The archæology of the cuneiform inscriptions

by A. H. Sayce

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In this year an elaborate edition of his work was brought out under the title of Voyages du Chevalier Chardin en Perse, et autres Lieux de l’Orient, Enrichis de Figures en Tailledouce, qui représentent les Antiquités et les Choses remarquables du Païs (Amsterdam), two pages (167–8) in vol. ii. being devoted to the inscriptions, the cuneiform being printed on plate lxix.

[2] The discovery has sometimes been claimed for Tychsen (De cuneatis Inscriptionibus Persepolitanis Lucubratio, 1798, p. 24), but Tychsen supposed that the wedge was used to divide sentences, not words.

[3] Undersögelser om de Persepolitanske Inscriptioner (1800), translated into German in 1802.

[4] Ideen über die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten Völker der alten Welt, vol. i. pp. 563 sqq.; translated into English in 1833. The revival of interest in Grotefend’s work was due to the fact that Champollion, after the decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, found the name of Xerxes on an alabaster vase at Paris on which, according to Grotefend’s system, the same name was written in Persian cuneiform. This led the Abbé Saint-Martin, who was a recognized Orientalist, to adopt and follow up Grotefend’s discovery in a Memoir which he read before the French Academy in 1822, and Saint-Martin’s work attracted the attention of Rask and Burnouf.

[5] “Om Zendsprogets,” in the Skandinaviske Literaturselskabs Skrifter, xxi., translated into German in 1826.

[6] Mémoire sur deux Inscriptions cunéiformes trouvées près d’Hamadan (Paris, 1836).

[7] Die Altpersischen Keil-Inschriften von Persepolis (Bonn, 1836).

[8] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, x.

[9] Monument de Ninive, with plates drawn by Flandin.

[10] See his Memoir, “Sur l’écriture assyrienne,” in the Journal asiatique, 1847–8, ix.-xi.

[11] Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxi. pp. 240 sqq. See also pp. 114 sqq.

[12] Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxii. pp. 3 sqq.

[13] Edinburgh Meeting, p. 140.

[14] Revue archéologique, 1847, pp. 501 sqq.

[15] Recherches sur l’écriture cunéiforme assyrienne (1849).

[16] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xii. pp. 401 sqq. The translation of the Black Obelisk inscription is given on pp. 431–48.

[17] Athenæum, December 27, 1851.

[18] In the Paper read by Hincks before the Royal Irish Academy in June 1849, and published the following year.

[19] For Hincks’s translation of the annals of Sennacherib, see Layard’s Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 139 sqq.

[20] Literary Gazette, July 5, 1846.

[21] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xiv.

[22] A List of Assyro-Babylonian Characters (1852); also the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxii. (1855), and more especially The Polyphony of the Assyro-Babylonian Cuneiform Writing (1863).

[23] See his Asshur and the Land of Nimrod (1898).

[24] F. Jones, Vestiges of Assyria (1855); Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xv. pp. 297 sqq.; and more especially Memoirs, edited by R. H. Thomas, 1857.

[25] Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie.

[26] In the Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vi. pp. 337 sqq.

[27] Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxi. pp. 114 sqq. and 233 sqq.

[28] Journal asiatique, xiv. pp. 93 sqq.; xv. pp. 398 sqq.

[29] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xv.

[30] Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, iii. pp. 465 sqq.; Actes du VIième Congrès International des Orientalistes en 1883, ii. pp. 637 sqq. (1885).

[31] Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse; the volumes by Dr. Scheil on the inscriptions that have thus far appeared are ii., iii., iv., v. and vi.

[32] Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1889, p. 434.

[33] Ak-ka-du; Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung, 1905, p. 268.

[34] Journal of Philology, iii. pp. 1 sqq. I endeavoured to settle the nature of Sumerian phonology in a Memoir on “Accadian Phonology,” published by the Philological Society, 1877–8.

[35] Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze (1879).

[36] Göttingen Nachrichten, 17 (1880); Die Akkadische Sprache (1883).

[37] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1848, ix. pp. 387 sqq.

[38] See my article, “On the Language of Mitanni,” in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1900, pp. 171 sqq.; and Leopold Messerschmidt in the Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1899, part iv. pp. 175 sqq.

[39] Fr. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossäer (1884).

[40] They are now in the possession of M. de Clercq. For a translation of the inscriptions upon them, see my Patriarchal Palestine, p. 250.

[41] Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, pp. 62, 66.

[42] For the archæological results of M. de Morgan’s work, see his Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, vols. i. and vii. The eighth volume, which will also be devoted to archæology, is in preparation.

[43] Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, plates x.-xii.

[44] The yellow and red wheel-made ware, some of it inscribed with characters of the age of Gudea, which has been disinterred at Tello, is quite different. This class of pottery, by the way, seems to have been preceded by a grey coarse ware, made with the hand. One fragment of fine polished yellow ware with traces of black ornamentation has recently been reported from Tello by Captain Cros (Revue d’Assyriologie, 1905, p. 59), but the isolated character of the discovery makes it probable that it was an importation from Elam.

[45] Copper figurines of the goddess, with hands pressed under the breasts, found in one of the earliest substructures of Tello (circa B.C. 4000), are published by M. Heuzey in the Revue d’Assyriologie, 1899, p. 44.

[46] Heuzey, in the Revue d’Assyriologie, 1905, pp. 59 sqq. and plate iii. Von Lichtenberg (Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1906, 2) has lately pointed out that the black incised pottery with white fillings is identical in Cyprus, Troy, the Laibach bog and the Mondsee, and that the ornamentation which characterizes it is found in the valley of the Danube and the pile-dwellings of Switzerland. His attempt to derive it from Cyprus, however, cannot be sustained in view of its occurrence in Elam.

[47] Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1905, p. 28.

[48] Ilios, p. 337. Schliemann called it the Third city. Dörpfeld’s subsequent excavations, however, have shown that it really was the Second city, whose history fell into three periods.

[49] Some of these represent the goddess with the arms folded, and not pressed against the breasts. See, for example, the photograph of one found at Naxos in the Comptes rendus du Congrès international d’ Archéologie, 1905, p. 221. For Trojan examples, see Ilios, pp. 331–6.

[50] See Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, viii. pp. 336–7. A report of some of the results of the Pumpelly expedition is given by Dr. Hubert Schmidt in the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 1906, Pt. iii, p. 385.

[51] Flint implements, however, were discovered by Taylor in his excavations at Abu Shahrein, the site of Eridu (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xv. p. 410 and plate ii.).

[52] See Taylor’s “Notes on the Ruins of Muqeyer,” in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xv. pp. 271–3 and 415.

[53] Nippur, vol. ii. pp. 381–6.

[54] The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, i. 2, pp. 26–7.

[55] Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1876, pp. 347–8.

[56] Figured in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October 1904, p. 335.

[57] Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 571–3.

[58] ANA-BAR. Bar is given as the Sumerian pronunciation of the word for “stone” (Syllabary 5, iv. 11, in Delitzsch’s Assyrische Lesestücke, 3rd edition). In Old Egyptian “iron” was similarly ba-n-pet, “stone of heaven,” while “silver” was “white gold,” “gold” being symbolized by a collar. We may compare the Indo-European “white” metal as a name of “silver.” The Sumerian azag-gi, “gold,” was a form of azagga, “precious,” more especially “precious metal”; the more specific word for “gold” was guskin, with which the Armenian oski must be connected. “Silver” was bábara, the “bright” metal, nagga being “lead,” the Armenian anag. The identity of the Armenian and Sumerian words for “gold” and “lead,” coupled with the Armenian origin of the vine, and the fact that the mountain on which the ark of the Babylonian Noah rested was Jebel Judi, south of Lake Van, raises an interesting question as to the origin of Sumerian civilization.

[59] It must be remembered, however, that, according to Aristotle, the copper of the Mossynœci in Northern Asia Minor was brilliant and white, owing to its mixture with a species of earth, the exact nature of which was kept a secret. The Babylonian ideograph for “bronze,” therefore, may have been a similar kind of hardened copper, which was transferred to denote “bronze” when the alloy of copper and tin became known.

[60] See Garstang, El-Arâbah, p. 10. Dr. Gladstone, however, after giving the results of his analysis of the Sixth-dynasty copper discovered by Professor Petrie at Dendera, suggests that the small amount of tin observable in it (about one per cent.) may have been added to it artificially (Dendereh, p. 61). Bronze was “the normal metal” of the Amorite period at Gezer (Macalister, Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, April 1904, p. 119), and the three cities which represent this period go back beyond the age of the Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, to at least B.C. 2900 (see Quarterly Statement, January 1905, pp. 28–9). At Troy also Schliemann found numerous bronze weapons in the Second (prehistoric) city (Ilios, pp. 475–9). In Krete bronze daggers of the Early Minoan period (coeval with the Middle Empire of Egypt) have been found at Patema and Agia Triada (Annual of the British School at Athens, x. p. 198), and the pottery of the Middle Minoan period (B.C. 2000–1500) was associated at Palaikastro with a bronze button, two miniature bronze sickles, and a pair of bronze tweezers (ibid. p. 202). As for the Caucasus, bronze was not known there till a late date. Wilke (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1904, pp. 39–104) has shown that the bronze culture of the Caucasus was derived from the valley of the Danube, and made its way eastward along the northern coast of Pontus; see also Rössler, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1905, p. 118.

[61] Dendereh (Egypt Exploration Fund), p. 62, for the gold of the Sixth dynasty; The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, pp. 39–40, for that of the First dynasty.

[62] Vyse, Pyramids of Gizeh, i. p. 276. The clamp was actually found by his assistant Hill, after blasting away the two outer stones behind which it had been placed.

[63] Abydos, part ii. p. 33. An iron pin of the age of the Eighteenth dynasty was found by Garstang at Abydos (El-Arâbah, p. 30).

[64] Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, p. 12. Dr. Gladstone’s analyses give only about 2 parts of tin to 96·35 of copper. The bronze of the Eighteenth dynasty found at Gurob yielded a less proportion of tin (about 7 parts to 90 of copper) than the bronze of the Second Assyrian Empire. A ring of pure tin, however, was also discovered at Gurob.

[65] Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxiii. pp. 367 sqq.

[66] The two dialects were called eme-KU (i.e. eme-lakhkha, W.A.I. iii. 4, 31, 32), “the language of the enchanter,” and eme-SAL, “the woman’s language,” which are rendered in Semitic Babylonian, lisan Sumeri and (lisan) Akkadi, “the language of Sumer” and “the language of Akkad.” In a tablet (81, 7–27, 130, 6, 7) they are said to be “like” one another. Other dialects were termed “the language of the sacrificer” and “the language of the anointer,” as being used by these two classes of priests. They differed, perhaps, from the standard dialects in intonation or the use of technical words. We hear also of “a carter’s language” in which anbarri—which, it is noticeable, is a Sumerian word—meant “yoke and reins,” i.e. “harness” (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, ix. p. 164).

[67] Fick, however, is an exception (Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, xxix. pp. 229–247.)

[68] Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, i. pp. 152–3. Photographs of the two types—Sumerian and Semitic—represented on the early monuments of Babylonia are given by Dr. Pinches in an interesting Paper in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, January 1900, pp. 87–93.

[69] It is noticeable that the script of the other people whose civilization grew up on the banks of a river, the Egyptians namely, contains no special ideograph for “river.” The word is expressed by the phonetically-written atur, with the determinative of “water” or “irrigation basin.” As in the primitive hieroglyphs of Babylonia, “the sea” was a “circle.”

[70] For proof of this reading see Expository Times, xvii. p. 416 and note infra, p. 91.

[71] See my Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, pp. 373–84.

[72] Taylor found quantities of sea-shells in its ruins (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xv. p. 412). At the time of its foundation an arm of the sea probably ran up to it from the south-east, though the myth of Adamu describes him as fishing each day in the waters of the actual Gulf, rather than in an arm of it.

[73] The Moon-god of Ur was a “son” of El-lil, the god of Nippur.

[74] For proof of this see my Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, p. 105.

[75] A tablet obtained by Dr. Hayes Ward divides Sippara into four quarters, “Sippara of Eden,” “Sippara that is from everlasting,” “Sippara of the Sun-god,” and “Sippara,” which may be the “Sippara of Anunit” or “Sippara of Aruru,” the creatress of man, of other inscriptions. Amelon or Amelu, “man,” who corresponds with the Enos of Scripture, is said in the fragments of Berossus to have belonged to Pantibibla, or “Book-town,” and since Euedoranchus of Pantibibla, the counterpart of the Biblical Enoch, is the monumental Enme-dhur-anki of Sippara, it is clear that Pantibibla is a play on the supposed signification of Sippara (from sipru, “a writing” or “book”). The claim to immemorial antiquity made on behalf of Sippara may be due to the fact that Akkad, the seat of the first Semitic empire, was either in the immediate neighbourhood of Sippara or another name of one of the four quarters of Sippara itself.

[76] Chaldæa and Susiana, p. 282.

[77] Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, xxvii. p. 186. Rawlinson calculated the rate of advance from that made by the Babylonian Delta between 1793 and 1833. In the age of Strabo and Arrian the Tigris and Euphrates were not yet united, while in the time of Nearchus (B.C. 335) the mouth of the Euphrates was 345 miles from Babylon. De Morgan calculates that between the age of Nearchus and that of Sennacherib, when the Euphrates had not yet joined the more rapid Tigris, the rate of increase must have been much slower than it is to-day and have not exceeded eighty metres a year. In the age of Sennacherib Eridu was already seventy miles distant from the coast (de Morgan, Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, i. pp. 5–23). The distance from the Shatt el-Arab (the united stream of the Tigris and Euphrates) to the end of the alluvium in the Persian Gulf is 277 kilometres, or 172 miles. Some idea of the appearance of the coast in the Abrahamic age may be gained from the map of the world drawn by a Babylonian tourist in the time of Khammu-rabi which I have published in the Expository Times, November 1906.

[78] There is a striking resemblance between the primitive Babylonian picture of a boat and the sailing boat depicted on the prehistoric pottery of Egypt, for which last see Capart, Les Débuts de l’Art en Egypte, p. 116.

[79] Perhaps, however, this was really due to the accidental similarity of sound between gi, “a reed,” and gin, “to be firm.”

[80] The various forms of vases represented in the early pictography are given by de Morgan in a very instructive article, “Sur les procédés techniques en usage chez les scribes babyloniens,” in the Recueil des Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes, xxvii. 3, 4 (1905). Among special vases were those for oil, wine and honey. The butter or oil jar was closed with a clay sealing exactly like those of early Egypt. Vases with spouts were also used.

[81] The American excavations at Askabad have shown that the domestication of animals, including the camel, took place during the neolithic age, the goat being one of the last to be tamed.

[82] This, however, is not absolutely certain, since the ideograph which, denotes an “ass” originally signified merely “a yoked beast.”

[83] Peters, Nippur, ii. p. 299.

[84] Thus in the great historical inscription of Entemena, King of Lagas (B.C. 4000), M. Thureau Dangin is probably right in seeing in dam-kha-ra (col. i. 26) a Semitic word. In fact where a word is written syllabically, that is to say phonetically, in a Sumerian text there is an a priori probability that it is a loan-word.

[85] This may of course have been only a literary archaism. But if the kings were really of Semitic origin, it is difficult to understand why they should have been ashamed of being called by their native Semitic names.

[86] See Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients, i. pp. 79–82.

[87] Hitherto read A-da-pa. But the character PA had the value of mu when it signified “man,” according to a tablet quoted by Fossey, Contribution au Dictionnaire Sumérien-assyrienne, No. 2666, and in writing early Babylonian names or words the characters with the requisite phonetic values were selected which harmonized ideographically with the sense of the words. Thus out of the various characters which had the phonetic value of mu that was chosen which denoted “man” when the name of the first man was needed to be written. The Semitic Adamu, which M. Thureau Dangin has found used as a proper name in tablets from Tello of the age of Sargon of Akkad, was borrowed from the Sumerian adam, which signified “animal,” and then, more specifically “man.” Thus in the bilingual story of the creation we have (l. 9) uru nu-dim adam nu-mun-ya, “a city was not built, a man was not made to stand upright,” and a list of slaves published by Dr. Scheil (Recueil de Travaux, etc., xx. p. 65) is dated in “the year when Rim-Anum the king (conquered) the land of ... bi and its inhabitants” (adam-bi). See above, p. 76.

[88] Records of the Past, New Series, iii. pp. 124–7.

[89] Erech was one of the earliest of the Semitic settlements in the Babylonian plain, and Erech was known later as ’supuru, “the sheepfold,” as is shown by its ideographic equivalent.

[90] The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, pp. 276–80.

[91] See my Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, pp. 276–89, 348–61.

[92] If, however, the Sumerian pictograph for “city” represents a tower on a mound, as seems to be the case, the identity in form of the Egyptian hieroglyph cannot be an accident, since both the tower and the artificial platform were essentially Babylonian. In the cursive cuneiform two separate pictographs have coalesced, one representing a seat, the other what appears to be a tower on a mound.

[93] In Egyptian, however, the bird stands over a door, while in Babylonian it is over the two-legged stool on which two vases of offerings are set when it is used to denote the image of a god. The Sumerian pictograph for “(divine) lord” or “lady” (NIN) is the representation of a similar vase on a mat, and thus has the same form as the Egyptian hotep. The Egyptian nefer, “good,” finds its exact counterpart in the Babylonian pictograph of “ornament” (ME-TE). The Babylonian “house,” too, is given the same tower-like shape as the Egyptian (āhā).

[94] In a short Paper entitled Lexicalische Belege zu meinen Vortrag über die sprachliche Stellung des Altægyptischen (1895), in which he has attempted to draw up a list of phonetic equivalences between Egyptian and Sumerian. In this, however, I am unable to follow him, as his comparisons of Egyptian and Sumerian words are not convincing.

[95] See de Morgan, Recherches sur les Origines de l’Egypte, pp. 94, 95. According to Schweinfurth, barley, which is also found in the prehistoric graves of Egypt, must originally have come from Babylonia like the wheat. Qemḥu is found in the Pyramid texts (Maspero, Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes, v. p. 10). Boti, whence the Coptic bôti and the battawa or “durra cake” of modern Egyptian Arabic, was “durra,” not “wheat.”

[96] See Maspero, Études de Mythologie, ii. pp. 313 sqq.

[97] I have put “Lower” between parentheses since it is very questionable whether this particular system of registering time was known in the Delta until it was introduced from Upper Egypt. On the Palermo stone a list of the early kings of Lower Egypt is given, but without any dates, which make their appearance along with the kings of the First dynasty, who belonged to Upper Egypt. It is interesting to observe that the ideograph for “year” is denoted in exactly the same way in both the Babylonian and the Egyptian hieroglyphs by the branch of a (palm) tree. Such a curious symbol for the idea can hardly have been invented independently. Professor Hommel further draws attention to the fact that while the literal translation of a common ideographic mode of representing “year” in Babylonian is “name of heaven,” that of the two syllables of the Egyptian word renpet, “year,” would also be “name of heaven.”

[98] Hierakonpolis, part i. plate xxix. The name of the king is usually (but erroneously) written Nar-Mer.

[99] As the royal figures wear no crowns, they can hardly depict the king in his double office of king of Upper and Lower Egypt, and the duplication of the Pharaoh must consequently have a purely artistic origin. That this artistic origin is closely connected with the origin of the seal-cylinders is shown by the fact that the figures correspond with one of the most common designs on the latter, in which the ka of the person to whom the cylinder belonged is seated on a chair similar to that of the El-Kab king, an altar with offerings of bread being set before him.

[100] The eye and the ideograph of city or place. Since the eye here has the phonetic value of eri or ari, the ideograph of “city,” which is eri in Sumerian, must have the Egyptian value of as.

[101] See my Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, p. 238.

[102] Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 4 Sér., 1899, xxvii. pp. 60–67; see Hierakonpolis, part ii. plate xxviii. In the Revue d’Assyriologie, v. pp. 29–32, Heuzey has lately drawn attention to the resemblance between the early Egyptian and Babylonian bowls of calcite or Egyptian alabaster.

[103] Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, 1887, p. 33.

[104] Nature, August 9, 1883, p. 341.

[105] Daressy, “Le Cercueil d’Emsaht,” in the Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 1899, i. pp. 79–90.

[106] I have called Upper Egypt the seat of the first Pharaohs, not only because the earliest dynastic monuments we possess come from thence, but also because it was of Upper Egypt and its ruling caste that the hawk-god Horus was the guardian deity. From Upper Egypt he was carried to Lower Egypt and its nomes, presumably through conquest, as is monumentally attested by the “palette” of Nar-Buzau discovered at Hierakonpolis (Capart, Débuts de l’Art en Égypte, p. 236). So, too, the anthropomorphic Osiris—the duplicate of Anhur—made his way from the south to the north. That Southern Arabia should have been the connecting-link between Babylonia and Egypt was the result of its being the source of the incense which was imported for religious use into both countries alike at the very beginning of their histories. That this foreign product should have been considered an indispensable adjunct of the religions of the two civilizations is one of the best proofs we have of their connection with one another. Dr. Schweinfurth has shown that the sacred trees of Egypt—the sycamore and the persea—which needed artificial cultivation for their preservation there, came from Southern Arabia, where he found them growing wild under the names of Khanes, Burra and Lebakh (Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft für Erdkünde zu Berlin, July 1889, No. 7).

[107] In the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. On an early Babylonian seal-cylinder, bought by Dr. Scheil at Mossul and figured in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes, xix. 1, 2, No. 7 of the plate, we have: “Ili-su-bani son of Aminanum, servant of the gods Bel and Anupum.” Aminanum may be a Semitized form of the Egyptian Ameni.

[108] Pp. 133, 139, 485.

[109] De Morgan, Recherches sur les Origines de l’Égypte, p. 65.

[110] Scheil, Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes, xix. pp. 50, 54; Sayce, Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, p. 485. The dwarf is represented as dancing before the god Sin on an early Babylonian seal-cylinder published by Scheil in the Recueil, xix. 1, 2, No. 16 of the plate.

[111] It is worth notice that the dwarf-god Bes, who is called “God of Punt” in inscriptions of the Ptolemaic age, appears on Arab coins of the Roman period (Schweinfurth, Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde 1889, No. 7).

[112] Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, Second Series, pl. 15.

[113] Herodotus, i. 193.

[114] The rope appears to have been makutum; see W. A. I. v. 26, 61.

[115] K. 56, ii. 14.

[116] For other evidences of contact between primitive Babylonia and early Egypt, see Heuzey in the Revue d’Assyriologie, 1899, v. 2, pp. 53–6. He there enumerates (1) the resemblance between the stone mace-heads of the two countries in “prehistoric times,” as well as between the flat dishes of veined and ribboned onyx marble, hollowed and rounded by the hand; (2) between the lion-heads of stone, the onyx stone of one of which is stated in an inscription to have come from Magan; (3) the extraordinary likeness in the delineation of animal forms, which extends to conventional details “like the two concentric curves artificially arranged so as to allow the two corners of the profile to be visible at the same time”; (4) the use of a razor and the custom of completely shaving the face, and even the skull; and (5) the ceremonial form of libation by means of a vase of peculiar shape, with a long curved spout and without a handle. This libation vase was practically the same in both countries, in spite of its peculiar and somewhat complicated form. Of later introduction into Egypt was the inscribed cone of terra-cotta, which was of early Babylonian origin, but is not met with in Egypt before the age of the Twelfth dynasty. At any rate, the first specimens of it hitherto found there were discovered by myself at Ed-Dêr, opposite Esna, in 1905 (Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 1905, pp. 164–5).

[117] Recueil de Travaux, etc., xvi. p. 190.

[118] In the later bronze or “Mykenæan” age the seal-cylinders are of a different type, and are engraved on a black artificial paste resembling hæmatite (Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter, Catalogue of the Cyprus Museum, p. 32).

[119] Sayce, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1877, v. part ii.; Bezold, Zeitschrift für Keilinschrift, 1885, pp. 191–3.

[120] Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, November 1905, plate No. 11

[121] A cadastral survey, which was drawn up at this period under Uru-malik, or Urimelech, “the governor of the land of the Amorites,” would, if perfect, have given us an interesting description of Syria and Palestine in the third millennium before our era; see Thureau Dangin in the Revue Sémitigue, Avril 1897.

[122] See Heuzey, in the Revue d’Assyriologie, 1897, pp. 1–12.

[123] This was “the year when Samsu-iluna the king gave Merodach a shining mace of gold and silver, the glory of the temple; it made E-Saggil (the temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon) shine like the stars of heaven.” The title of the year was derived from the chief event, or events, that characterized it. See Dr. Pinches, in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, April and July 1900, pp. 269–73.

[124] See my analysis of some of the Hyksos names in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1901, pp. 95–8. Since the publication of the Paper other names of the same type, like Rabu and Sakti, have come to light. The characteristic names of the Hyksos princes recur among the “Amorite” names found in the contract tablets of the Khammu-rabi period, but not later. The abbreviated forms of the names met with on the Egyptian scarabs are also found in the tablets. Indeed, the contracted form of Ya’qub-el, that is to say, Yakubu, with k instead of q, must have been transcribed from a cuneiform original.

[125] Macalister, Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January 1903, p. 28. It is the seventh stone, however, which alone has been brought from a distance—the neighbourhood of Jerusalem—all the others being of local origin (Quarterly Statement, July 1904, pp. 194–5).

[126] See Sellin, Tell Ta’annek (1904) and Eine Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta’annek in Palästina (1905).

[127] Tell Ta’annek, pp. 27–8. The cylinder is earlier than B.C. 2000.

[128] See my Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 60, 61.

[129] Collection De Clercq, Catalogue méthodique et raisonné, i. p. 217.

[130] Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January 1905, pp. 28, 29.

[131] The chronological difficulty, however, would be partially solved if the date recently proposed by Professor Petrie (Researches in Sinai, ch. xii.) for the Twelfth dynasty—B.C. 3459–3250—be adopted. The Twelfth dynasty would in this case have reigned a thousand years before the dynasty of Khammu-rabi, whose domination in Palestine would have been an interlude in the history of the Hyksos period, while the conquest of Canaan by Sargon and Naram-Sin would have coincided with the supersession of the neolithic population by the “Amorites,” who brought with them the copper and the culture of Babylonia.

[132] Unless we except the gold and silver ornaments found on the body of a woman in a deserted house at Taanach, which, as Dr. Sellin says, are by themselves sufficient to remove “all grounds for doubting such accounts as those in Joshua vii. 21, and Judges viii. 26” (Eine Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta’annek, p. 32).

[133] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, xiv. 3, 4, pp. 377–732.

[134] Eustathius on Dion. Perieget. 767. See Lehmann in the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, pp. 90 and 358–60.

[135] The Vannic kings always call themselves kings, not of the Khaldians, but of Biainas or Bianas, the Byana of Ptolemy, the Van of to-day.

[136] See more especially Belck’s comparison of the Vannic pottery with that of the Assyrian colony of Kara Eyuk, near Kaisariyeh, in the Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft, December 1901, p. 493. Besides the highly-polished lustrous red ware, he found at Kara Eyuk fragments of the same wheel-made wine-jars, “of gigantic size,” which characterized Toprak Kaleh, near Van. Similar jars, as well as lustrous red pottery, were discovered by Schliemann in the “prehistoric” strata at Troy. The animals’ heads in terra-cotta found at Kara Eyuk are stated by Dr. Belck to be similar to those of the Digalla Tepé, near Urumiya. For further details see infra.

[137] See Pinches in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1897, pp. 589–613; and myself in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1897, p. 286.

[138] Thus we find from the Cappadocian cuneiform tablets discovered at Kara Eyuk, north-east of Kaisariyeh, that time was reckoned by the annual succession of officers called limmi as in Assyria.

[139] Dendereh, p. 62.

[140] Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp. 71–91.

[141] See Belck, Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft, December 1901, p. 493; and the admirable plates, iii., vii.–xiv., in Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce. As has been already mentioned (supra, p. 166), Dr. Belck noticed at Kara Eyuk coarse sherds of great thickness coming from wine-jars similar to those of Toprak Kaleh. The black vases with long spouts have been found at Yortan and Boz Eyuk in Phrygia; long-spouted vases of yellow ware with geometrical patterns in maroon-red on the site of Gordium.

Chantre discovered numerous spindle-whorls in the ruins similar to those discovered at Troy. He also found terra-cotta figurines, among which the ram is the most plentiful, as well as covers and handles of vases in the shape of animals’ heads, and some curious hut-urns not unlike those of Latium. Few bronze objects were met with, but among them were five flanged axe-heads of the incurved Egyptian Hyksos type, totally unlike the straight bronze axe-heads from Troy and Angora (of Egyptian I-XII dynasty form), with which M. Chantre compares them. The obsidian implements and stone celts were of the ordinary Asianic pattern. M. Chantre notes that whereas at Troy the terra-cotta figurines represented the heads of oxen or cows, at Kara Eyuk they were the heads of sheep, horses, and perhaps dogs.

[142] Historical Geography of Asia Minor, ch. i., ii.; Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. p. xiv.

[143] Labawa, or Labbaya, for whom see the next chapter. A revised transcript of his letter in Arzawan (Hittite) is given by Knudtzon, Die zwei Arzawa-Briefe, pp. 38–40. The introductory paragraph should read: Ata-mu kît Labbaya ... memis-ta Uan-wa-nnas iskhani-tta-ra atari-ya ueni.—“To my lord says Labbaya ... thy servant of Uan (a district west of Aleppo); seven times I prostrate myself.” In other letters Labbaya is called prince of Rukhizzi, the Rokhe’s-na of the treaty between Ramses II. and the Hittites.

[144] The facts were first stated in my article in the Contemporary Review, August 1905, pp. 264–77, which is reprinted as chapter vii. of the present book.

[145] Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1903, xxxiii. pp. 367–400.

[146] By Shalmaneser II. (Black Obelisk, 61) and Sargon. Sennacherib describes his famous campaign against Phœnicia and Judah as made “to the land of the Hittites.”

[147] Ilios, p. 693. What seem to be similar characters on a seal-cylinder found in the copper-age cemetery of Agia Paraskevi in Cyprus have recently been published by me in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, June 1906, plate ii. No. xi. See above, p. 141.

[148] One of these seals, with the name of Tua-is, “the Charioteer,” in Hittite hieroglyphs, is in the possession of M. de Clercq. Another is figured by Layard, Culte de Mithra, xliv. 3.

[149] See Sayce, Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, pp. 377–9

[150] See Hogarth, “The Zakro Sealings,” in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxii. pp. 76–93, and plates vi.-x.

[151] Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1881, vii. 2, p. 27.

[152] See above, p. 141.

[153] Professor Petrie finds similar marks on Egyptian pottery of the prehistoric and early dynastic age; see his table of signs in The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty (Egypt Exploration Fund), i. p. 32.

[154] Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, xi. pp. 316 sqq. The cylinder was bought by Major Pottinger, but afterwards lost. The inscription seems to read: AN Nin(?)-zi-in Su-lukh(?)-me-am-el Khi-ti-sa ARAD-na—“To the god Nin(?)-zin, Sulukh-ammel (?) son of Khiti, his servant.”

[155] The Etruscan monument is described by Deecke, Das Templum von Piacenza (Etruskische Forschungen, iv. 1880) and Etruskische Forschungen und Studien, part ii. (1882). For the Babylonian prototype, see Boissier, Note sur un Monument babylonien se rapportant â l’extispicine (1899).

[156] Labbawa, or Labawa, is written Labbaya in the letter which is in the Arzawan language.

[157] A copy of the text (Louvre, C 1) is given by Professor Breasted in the American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature, xxi. 3 (1905). The determinative attached to the name is not that of “country” but of “going,” showing that the scribe supposed the name to be connected with some otherwise unknown word that signified “to go,” just as in Gen. xxiii. “The sons of Heth” are supposed by the Hebrew writer to derive their name from the Hebrew khath, “terror.”

Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.
2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.
3. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or X^xx. Italics are shown as _xxx_.