies at 50 per cent. ad valorem duty, sherry wines at 40 per cent., and other wines at 30 per cent., exclusive of the excise. Moreover, that tobacco should be prohibited from coming to Gibraltar, except what was necessary for the wants of the garrison. The English Government, in a note dated last month, declared the Spanish proposals inadmissible. If the Spanish Government did not admit the other articles of English produce, the duty on Spanish wines could not be reduced. English cottons were an object of necessity for the Spanish people, and came in by contraband; whereas Spanish wines were but an article of luxury for the English. Senor Sanchez Silva concludes, that it is quite useless to renew the negotiations, the English note being couched in the terms of an ultimatum.

CORRESPONDENCE AND ANSWERS TO INQUIRIES.

London, September 13, 1843.

Sir,—I have read your preliminary number and prospectus, and the first number of your new periodical, the Economist, and it gives me pleasure to see the appearance of so able an advocate of free trade, the carrying out the principles of which is so necessary for the future welfare and prosperity of the country, and the relief of the distress which is more or less felt in all the different departments of industry.

I belong to the class who have their sole dependence in the land, and have no direct interest in trade or manufactures; and feel as strong a wish for the prosperity of agriculture as the Duke of Buckingham, or any other of the farmer's friends; but I consider the interests of all classes of the community so intimately connected, and so mutually dependent on one another, that no one can rise or prosper upon the ruins of the others. Like your Northumberland correspondent I am fully convinced of the impolicy and inefficiency of "restrictive corn laws," and of the benefit of "the free-trade system" for the relief of the agricultural, as well as of the manufacturing, the shipping, or any other interest in the country; and I should also be glad if I could in any way assist "in dispelling the errors respecting the corn trade that have done so much harm for the last twenty (eight) years."

The intention of the corn law of 1815 was to prevent the price of wheat from falling below 80s. per quarter; and it was the opinion of farmers who were examined on the subject, that less than 80s. or 90s. would not remunerate the grower, and that if the price fell under these rates, the wheat soils would be thrown out of cultivation. Prices, however, fell, and though they have fallen to one half, land has not been thrown out of cultivation. Various modifications have since been made in the scale of duties, but always with a view to arrest the falling prices in their downward course; but all these legislative attempts have been in vain; and so far as the farmer trusted to them, they have only misled him by holding out expectations that have not been realized.

But though the corn laws failed in keeping up the price of corn as high as their framers and supporters wished, they succeeded so far as to enhance the price of this first necessary of life, and make it perhaps 20 or 30 per cent. dearer than it otherwise would have been to all the consumers, even the poorest tradesman or labourer in the country.

If the difference which the agriculturists were enabled, by this monopoly, to obtain at the expense of the other classes, had all been pure gain, without any drawback, they must have been in a comparatively flourishing condition; but we find this is not the case, and what is the reason? Let us hear Sir Robert Peel's answer to the question. In his speech in parliament on Mr Villiers's motion, when replying to the accusations that had been made by Mr Blackstone and other members on his own side of the house, that he had deceived the agriculturists, as the Government measures, instead of affording them the protection that was promised, had brought down prices and rendered their situation worse than before, Sir Robert says, it was not the Government measures that had brought down prices and occasioned the agricultural distress, but that this arose from the condition of the manufacturing districts, and the general distress from bad trade and want of employment, which rendered the people unable to consume.

If this, then, is the true cause of the agricultural distress,—if the corn, sugar, and other monopolies are so injurious to the manufacturing and commercial classes, who are the agriculturists' best, and, indeed, their only customers, as to render them unable to consume, it is not to class legislation that we can look for relief. In order to relieve the agricultural distress there is no other way than to relieve the distress of those on whom they depend for a market for their productions.

Were the farmer (or rather the landed proprietor) to gain all that the consumer loses by the corn monopoly,—if it were only taking from one, and giving to another—without any national loss; though this of itself would be bad enough,—it is perhaps the smallest part of the loss which the manufacturer sustains; for the same law which hinders him from going to the best and cheapest market to purchase his food, at the same time necessarily excludes him from a market for the produce of his industry; and by diminishing the demand for his labour, lowers his wages or throws him out of employment.

But one abuse leads to another. Those who are interested in the corn monopoly, or think themselves so, cannot well oppose the sugar monopoly while they require the aid of the West India planters to enable them to obtain this advantage at their country's expense; and so it is with all the other monopolists, they naturally unite together, and it requires their mutual aid and all their combined power and influence to preserve a system which they know stands upon rather an insecure foundation, and if once broken in upon would soon fall to pieces; and thus it is that we are subjected to the sugar monopoly, and though it is manifestly our interest to buy this important necessary of life (as well as every other) in any quarter of the globe where we can find it best and cheapest, we are restricted to a small portion of the earth's surface, and have to pay a third part more than we might obtain the article for without any loss to the revenue. By this narrow-minded system of buying, we deprive ourselves of valuable markets for our manufactures, as you have shown is likely to be the case with the Brazils on the expiry of the commercial treaty with that country if the matter is left in the hands of Ministers, "and no effort made to avert so great an evil." The agriculturists have to pay directly for this monopoly in common with all the other classes in the addition to the price of the sugar they consume; but the manufacturers suffer the still greater disadvantage of having the market for the produce of their labour narrowed, and thus the agriculturist will also suffer indirectly by their customers being thereby still farther disabled to consume.

But these and all other monopolies and restrictions in trade not only lessen the demand for our manufactures abroad, but they diminish the consumption at home, to an extent greater perhaps than we are aware of; for there can be no doubt that the more the consumer has to pay for his bread, sugar, and other articles of food, the less he will have to spare for cottons, woollens, and other manufactured commodities. The demand for his labour is thus lessened both at home and abroad. The weaver of cloth may be unable to obtain a coat even of his own manufacture, however necessary it may be for his health and comfort; he must have food, in the first place, being more indispensibly necessary to his existence,—no doubt he may have to content himself with a less quantity than he could have wished, and have to substitute oatmeal and potatoes, or some other inferior food for wheaten bread and butchers meat; still, it is less in his power to curtail the consumption of agricultural produce than of manufactures, so that the manufacturing classes suffer from the general distress which renders the people unable to consume in a greater degree than the agriculturist.

R.T.F.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECONOMIST.

Darlaston, September 8, 1843.

Sir,—Twelve months ago the editor of the Morning Chronicle allowed a letter of mine, referring to the distress then prevailing in this town, to appear in that journal; in it I stated that for our annual wake only twenty-four cows had been killed, when but a few years previously ninety-four had been slaughtered on a similar occasion. Perhaps you will permit me to state in your columns that this year the festival, in this particular, has afforded as melancholy and unquestionable proof of distress as the last, while it bore other evidence, which though trivial in itself, is not unworthy of notice. Last year two theatrical shows visited us, displaying their "Red Barn" tragedies, and illuminated ghosts, at threepence per head, at which they did well; as also did a tremendous giantess, a monstrously fat boy, and several other "wonderful works of nature:" this year only one show of any description attended, and that, with kings and queens, and clowns, as well dressed and efficient, and ghosts, as white and awe-inspiring as ever paraded before an audience, has reaped but an indifferent harvest at the "low charge of one penny each;" while the swing boats and wood horses, patronized with such glee by the miniature men and women attending and enjoying wakes and fairs, only worked half time. The physical-force majority in the House, and their aiders and abettors, were they to see this, would perhaps laugh at the petty details, but their doing so would not in the least detract from their truth, or render questionable for a moment the deductions I make from them,—that poverty is so wide spread and bitter that the poor are compelled to make a stern sacrifice of innocent amusements; that the parent cannot exercise the holiest affections of his nature, by adding to the pleasures of his lisping little ones; that the landowners' corn law, by its paralyzing influence, is rapidly withering the great mass of the industry of the country into idle, dispiriting pauperism.

From inquiries I have made I learn that through the country generally the wakes, and fairs, and races, have presented similar features to those I have described above, so far as money goes. And in face of the distress, of which these things bear glaring witness, the Prime Minister says "that the distress has been produced by over-production." Can Sir Robert be serious when he talks of "over-production?" If he be, and will condescend to honour me with a visit during his stay at Drayton Manor, which is only a short drive of sixteen miles from here, I will show him that the opinion is fallacious. He shall dispense with his carriage for a short time, and I will walk him through all the streets of Darlaston, Wednesbury, Willenhall, Bilstow, &c., and, forsaking the thoroughfares frequented by the gay and well-to-do, he shall visit the back streets—in which carriage passengers never deign to go—of Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Walsall, and what he will witness in the course of the short ramble will "change the spirit of his dream." In Darlaston, as a sample of what he would see, there are hundreds of men and women whose clothes, made of the coarsest materials, are patched, and threadbare, and valueless; hundreds of houses without anything in them deserving the name of furniture; hundreds of beds without clothing, and hundreds of children whose excuses for clothes are barely sufficient, with every contrivance decent poverty can suggest, to cover the body as civilized society demands. In the towns I have enumerated, in fact, if the least reliance may be placed in newspaper reports, in every town and village in the country the same want prevails to a much greater extent than can be conceived by such as Sir Robert, "who fare sumptuously every day,"—aye, even to a much greater extent than is generally supposed by the above-want dwellers in large towns whom business may frequently bring in contact with those who toil. With the millions, then, who in this country must be next to naked, without furniture in their houses, without clothes to cover their straw beds, is it not the nonsense of nonsense to talk of "over-production." Enable these men to satisfy the wants of themselves and families, enable them to make their homes comfortable, and that alone would find employment for a goodly number, while those so employed would also be enabled to purchase the articles others are engaged in manufacturing. To produce so desirable a result, nothing is wanted but FREE TRADE repeal the corn and provision laws, and the shadow of "over production" could not exist: in three months there is not a man in the kingdom who would not have full work. And when we had supplied the physical wants of our population (a greater task than it appears at the first view), we should have introduced from every corner of the world the luxuries which refine civilization; the artisan building himself a house would then make it more comfortable and healthy, with wood floors, carpets, better furniture, &c.; and the master manufacturer erecting a house would have marble stairs and floor in his entrance hall, doors, &c. of mahogany, furniture, of rarer woods, and ornaments of marble, paintings, plate glass, &c.; and when all these things were procured, "over-production" would be still as far behind us as during their acquisition, as we would then work but three days a week instead of six, as with so much labour we should be able to procure the necessaries and luxuries of life.

And all nations would be compelled to minister to our real and created wants, for England is the only nation in the world incapable of internally supplying its inhabitants with food, and therefore, under Free Trade, has the command of the markets of the whole world. Then the English merchant going to, say America, to dispose of manufactures need not fear the merchant of France, Belgium, Germany, &c., he may meet there with similar goods; for the American asking each what he requires for the articles offered, is told by the former, "I will take your surplus corn in exchange, we want every year from six to ten millions of quarters;" and this latter answers, "We have more corn at home of our own growth than we can consume, I must have cash;" the American, preferring barter, will turn on his heel and trade with the Englishman; the unsuccessful applicant takes back his goods, or visits the market no more, and confines his future operations to the home supply of his own country, which in a short time, from competition and want of a foreign outlet, fail to realise a remunerating profit; trade is gradually relinquished; the people turn again to the more extensive cultivation of the land, and England obtains another customer. This is no "castle building," if there be the least affinity between the results of great things and small ones. If a grocer want a coat he will have it from the tailor who will take sugar and tea in payment, in preference to patronising one who requires pounds shillings and pence, and the owners of land in all countries will take right good care that they derive some sort of revenue from their possessions. I say, I think my premises are no "castle buildings;" neither do I think I am indulging in aerial erections when I predict that, under Free Trade, England, with her capital, and energy, and enterprise, would shortly become the world's granary, profitably supplying from her accumulated stores the deficiencies resulting from bad harvests, or other casualties of her continental neighbours.

Your obedient Servant,
G.W.G.

We are much obliged to J. Livesay, of Preston, for his suggestion, which, however, if he compare the Economist with other weekly papers he will perceive to be unnecessary. We presume we are indebted to Mr Livesay for copies forwarded of his excellent little paper the Struggle.

R.B., Bristol.—From the great press of room last week we were obliged to omit everything that did not appear of very pressing haste. In the Preliminary Number we have used no statistics but such as we have derived from official sources, and we shall always be glad to give the authority on which any statistical statement is made. The statement of the quantity of sugar exported from Java and Madeira, page 10 of the Preliminary Number, will be found in Part VIII, 1838, page 408, of the Tables of Population, Revenue, Commerce, &c., presented by the Board of Trade to both Houses of Parliament, from 1826 to 1837;—and the quantities, from 1837 to 1841, are derived from the Dutch official accounts.

H.H., S—— court, London.—The returns showing the quantity of flax imported up to the 5th of August, viz., 774,659 cwts., are official, but do not distinguish the ports from which it was shipped. The latest year for which such distinction has been made to this time is for the year 1841; for which, or any preceding year back to 1832, we shall be glad to furnish the particulars: for example, in 1840 the imports of flax and tow were—from

C.D.F.——, near Rochdale.—The question connected with the New Customs Amendment Bill has engaged our best attention, but its investigation has raised two or three very nice points of international law, on which we are now taking the best opinion which can be obtained, and before our next number we shall be able to give a reply as satisfactory as can possibly be obtained from any quarter on this important but very nice question. We have now before us the whole of the particulars of the treaties in question, but we wish to make our reply valuable by giving the best legal construction on some disputable points. This, however, is only another of those daily evidences which we have of the absurdity and inconvenience of a great commercial country like this attempting to regulate its laws and transactions by treaties, which, however convenient they may be when made, may, by the ordinary course of events, be rapidly changed.

POSTSCRIPT.

LONDON, Saturday Morning, September 16, 1843.

Stock Exchange, Half-past Eleven o'Clock.

There is little or no variation in English Stock: Mexican, which left off yesterday at 355⁄8 to 7⁄8, is now 333⁄4 to 34. Brazilian, which left at 73 to 75, is now 74 to 76. In other Foreign Stocks there is no alteration worth notice.

Liverpool, Friday Evening, September 15, 1843.

An active demand has been constantly kept up all the week, and a large business has been done daily. So far, however, it has been freely met by the holders; and the speculators and spinners have had an abundant choice of all qualities.

In American descriptions there is but little change in prices; the tendency, has been and still is in favour of holders; and it has been thought necessary to raise the quotations of "fair" Uplands and Mobile to 4-7⁄8d.; but there is so little actual change, that for the most part, the quotations remain as before. Brazils, Egyptian, and long stapled generally, have been more in demand, and may be considered 1⁄8d. higher. Sea Islands also within the fortnight are 1⁄2d. higher, making an advance in the ordinary to fair qualities from the very lowest point of 11⁄2d. to 2d. per lb.

A considerable part of the speculative business of this week has been prompted by the accounts from the United States, brought by the Hibernia and Great Western, the tenor of which is to confirm the previous impression as to short crops.

19,800 American, 100 Egyptian, and 300 Surat have been taken on speculation; and 1,000 American, 300 Pernam, and 200 Surat for export.

The following is the Statistical Review of our Cotton Market:—

For Sugar there is rather more inquiry, at steady prices.—Coffee; the sales of plantation trivial without change of price.—Indigo, price firm at the advance of 3d. to 4d., established at public sale yesterday.—Tea; the market remains rather firm, and a moderate business has been done at previous rates. In other articles of produce a fair amount of business has been done, without any particular features to remark.

Grain.—There has been rather more demand for old Wheat, and prices for this and all other articles in the trade are supported. Duty has been paid on nearly the whole of the bonded stock, and the rate is now on the advance.

The papers of this morning do not contain any intelligence of the slightest novelty or interest. Her Majesty and Prince Albert are enjoying themselves at Ostend in the society of their august relatives, the King and Queen of the Belgians. To-day (Saturday) the Royal party go to Bruges; on Monday to Brussels; on Tuesday to Antwerp; and on Wednesday return to England.

Barcelona is still in a state of insurrection; and though Madrid is tranquil, the state of Spain, as the Times remarks, is one of "simple confusion."

The Malta correspondent of the Morning Chronicle says that a report had been current at Bombay that it was the intention to order the next steamer for the overland mail to keep her direct course, in spite of the monsoon. The monsoon had, no doubt, driven her back.

Wales continues in a distracted state, and acts of incendiarism are common. The extraordinary verdict given by the inquest jury on the body of the unfortunate old woman who was shot, is the subject of general remark, as strikingly evincing the terrorism which prevails. There is even talk of the necessity of putting the country under martial law!

The very remarkable meeting held by Messrs Cobden and Bright, at Oxford, on Wednesday last, is the theme of general conversation in society. It is, indeed, a very striking evidence of the progress of free-trade principles amongst the agriculturists.

The Leeds Mercury of this morning, and other provincial organs of public opinion, in the great seats of our commerce and manufactures, all speak in cheerful terms of the decidly-improving prospects of trade.

THE LATEST FROM THE AMERICAN PRESS ON
FREE TRADE—Aug. 24th.

The Corn-Law Controversy.—A friend has placed in our hands numbers of the tracts which the corn-law reformers of England circulate among the people. They are about the size and length of the religious tracts of this country, and are put up in an envelope, which is stamped with neat and appropriate devices. These little publications comprise essays on all the topics involved in the corn-law controversy, sometimes in the form of dialogues, sometimes of tales, and sometimes of extracts from famous books and speeches. The arguments are arranged so as to be easily comprehended by the meanest capacities.

The friend to whom we are indebted for these is well informed on the subject, and says that a more advanced state of opinion prevails among the people of England, in relation to the operation of tariffs, than in this nation generally so much more enlightened. It is a singular spectacle which is thus presented to the eyes of the civilized world. While the tendency of opinion, under an aristocratic monarchy, is towards the loosening of the restraints under which the labour of the people has long suffered, a large and powerful party in a nation, whose theory of government is nearly a century in advance of the world, is clamouring for their continuance and confirmation. Monarchical England is struggling to break the chains that an unwise legislation has forged for the limbs of its trade; but democratic America is urged to put on the fetters which older but less liberal nations are throwing off. The nations of Europe are seeking to extend their commercial relations, to expand the sphere of their mutual intercourse, to rivet the market for the various products of their soil and skill, while the "model republic" of the new world is urged to stick to the silly and odious policy of a semi-barbarous age.

We look upon the attempt which is making in Great Britain to procure a revision of the tariff laws, as one of the most important political movements of the age. It is a reform that contemplates benefits, whose effects would not be confined to any single nation, or any period of time. Should it be successful, it would be the beginning of a grand and universal scheme of commercial emancipation. Let England—that nation so extensive in her relations, and so powerful in her influences—let England adopt a more liberal policy, and it would remove the only obstacles now in the way of a complete freedom of industry throughout the globe. It is the apparent unwillingness of nations to reciprocate the advantages of mutual trade, that has kept back this desirable reform so long. The standing argument of the friends of exclusiveness—their defence under all assaults, their shelter in every emergency—has been that one nation cannot pursue a free system until all others do, or, in other words, that restriction is to be met by restriction. It is a flimsy pretence, but such as it is, has answered the purposes of those who have used it, for many centuries.

The practice of confining trade by the invisible, but potent chains of law, has been a curse wherever it has prevailed. In England, more dependent than other nations on the extent of its commercial intercourse, it may be said to have operated as a scourge. The most terrible inflictions of natural evil, storms, famine, and pestilence, have not produced an equal amount of suffering. Indeed, it has combined the characteristics of the worst of those evils. It has devastated, like the storm, the busy hives of industry; it has exhausted, like famine, the life and vital principle of trade; and, like the pestilence, it has "walked in the darkness and wasted at noon-day." When we read of thousands of miserable wretches, in all the cities and towns of a great nation, huddled together like so many swine in a pen; in rags, squalor, and want; without work, bread, or hope; dragging out from day to day, by begging, or the petty artifices of theft, an existence which is worthless and a burden; and when, at the same time, we see a system of laws, that has carefully drawn a band of iron around every mode of human exertion; which with lynx-eyed and omniscient vigilance, has dragged every product of industry from its retreat to become the subject of a tax, can we fail in ascribing the effect to its cause, or suppress the utterance of our indignation at a policy so heartless and destructive?

Yet, this is the very policy that a certain class of politicians in this country would have us imitate. Misled by the selfish and paltry arguments of British statesmen, but unawed by the terrible experience of the British people, they would fasten upon us a system whose only recommendation, in its best form, is that it enriches a few, at the cost of the lives and happiness of many. They would assist a constrictor in wrapping his folds around us, until our industry shall be completely crushed.

St Olave's Church.—The rebuilding of this church in the early part of the last century cost the parishioners a less sum than the organ. The old church having fallen down, the new one (that recently destroyed by fire) was erected by raising an annuity of 700l., and the granter died after receiving the first half year's payment of 350l. The organ was the most ancient instrument in the metropolis.

FREE-TRADE MOVEMENTS.

MESSRS COBDEN AND BRIGHT AT OXFORD.—IMPORTANT MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS AND FARMERS OF THAT COUNTY.

As we stated last week, announcing the intention, Mr Cobden and Mr Bright visited Oxford on Wednesday, for the purpose of addressing the freeholders and farmers of the county on the subject of the corn laws.

Very considerable excitement had prevailed in the city and the surrounding districts in consequence of the proposed visit of Mr Cobden, but it does not appear that the landowners on the present occasion, through the medium of the farmers' clubs and agricultural associations, thought fit to get up an organised opposition, similar to that at Colchester, or interfere to prevent their tenants from attending, as at Reading. The consequence was a very large number of farmers were present at the meeting, although it is well known that the harvest is not in such a state of forwardness as to allow them to absent themselves from their ordinary occupations without considerable inconvenience.

It is a circumstance worthy of notice, and strongly indicative of the present state of public feeling upon the subject, that in a purely agricultural district, at a county meeting regularly convened by the High Sheriff, the whole of the county members being present, two of whom spoke in favour of protection, supported by many influential men of their own party, no person ventured to propose a resolution in favour of the present corn law, and that even the resolution for a low fixed duty made by two of the most popular men and largest landed proprietors in Oxfordshire, Lord Camoys and Mr Langston, was supported by only three or four individuals out of a meeting of nearly 3,000 persons.

Early in the morning, a protectionist champion presented himself, not in the guise either of a freeholder or farmer of the county, but in the person of a good-humoured, though somewhat eccentric printer, named Sparkhall, who had come from the celebrated locale of John Gilpin—Cheapside, and who having armed himself with a large blue bag fitted with elaborate treatises upon the corn laws, and among other pamphlets a recent number of Punch, forthwith travelled to Oxford, and by the kind permission of the meeting was permitted to essay a speech, about what nobody could divine, and in a manner truly original. It is, however, due to the monopolists of Oxfordshire to state that they did not accredit their volunteer champion, and even went so far as to request that he would "bottle up" his eloquence for some future opportunity.

At two o'clock, the hour appointed for the proceedings to commence, the County hall, which is capable of containing 1,800 persons, was nearly filled.

Mr Cobden and Mr Bright, who had been dining at the farmers' ordinary, held at the Roebuck hotel, arrived shortly after two, and were accompanied to the place of meeting by a large number of influential farmers and leading agriculturists, who had met the honourable members at the market table. They at once proceeded to the gallery, where, among others at this time, were Lord Camoys, of Stonor hall, Oxon; the three members for the county, Lord Norreys, Mr Harcourt, and Mr Henley; Mr Langston, M.P. for the city of Oxford; Mr Thomas Robinson, banker; Mr Charles Cottrell Dormer, Mr J.S. Browning, Mr W. Dry, Mr W. Parker, Captain Matcham, Rev. Dr Godwin, Rev. W. Slatter, Mr Richard Goddard, Mr H. Venables, Messrs Grubb, Sadler, Towle, Weaving, Harvey, &c.

On the motion of Lord Cambys, seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., Mr Samuel Cooper, of Henley-on-Thames, under-sheriff for the county, was, in the absence of the high sheriff, called to the chair.

The Chairman said he regretted very much that the high sheriff was prevented from attending the meeting, which had been convened in consequence of a requisition presented to the sheriff by several freeholders of the county. Having read the requisition, he introduced

Mr Cobden, who proceeded for some time to address the meeting on the fallacy of the present corn law as a protection to the farmer, amid frequent cries for adjournment, in consequence of the crowded state of the hall, and

Mr Sadler having intimated that several hundred persons were waiting at the Castle green, at which place it had been generally expected the meeting would ultimately be held, moved its adjournment to that spot, which was immediately agreed to.

Several waggons had been brought to the green, for the purpose of forming a temporary platform, and the meeting being again formed,

Mr Cobden resumed, and, in his usual powerful manner, explained the influence of the corn law upon the tenant, farmer, and farm-labourer, urging the necessity of free trade as the only remedy for agricultural as well as manufacturing distress. The honourable member was loudly cheered during the delivery of his address, which evidently made a deep impression on the large proportion of his auditory.

Mr Sparkhall then came forward. Mr Cobden having kindly interceded to obtain him a hearing, and having duly arranged his books and papers, he at once commanded the serious attention of the meeting, by stating broadly as the proposition he was about to prove—that the repeal of the corn laws would plunge the nation into such a state of depression as must ultimately terminate in a national bankruptcy. After quoting from the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel, Mr Gregg, and other passages, the relevancy of which to his proposition no one could discover, he bewildered himself in a calculation, and gladly availed himself of a slight interruption to make his bow and retire.

Lord Camoys next addressed the meeting. He said Mr Cobden came among them either as a friend or an enemy. If he came as a friend, it was the duty of all to receive him as such; but if as an enemy, then it behoved the farmers of Oxfordshire to meet him boldly, and expose the fallacy of his arguments. For himself he (Lord Camoys) believed Mr Cobden came as a friend. He was not one of those who were afraid of the Anti-Corn-law League; but he was afraid of that class who designated themselves the farmers' friends. He thought if they were to give the Anti-Corn-law League 50,000l. a year for fifty years, it would never do half the mischief to agriculture that the farmers' friends themselves had done. (Hear, hear.) It was this impression that had induced him to sign the requisition that had been laid before him, for he was anxious that the farmers of Oxfordshire should have the benefit of any information that could be given to them on the subject. There were three courses open for discussion. The first was the sliding scale (cries of "no, no"); the second a low fixed duty; and the third, a total and immediate repeal of the corn law. (Hear, hear.) He believed the sliding scale was already on its last legs; indeed, it was only defended by a few country gentlemen and fortunate speculators, who had by a lucky chance contrived to realise large fortunes. He was himself for a low fixed duty, and Mr Cobden advocated free trade. There was not so much difference, after all, between them; but he considered that to apply the principles of free trade to England, would be to apply the principles of common sense to a deranged country, suffering under the pressure of an enormous debt. He thought the English farmer should be placed on a level with the continental corn-grower; but he did not think the mere expense of transit would have the effect of securing this as argued by Mr. Cobden. With this view he should propose to the meeting the following resolution:—"That the agricultural interest being the paramount interest in this country, to depress that interest would be injurious to the entire community; that suddenly to adopt free trade in corn must produce that effect, and that, therefore, it is the opinion of this meeting that a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign grain is the one best adapted to the present position of the agricultural interest and the welfare of the country."

This resolution was seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., but this gentleman gave way for

Mr Bright, who, upon presenting himself, was received with load cheering. In an eloquent address he clearly demonstrated that the only way in which the corn laws could benefit the farmer was by making food dearer, which could only be done by making it more scarce. That the advantage of such high prices invariably went to the landlord in the shape of rent, in consequence of the immense competition for farms, arising from the increase in the agricultural population, and the difficulty of providing for them in commerce and manufactures, owing to the depressed condition to which they had been reduced by the operation of the corn laws. High prices could only be obtained by the farmer from the prosperity of his customers. In reply to the resolution of Lord Camoys, the honourable gentleman stated, that with regard to agriculture being the paramount interest of the country, there could be no doubt in every country there must be land for the people to live on, and so far it was the paramount interest; but he denied that anything like half the population of England were engaged in agricultural pursuits. The agricultural interest would not be depressed, nor would the community be injured by free trade. He would put it to the meeting whether they would have a low duty or no duty at all. (Loud cries of "no duty.") A fixed duty of 6s. would raise the price that amount, and the whole would go into the pockets of the landlord. The honourable gentleman concluded his address amid loud cheers.

Lord Norreys next spoke in favour of the existing corn laws, attributing the distress under which all classes at present laboured to the over-production of the manufacturers.

Mr Langston, M.P., having replied to his lordship,

Mr Henley, M.P., addressed the meeting at some length, in favour of the present restrictive duties on the importation corn. The honourable member concluded by observing that he had attended the meeting because it had been convened by the high sheriff; and he thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to his observations, though neither he nor his colleagues considered it to be properly designated as a farmers' meeting, the majority present being composed of other classes.

Mr Cobden briefly replied; and

Mr Towle (a tenant farmer) moved the following amendment, "That in the opinion of this meeting the principles of free trade are in accordance with the laws of nature and conducive to the welfare of mankind, and that all laws which interfere with the free intercourse of nations, under the pretence of protection to the agricultural, colonial, or manufacturing interests, ought to be forthwith abolished."

The motion having been seconded, was put, and declared to be carried, with only three dissentients.

Mr Henley then proposed, and Mr Cobden seconded, a vote of thanks to the chairman, who briefly acknowledged the compliment, and three cheers having been given for free trade the meeting separated, having lasted nearly five hours.

Public Dinner to R. Walker, Esq., M.P., Bury.—On Wednesday week a public dinner was given, in the Free-Trade Pavilion, Paradise street, Bury, by the electors of Bury, to the above-named gentleman, for his constant advocacy of Liberal principles in the House of Commons. The meeting, though called to do honour to the worthy representative of Bury, was emphatically a gathering of the friends of free trade, Mr Bright, Dr Bowring, Mr Brotherton, &c., being present.

Dr Bowring's Visit to his Constituents.—Dr Bowring arrived in Bolton, on his annual visit, on Thursday week. In the course of the afternoon he called upon several of the leading reformers and free-traders of the borough; and in the evening, according to public announcement, he attended at the Temperance hall, Little Bolton, to address the inhabitants generally. The doors of the hall were opened at seven o'clock, and hundreds immediately flocked in. At half-past seven, the hall was crowded to excess in every part. On Dr Bowring's entrance, he was greeted with loud cheers. The chief portion of the proceedings consisted in the speech of the learned and honourable member, who, as might be expected, dwelt with great power on the question of questions—free trade. We have only room for the following eloquent passage: "The more I see of England, the prouder I am to recognise her superiority—not alone in arms—about that I care little, but in manufacturing arts, the peaceful arts, which really reflect glory on her people. (Cheers.) Give us fair play and no favour, and we need not fear the strength of the whole world. (Hear.) Let us start in an honest rivalry—let us get rid of the drawbacks and impediments which are in the way of our progress, and sure I am that the virtues, the energies, the industry, the adventurous spirit of the manufacturers and merchants of England, which have planted their language in every climate and in every region, would make them known as benefactors through the wide world. They are recognised by the black man as giving him many sources of enjoyment which he had not before; by the red man as having reached his fields and forests, and brought to him in his daily life enjoyments of which his ancestors had no notion; by all tribes and tongues throughout the wide expanse of the earth, as the allies of improvement, and the promoters of happiness. Sure I am that England—emancipated England—the labourers—the artisans of England, may do more for the honour and reputation of our country than was ever done by all the Nelsons and Wellingtons of the day. (Loud cheers.) I was struck very much, the other day, by the remark of one of the wisest and best men of our times, from the other side of the Atlantic, who said, 'I am not dazzled by the great names which I see recorded in high places; I am not attracted by the statues which are raised to the men whom you call illustrious, but what does strike me, what does delight me, what does fascinate me, is to trace the working man of England to his home; to see him there labouring at his loom unnoticed and unknown, toiling before the sun rises, nor ceasing to toil when the sun has descended beneath the mountain. It is that man, the missionary of peace, who forms the true link of alliance between nation and nation, making all men of one kindred and of one blood,—that man upon whose brow the sweat is falling,—that man whose hands are hardened by labour,—that is the man of whom England has a right to be proud—(hear)—that is the man whom the world ought to recognise as its benefactor.' (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, in such sentiments I cordially agree, and the time will come when the names of men who are called illustrious, at whose feet we have been rolling out torrents of wealth, whom we have been crowning with dazzling honours—those men will pass away into the realms of forgetfulness, while the poor and industrious labourer, who has been through the world a herald and apostle of good, will be respected and honoured, and upon him future times will look as the real patriot, the real philanthropist, the real honour of his country and of his countrymen." The proceedings were closed by the unanimous thanks of the meeting being given to Dr Bowring.

Free Trade.—We are glad to learn, from a correspondence in the Liverpool Albion, that W. Brown, Esq., the head of the eminent house of Brown, Shipley, and Co., of Liverpool, has declared his adherence to the cause of perfect freedom of trade, contributing, at the same time, 50l. to the funds of the Liverpool Anti-Monopoly Association.

Corn Trade of France.—The Moniteur publishes the return of the corn trade in France during the month of July, from which it appears that the imports were—wheat, 45,896 metrical quintels; other grain, 23,389; and flour, 613. The exports—wheat, 14,318; other grain, 11,506; and flour, 2,435. The quantities lying in the government bonding stores on the first of August were—wheat, 28,405 metrical quintals; other grain, 9,378; and flour, 11,051.

Anti-Corn-Law Meeting at Hampstead.—The opponents of the corn laws resident at Hampstead assembled on Tuesday night, in crowded meeting, at the Temperance hall of that locality, to hear Mr Sidney Smith deliver an address on the evils of the corn laws. The meeting was the first of the kind since the formation of the new association, and there were several of the respectable inhabitants of the neighbourhood present. Mr Smith entered at length into the whole question of the monopolies from which the people of this country suffer. He showed, conclusively, and by a reference to facts and comparisons with other countries, that "protective" duties were injurious to the best interests of the community, as they were productive of abridgment of the people's comfort, and of taxation on everything that they could see or touch. He illustrated the advantages that would arise from free trade, by a reference to the great increase of consumption of the article of coffee since the reduction of the duty of half a crown on the pound weight to ninepence; the consumption at that period (1824) having been but eight millions of pounds weight, while at present, it was twenty-eight millions. The learned gentleman, who spoke for upwards of two hours, concluded amid loud cheers. Three cheers which were proposed for the Charter proved a decided failure; while, on the other hand, three were proposed for a repeal of the corn laws, which were responded to by nearly the whole of the crowded meeting.

Mr Ewart and his Constituents.—William Ewart, Esq., the indefatigable member for the Dumfries District of Burghs, is at present paying his respects to his constituents, after the recess of what has been to him a laborious session of parliament, however little may have been effected during its course by the government and the legislature. On Thursday evening he addressed a large meeting in this town. On Friday he visited Lochmaben, and on Saturday Sanquhar, and addressed the inhabitants of both these burghs.—Dumfries Courier.

MISCELLANIES OF TRADE.

State of Trade.—Owing to the continued absence of the Overland Mail, the demand for manufactured goods, and especially for shirtings, has been limited; but, as stocks are low, prices remain tolerably steady. For yarn the demand continues good, and prices very firm, but the spinners are so generally engaged, that no great amount of business has been done.—Manchester Guardian of Wednesday.

Commercial Intercourse between England and the United States.—The circumstances of America are such as to require, for the furtherance of its own interests, a large and extended commercial relationship with England. There is nothing wanting but a movement on our part for the speedy establishment of an unbounded trade. Both countries are so situated that they need never become rivals, provided they consent to co-operate with each other. It is because they have not been permitted hitherto so to do that we now hear of an embryo manufacturing system in America. We have already built Lowell in New England, and Pittsburg in Western Pennsylvania; and will yet, unless we change our system, drive the enterprising republican to efforts which may be more generally and more permanently successful.—Morning Chronicle.

Travelling Between England and France.—The number of persons who passed from England to France, by Boulogne, in the week from 1st to 7th September inclusive, was 2,409, and by Calais, 838. It appears that the opening of the Southern and Eastern Railway as far as Folkestone has increased the number of travellers between England and France by nearly one-half. The number in August, 1842, was 7,436, while during the past month it has been no less than 10,579, showing an increase of 3,143.

Steam v. Water.—Owing to the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company having reduced their charge for all kinds of goods to 6s. per ton between Gloucester and Cheltenham; most of the carriers in this city will be compelled to avail themselves of this mode of conveyance, it being impossible for them to compete with the Railway Company. The consequence will be that some thirty or forty boats will speedily be "laid up in ordinary," to the sorrow of three or four times the number of boatmen, who will of course be thrown out of employ.—Worcester Chronicle.

The New Tariff.—"The imports of foreign beasts since Monday last (one week) have been confined to twenty-five into London by the Batavier steamer from Rotterdam." (London Markets Report, September 11.) Can any clever master of fractions calculate the effect of this importation on the Smithfield market, and the benefit thence accruing to the citizens of London as a set-off to the payment of their income-tax?

Improvement of Trade—Rochdale.—The piece market has been uncommonly brisk to-day, and all the goods on hand have been cleared off. At present all the workmen are in full employment, though at very low wages; but a few markets of this kind will have a tendency to get up wages. The ready sale of goods has given a buoyancy to the wool market, and the dealers in the raw material have not been so eager to sell at former prices.

State of Trade—Paisley.—So far as ample employment to all engaged in the staple manufactures of the town is concerned, trade still continues favourable for the workman, but the manufacturers generally complain that, for the season, sales are late of commencing, and many of them are already rather slackening their operations to keep their stocks down. The unexpected procrastination in the commencement of the fall trade is reasonably accounted for by the fineness of the weather.

"A Merchant of twenty-five years' standing, and an Old Subscriber," calls attention to the unusual state of things now so long existing in the Money Market, by the fall in the rate of interest to 13⁄4 and 2 per cent. upon the first class commercial bills. He states that a friend of his has lately lent 100,000l. at 11⁄2 to 2 per cent., being the highest rate he could obtain. This condition of the Money Market he attributes to the large amount of paper money in circulation, compared with the demands of commerce. Our correspondent favours us with some figures, illustrative of his views, from November, 1841, to the present month, taken from the Gazette returns, and observing that there has been a serious fall in the value of merchandise equal to one-fifth or one-sixth, with some exceptions during the last year and a half, he accounts by the juxtaposition of his figures, denoting the amount of paper in circulation, and this assumed fall in the price of merchandise for the present anomalous condition of the Money Market, and for the apparent worthlessness of capital. We cannot agree, however, with our correspondent to the full extent, because the very low prices of commodities, with a minimum rate of interest for money, proves that there is no fictitious or inflated excess of paper money. The anomalous state of the Money Market proceeds, we believe, from a redundancy, not of mere paper, but of capital which cannot find investment, superinduced by stagnation of trade, and the want of commercial enterprise, occasioned by the restrictive nature of our duties on imports.—Morning Chronicle.

The accounts from the United States mention that the greatest activity prevails among the manufacturers in their purchases of the raw material for the year's consumption.

POLICE.

Extraordinary Charge.—Captain, William Tune, the Commander of a steam packet called the City of Boulogne, the property of the New Commercial Steam-Packet Company, on Monday appeared at the Mansion House to answer the complaint of the directors of that company, by whom he was charged with being privy to the abstraction of four packages, each containing gold, checks on bankers, bank-notes, and bills of exchange, which had been previously booked at the company's office in Boulogne, and paid for according to the rates agreed upon by the company, and which, with others, had been entrusted to his care. After evidence had been adduced, Mr Wire requested that Captain Tune should be remanded for a week, and stated that the directors being anxious that he should receive as much accommodation as might be consistent with the respectability of his character and the nature of the difficulty in which he was at present involved, were desirous that bail should be taken for his appearance on the next day of investigation.—Alderman Gibbs: I shall require two respectable securities for 500l. each, and Captain Tune to be bound himself in the sum of 1,000l.—The captain was then remanded for a week. A curious fact came out on the inquiry as to the value of each package. They were all, it appeared, entered and paid for as containing a sum of money much inferior to what each package really contained.

Matrimonial Advertisements.—An unlucky man, who, in order to get a family by a deceased wife taken care of, had been induced to marry a worthless drunken woman, through the medium of a matrimonial advertisement, applied at Union Hall for advice, but, of course, nothing could be done for him.

Awkward Predicament.—A man advanced in years, named David Simms, who was claimed by two wives, and nearly torn in pieces by them, was committed from Union Hall, on a charge of bigamy.

Singular Detection of an Extensive Swindler.—A man named William Cairnes, alias Thomas Sissons, with a host of other aliases, was placed before the magistrates at the Borough Court, Manchester, charged with one of the most singular attempts at fraud we ever remember to have heard. The prisoner, who was a respectable-looking old man, gave his name William Carnes. Under the pretence of giving employment to a labouring man, on getting specimens of his handwriting, he got him to write his name across two blank bills, in the form of acceptance. He has been remanded for further inquiry.

Embezzlement.—Theodore Grumbrecht, a confidential clerk in the extensive India house of Messrs Huth and Co., was arrested on board the Bucephalus, bound for New Zealand, whither he was going. The charge against him is extensive embezzlement.

ACCIDENTS, OCCURRENCES, AND OFFENCES.