FOOTNOTES

[1] Later Assyrian includes 570 different signs, but only 300 are in common use (British Museum Guide, edited by E. A. W. Budge, 1900, p. 41).

[2] The British Museum Guide goes so far as to mention B.C. 8000 as a probable date (p. 3).

[3] On this subject see Sir Henry Howorth, English Historical Review, April 1898; Weissbach (F. H.), Zur Lösung der Sumerischen Frage, 1897; and especially Mr. Pinches’ ‘Sumerian or Cryptography,’ J. R. A. S. 1900.

[4] Die Achämenideninschriften Zweiter Art., by F. H. Weisbach, 1890, p. 77. Inscription H.

[5] A much defaced inscription at the corner is conjectured from the position of the name Xerxes to have been set up by his son Artaxerxes Longimanus: only the Semitic portion is partly legible, and it is the only trace of that king at Persepolis. Carl Bezold: Die Achämenideninschriften, 1882, pp. 47.

[6] Viagi fatti da Vinetia alla Tana (Vinegia, 1545), p. 46.

Camara is no doubt the same place as the Comerum of Friar Odoricus, 1825 A.D. Cf. Curzon (Hon. G. N.), Persia, 1892, ii. 130. It must have been about ten miles from Persepolis, which Barbaro seems to regard as about a day’s journey.

[7] ‘Dio Padre in uno tondo,’ p. 46.

[8] De le Antiquità, Venetia, 1540. Cf. the edition in the British Museum, Il Terzo Libro di Sebastiano Serlio, Venetia, 1534, p. 100.

[9] See Menant, Les Achéménides (Paris 1872), p. 33, where, however, the reader will find a copy of Serlio’s drawing.

[10] Don Garcia: L’Ambassade (Paris, 1667), p. 163.

[11] Relation des Grandes Guerres, par le P. Fr. Anthoine de Gouvea (Rouen, 1646), p. 78. The original was written at Goa, in 1609, and published at Lisbon, 1611: Relaçam em que se trata das Guerras, etc. (Lisboa).

[12] So spelt in the Portuguese edition, p. 30; ‘Bandimico’ in the French edition, p. 79.

[13] Gouvea, Relation des Grandes Guerres, p. 107.

[14] Op. cit. pp. 134, 174.

[15] Ambassade de Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa en Perse, traduit par de Wicqfort (Paris, 1667), p. 5. The Spanish original does not appear in the Catalogue of the British Museum, where, however, may be found the tract De Rebus Persarum, Antwerp, 1620.

[16] See the letter of Don Garcia in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, ii. 1534.

[17] ‘The Preacher’s Travels, penned by J. C., sometime student in Magdalen Colledge in Oxford,’ London, 1611, p. 84.

[18] He only mentions one (p. 146). He does not seem to have noticed any difference in the animals in the farther Portico.

[19] ‘Brute et grossière estampe’: Ambassade, p. 163. We have already said that this statement is incorrect. Supra, [p. 11].

[20] Viaggi di Pietro della Valle (Brighton, 1843), i. 382.

[21] Viaggi, ii. 231.

[22] Viaggi, vol. ii. For his account of Persepolis see Lettera xv. pp. 228-68.

[23] They are given on p. 253.

[24] Herbert (Sir Thomas), Travels, 1665, pp. 111-17.

[25] Some Yeares Travels, by Sir Thomas Herbert, Bart. See the various editions published in 1634, 1638, 1665 and 1677. The first edition, A Relation of some Years Travaille, begunne anno 1626, by T. H. Esquier, London, 1634, has recently been practically withdrawn from the Museum Library in order to enjoy the honour of appearing within a glass case.

[26] Ed. 1634, p. 56.

[27] Cf. ed. 1634, p. 59.

[28] Ed. 1638, p. 145.

[29] It will be recollected that Della Valle’s letters were not published till 1658.

[30] Vermehrte neue Beschreibung der Muscowitischen und Persischen Reyse (Schleszwig, 1656).

[31] Estat de la Perse en 1660, par le Père Raphaël (Du Mans, Paris, 1890), p. xliii.

[32] Morgenländische Reyse-Beschreibung des Hochedel gebornen J. A. Mandelslo (Schleszwig, 1658), pp. 10-17.

[33] The Voyage and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo, rendered into English by John Davies of Kidwalley, London, 1662.

[34] It will be remarked that Olearus does not mention Della Valle, whose book was not then published.

[35] Some Years Travels, by Sir Tho. Herbert, Bart. (1665), pp. 145-59.

[36] Herbert (1665), p. 153. For a photograph of the north door see Curzon, Persia, ii. 176.

[37] Joret (J. B.), Tavernier (1886), p. 180.

[38] Estat de la Perse, p. lxxviii.

[39] Thévenot (Jean de), Voyages, 5 vols. (Amst. 1727), iv. 491.

[40] Les Beautés de la Perse, par le sieur A.D.D.V. (Paris, 1673), pp. 55-66.

[41] Voyage de M. de Thévenot, Bk. III. chap. vii. pp. 501 ff.

[42] Thévenot (Amsterdam, ed. 1727), vol. iii; see preface and pp. 1-2. Estat de la Perse, pp. lxxv-lxxviii.

[43] Thévenot, iii. 262.

[44] Thévenot, iv. 486.

[45] Joret, p. 203.

[46] Estat de la Perse, p. lxxvi.

[47] Thévenot, iv. 510.

[48] Thévenot, iv. 520.

[49] For Tavernier see Les Six Voyages (Utrecht, 1712, 3 vols.), i. 728; and the excellent Memoir of him by M. Joret, 1886.

[50] Les Voyages de J. Struys (Amsterdam, 1681). Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels, ii. 232.

[51] Struys, pp. 316-317.

[52] Cf. Philosophical Transactions Abridged, iii. 543, where reference is made to Phil. Trans. June 1693; xvii. 776. Hyde (Dr. Thomas), Veterum Persarum ... Historia, 1760, pp. 548, 557, Pl. 14. Cf. Evetts (Basil T. A.), New Light on the Bible (1892), p. 74. Menant, Les Langues perdues (Paris, 1885), p. 62.

[53] Daulier, Les Beautés, p. 55.

[54] This view may have been suggested by Chardin, who was known to Hyde. (Hyde, p. 548, note.)

[55] Hyde, Vet. Pers. Hist. p. 557. Cf. Menant, p. 65.

[56] See Voyages de Monsieur le Chevalier Chardin (Amsterdam, 1711), iii. 98 ff, Plates 52-74; but four of these are devoted to copies of the inscriptions (Pl. 69-73).

[57] Voyages du Chevalier Chardin (ed. Langlès, Paris, 1811), viii. 242-318.

[58] Chardin, Voyages, viii. 401.

[59] A New Account, by J. Fryer (London, 1698), p. 251.

[60] Chardin, viii, 321-3.

[61] Now known as Inscription L. Not to be confounded with the L of Niebuhr.

[62] Ib. pp. 343, 347-51.

[63] Ib. p. 385.

[64] Amoenitates Exoticae, by Engelbert Kaempfer (1712), 297-353.

[65] P. 332. The four inscriptions in Niebuhr are lettered H, I, K, and L. H and I are Persian; K is Susian; and L Babylonian. L is the H of Bezold, p. 39; Menant, p. 78. I is unilingual.

[66] P. 346. Chardin, Pl. 69, p. 320.

[67] Pp. 338, 339. A inscription.

[68] P. 348. C inscription.

[69] B inscription.

[70] P. 350. G inscription.

[71] P. 334.

[72] P. 349.

[73] Voyages de Corneille Le Bruyn (Paris, 1725), iv. 301-408.

[74] A inscription, Table 126 (Le Bruyn).

[75] Cᵃ inscription, Table 131 (Le Bruyn).

[76] B inscription, Table 132 (Le Bruyn).

[77] G inscription, Table 133 (Le Bruyn).

[78] L inscription, Table 134 (Le Bruyn).

[79] Ib. pp. 317, 351. Buckingham also fancied he beheld a female in the Palace of Xerxes.

[80] Ib. pp. 353-4.

[81] Voyage en Arabie, par C. Niebuhr (Amsterdam, 1783), vol. ii. pp. 98-133.

[82] Vol. ii. p. 122.

[83] Morier observes: ‘On comparing Le Bruyn’s, Chardin’s and Niebuhr’s drawings with the sculptures, I found them in general correct in outline, but imperfect in the details of dress, arms, &c.... They have not been done justice to in the works of those travellers.’—Second Journey through Persia (London, 1818), p. 76.

[84] Morier says Le Bruyn has exaggerated the mutilation. A Journey through Persia, by James Morier (London, 1812; referred to as First Journey), p. 134. Elsewhere he says the faces of all the figures to the right are mutilated; Second Journey, p. 76.

[85] In Porter’s drawing this personage appears at the other end of the row. Cf. Plates, Niebuhr, ii. 120, and Porter, Travels in Georgia, i. 670.

[86] Niebuhr, ii. 117.

[87] Niebuhr, ib. p. 111.

[88] P. 125.

[89] Supra, [pp. 71], [73].

[90] Niebuhr, ib. p. 112.

[91] Ib. p. 113.

[92] This, as we have noticed, had been already done by Flower.

[93] P. 117. Professor Sayce makes the obvious remark that another easy way of settling this point is the consideration ‘that the ends of all the lines were exactly underneath each other on the left side, whereas they terminated irregularly on the right.’ Fresh Lights from the Monuments, by A. H. Sayce (1890), p. 10.

[94] ‘Quelques voyageurs en ont tiré la conséquence que les anciens Perses ayent écrit de haut en bas, commes les Chinois. Mais si l’on examine de plus près les inscriptions, comme quelques uns les ont copiées icy, et qu’on les compare avec mes copies, on trouvera que les lignes qui sont droites sont toutes couchées de côté, ce qui fait que le nombre des lettres n’est à beaucoup près pas si grand que peut-être on a pu le penser d’après les copies de mes prédécesseurs.’ Niebuhr, ib. p. 113.

[95] P. 126. Morier saw only one column. First Journey, p. 141.

[96] Heeren, Historical Researches (Eng. ed. 1846), vol. ii. Appendix VI.

[97] Morier, Second Journey, p. 264.

[98] For his fate see Flandin, Voyage en Perse, i. 113.

[99] Second Journey, p. 68.

[100] First Journey, p. 128. On Persepolis and Murgab see chaps. vii. and viii.

[101] Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels in various Countries (3 vols. 1821), vol. ii. note p. 439.

[102] Inscription M.

[103] Second Journey, p. 117.

[104] Second Journey, p. 75; Ouseley, ii. 255. They were afterwards given to the British Museum, and for a long time were the only materials for the study of Persian art. The practice of taking away specimens seems to have been continued by later travellers, and, as Porter says, much of value was ‘doomed to the predatory mallet’ (p. 632). When Rich visited the ruins in 1821, he observed that ‘many parts had been defaced by the passion for preserving curiosities. This rage has induced some even to chip off bits of inscriptions. One has endeavoured to chisel off a very fine head, which was well preserved, and, not succeeding, he has apparently in wrath thrown his mallet against the head and smashed it.’ (Koordistan, ii. 222.) Rich found the inscription on the robe of the king in the Palace of Xerxes had suffered from these proceedings. ‘They have been variously defaced by people chipping off pieces (mostly very recently) for curiosities. I have copied what remains of three of them’ (Babylon and Persepolis, Pl. 19). A disease visited the people of the country shortly after, and those of them who had assisted in these acts of Vandalism thought themselves justly punished. Flandin, ii. 113, 127.

[105] Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels, vol. ii. For Persepolis and Murgab see chaps. xi. and xii.

[106] Ouseley, ii. 91.

[107] Plates 41 and 47, pp. 256-7.

[108] Ouseley, p. 286.

[109] Ib. pp. 265-7.

[110] Pp. 426-9.

[111] Plate 49: 1. Morier, from a pillar of the palace. 2. Gordon (and Morier), from over the winged figure. 3. Ouseley, from the solitary monolith.

[112] Mohl, Rapports annuels faits à la Société Asiatique, 1840-45: 1843, p. 13.

[113] Porter (Sir Robert Ker), Travels in Georgia, &c. (London, 1821), i. 679.

[114] Plates 17 and 18, pp. 516, 518. See the curious engraving of a Royal tomb at Persepolis in Hyde, p. 307, where he says the soul or Icuncula is about to ascend to heaven.

[115] Porter, p. 524.

[116] Ib. p. 587. D’Hancarville had, however, already suggested that they were ‘partly bulls.’ See the various opinions on this question stated by Ouseley, ii. 247, note.

[117] Porter, p. 634.

[118] Porter, p. 502.

[119] Ib. pp. 622-3.

[120] Ib. p. 488-9, Plate 13.

[121] Pl. 44, p. 616. He omits the first four lines.

[122] Pl. 55 and 56, p. 681. Cf. Niebuhr, Pl. 31. Porter left out lines 18 and 19 of Inscription H. Westergaard, Ueber die Keilinschriften (Bonn, 1845), p. 2.

[123] Porter’s Travels were published in 1821, the same year as Ouseley’s, and three years after Morier’s Second Journey, 1818. Loftus complains of the ‘exceedingly rough and incorrect sketch’ made by Porter of a bas-relief at Susa: Chaldæa and Susiana, p. 415. Yet Flandin admits Porter’s talent in drawing. The plates of all his predecessors were, he says, superseded. He became the ‘oracle of the archæologists,’ especially in architecture and sculpture (Flandin, i. 9). The most important contribution since made in English is the chapter on the subject in Lord Curzon’s Persia, Vol. II. chap. xxi.

[124] Texier (Ch. F. M.), Description de l’Arménie (1842-52), i. xv.

[125] Kinneir (J. Macdonald), Geographical Memoir (1813), p. 126. Flandin estimates the distance at eight kilomètres. See Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 129. Murray says vaguely, ‘near’ Hamadan (Handbook, Asia Minor, p. 328). Curzon uses the same expression (i. 566).

[126] Morier, Second Journey, p. 267.

[127] Porter, ii. 120.

[128] Rich (C. J.), Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, ii. 126.

[129] Vaux (W. S. W.), Nineveh and Persepolis (London, 1851), p. 441, note A. J. R. A. S. (1882), vol. xiv., article on Van by Professor Sayce.

[130] Elvend, O and F; Van, K.

[131] Rich, Koordistan, i. xvi, xviii.

[132] Rich, Koordistan, ii. 186.

[133] Ib. p. 215.

[134] Rich, ib. pp. 216-18.

[135] Babylon and Persepolis, by C. J. Rich (1839), p. 240.

[136] Rich, Koordistan, ii, 217-19.

[137] Niebuhr had found only 2½ feet of the stairs visible (Voyage, ii. 111).

[138] Koordistan, ii. 223.

[139] Babylon and Persepolis, Pl. 13, 14, and 15; Inscr. Cᵃ.

[140] Ib. Pl. 16, 17, 18; Inscr. E.

[141] Rich, ib. Pl. 18; Inscr. G.

[142] Pl. 19 (a, b, c, d).

[143] Pl. 20, 21, 22; Cᵇ.

[144] Pl. 23; P.

[145] Pl. 24, 25, 26; D. See Weissbach und Bang, Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften (1893), pp. 5-10.

[146] Rich, Babylon and Persepolis, pp. 250, 252.

[147] Ib. p. 256.

[148] Ib. pp. 247-55. Cf. Koordistan, ii, 222.

[149] Diod. Sic. ii. 13.

[150] Rawlinson (George), Herodotus edited by (1862), ii. 490; The Five Great Monarchies (1879: referred to as History), iii. 416. Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Persia (Eng. ed., 1892), p. 393, but cf. p. 38.

[151] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (referred to as J. R. A. S.) x. 193.

[152] This was suggested by Dr. Hincks in the Dublin University Magazine, Jan. 1847, p. 15.

[153] J. R. A. S. x. 187, 192.

[154] Rawlinson, in Records of the Past, O.S. i. 128. Oppert, ib. ix. 68. Cf. the later attempts of Spiegel, Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften (1881), p. 41, and Weissbach, op. cit. p. 29.

[155] Perrot, p. 33, translator’s note.

[156] Evetts (Basil), New Lights on the Bible, p. 42.

[157] Kinneir, Geographical Memoir, p. 181. Ib. ‘Asia Minor’ (1818), p. 462.

[158] Porter, Travels, ii, 154-8.

[159] Memoirs of Sir Henry Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., by George Rawlinson (Longmans, 1898). In the title-page he is described as K.C.B. According to Dod the higher rank was conferred in 1889: K.C.B. in 1856.

[160] J. R. A. S. x. 15. Layard, however, says he sometimes at least availed himself of a powerful telescope. Nineveh and Babylon (1882), p. xliii.

[161] Memoir, p. 63.

[162] J. R. A. S. x. 7, note.

[163] Athenæum, Nov. 8, 1884.

[164] Memoir, p. 144.

[165] Memoir, p. 156, note.

[166] Rawlinson, in J. R. A. S. xii. 408.

[167] Fergusson (James), The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis, p. vii.

[168] Texier, ii. 151.

[169] Fergusson, p. 160, note.

[170] Flandin (Eugène), Voyage en Perse (2 vols., 1851), i. 5. Cf. p. 497.

[171] Flandin, Voyage, i. 451.

[172] I. 423, 443, 448.

[173] I. 450-1.

[174] II. 79, 362.

[175] II. 83-4. Cf. Pl. 194-203.

[176] II. 125.

[177] Fergusson, p. 107, note; p. 165, note; p. 176; Flandin counted only three windows on the north side of the Hall of the Hundred Columns. Their number is not yet ascertained. See Curzon, ii. 177. This is a point, says Fergusson, ‘which nothing but the most inexcusable carelessness could have left at all doubtful.’

[178] Cf. the account already given of the principal palace at Murgab (Flandin, 8vo, ii. 83) with the Pl. 197. See also the account of the Palace of Darius, p. 176, and the Palace of Ochus, p. 184, and compare with the plates. Of the Palace of Darius he says: ‘C’est à peine si l’on en retrouve assez de traces pour reconnaître la distribution intérieure de l’édifice,’ p. 176.

[179] II. 125.

[180] Flandin, ii. 98, 106-10.

[181] Ib. i. 493.

[182] II. 186.

[183] Ib. p. 160.

[184] Ib. p. 177; Fergusson, p. 117.

[185] Flandin, ii. 179.

[186] Ib. p. 187; Fergusson, p. 132.

[187] Flandin, p. 196; Fergusson, p. 176; Ouseley, ii. 239; Niebuhr, ii. 121.

[188] Notwithstanding an escort of irregular horse, Baron de Bode, however, narrowly escaped receiving a volley into his party from the Bakhtiyari, whose impetuosity was only restrained by Mr. Layard, who happened to be among them at the time. Layard, Early Adventures (1894), p. 210.

[189] Flandin, ii, 380-81.

[190] Ib. p. 433.

[191] Flandin, ii. 481.

[192] Ib. i. 489, note.

[193] Some of the plates seem to have appeared in 1848 (J. R. A. S. 1848, ix. 393, note), but the earliest received in the British Museum was in August 1850; others not till September 1851. The plan of the S.E. edifice and the general plan of the ruins were not available for Fergusson up to December 1850. See Fergusson, p. 96, note; p. 132, note.

[194] Flandin, i. 492.

[195] Ib. i. 10.

[196] For a few of these scenes see ii. 28, 93, 103, 174, 397. He cared little whether the punishment fell on the right man. After one of these encounters he writes: ‘Au bout d’une heure le Ket-Khodâh arriva avec quelques hommes qui en conduisaient un autre les mains liées, qu’ils me présentèrent comme celui qui avait été instigateur des offenses dont je me plaignais. Je ne le reconnaissais pas; mais peu importait. Ce que je voulais, ce que je devais à mon habit de frengui, c’était de ne pas laisser impunie une aggression comme celle dont j’avais eu à souffrir ... je me contentai donc du prétendu coupable qui m’était amené: le Ket-Khodâh le fit coucher sur le dos; on lui attacha le bas des jambes à un bâton dont les extrémités étaient tenues en l’air par deux hommes qui lui administrèrent des coups de verges sur la plante des pieds. Lorsque je crus avoir assez fait pour l’exemple j’arrêtai les coups’ (ii. 398).

[197] Noeldeke (Theod.), Persepolis: Die Achaemenidischen Denkmäler, Berlin, 1882, 2 vols. fol.

[198] Noeldeke, ib. ‘Vorwort,’ vol. i.; Pl. 148-50.

[199] Note to No. 46. Cf. No. 76.

[200] Note to No. 95.

[201] The following may be referred to as complete failures: Plates 9, 10, 14, 33, 35, 36, 37 and 58.

[202] La Perse, par Mme Jane Dieulafoy, Paris, 1887.

[203] Fergusson, Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis, p. 162.

[204] Kinneir, Geographical Memoir, p. 100; Porter, ii. 411; Curzon, ii. 309.

[205] Kinneir, p. 92.

[206] Ib. p. 100.

[207] W. K. Loftus, Chaldæa and Susiana (1857), pp. 417-19. A sketch of the stone may be seen in Walpole’s Travels in Turkey, ii. 426, and is reproduced in Loftus, p. 419.

[208] Ouseley, i. 420.

[209] Rawlinson, Memoir, p. 63; Bonomi, Nineveh and its Palaces (1889), p. 479; Loftus, p. 344; J. R. A. S. xii. 482. This inscription was long known as the Susra Inscription, from the name of the king as deciphered by Rawlinson.

[210] Layard, Early Adventures, pp. 352-6.

[211] Layard, ib. p. 167. For drawings see Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Persia, p. 378.

[212] Loftus (W. Kennett), Chaldæa and Susiana (1857), p. 343.

[213] Ib. p. 352.

[214] Loftus, pp. 366-7.

[215] Ib. pp. 368, 375.

[216] ‘A Suse: Journal des Fouilles, par Madame Jane Dieulafoy, Officier de la Légion d’Honneur’ (Paris, 1888), p. 115.

[217] Ib. p. 132.

[218] Ib. p. 158.

[219] Ib. p. 160.

[220] Ib. p. 167; for illustration see L’Acropole de Suse, par Marcel Dieulafoy (Paris, 1893), p. 298.

[221] A Suse, pp. 194-5.

[222] A Suse, pp. 196-8.

[223] Ib. p. 263.

[224] De Morgan, Recherches Archéologiques, p. 69, note 5.

[225] A Suse, p. 309.

[226] Ib. p. 319.

[227] ‘Nous avons acquis, au prix d’un travail opiniâtre et d’efforts dont nul ne soupçonnera jamais l’âpreté, des richesses archéologiques inestimables. Les reliques des Palais achéménides ne furent pas arrachées à un monument superbe, mais ressuscitées des entrailles avares de la terre et conquises au péril de notre vie. En ma qualité d’historiographe des fouilles, il m’appartient de parler hautement et sans fausse modestie. La mission de Susiane a livré une bataille désespérée et la Providence aidant, elle revient victorieuse.’ A Suse, p. 353.

[228] Recherches Archéologiques, par J. de Morgan, G. Jéquier et G. Lampre (Paris, 1900), vol. i. p. ix.

[229] Recherches, p. 79; Loftus, Chaldæa, p. 367.

[230] Recherches, p. 72.

[231] Tranchée 12.

[232] See Chronological Tablet in Radau, Early Babylonian History, p. 30.

[233] Recherches, pp. 145 and 165.

[234] Ib. p. 183. Gallery B.

[235] Recherches, pp. 187-8.

[236] Galleries C and D.

[237] Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 146.

[238] Oppert, Records, O.S. ix. p. 81.

[239] Spiegel, Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften, p. 53.

[240] Oppert, Le Peuple des Mèdes, p. 215. Quoted by Spiegel, p. 117.

[241] Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 143.

[242] Benfey, Die Persischen Keilinschriften (1847), p. 68; Spiegel, p. 129; Records, O.S. ix. 87.

[243] Niebuhr (C.), Voyage en Arabie, ii. 106.

[244] See [Appendix A]. The defective letters are Nos. 1, 3, 6, 8, 17, 20, 30, 37 and the diagonal No. 2.

[245] Cf. the alphabets. Spiegel, Altpersischen Keilinschriften (Leipzig, 1881), pp. 142, 144, 159.

[246] Tychsen (O. G.), (Rostock, 1798, 4to) p. 5.

[247] Tychsen, pp. 22-6.

[248] See [Appendix A], which shows the letters of the cuneiform alphabet arranged according to Niebuhr’s list, and the values Tychsen has assigned to each. The numbers preceding the letters in the text refer to the numbers of the letters in Niebuhr’s alphabet.

[249] Tychsen, p. 27.

[250] He made this discovery afterwards, either independently or else he accepted it from Münter. See Heeren, Historical Researches (Eng. ed. 1846), ii. 329.

[251] Tychsen, pp. 29-30.

[252] Ib. pp. 17, 22.

[253] Münter (F. C.), Versuch über die keilförmigen Inschriften (Kopenhagen, 1802, 8vo), p. 8.

[254] Magasin Encyclopédique, rédigé par A. L. Millin, Year IX, vol. iii.

[255] Münter, p. 25.

[256] Heeren (A. H. L.), Historische Werke: ‘Ideen über die Politik’ (1824), xi. 407.

[257] Münter, pp. 85, 106, 123.

[258] P. 123; but cf. p. 87, where he pronounces more definitely for different languages.

[259] Recueil d’Antiquités, vol. v. Pl. 30; for the Babylonian bricks, Millin, iii. 20.

[260] Münter, p. 78.

[261] Ib. p. 113.

[262] Ib. p. 105.

[263] Ib. p. 106, note.

[264] Münter, pp. 105, 109.

[265] Ib. p. 114.

[266] Ib. p. 117.

[267] Münter’s consonants are:

P4𐎣 wrong
Kh11𐎭wrong
Khdefective
R3defective
StrongR16𐎨wrong
Sdefective
B𐎲right

his vowels:

E or A21𐎠right A
A23𐎶wrong
Idefective
Ou &c.38𐏁wrong
O vocal12𐎡wrong
Odefective

[268] Münter, p. 125.

[269] ‘Aber selbst die Flectionen, die mir überall im Wege standen, mussten mich in meiner Erwartung, hier nomina propria anzutreffen, immer ungewisser machen, und dadurch musste ich auch immer mehr davon abgeschreckt werden in dem Wort mit den 7 Buchstaben einen Königstitel zu suchen.’ p. 127.

[270] Ib. p. 126.

[271] Münter, p. 118.

[272] Münter, p. 128.

[273] Ib. p. 140.

[274] Ib. p. 120.

[275] Ib. p. 90.

[276] See above, [p. 24].

[277] Vol. xxviii. Hager’s Dissertation, p. xv., note.

[278] Journal des Savants, 1790.

[279] Vol. v. Pl. 30. See J. R. A. S. xi. 389.

[280] Münter, Pl. 2, figs. 1 and 2.

[281] Hager (Joseph), Dissertation on the Newly-Discovered Babylonian Inscriptions (London, 1801), p. xvi.

[282] See Millin Magasin Encyclopédique (Year IX), ii. 36.

[283] Hager, p. xviii.

[284] Ib. pp. xix. 40-41.

[285] Ib. pp. 20, 37, 40, 48.

[286] Hager, p. 50.

[287] Millin, loc. cit. p. 46.

[288] Dorow, Die Assyrische Keilinschriften erläutert (Wiesbaden, 1820), p. 25.

[289] Hager, pp. 60-1.

[290] Ib. pp. 53, 56.

[291] Hager, pp. 52, 62.

[292] See Millin (Year VIII), v. 441. It was reprinted at Helmstadt, 1803, 1 vol. 4to.

[293] De Sacy, in Millin, ib. p. 450.

[294] Ib. p. 453.

[295] Ib. p. 443.

[296] Millin, pp. 445-7. The Michaux Stone, as is now well known, is a Kudurru, or landmark, of which class it is still the oldest specimen. It dates from B.C. 1120, and being chiefly an inventory of effects and measurements, the difficulties of its translation have been only recently overcome. See Maspero (G.), Dawn of Civilisation (Eng. ed. 1894), p. 762.

[297] Letter to Dorow, Die Assyrische Keilinschriften (1820), pp. 28, 59.

[298] Grotefend (G. F.), Neue Beiträge, Hanover, 1847, 4to.

[299] Heeren, Werke, xi. 344.

[300] Ib. pp. 345, 352.

[301] Year VIII (1803), v. 438. De Sacy’s essay is accompanied by a plate giving the text, transliteration and translation of the B and G inscriptions of Niebuhr.

[302] Vols. iv. and v.

[303] Historische Werke, xi. 325. We have used the edition of 1824 as the more accessible. On comparing it with the earlier edition of 1815, we have not found any difference of importance. Both editions contain the same two plates. No. 1 is taken from De Sacy, as above, and edited by Tychsen. It gives Grotefend’s alphabet exactly as it subsequently appeared, but without the later emendations of the sr and k, together with the long list of defective signs. At the bottom is a transliteration of the Xerxes inscription (G). No. 2 is by Grotefend. It gives the cuneiform text in the three species of writing of the inscriptions of Xerxes and Cyrus, and that on the Caylus Vase, with the translation. The three columns are divided so as to show the words of each species that correspond to one another. Kaulen says Grotefend’s essay appeared in the second edition of 1805 (Assyrien und Babylonien, 1899, p. 126). Weisbach says its first appearance was in 1815 (Achämenideninschriften Zweiter Art, 1890, p. 3). We have not found the second edition in the British Museum.

[304] De Sacy, Mémoires sur diverses Antiquités, Paris, 1793. It is given by Heeren (Eng. ed.), vol. ii. App. 2, p. 332.

[305] 𐎲 was assumed to be the same as the 𐎼 r in ‘Darius.’

[306] The true Zend spelling is ‘khchayo’; the ‘h’ before ‘y’ expressed in cuneiform is understood in Zend. Burnouf (Eugène), Mémoire sur deux Inscriptions (1836), p. 76.

[307] Millin, Year VIII, v. 461.

[308] Ib. p. 462.

[309] Cf. Grotefend’s own account of how he heard of bun. Heeren (Eng. ed.), ii. 337.

[310] It seems to have been completed by the time he wrote the tract on the Zend alphabet, which is reviewed in Millin, Year VIII, vi. 96 (1803).

[311] Heeren (Eng. ed.), ii. 329.

[312] Millin (1803), v. 458.

[313] See Heeren (ed. 1815), vol. i. part 2, p. 704.

[314] Heeren (1824), xi. 372. See Eng. ed. ii. 350.

[315] Ib. p. 351.

[316] Heeren (Eng. ed.), 126; Millin (1803), v. 438, Plate.

[317] See supra, [p. 73].

[318] Heeren, ib. p. 126. Millin, ii. 370, iii. 211.

[319] Heeren (ed. 1815), pp. 592, 595. Cf. Eng. ed. ii. 339.

[320] Ib. (1824), xi. 353, Cf. Eng. ed. ii. 337.

[321] Millin, iii. 212 (1803).

[322] The two words are as follows:

mnishiycorrect
𐏃·𐎧·𐎠·𐎶·𐎴·𐎡·𐏁·𐎡·𐎹·
GrotefendAkhaotschoschoh
mzcorrect
𐎠·𐎢·𐎼·𐎶·𐏀·𐎭·𐎠·
GrotefendA or Euroghda or e

[323] Menant, Les Langues perdues, p. 111.

[324] Millin, xi. 99 (1803).

[325] Millin, vi. 96.

[326] Heeren (Eng. ed.), ii. 330.

[327] The Caillou Michaux. De Sacy also held that this inscription was different from the third Persepolitan, and that the Babylonian bricks and cylinders offered another variety (Millin, 1803, v. 440). De Sacy reported that the inscriptions on the bricks at Paris differed entirely from the inscriptions published by Hager (Hager, p. 58, note.)

[328] Heeren (Eng. ed.), ii. 324-5; Millin, ii. 372; cf. Werke, xi. 334, 339, 355. Heeren also thought the first species was the oldest.

[329] Heeren, Werke, xi. 342.

[330] Grotefend’s views on this point were explained in the Fundgruben des Orients, vol. v. pt. 3. See Grotefend, Neue Beiträge (1840), p. 7.

[331] Dorow, op. cit. p. 26. Cf. Grotefend, Neue Beiträge (1840), p. 23.

[332] Dorow, pp. 32, 38, 41. He recurs to this subject in Neue Beiträge (1840), pp. 6 and 7, and refers for his original treatment of it to Fundgruben des Orients, vol. iv. pt. 4, and vol. vi. pt. 2.

[333] Dorow, p. 42.

[334] Erläuterung über einige Babylonische Cylinder (1820), by Grotefend; and Nachträgliche Bemerkungen which follow it.

[335] Cf. J. R. A. S. 1848 (Annual Report, 1846) p. vii. Holtzmann, Beiträge zur Erklärung der Persischen Keilinschriften (Carlsruhe, 1845), p. 13.

[336] Neue Beiträge (1837), p. 17.

[337] Ib. p. 25.

[338] Ib. p. 35.

[339] Ib. p. 28.

[340] Ib. p. 39.

[341] Holtzmann, Beiträge, p. 16.

[342] In the same year Burnouf suggested ‘this is,’ or ‘I am’ (Mémoire sur deux Inscriptions, p. 170).

[343] Holtzmann, Beiträge, p. 24.

[344] Smith’s Biblical Dictionary, art. ‘Nineveh,’ p. 560.

[345] J. R. A. S. (1861), xviii. 77.

[346] Mohl (Jules), Vingt-sept ans d’Histoire des Etudes Orientales, i. 546; Report, June 1854.

[347] See Grotefend’s Alphabet, App. A. Cf. Burnouf, Mémoire, Pl. 1. See his correct values, App. B.

[348] Dorow, p. 28.

[349] Millin, v. 451, 465.

[350] Dorow, p. 58.

[351] ‘Journey to Babylon in 1811,’ by J. C. Rich, p. 6; published in Babylon and Persepolis, 1839.

[352] Vaux, Nineveh and Persepolis (1851), p. 187.

[353] It was translated into French by M. Raymond, the Consul at Bussora, 1818. Journal Asiatique, i. 58.

[354] Rich, p. 185.

[355] Ib. p. 188.

[356] Rich, p. 186, note. This statement is, however, too sweeping, for Grotefend always clearly distinguished two distinct kinds of Babylonian, corresponding to the cursive and the hieratic. Rich’s first and third are examples respectively of these two styles. The former, or cursive, occurs in lapidary inscriptions such as Rich has described; the second, or hieratic, on bricks and cylinders, and in the long inscription of Sir Harford Jones (the India House Inscription). Rich’s second species is not a distinct variety. Its peculiarity consists only in the ‘distortion of oblique elongation,’ due perhaps to the eccentricity of the engraver. (See Rawlinson in J. R. A. S. x. 24.)

[357] Rich, p. 99.

[358] Ib. p. 190.

[359] Rich, p. 183.

[360] Dorow, p. 26.

[361] Ib. p. 26. Neue Beiträge (1840), p. 16.

[362] Neue Beiträge (1837), p. 6, Plate 1.

[363] Ib. (1840), p. 23.

[364] Klaproth (H. J.), Aperçu de l’Origine des diverses Ecritures (Paris, 1832), p. 63.

[365] Ib. p. 63. Cf. Journal Asiatique (1823), p. 69.

[366] Journal Asiatique (1823), pp. 68-70.

[367] Ib. p. 85, note.

[368] Journal Asiatique (1823), p. 82.

[369] St. Martin agreed with Grotefend in the signs for s, r, d, b or p, a, t, kh, and sch (𐏁) which, in accordance with French orthography, he read ch. He rejected k, f, sr, a (No. 41), all of which are correct.

[370] The following is the list of incorrect values assigned by Grotefend, showing the changes made by St. Martin:

GrotefendSt. MartinCorrect
vrb
eiv(a)
oech
ghez(u)
oam
ihth
hey
hem
tschb and mn

[371] ‘Lob verdient, dass er sich bescheidet, einige Zeichen als unentziffert hinzustellen.’ Lassen, Altpersische Keilinschriften (Bonn, 1836), p. 18.

[372] Klaproth, Aperçu, p. 63.

[373] The b (𐎴) is given in the Journal Asiatique.

[374] See Heeren, Werke, xi. 363; Journal Asiatique (1823), p. 83.

[375] Klaproth gives St. Martin’s Darius Inscription.

[376] Rask (E.), Ueber das Alter der Zend-Sprache (Berlin, 1826), p. 28; Klaproth, p. 67.

[377] See above, [p. 179].

[378] For St. Martin’s alphabet see Journal Asiatique (1823), p. 67, Plate; Burnouf, Mémoire, Pl. 1; and Klaproth, Aperçu, p. 63. St. Martin was engaged upon the second and third columns at the time of his death. His Memoir remained incomplete, and, so far as we know, it has never been published in a separate form. Journal Asiatique (3ᵉ série), v. 359.

[379] Translated from the Danish by Hagen, Berlin, 1826.

[380] In 1832 Schlegel asserted that the Zend and the Zend-Avesta were forgeries by the Guebres (or Parsees) of Guzerat (Heeren, Eng. ed., ii. 341). Rawlinson, in 1847, was still of opinion that Zend dates after Alexander, possibly some centuries (J. R. A. S. x. 50). He was also convinced of the late origin of the Zend-Avesta.

[381] Rask, p. 28.

[382] Rask, p. 80. St. Martin had already intimated a doubt as to their absolute identity (Journal Asiatique, 1823, p. 77).

[383] Published in Journal Asiatique, 1826.

[384] Menant (I.), Les Langues perdues, Perse, p. 21.

[385] Zoroasters lebendiges Wort, S. F. Kleuker, Riga, 1777.

[386] Tychsen, De Religionum Zoroastricarum apud veteres gentes Vestigiis. See Heeren, i. 237.

[387] Rask, op. cit. 1826.

[388] Mémoire, p. 8.

[389] See above, [p. 96].

[390] Ouseley (Sir W.), vol. ii. Pl. 46; Burnouf, Mémoire, pp. 9, 17.

[391] Niebuhr, vol. ii. Pl. 31, p. 123.

[392] See above, [p. 187].

[393] Burnouf, Mémoire, p. 29.

[394] Ib. p. 25.

[395]

𐎺·𐏀·𐎼·𐎣
Grotefendeghre
St. Martiniere
Burnoufizrk
Correctr(a)zr(a)k(a)

[396] See above, [p. 182].

[397] Mémoire, p. 38.

[398] The true transliteration is ‘vazraka,’ and its meaning ‘great.’ See Spiegel, p. 46.

[399]

𐎠·𐎼·𐎷·𐎡·𐎴
Burnoufarion
Correctarmin(a)

[400] Mémoire, p. 149.

[401] Ib. p. 138:

𐎠·𐎰·𐎢·𐎼·𐎠
Burnoufayura
Correctathurâ

[402] Mémoire, p. 151.

[403] Mémoire, p. 148.

[404] Ib. p. 158.

[405] Mémoire, p. 157.

[406] Ib. p. 154.

[407] Ib. p. 133.

[408] Mémoire, p. 159.

[409] Correct values from Grotefend, acknowledged by Burnouf, are:

r, d, a (Münter), f, kh, p, s or ç, ch 8 in all
Incorrect values from Grotefend, o, u, g, h 4 in all
12 35 15 27
Correct values from Grotefend, not acknowledged by Burnouf, t, u, a 3 in all
24 36 41
15 in all

He credits St. Martin with t, because he agreed with him that the central wedge should be drawn slightly lower than the other two (p. 137). He credits the u to St. Martin and the a to himself, because he says both are short, whereas Grotefend made them long (p. 142-3). But these reasons are clearly insufficient to deprive Grotefend of the merit of having suggested to Burnouf the values of the three letters.

[410] The twelve correct values claimed to have been discovered by Burnouf are:

Grotefend Burnouf
4 𐎣 e k Correct
7 𐎲 v b Correct (from Münter)
16 𐎡 o v Wrong (from Münter), ch
18 𐏀 gh z Correct
19 𐎮 uncertain l? d(i) } Correct values
25 𐎤 k q k(a) }
22 𐎬 th dh t(u) }
26 𐎰 i y th }
29 𐎷 h î m(i) }
34 𐎯 z gh d(u) }
40 𐎽 sr l r(u) }
41 𐏃 a a h(a), Correct (from Grotefend)

[411] I.e. fifteen from Grotefend, one, i, from St. Martin, two from Rask, and eleven of his own: that is, deducting the a of Grotefend already included. As we have seen, he credited himself with the b of Münter, which Grotefend did not accept—twenty-nine in all.

[412] Rawlinson; z(j)i, Oppert.

[413] Burnouf, Mémoire, p. 110.

[414] Ib. pp. 113, 115.

[415] I.e.

2from Münter, a, b
10from Grotefend, r, d, f, kh, p, s or ç, ch, t, u, a (41)
2from Rask, n, m
2from himself, k, z
16

[416] Burnouf, Mémoire, p. 166.

[417] Ib. p. 58.

[418] Ib. p. 82. Cf. Spiegel, p. 47.

[419] Mémoire, pp. 59-60, 89, 95, 100. In Grotefend these are represented by ‘coelestem,’ ‘defunctum,’ ‘amplificet,’ ‘populorum.’

[420] Heeren (ed. 1815), vol. i. p. 601.

[421] Mémoire, Pl. 2 and 3.

[422] Elsewhere ‘fortis.’

[423] Mémoire, p. 119. Burnouf suspected, as we have said, that the word he transliterated ‘buiom’ and translated ‘excellent’ should be ‘bumom’ and mean ‘earth’: ‘He has given this earth’ (p. 149). The change of the i into m turned out afterwards to be correct, and the word ‘bum’im’ does signify ‘earth,’ the passage being ‘who created this earth.’

[424] See Spiegel, p. 47.

[425] Göttingen Anzeigen (1832), p. 122. Holtzman (A.), Beiträge, p. 16.

[426] Mémoire, pp. 133, 138, 146, 154, 155. Grotefend had already detected Persia.

[427] Ib. p. 148. He considers Ionia the probable reading, but he cannot yet admit it decisively. Some writers add Aria to Burnouf’s correct discoveries (J. R. A. S. x. 12, note, Rawlinson), but the word he translates ‘Arion’ and identifies with Arran, between the Caspian and Black Seas, occurs in line 12 and signifies Armenia. The word for Aria is in the sixteenth line, and he identifies it with Haroyu of the Parsees, the Indian Sarayu (p. 155).

[428] Mémoire, pp. 40, 61, 65-6.

[429] Ib. pp. 41-2, 55.

[430] Mémoire, pp. 87, 161.

[431] Ib. p. 163.

[432] Ib. pp. 57, 108, 163, 165.

[433] Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften (Bonn, 1836), preface, p. iv.

[434] Holtzmann, Beiträge, p. 9.

[435] Journal Asiatique (3ᵉ série), v. 372.

[436] Lassen, p. 15.

[437] Burnouf, Mémoire, p. 2.

[438] Ib. p. 128.

[439] Rawlinson generously credits him with twelve (J. R. A. S. x. 4).

[440] See Grotefend’s alphabet in Burnouf, Pl. 1.

[441] He states that by š he means to indicate the same sound as Grotefend by sch (Altpers. Keil. p. 24).

[442] 𐎹, h (really y); 𐎡, i = ê.

[443] 𐎤 (no independent value given, but in composition of the diphthong he treats it as a: it is really k); 𐎢u = ô.

[444] 𐎢, u; 𐎺, w (really v) = q.

[445] Lassen, p. 6.

[446] I inscription, line 12. Lassen, pp. 89, 152. Rawlinson’s Herod. iv. 186.

[447] See above, [p. 219].

[448] Lassen, p. 48.

[449] ‘Ich glaube nämlich erwiesen zu haben, dass der Vocal “a” nur initial, in der Mitte nur vor “h” und vor andern Vocalen ausdrücklich durch ein Schriftzeichen geschrieben, allen Consonanten dagegen inhärirt, wenn er nicht durch ein anderes Vocalzeichen ausgeschlossen wird.’—Lassen, p. 16.

[450] Ib. p. 53.

[451] See above, [p. 224].

[452] Lassen, p. 42.

[453] Lassen, p. 88.

[454] Ib. pp. 84, 108.

[455] Ib. p. 113.

[456] Lassen, p. 117.

[457] Jacquet considered this correction one of the most ingenious Lassen made (Journal Asiatique, 3ᵉ Série, vol. v. p. 562).

[458] Lassen, p. 38.

[459] Ib. p. 39.

[460] Lassen, pp. 41, 119-20.

[461] See above, [p. 226].

[462] Lassen, p. 46.

[463] pp. 29, 54.

[464] Lassen, pp. 38, 107.

[465] Ib. p. 128.

[466] Ib. pp. 107, 112. Cf. Spiegel, p. 50.

[467] Spiegel is taken as representing the correct version. Cf. Spiegel, p. 64 (Inscr. Cᵃ); Burnouf, Plate III.; Lassen, p. 174; Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 53, Inscr. C.

[468] Lassen, pp. 94-100.

[469] Lassen’s transliteration of the provinces is as follows:

Pârᵃça, p. 155; Mâd, p. 63; Bâbis‘us‘, p. 67; Ârᵃbâh, p. 69; Âzurâ, p. 79; G‘udrâhâ, p. 84; Ârᵃmin, p. 85; Kᵃtpᵃt‘uk, p. 88; Çᵃpᵃrd, p. 89; Hunâ, p. 89; Açᵃgᵃrt, p. 101; Pᵃrzᵃwᵃ, p. 102; Zᵃrᵃk, p. 103; Aryᵃwᵃ, p. 105; Bâk‘tris‘, p. 106; Çug‘d, p. 106; Qârᵃzmiᵃh, p. 107; Zᵃtᵃgᵃdus, p. 108; Arᵃqᵃtis, p. 112; Aidus, p. 113; Gadâr, p. 114; Çᵃka, p. 114; Mᵃk, p. 114; Qwan, p. 115.

The correct transliteration is:

Pârsa, Mâda, Bâbir’u, Arabâya, Athurâ, M’udrây, Arm‘ina, Katapat’uka, Sparda, Yaunâ, Asagarta, Parthava, Zarâñka, Haraiva, Bakhtrish, Sug’da, Uvârazami‘ya, Thatag’ush, Harauvatish, Hiñd‘ush, Gañdâra, Sakâ, Maka, Uvaja.

Of these Lassen identified twenty correctly:

Persia, Media, Babylon, Assyria, Armenia, Cappadocia, Çapardia (Sparda), Acagartia, Parthae, Zarangae, Areiae (Aria), Bactria, Çugdia, Chorazmia, Sattagadus, Arachosia, India, Gadar (Gandara), Çacae, Maci.

He was wrong in Chaona, Arbela, Gudraha and Hunae (Lassen, passim; Spiegel, p. 50; Menant, p. 80). When Jacquet wrote, in 1838, he understood that Lassen had already given up the Huns. Journal Asiatique (Oct. 1838), vi. 403.

[470] Beiträge (Hanover, 1837), p. 17.

[471] Grotefend, Beiträge (1837), pp. 34, 45. See Plate IV. where a misprint makes it look like rk.

[472] Ib. p. 17. See alphabet in Plate IV.

[473] Spiegel, p. 140.

[474] Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, ii. 172 for i and u; p. 174 for all three. Holtzmann, Beiträge, p. 15.

[475] As regards the y, Lassen always substitutes the palatal j for the half-vowel, and Holtzmann follows him; but this was, no doubt, due to the practical exclusion of y from the German alphabet. Lassen says that Beer and Jacquet both corrected the sign to j, though we know that Jacquet always wrote y; and Rawlinson acknowledges that he received the y from Lassen. From the time of Benfey (1847) the y is finally adopted in German transliterations.

[476] Mémoire de E. Jacquet, par Félix Nève (Bruxelles, 1855), p. 10.

[477] Mémoire, par Nève, p. 74.

[478] Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 41, note.

[479] Mémoire, par Nève, p. 101.

[480] April, May, June, and October, 1838, Journal Asiatique, 3ᵉ série, vols. v. and vi.

[481] Mémoire, p. 77. See Journal Asiatique, v. 561, 566, vi. 404, 424, note, and passim.

[482] Journal Asiatique, v. 591, vi. 403.

[483] Journal Asiatique, v. 571 (cf. 562), vi. 414, 421.

[484] Ib. v. 562, note.

[485] Ib. v. 592, vi. 419. Zeitschrift für die Kunde &c. ii. 171.

[486] Spiegel, p. 140. See Zeitschrift, ii. 165.

[487] Spiegel, p. 140.

[488] See his contributions in vols. i. ii. and iii. Urkunden in Babylonischer Keilschrift.

[489] Zeitschrift, ii, 165.

[490] Zeitschrift, ii, 169.

[491] Ib. p. 172.

[492] Ib. p. 173.

[493] Mémoire, par Nève, p. 81.

[494] J. R. A. S. x. 5.

[495] Canon Rawlinson explains the process thus: ‘Applying to the letters of these names the phonetic values previously obtained from the trio Hystaspes, Darius, Xerxes, twenty-one out of the twenty-eight letters were found exactly to suit their place. The remainder were new forms and furnished the alphabet with four new letters, m, n, h, and ch.’ (Memoir of Sir Henry Rawlinson, p. 320.) Rawlinson himself, however, confessed in 1846: ‘I am neither able, nor is it of any consequence after the lapse of so many years, to describe the means by which I ascertained the power of each particular letter, or to discriminate the respective dates of the discoveries.’ (J. R. A. S. x. 6, note.)

[496] J. R. A. S. x. 7.

[497] See above, [pp. 179], [201].

[498] Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, pp. 311-17.

[499] Babylon and Persepolis, preface, p. vii. Cf. Vaux, Nineveh and Persepolis, p. 426.

[500] J. R. A. S. x. 8-10.

[501] Ib. x. 10.

[502] J. R. A. S. x. 8, note. Cf. Behistun, Col. I. line 28.

[503] Lassen, Ueber die Keilinschriften, 1845 (henceforth referred to as ‘Second Memoir’), p. 49. Rawlinson in J. R. A. S. x. 8, 17, 130.

[504] J. R. A. S. x. 8, 17. See above, [p. 238].

[505] Spiegel, p. 152.

[506] The German periodicals of 1839 recognised Rawlinson as discoverer of the tr. Dublin University Magazine (1847), p. 21.

[507] J. R. A. S. x. 9, 12-13.

[508] His paper is noticed in the Athenæum, Jan. 1840. J. R. A. S. vol. viii. Report, 1845: Athenæum, Nov. 8, 1884.

[509] J. R. A. S. x. 18.

[510] Beiträge, p. 16.

[511] Rich, Babylon and Persepolis, 1839. See above, [p. 99].

[512] These inscriptions were reviewed by Lassen in the Zeitschrift (1840, iii, 442) when he attempted the translation of the Artaxerxes Inscription.

[513] See above, [p. 226].

[514] So late as 1839, he could not bring himself to give up ‘Ochus’ in the Murgab inscription, although he felt greatly shaken by the arguments of Jacquet in support of ‘Kurus.’ He ended by leaving 25 𐎤 unaltered, but changed 40 (𐎽) from s into gh (Zeitschrift, ii. 169-71). His acceptance of the correct value, r, appears in 1844: and the approximate value of q for 25 (𐎤) k, making ‘Qurus’ for ‘Kurus.’

[515] Beiträge zur Erklärung &c. (Karlsruhe, 1845), ap. Spiegel, p. 142.

[516] Zeitschrift für die Kunde &c. ii. 172.

[517] Journal Asiatique, vi. 416.

[518] Lassen, Second Memoir, p. 5.

[519] See Alphabet in Burnouf.

[520] Second Memoir, p. 76.

[521] Ib. p. 166. This was not discovered when Lassen wrote in 1839. He then thought the new letter had the value of x (Zeitschrift, ii. 175).

[522] Lassen, First Memoir, p. 14. In 1852 we are told that English scholars were still disposed to distrust ‘the authenticity of the Zendavesta as translated by Anquetil,’ and it is curious to learn that the Achaemenian inscriptions were appealed to, to prove ‘that there was in use in Persia in the time of Darius a language very much the same as Zend.’ J. R. A. S. xiii. (1852) 200.

[523] Lassen, First Memoir, p. 3.

[524] Ib. p. 11. Cf. Beiträge (1837), p. 24.

[525] Lassen, Second Memoir, p. 253. Burnouf seemed to think that the Old Persian descended directly from the Zend. Jacquet, Journal Asiatique, v. 371.

[526] Lassen, Second Memoir, p. 6.

[527] Dublin University Magazine, Jan. 1847, p. 21.

[528] Rawlinson in J. R. A. S. x. 313.

[529] Second Memoir, pp. 80, 145.

[530] See above, [p. 7].

[531] Holtzmann, Beiträge zur Erklärung, Carlsruhe, 1845.

[532] I Inscription, line 19 (Second Memoir, p. 176); Eᵇ Inscription, line 24 (ib. p. 173).

[533] Second Memoir, pp. 65, 68; Holtzmann, p. 62.

[534] Holtzmann, p. 78.

[535] By Spiegel, p. 142, who erroneously says he valued it as j.

[536] Lassen, Second Memoir, p. 28; Holtzmann, p. 74.

[537] First Memoir, p. 152; Second Memoir, p. 52.

[538] Lassen, Second Memoir, pp. 53, 64; Holtzmann, p. 120.

[539] I Inscription, lines 20-4; Second Memoir, p. 176; Holtzmann, p. 63; Spiegel, p. 51.

[540] Inscription H, line 11; Second Memoir, p. 27; Holtzmann, p. 65; Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 274; Spiegel, p. 49.

[541] Holtzmann, p. 117; Second Memoir, p. 116; Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 308.

[542] Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy (1848), vol. xxi. pt. ii.

[543] J. R. A. S. ix. 387.

[544] Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. p. 131.

[545] Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. pp. 242, 244, 253.

[546] In Journal of Sacred Literature, 1855; J. R. A. S. (1866), vol. ii.

[547] Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. p. 243.

[548] Ib. p. 233; J. R. A. S. x. lxx.

[549] Athenæum, December 19, 1846.

[550] It took forty-four days to communicate between Bagdad and London. If, therefore, Hincks’s paper had been forwarded earlier, say on June 12, it would have been in Major Rawlinson’s hands on July 26; but we have positive assurance on Mr. Norris’s authority that this was not the case. See the Athenæum, loc. cit.

[551] See above, [pp. 229], [244]; Holtzmann, pp. 60, 78.

[552] Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. pp. 117-18.

[553] Ib. p. 124; cf. Spiegel, E Inscription, line 18, p. 60.

[554] Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. p. 116. For Hincks’s Alphabet see Trans. R. I. Acad. loc. cit. p. 131 and App. A.

[555] Athenæum, Nov 8, 1884.

[556] J. R. A. S. x. 16. Hincks received Part I. in time for his papers, read on Nov. 30 and Dec. 14, 1846. Trans. R. I. Acad. vol. xxi. part ii. p. 233.

[557] Report, June 1847, J. R. A. S. x. p. vii.

[558] Ib. p. xvi.

[559] J. R. A. S. x. 18.

[560] Ib. x. 2.

[561] Lassen’s first letter to Rawlinson is dated August 19, 1838. See Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, p. 316.

[562] J. R. A. S. x. 8, 9, 10, notes.

[563] J. R. A. S. x. 10, note.

[564] See ib. p. 8, note.

[565] Spiegel, p. 154.

[566] Rawlinson wrote, early in 1846: ‘The cause of the affinity of the vowel i for the characters j, t, m and v can neither be explained, nor can we perceive any uniform effect which the coalition produces upon the phonetic power of the consonant. I can only illustrate the formation of the different groups by adverting to the law which still prevails in the Tartarian dialects, requiring the juxtaposition of certain vowels with consonants in order to render the latter articulable; and by observing that, as a similar rule appears to hold good in the so-called Median alphabet, which has every indication of a Scythic origin, it is not improbable that the Persian writing may have been indebted to that source for so remarkable a deviation from the true principles of Arian orthography.’ J. R. A. S. x. 65.

[567] J. R. A. S. x. 176.

[568] J. R. A. S. x. 185.

[569] Holtzmann, Beiträge, p. 152.

[570] J. R. A. S. x. 177.

[571] Ib. x. 175.

[572] Athenæum, December 19, 1846, p. 1302. Cf. ib. November 22, 1884.

[573] J. R. A. S. x. 195, note.

[574] Ib. x. 56, 60, 65, 69.

[575] Ib. xi. 15, 20, 47, 72. Cf. Spiegel, pp. 180, 204, 208, 210.

[576] Ib. xi. 27, 176. Cf. Spiegel, p. 209, 222.

[577] J. R. A. S. x. 83.

[578] Ib. p. 40.

[579] Ib. p. 50.

[580] J. R. A. S. xi. 51.

[581] Die Persischen Keilinschriften, Leipzig, 1847.

[582] In the Persepolitan texts there are not more than four hundred words; the Behistun comprises ten times as many as all the rest put together. Darmesteter, quoted by Perrot, History of Art in Persia, p. 33, note.

[583] J. R. A. S. x. p. xlvi.

[584] Spiegel, p. 23.

[585] J. R. A. S. x. p. lvii.

[586] Benfey, Die Persischen Keilinschriften (Leipzig, 1847), p. 9.

[587] Records of the Past, O.S. i. 112. Spiegel, pp. 7, 86.

[588] Records, loc. cit. p. 112.

[589] J. R. A. S. x. 206.

[590] Spiegel, p. 89. Spiegel translates (1881): ‘Die Plätze der Anbetung, welche Gaumâta der Mager zerstört hatte, bewahrte ich dem Volke, die Weideplätze (?), die Heerden, die Wohnungen je nach Clanen, was Gaumâta der Mager ihnen weggenommen hatte’ (p. 9). Weissbach (1898): ‘Die Tempel, welche Gaumâta, der Mager, zerstört hatte, stellte ich wieder her, für das Volk die Hilfsmittel, die Herden und das Wohnen in den Häusern (?) welche Gaumâta, der Mager, geraubt hatte’ (p. 15).

[591] Records, O.S. i. 128.

[592] Ib. ix, 68, 69. Cf. Spiegel, pp. 41, 109; Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 122; Weissbach, Altpersischen Keilinschriften. p. 31.

[593] Records, O.S. ix. 77; Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 311; Spiegel, p. 121. M. Benfey attempted to restore this inscription, but in 1852 Oppert declared that the labour was a simple loss of time. It is perhaps to be regretted that he did not adhere to his first impression. Journal Asiatique, xix. 172 (March 1852).

[594] Vol. xii. p. xix, xv. p. 432; Spiegel, p. 59; Oppert, Rec. O.S. ix. 78.

[595] Spiegel, pp. 59, 122.

[596] Die Grabschrift des Darius, Zürich, 1847.

[597] Vapereau, Dictionnaire des Contemporains.

[598] Published at Berlin, 1847.

[599] J. R. A. S. xii. 403.

[600] Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, p. 165.

[601] Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, p. 324.

[602] Ib. p. 33.

[603] Mémoire sur les Inscriptions des Achéménides, Paris, 1852, 8vo. Journ. Asiatique (4ᵉ série), vols. xvii.-xix.

[604] Journal Asiatique, xviii. 560.

[605] Rec. O.S. i. 107.

[606] Ib. ix. 67.

[607] Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften, von Fr. Spiegel, second edition, Leipzig, 1881.

[608] Les Achéménides et les Inscriptions de la Perse, par Joachim Menant, Paris, 1872.

[609] Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften, von F. H. Weissbach und W. Bang, Leipzig, 1893. Die Achämenideninschriften zweiter Art, von F. H. Weisbach, Leipzig, 1890.

[610] Die Achäm. Ins. des Babylonischen Textes, von Dr. Carl Bezold, Leipzig, 1882.

[611] This opinion is attributed to Niebuhr by M. Oppert (Expédition en Mésopotamie, 1859, ii. 2); in the passage referred to Niebuhr merely says there are three alphabets, but says nothing about their being in the same language (Niebuhr, ii. 113).

[612] Heeren, Historical Researches (Eng. ed.), ii. 324. Durow, Die Assyrische Keilschriften erläutert (Wiesbaden, 1820), p. 38.

[613] Beiträge, 1837, p. 24.

[614] Heeren, ib. pp. 329-30.

[615] Beiträge, 1837, p. 39.

[616] Copenhagen, 1844.

[617] Bonn, 1845. Westergaard wrote a later essay on the same subject in Danish, which we have not been able to consult (Kjöbenhavn, 1856).

[618] Copenhagen edition, pp. 330, 338.

[619] Ib. pp. 340, 364. The E inscription from the seventeenth line may be seen at page 347. Cf. with Weisbach, Die Inschriften Zweiter Art, p. 82.

[620] Cf. Copenhagen edition, p. 419; Bonn ed. p. 113.

[621] Copenhagen edition, p. 323. Cf. this with the declination of the same word by De Saulcy (Journal Asiatique, 1849, xiv. 179), where the accusative singular is ‘Keiounay,’ and the genitive plural ‘Keiouyna’ or ‘Keioulara’!

[622] Beiträge, 1837, p. 42.

[623] No. 24 of Weisbach.

[624] Nos. 9, 10, 18, 65. Appendix C.

[625] No. 12 in Weisbach’s list: the others are 63 and 65 in the same list.

[626] Copenhagen edition, p. 278. This statement is softened in the Bonn edition (p. 6), where he merely says that neither of the two determinatives he had recognised preceded these words. Cf. ib. p. 124.

[627] He thought possibly the vowels might be limited to the long and short sounds of a, i and u, and in that case he was disposed to change his e into i, which would have been correct (p. 118).

[628] Bonn edition, pp. 118-119. See [Appendix C].

[629] Burnouf, Mémoire sur Deux Inscriptions (1836), p. 2.

[630] Westergaard (Bonn edition), pp. 4, 123. Cf. Copenhagen edition, 272.

[631] J. R. A. S. x. 228.

[632] Ib. xv. 115.

[633] J. R. A. S. x. 20, note.

[634] Westergaard was also struck by the similarity of the Georgian plural affix ‘bi.’ Copenhagen edition, pp. 300, 305.

[635] J. R. A. S. x. 37.

[636] Ib. vol. ix. Report, 1846, and Report, May 1848.

[637] In his last paper he made several corrections in the values of the letters (Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 241) which Menant has not taken into account in his Table. Les Ecritures cunéiformes (second ed. 1864), p. 138.

[638] J. R. A. S. vol. ix. Report, 1846, p. xvii.

[639] Transactions, ib. pp. 125-28.

[640] Transactions, ib. p. 129. J. R. A. S. xii. 483.

[641] Journal Asiatique (4ᵉ série), vols. xiv. xv. August 1849, May 1850.

[642] De Saulcy was distinguished for his success in reading the Egyptian demotic character, which Mohl regarded as the greatest achievement since Champollion (Rapports Annuels à la Société Asiatique, 1844, p. 36).

[643] Weisbach, op. cit. p. 47.

[644] Le Peuple et la Langue des Mèdes (1879), p. 41.

[645] Journal Asiatique, xiv. 103, xv. 527.

[646] Weisbach, op. cit. p. 47. Oppert, Nos. 52, 77, 88.

[647] Journal Asiatique, xiv. 212: ‘Que certains signes de l’écriture médique avaient une assez grande ressemblance avec les signes Persans de même valeur, mais que la plupart d’entre eux étaient identiques avec des signes de l’écriture Assyrienne.’ Hincks had already pointed out, in 1845, that there were many characters common to both (Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 131); and in June 1849 he added that a ‘very large proportion of the Median characters can be identified with Assyrio-Babylonian characters, having nearly the same phonetic values’ (xxii. 4). Westergaard thought the writing originated in Babylon, ‘whence it spread in two branches, eastward to Susiana and northward to the Assyrian Empire, from whence it passed to Media, and last to ancient Persis’ (p. 273, Copenhagen edition). He thought the Median bore most resemblance to Assyrian writing, and Persian to Babylonian writing (ib. p. 272; cf. Bonn edition, p. 4).

[648] Copenhagen ed. p. 271.

[649] Weisbach, p. 7; Mohl, Vingt-sept ans d’Etudes, i. 419; Athenæum, July 6 and September 7, 1850. Cf. above, p. 194.

[650] Holtzman’s essays appeared in the Zeitschrift D.M.G. between 1851 and 1854. They are reported by Weisbach and Mohl, loc. cit.

[651] Journal Asiatique (4ᵉ série), xvii. 541. Cf. Les Mèdes, p. 2.

[652] Norris, No. 97; Weisbach, No. 108.

[653] J. R. A. S. xv. 5.

[654]

m Norris, No. 58 Weisbach, No. 57
r ” ” 78 ” ” 61
s ” ” 90 ” ” 45
s ” ” 94 ” Determinative
t ” ” 38 ” No. 50
t ” ” 43 ” ” 42 at

[655] He attributes this observation to Holtzmann, who wrote in 1851; but Hincks’s opinion was published three years previously in the Trans. R. I. Acad. 1848. Norris had heard of De Saulcy, but did not read him; see J. R. A. S. xv. 153, note.

[656] We have counted 47, ib. pp. 7-46.

[657] See also Nos. 67, 74 (Norris’s list).

[658] For example, Nos. 17, 35, 58.

[659] Oppert takes the credit of this to himself: ‘Depuis 1851, j’avais entrevu l’origine touranienne de l’écriture cunéiforme’ (Les Mèdes, p. 5), but he acknowledges that Norris had suggested it.

[660] M. Oppert claims to have suggested in 1847 that Median belongs to the ‘Finno-ouralienne’ race (Expédition, p. 82). He has not given any reference, and we know of no writing of his of that date except the tract already reviewed: and this opinion does not appear to be stated there.

[661] Cf. J. R. A. S. xv. 63; cf. Weisbach, p. 49.

[662] Cf. Westergaard, Bonn edition, p. 113; Journal Asiatique, xv. 426.

[663] Cf. J. R. A. S. xv. 149; Les Mèdes, p. 197; Weisbach, p. 77.

[664] Mohl, op. cit. vol. ii. Report, June 1855; Weisbach, p. 7.

[665] Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie (1851-4), par Jules Oppert, vol. ii. Paris, 1859.

[666] M. Oppert cannot always be taken seriously where his own claims are concerned. Writing in 1859, he says of the Median: ‘Tous nos devanciers, y compris M. Norris, l’ont prise pour une écriture distincte de celle des Assyriens’ (p. 71). Leaving out of account Norris’s identification of 47 of the characters, De Saulcy had pronounced them to be ‘identical’ in 1848. Oppert now compares 97 Median signs and 8 ideograms with both Babylonian and Assyrian groups.

[667] ‘Deux caractères n’expriment jamais le même son,’ p. 35. ‘Les mêmes sons syllabiques sont toujours attachés au même signe,’ p. 77.

[668] Bonomy, Nineveh and its Palaces (1889), p. 479; J. R. A. S. xii. 482.

[669] J. R. A. S. (1855), xv. 97; Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, p. 174.

[670] Layard (Sir H.), Early Adventures (1894), pp. 168, 220. Cf. Professor Sayce in Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch. iii, 472.

[671] J. R. A. S. x. 28; ib. xii. 483.

[672] ‘Development of Cuneiform Syllabary’ (1887), J. R. A. S. vol. xix. They appeared to Mr. Vaux in 1851 ‘to contain a considerable number of new characters, for which no conjectural equivalent can be found either in the Babylonian or the Assyrian alphabet’ (Nineveh and Persepolis, p. 431).

[673] Trans. S. B. A. vol. iii. (1874), p. 479; Records of the Past, O.S. vol. vii. (1876), p. 81.

[674] Trans. S. B. A. loc. cit. p. 472.

[675] The word ‘Assyrian’ is often used as interchangeable with ‘Babylonian,’ especially by French writers. Professor Sayce, although he here lapses into this habit, is careful to explain that ‘the form of the character proves that the syllabary was derived from Babylonian, and not from Assyrian as the Armenian.’ Trans. S. B. A. (1874), iii, 471.

[676] Menant, Les Ecritures, p. 137.

[677] Weisbach, Die Achaemenideninschriften Zweiter Art, pp. 25-27.

[678] Trans. S. B. A. vol. iii, article by Prof. Sayce ‘On the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Elam and Media,’ p. 465.

[679] Cf. Oppert, Les Mèdes, p. 41; Weisbach, p. 33. With regard to the other two, he now omits No. 21, to which he had formerly assigned ‘kam’—the ‘zis’ of Weisbach (No. 25). The other, 71ᵇ, he changes from ‘tu’ to ‘kin,’ the ‘en’ of Weisbach (No. 109).

[680] These are: 16, ‘ni’ to ‘ne’; 34, ‘ta’ to ‘te’; 75, ‘ha’ to ‘a’; 77, ‘nu’ to ‘ni.’

[681] 16ᵃ, ‘çi’; 39ᶜ, ‘mak’; 60ᵃ, ‘tin.’

[682]

No.5appears asNos.9and56.
No.28”Nos.18”69.
No.25”Nos.29”76.
No.16ᵃ”Nos.60”94.
No.26”Nos.80”81.
No.68”Nos.91”101.

[683] These are:

Oppert No. 35, ‘mu’ = Weisbach No. 5.
” No. 66, ‘iz’ = ” No. 33.
” No. 107, ‘race’ = ” No. 82.
” No. 49, ‘la’ Not in Weisbach.
” No. 109, ‘paz’ (animal) Not in Weisbach.

[684] Namely, No. 21, which Weisbach values as ‘zis’ No. 25. No. 20 Oppert includes among his signs, but cannot find its value. In Norris it is ‘kwe.’ In the list given in Sayce’s article it is ‘khub.’ Weisbach gives ‘kup (?)’ No. 29.

[685] Weisbach fails to find a value for 71ᵃ, to which Oppert gives ‘nu’ (No. 41).

[686] No. 35 Oppert ‘git,’ Weisbach ‘am’; 39ᶠ Oppert ‘mun,’ Weisbach ‘tum’; 71ᵇ Oppert ‘kin’; Weisbach ‘en’; 76 Oppert o, Weisbach u.

[687] Weisbach, op. cit. p. 33.

[688] Oppert, op. cit. p. 30.

[689] Oppert, pp. 77, 81-4. Weisbach, pp. 51, 53.

[690] Oppert, p. 62. Weisbach, p. 50.

[691] Oppert, p. 196. Weisbach, p. 77.

[692] Oppert, p. 215. Weisbach, p. 79.

[693] Norris in J. R. A. S. xv. 145; Oppert, Records of the Past, vii. 109. Cf. Les Mèdes, p. 155; Weisbach, p. 77. See also the surprising expansion into ‘the future life,’ Col. IV. par. 7 (Les Mèdes, p. 149), which, however, he softens in the English version to ‘May I die as a Mazdean’ (Records, loc. cit. p. 106). Cf. Weisbach, p. 73. par. 46, line 99.

[694] ‘Nous ne connaissons pas un seul nom propre de Mède qui ne soit Aryan—ceux de Déjocès et d’Ecbatane sont du perse le plus pur.’—1852, Les Mèdes, p. 2.

[695] Sayce seems to be the only noteworthy exception. See Early Israel, p. 242.

[696] Le Peuple des Mèdes, Bruxelles, 1883.

[697] Trans. S. B. A. iii. 468.

[698] Hommel (Dr. Fritz), Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (Berlin, 1885), p. 101.

[699] Gobineau, Lectures des Textes cunéiformes. He afterwards wrote Traités des Ecritures cunéiformes, 2 vols. 1864. Mohl, op. cit. Report 1859, ii, 257.

[700] Major Conder also, J. R. A. S. (1892), xxiv. 734. He thinks Akkadian is also nearest to Turkish, though Akkadian words survive unchanged to the present day in Finnic-Hungarian and Ugric (ib.).

[701] Op. cit. p. 46.

[702] Weisbach, op. cit. pp. 13, 45. He has since given in his adhesion to the orthodox view. See Zur Lösung der Sumerischen Frage (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 16, 36.

[703] Trans. S. B. A. iii. 466.

[704] Rawlinson was the first to show that the Alarodians of Herodotus (iii. 94, vii. 79) were probably the Uradhians or people of Ararat of the Assyrian texts. See Sayce on Van, J. R. A. S. 1882, vol. xiv.

[705] The knowledge of Kassite is limited to about fifty words found in a lexicon list (Hommel, p. 47, note 3). Delitzsch denies their relationship to Susian.

[706] Of Hittite it could still be said in 1893, ‘So far we know nothing whatever about the Hittite language’ (J. R. A. S. 1893, p. 404). Cf. Conder’s notes in the same volume, p. 823.

[707] Mr. Sayce succeeded in deciphering the Vannic in 1893 and 1894 (J. R. A. S. 1894, p. 699).

[708] Conder on Lycian, J. R. A. S. 1891, p. 614.

[709] Beiträge, 1840, p. 60.

[710] Rich, Babylon and Persepolis, p. 185, note.

[711] The third system is seen in Rich, Pl. IX. No. 4. Cf. Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 24.

[712] Beiträge, 1840, p. 7.

[713] See Table, ib. p. 65.

[714] See Hincks, Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 242.

[715] Beiträge, p. 33. See Table, p. 72.

[716] Ker Porter, Pl. 78, vol. ii. East India House Inscription, Col. III. lines 15-65. Ap. Menant, Ecritures, p. 144.

[717] Nov. 1846; Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 243-5.

[718] In Koordistan, ii. 130, he gives a facsimile of writing from Nimrud. See also Babylon and Persepolis, Pl. IX. No. 5. Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. x. 27.

[719] Journal Asiatique, ix. 257.

[720] Menant, Ecritures, p. 170.

[721] In July 1849, 88 plates were out, but not the descriptive text. The work was finally in five volumes folio, and contained 220 inscriptions. The inscriptions were sold separately for 60 francs.

[722] See the drawing of it in Menant, Ecritures, p. 168. It is published by Layard, Pl. 53-6, and translated by Rawlinson, 1850, and by Hincks, 1854.

[723] Hincks, Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi, 253.

[724] Neue Beiträge (1837), p. 41.

[725] Menant, Les Langues perdues: Assyrie (Paris, 1886), p. 135.

[726] Essai de Déchiffrement (1845), p. 11. Cf. Exposé des Eléments constitutifs (1847), p. 11.

[727] Trans. R. I. Acad. 1846, xxi. 131.

[728] Exposé, p. 14, note.

[729] Journal Asiatique (4ᵉ série, 1847-8), vols. ix-xi, Mémoire sur l’Ecriture Assyrienne, Paris, 1848.

[730] Journal Asiatique, 1848, xi. 248 ff.

[731] Ib. 1847, ix. 376.

[732] Ib. xi. 249.

[733] Hommel, Geschichte, p. 95, note.

[734] J. R. A. S. 1847, x. 28.

[735] J. R. A. S. x. 22 ff. Rawlinson’s classification of the writing is as follows (1847):

Cuneiform Signs 1. Babylonian Babylonian proper Bricks and cylinders (Lapidary)
East India House Inscription
Cursive
Third Persepolitan Column Practically the same as the Cursive Babylonian
2. Assyrian Assyrian proper Lapidary
Cursive
Van
3. Elymaean (found by Layard at Malamir)

[736] J. R. A. S. xii. 407. Layard, Nineveh and its Remains (1849), ii. 171.

[737] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 131.

[738] Westergaard, Copenhagen edition, p. 271.

[739] Bertin in Trans. S. B. A. 1885, vol. viii. Cf. his article on the Syllabary in J. R. A. S. 1887, vol. xix.

[740] Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 13.

[741] Athenæum, Sept. 20, 1884.

[742] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 131.

[743] Journal Asiatique, ix. 377, xi. 266-71.

[744] J. R. A. S. 1848, ix. 414.

[745] The Armenian inscription Schulz, No. 8, was the one De Saulcy attempted (Mohl, Vingt-sept ans d’histoire, i. 350). Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are the trilingual of Xerxes.

[746] J. R. A. S. 1850, x. 410.

[747] Boscawen, The Bible and the Monuments, p. 18; Pinches, S. B. A., 1882, vol. vii. ‘On Assyrian Grammar.’ Cf. Sayce, The Science of Language (3rd ed. 1890), ii. 168.

[748] Beiträge, 1887, pp. 24, 37, 39; 1840, p. 65, Plate. Cf. above, pp. 184, 299.

[749] See these stated by Löwenstern, Essai de Déchiffrement, 1845, p. 12.

[750] Löwenstern, op. cit. p. 13.

[751] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 131.

[752] Trans. R. I. Acad. p. 249-52.

[753] Exposé, p. 44.

[754] Ib. p. 38; Menant, Ecritures, p. 224.

[755] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 247; Menant, p. 216; Journal Asiatique, x. 146.

[756] Journal Asiatique, xi. 272.

[757] Sept. 14 and Nov. 27.

[758] Hommel, Geschichte, p. 95.

[759] ‘On the Khorsabad Inscription,’ Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 71.

[760] J. R. A. S. xii. 410-16.

[761] Ib. p. 414. Prof. Haupt in J. R. A. S. 1878, x. 244-6.

[762] King (L. W.), First Steps in Assyrian, 1898, Introduction, p. xvii. See Sayce, J. R. A. S. 1877, ix. 23. Cf. Science of Language, ii. 167.

[763] Trans. S. B. A. 1882, vol. vii. ‘On Assyrian Grammar.’

[764] The Bible and the Monuments, p. 30.

[765] Menant, Ecritures, p. 224.

[766] Mohl, op. cit. i. 419.

[767] Evans (George), Essay on Assyriology, p. 1.

[768] Evetts, New Lights, p. 123.

[769] Menant, Ecritures, p. 245; Langues Sémitiques, 1863, p. 63.

[770] J. R. A. S. vol. i. N. S. Report, May 1865, p. x.

[771] Beiträge, 1837, Pl. I.; cf. Menant, Manuel de la Langue Assyrienne, 1880, p. 282. Beiträge, Pl. III.; Menant, p. 278.

[772] Beiträge, 1840, Plate, p. 65.

[773] Ib. p. 65.

[774] Ib. 1837, Pl. IV.

[775] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 242.

[776] Beiträge, 1840, pp. 56-7, and Plate. Cf. Menant, Manuel, p. 305.

[777] Journal Asiatique, ix. 377.

[778] Cf. Grotefend, Beiträge, 1840, p. 65. Löwenstern’s r is only the first portion of Grotefend’s sign.

[779] ‘Lettre de Longpérier,’ Sept. 1847, in Revue Archéologique, 1848, p. 503.

[780] Postscript, written June 1846, to paper ‘On the First and Second Kinds of Persepolitan Writing,’ Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 131.

[781] ‘On the Three Kinds of Persepolitan Writing,’ read Nov. and Dec. 1846: Trans. R. I. Acad. xxi. 242.

[782] Transactions, ib. p. 249.

[783] J. R. A. S. ix. 432.

[784] ‘Lettre a Löwenstern,’ Sept. 1847, in Revue Archéologique, 1848.

[785] Journal Asiatique, 1848, xi. 247.

[786] J. R. A. S. 1847, x. 24.

[787] Exposé, p. 10, note.

[788] Hommel, Geschichte, p. 98.

[789] Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. 173.

[790] J. R. A. S. x. 29.

[791] Exposé, p. 44.

[792] Ib. p. 73.

[793] Exposé, p. 58.

[794] Ib. pp. 56, 73.

[795] See No. 21 of Hincks, where it is unnoticed. Cf. Exposé, p. 28.

[796] Exposé, pp. 27, 85-6. Cf. Transactions, xxi. 247.

[797] He instances the word for ‘earth,’ p. 86.

[798] ‘Lettre à Löwenstern,’ loc. cit. p. 506.

[799] Rawlinson thus describes Botta’s labours. He has been employed in ‘constructing a complete table of variants, the frequent repetition of the same word with orthographical variations furnishing him with a key to the equivalent signs: and by these means he has succeeded, he informs me, in reducing the Assyrian alphabet to some manageable compass.’—J. R. A. S. 1846, x. 29.

[800] Journal Asiatique, 1848, March, xi. 245.

[801] Journal Asiatique, ix. 378; ‘Lettre à Letronne,’ Revue Archéologique, 1848, p. 466.

[802] Cf. Rev. Archéol. 1848, p. 504.

[803] Rev. Archéol. ib. p. 503. See Oppert, Expédition, p. 123.

[804] J. R. A. S. Dec. 1847, ix. 439.

[805] Athenæum, Aug. 23, 1851.

[806] J. R. A. S. 1848, vol. ix.

[807] ‘On the Khorsabad Inscription,’ Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 12.

[808] Transactions, xxi. 241, 247.

[809] Ib. xxii. 328; Athenæum, Sept. 21, 1850, p. 1000.

[810] ‘It will appear,’ he says later on, ‘that I consider the syllabary to be of Indo-European origin.’ In 1852 he adds: ‘The characters all represent syllables, and were originally intended to represent a non-Semitic language.’ Transactions, xxii. 57; ib. p. 295.

[811] Transactions, xxii. 25. In this case, however, it is so. Hincks afterwards instanced an, which, followed by ac, he reads, not ‘anac,’ but ‘nabu.’ Athenæum, Sept. 21, 1850.

[812] He explained this matter with great clearness in 1850, when he showed that the sign for an is used (1) as a simple phonograph in some words, as in ‘zarangu’; (2) elsewhere it occurs alone as an independent ideograph for ‘god,’ and forms the plural ‘gods’ by the mere addition of the plural sign. (3) Again, it is found before the proper names of gods, as before Aurmuzd. Here the name is phonetically complete without it, and it is therefore simply a non-phonetic determinative. (4) Elsewhere it forms part of a compound ideograph, and may entirely change its phonetic value; and (5) it may be used ideographically for ‘god’ in Semitic proper names, where its value is not an but ilu, or sometimes Assur.—Transactions, ib. pp. 27-30; Athenæum, ib.

[813] He admits in Sept. 1850 that he had not yet seen Longpérier’s paper (Athenæum, Sept. 21, 1850).

[814] He explained, however, that his short a corresponds to the Greek epsilon (Transactions, p. 10). In his list the consonants followed by ā are really those followed by a, and those followed by a correspond to the consonants followed by i. His view of the four vowels dates from the paper on Van, Dec. 1847 (J. R. A. S. 1848, vol. ix.).

[815] Athenæum, Aug. 24, 1850, p. 908.

[816] Essai de Déchiffrement, p. 11; cf. Journal Asiatique, 1848, xi. 246.

[817] Thus Löwenstern, writing in 1847, before the third column was taken, says: ‘Rawlinson a, durant nombre d’années, interdit au public savant la vue des trésors dont il s’était réservé de faire un usage si utile à sa gloire.’—Exposé, p. 10.

[818] J. R. A. S. xii. 404.

[819] Mr. King has given a list of 329 signs (First Steps in Assyrian, p. cxxxii.). Conder reckons about 550 in all (‘On Hittite Writing,’ J. R. A. S. 1893, p. 829).

[820] Menant, in 1864, reports 6,000 words, Ecritures, p. 256.

[821] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 70.

[822] He refers to the British Museum series recently edited by Layard and Birch.

[823] J. R. A. S. xii. 430 ff. The greater part, if not the whole of the Obelisk inscription was translated before the publication of Layard’s book in 1849. Layard, Nineveh and its Remains (1849), ii. 192, note.

[824] Cf. J. R. A. S. xii. 482-3; Records of the Past, N.S. 1890, iv. 39-40. The translator is Father Scheil, who has not thought it worth while to mention the name of his great predecessor. From what he says the reader might suppose the inscription was first translated by Oppert (p. 37).

[825] He thought the dynasty of Nimrud flourished B.C. 1300-1200, and the later dynasty of Khorsabad from B.C. 1100-1000. J. R. A. S. xii. 471.

[826] ‘The cuneiform text accompanied by a transcript in Roman characters and an interlineary Latin translation was printed’ before May; see Report, May 1851, J. R. A. S. xiii. p. vi. The complete volume appeared in January 1852 (ib. p. 199). Rawlinson returned to Bagdad in the autumn of 1851 (Memoir, p. 171).

[827] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 56.

[828] The report of his lecture, given in the Athenæum, leaves no doubt on this point. It says: ‘Major Rawlinson could not admit that the phonetic system was entirely syllabic, as had been sometimes stated. There was no doubt an extensive syllabarium, and the literal characters, moreover, required a vowel-sound either to precede or follow the consonant: but such vowel sound was rarely uniform. He preferred, therefore, distinguishing the literal signs as sonant and complemental, and leaving the vowels to be supplied according to the requirements of the language’ (Athenæum, March 2, 1850). And in August of the same year he vindicated the use of bona fide letters, in opposition to Hincks, who maintained that ‘the characters had all definite syllabic values’ (Athenæum, Aug. 24, 1850).

[829] For example, he describes the signs for ut and ti as t; for bu and bil as b; for la and li as l; su as s, and ku as k (J. R. A. S. xii. 405, 406, 424, 433). Hincks already knew that the signs indicated ti, bu, la, li and ku.

[830] Cf. J. R. A. S. xii. 413, xiv. p. xi.

[831] Hincks, Trans. R. I. Acad. 1852, xxii. 306, note. Cf. Rawlinson, J. R. A. S. xii. 406.

[832] J. R. A. S. xiv. 4.

[833] Dr. Hommel has, however, come to a somewhat different conclusion, Geschichte, p. 99.

[834] Menant estimates ‘the necessary simple syllables’ at eighty-two, though this number is slightly modified in practice (Manuel, p. 6).

[835] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 70.

[836] See those marked H 1849 or 1850 in ‘Assyrio-Babylonian Phonetic Characters’ (Trans. R. I. Acad. 1852, xxii. 293, ff).

[837] J. R. A. S. xiv. 3.

[838] For Rawlinson see J. R. A. S. vol. xiv. Plate 1; for De Saulcy, Journal Asiatique, 1854, iii. 95; for Bezold, Die Achämenideninschriften, p. 24.

[839] The sign for ‘king’ was written ‘melik,’ after the Hebrew, till it was seen that the Assyrians pronounced it ‘sarru’ (Menant, Manuel, p. 265). In Rawlinson’s analysis he points out that one of the terms for ‘king’ was certainly ‘sarru,’ as in the Window inscription of Darius at Persepolis and also at Khorsabad. ‘This discovery,’ he adds, ‘of course tends to discredit the reading of “melik,” and to suggest the uniform adoption of “sarru”’ (J. R. A. S. xiv. p. iii, note). The discovery was made by Longpérier in 1847, and he gives the Hebrew equivalent (Revue Archéologique, 1848, Longpérier to Löwenstern, Sept. 1847, p. 503). Oppert assigns the credit to De Saulcy (Journal Asiatique, 1857, ix. 142), who mentions it in 1849. Hincks seems to have been the first to suggest ‘melik’ or ‘malek’ (1849). ‘On Khorsabad,’ Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 39.

[840] Singularly enough, Hincks had just independently deciphered in the Obelisk inscription the names of Menahem and Jehu the son of Omri. Prof. Wilson, Jan. 1852, J. R. A. S. xiii. 198. See also George Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, 1883, p. 10. Hincks did not at first recognise Rawlinson’s identification of Samaria (see Athenæum, Sept. 13, 1851).

[841] J. R. A. S. 1851, xiv. p. iii.

[842] Athenæum, Aug. 23, 1851, p. 902.

[843] Trans. R. I. Acad. xxii. 293-363.

[844] Revue Orientale, 1852, ii. 162.

[845] These figures may be arranged thus:

100 signs valued by Hincks up to 1850. } In these Hincks and Rawlinson agree.
77 signs taken from Rawlinson. }
49 signs, decipherer not mentioned; values disputed.
118 signs newly valued.
344 discussed in present paper.

[846] See Menant, Manuel, p. 10.

[847] Although the British Museum contains a multitude of tracts by De Saulcy on numismatics and other subjects, those on Assyrian do not appear to be among the number, and we have advertised for them in Paris without result.

[848] Les Langues perdues: Assyrie, p. 139. De Saulcy’s early contributions were letters to Burnouf, June 20 and 30, 1847.

[849] Revue Orientale, 1852, ii. 165.

[850] Menant, op. cit. pp. 141-5.

[851] Revue Orientale, loc. cit. p. 167.

[852] Mohl, op. cit. Report, Aug. 1848.

[853] Menant, op. cit. p. 149.

[854] Memoir by Canon Rawlinson, p. 159.

[855] Menant, p. 151.

[856] Ib. p. 146. For an even more enthusiastic appreciation of his services see p. 148.

[857] Sur les Inscriptions de Ninive (Paris, 1850); Revue Orientale, 1852, ii. 168. Cf. Menant, Les Ecritures, p. 225; Langues perdues, p. 150.

[858] Athenæum, Jan. 26, 1850, p. 105.

[859] Journal Asiatique, 1854, iii. 93.

[860] Revue Orientale, loc. cit.

[861] Langues perdues, p. 146.

[862] Memoir, p. 172.

[863] Ib. p. 181.

[864] J. R. A. S. Report, 1853, xv. p. xvii.

[865] Ib. Report, 1854, vol. xvi.

[866] Ib. Report, 1854, xvi. p. xiv.

[867] Ib. xii. 477.

[868] See Rassam’s account in Trans. S. B. A. vol. vii. Cf. Hommel, Geschichte, p. 86.

[869] Bertin acknowledges in 1887 that Rawlinson was the first to discover the existence of the Akkadian language (J. R. A. S. 1887, N.S. xix. 644).

[870] J. R. A. S. 1855, xv. 221, note.

[871] Ib. Report, 1856, xvi. p. vii.

[872] Talbot in J. R. A. S. 1862, xix. 196.

[873] Talbot, ib. 1867, N.S. iii. 7. Cf. ib. 1873, vi. p. xxix.

[874] On Akkadian, 1855.

[875] J. R. A. S. Report, June 1866, N.S. ii.

[876] Trans. S. B. A. 1886, ix., article by Mr. Pinches. Dr. Birch’s interest in the subject dates from 1846, when he wrote on the discovery of the name of Babylon, in Proceedings of the Society of Literature.

[877] See Athenæum, Sept. and Oct. 1851; J. R. A. S. 1854-5, and many others.

[878] Athenæum, March and April, 1854.

[879] Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 1882, p. xlvii.

[880] J. R. A. S., N.S. Report, 1867, iii.

[881] Ib. Report, 1856, xvi.

[882] Ib. N.S. 1866, ii. The first instalment of the separate publication appeared in 1868 (J. R. A. S. Report, May 1868, iii. p. xv).

[883] Mohl, op. cit. Report, June 1859.

[884] Second edition in 1864.

[885] Menant, Ecritures, p. 239; Langues perdues, p. 165.

[886] J. R. A. S. 1852, xiii. p. 196.

[887] Mohl, op. cit. i. 418, Report, 1851.

[888] J. R. A. S. 1861, xviii.

[889] See Menant, Langues perdues, p. 177. He refers to Athenæum, May 1857, p. 663.

[890] Mohl, op. cit. Report, June 1869, ii. 257.

[891] Ib. June 1864, ii. 565.

[892] Mohl, op. cit. June 1861, ii. 364.

[893] Trans. S. B. A. 1886, ix., article by Mr. Pinches. Cf. Report, May 1862, J. R. A. S. 1862, xix.

[894] Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, new ed. p. xxxviii, note.

[895] J. R. A. S. 1860, xvii. Report, 1859. Memoirs, p. 241.

[896] For a list of these see Memoir, p. 170.

[897] He received the Conyngham Medal of the Royal Irish Academy in 1848 (Athenæum, May 1850). Layard has well said: ‘In any other country but England a man of such attainments and so eminently calculated to confer honour upon the nation to which he belonged, would have received some reward, or would have been placed in a position of independence to enable him to pursue his studies. But in spite of numerous representations to Government and of the European reputation he had established, he was allowed to remain without any public recognition of his literary and scientific acquirements.’—Nineveh and Babylon, new ed. p. xlvi, note.

[898] Aug. 24, 1850.

[899] The signs are reproduced from M. Oppert, Le Peuple des Mèdes, 1879.

[900] The values in this column assumed to be correct are taken from Weisbach, Die Achämenideninschriften, Zweiter Art., 1890, p. 33.

[901] Keilinschriften, Bonn, 1845. Mémoire des Antiquaires, Copenhagen, 1844. The values in brackets [*] in this column are from the Copenhagen Edition.

[902] Transactions R. I. Acad. xxi., 241.

[903] Journal Asiatique, 4ᵉ série, xv., 526. The vowels in brackets in this column are those supposed to follow the consonant.

[904] Journal Royal Asiatic Society, 1855, vol. xv.

[905] Expédition en Mésopotamie, 1859, ii., 71.

[906] Le Peuple des Mèdes, 1879, p. 41.

[907] Ideogram recognised by Grotefend.