On the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Sufficient Reason, and On the Will in Nature: Two Essays (revised edition)

by Arthur Schopenhauer

CONCLUSION.

The undoubtedly striking confirmations recorded in this treatise, which have been contributed to my doctrine by the Empirical Sciences since its first appearance, but independently of it, will unquestionably have been followed by many more: for how small is the portion which the individual can find time, opportunity and patience to become acquainted with, of the branch of literature dedicated to Natural Science which is so actively cultivated in all languages! Even what I have here mentioned however, inspires me with confidence that the time for my philosophy is ripening; and it is with heartfelt joy that I see the Empirical Sciences gradually come forward in the course of time, as witnesses above suspicion, to testify to the truth of a doctrine, concerning which a politic, inviolable silence has been maintained for seventeen years by our "philosophers by profession" (some of them give themselves this characteristic name, nay even that of "philosophers by trade"); so that it had been left to Jean Paul, who was ignorant of their tactics, to draw attention to it. For it may have appeared to them a delicate matter to praise it, and, on due consideration, they may have thought it not altogether safe to blame it either, and may have judged it unnecessary besides to show the public, as belonging neither to the profession nor to the trade, that it is quite possible to philosophize very seriously without being either unintelligible or wearisome. Why compromise themselves therefore with it, since no one betrays himself by silence and the favourite secretive method was ready at hand, the approved specific against merit; this much was besides soon agreed upon: that, considering the circumstances of the times, my philosophy did not possess the right qualifications for being taught professionally. Now the true, ultimate aim of all philosophy, with them, is to be taught professionally,—so much and so truly is it so, that were Truth to come down stark naked from lofty Olympus, but were what she brought with her not found to correspond to the requirements called for by the circumstances of the times, or to the purposes of their mighty superiors, these gentlemen "of the profession and trade" would verily waste no time with the indecent nymph, but would hasten to bow her out again to her Olympus, then place three fingers on their lips and return quietly to their compendia. For assuredly he who makes love to this nude beauty, to this fascinating syren, to this portionless bride, will have to forego the good fortune of becoming a Government and University professor. He may even congratulate himself if he becomes a garret-philosopher. On the other hand, his audience will consist, not of hungry undergraduates anxious to turn their learning to account, but rather of those rare, select thinkers, thinly sprinkled among the countless multitude, who arise from time to time, almost as a freak of Nature. And a grateful posterity is beckoning from afar. But they can have no idea of the beauty and loveliness of Truth, of the delight there is in pursuing her track, of the rapture in possessing her, who can imagine that anyone who has once looked her in the face can ever desert, deny, or distort her for the sake of the venal approval, of the offices, of the money or the titles of such people. Better to grind spectacle-glasses like Spinoza or draw water like Cleanthes. Henceforth they may take whatever course they like: Truth will not change her nature to accommodate "the trade." Serious philosophy has now really outgrown Universities, where Science stands under State-guardianship. It may however some day perhaps come to be counted among the occult sciences; while the spurious kind, that ancilla theologiæ in Universities, that inferior counterfeit of Scholasticism, for which the highest criterion of philosophical truth lies in the country catechism, will make our Lecture-halls doubly re-echo.—"You, that way: we, this way."—[353]

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] From the fourth edition by Julius Frauenstädt. "Fourfold Root," Leipzig, 1875; "Will in Nature," Leipzig, 1878.

[2] See "Will in Nature," pp. 9-18 of the original; [pp. 224-234] of the present translation.

[3] Pp. 2 and 3 of the original, and [pp. 216 to 218] of the present translation.

[4] See p. 113, § 34 of the original, and [p. 133] of the present translation.

[5] Seneca, Ep. 79.

[6] See "Arthur Schopenhauer. Von ihm; über ihn. Ein Wort der Vertheidigung," von Ernst Otto Lindner, and "Memorabilien, Briefe und Nachlassstücke," von Julius Frauenstädt (Berlin, 1863), pp. 163-165.

[7] Schopenhauer, "Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung," second edition, i., 37 (third edition, i., 39).

[8] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V.," vol. ii. pp. 17-21, and vol. i. p. 39 of the second edition. (The passages referred to by Schopenhauer in the second edition are in the third edition vol. ii. pp. 18-21, and vol. i. p. 40).

[9] Die Welt a. W. u. V., vol. i. p. 22 et seqq., and vol. ii. chap. ii. of the second edition; vol. i. p. 22, § 6, and vol. ii. chap. ii. of the third edition.

[10] The passage I have quoted above from Schopenhauer's letter is also to be found among the letters published in my book, "Arthur Schopenhauer. Von ihm, über ihn, u. s. w.," p. 541 et seqq., and it results from this, as well as from several other letters which likewise deal with important and knotty points in his philosophy, that this correspondence may perhaps not be quite so worthless and unimportant as many—among them Gwinner, in his pamphlet, "Schopenhauer und seine Freunde" (Leipzig, 1863)—represent it to be. This pamphlet of Gwinner's, by the way, has met with the treatment it deserves in the Preface to the collection, "Aus Arthur Schopenhauer's handschriftlichen Aphorismen und Nachlass. Abhandlungen, Anmerkungen, Fragmente." (Leipzig, 1864).

[11] Platon, "Phileb." pp. 219-223. "Politic." 62, 63. "Phædr." 361-363, ed. Bip. Kant, "Kritik der reinen Vernunft. Anhang zur transcend. Dialektik." English Translation by F. Max Müller. "Appendix to the Transc. Dialectic." pp. 551, and seqq.

[12] Kant, "Krit. d. r. V. Methodenlehre. Drittes Hauptstück," p. 842 of the 1st edition. Engl. Tr. by F. M. Müller. "Architectonic of Pure Reason," p. 723.

[13] "Meno." p. 385, ed Bip. "Even true opinions are not of much value until somebody binds them down by proof of a cause." [Translator's addition.]

[14] Aristot. "Metaph." v. 1. "All knowledge which is intellectual or partakes somewhat of intellect, deals with causes and principles." [Tr.'s add.]

[15] Here the translator gives Schopenhauer's free version of Wolf's formula.

[16] Platon, "Phileb." p. 240, ed Bip. "It is necessary that all which arises, should arise by some cause; for how could it arise otherwise?" [Tr.'s add.]

[17] Ibid. "Timæus," p. 302. "All that arises, arises necessarily from some cause; for it is impossible for anything to come into being without cause." [Tr.'s add.]

[18] "This especially would seem to be the first principle: that nothing arises without cause, but [everything] according to preceding causes." [Tr.'s add.]

[19] "We think we understand a thing perfectly, whenever we think we know the cause by which the thing is, that it is really the cause of that thing, and that the thing cannot possibly be otherwise." [Tr.'s add.]

[20] Lib. iv. c. 1.

[21] "Now it is common to all principles, that they are the first thing through which [anything] is, or arises, or is understood." [Tr.'s add.]

[22] "There are four causes: first, the essence of a thing itself; second, the sine qua non of a thing; third, what first put a thing in motion; fourth, to what purpose or end a thing is tending." [Tr.'s add.]

[23] "Suarii disputationes metaph." Disp. 12, sect. 2 et 3.

[24] Hobbes, "De corpore," P. ii. c. 10, § 7.

[25] Suarez, "Disp." 12, sect. 1.

[26]

"Were not the thought so cursedly acute,

One might be tempted to declare it silly."

Schiller, "Wallenstein-Trilogie. Piccolomini," Act ii. Sc. 7.

[27] Aristot., "Analyt. post." c. 7.

[28] Spinoza, "Eth." i. prop. 11.

[29] Spinoza, "Eth." P. 1. prop. 8, schol. 2.

[30] Ibid. Prop. 16.

[31] Ibid. Prop. 36, demonstr.

[32] Ibid. Prop. 18.

[33] Ibid. Prop. 25.

[34] "Eth." P. iii. prop. 1, demonstr.

[35] Ibid. Prop. 4.

[36] "Eth." P. i. prop. 7.

[37] Schelling, "Abhandlung von der menschlichen Freiheit."

[38] Irenæus, "Contr. hæres." lib. i. c. 1.

[39] "For they say that in those unseen heights which have no name there is a pre-existing, perfect Æon; this they also call fore-rule, forefather and the depth.—They say, that being incomprehensible and invisible, eternal and unborn, he has existed during endless Æons in the deepest calmness and tranquillity; and that coexisting with him was Thought, which they also call Grace and Silence. This Depth once bethought him to put forth from himself the beginning of all things and to lay that offshoot—which he had resolved to put forth—like a sperm into the coexisting Silence, as it were into a womb. Now this Silence, being thus impregnated and having conceived, gave birth to Intellect, a being which was like and equal to its Creator, and alone able to comprehend the greatness of its father. This Intellect also they call the Only-begotten and the Beginning of all things." [Tr.'s add.]

[40] Compare with this § 44 of his "Theodicée," and his 5th letter to Clarke, § 125.

[41] Doctrine of Reason.

[42] Lambert, "New Organon," vol. i. § 572.

[43] Compare § 36. of this treatise.

[44] "Ueber eine Entdeckung, nach der alle Kritik der reinen Vernunft entbehrlich gemacht werden soll."

[45] Kiesewetter, "Logik," vol. i. p. 16.

[46] Ibid. p. 60.

[47] G. E. Schultze, "Logik," § 19, Anmerkung 1, und § 63.

[48] Sal. Maimon, "Logik," p. 20, 21.

[49] Ibid. "Vorrede," p. xxiv.

[50] Jacobi, "Briefe über die Lehre des Spinoza," Beilage 7, p. 414.

[51] "Aphorismen zur Einleitung in die Naturphilosophie."

[52] Plattner, "Aphorismen," § 828.

[53] Jakob, "Logik und Metaphysik," p. 38 (1794).

[54] Aristotle, "Metaph." iii. 6. "They seek a reason for that which has no reason; for the principle of demonstration is not demonstration." [Tr.'s add.] Compare with this citation "Analyt. post." i. 2.

[55] Vol. i. p. 12, and seqq. of the 1st edition; p. 9 of the 3rd edition.

[56] Compare Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." Elementarlehre. Abschnitt ii. Schlüsse a. d. Begr. b and c. 1st edition, pp. 33 and 34; 5th edition, p. 49. (Transl. M. Müller, p. 29, b and c.)

[57] Kant, "Krit. d. r. V." Kritik des Vierten Paralogismus der transcendentalen Psychologie, p. 369, 1st edition. (Engl. Transl. by M. Müller, p 320.)

[58] Ibid. 1st edition, pp. 374-375. Note. (Engl. Transl. p. 325. Note.)

[59] Kant, "Krit. d. r. V." "Betrachtung über die Summe," &c., p. 383 of 1st edition. (Engl. Transl. p. 331.)

[60] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. ii. chap. 4, especially p. 42 and seq. of the 2nd edition; p. 46 seq. of the 3rd edition.

[61] Göthe, "Der Zauberlehrling."

[62] The translation of which follows the Fourfold Root in the present volume.

[63] Here I refer my readers to "Die Welt als Wills und Vorstellung," vol. ii. chap. 4, p. 41 of the 2nd edition, and p. 45 of the 3rd edition.

[64] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. i. pp. 517-521 of the 2nd edition, and pp. 544-549 of the 3rd edition.

[65] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. i. p. 550 of 2nd, and 580 of 3rd edition.

[66] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. i. § 26, p. 153 of the 2nd, and p. 160 of the 3rd edition.

[67] See "Die beiden Grundprobleme der Ethik," p. 30-34.

[68] The word "motivation," though it may appear objectionable to the English reader, seemed unavoidable here, as being Schopenhauer's own term, for which there is no adequate equivalent in general use in our language. [Translator's note.]

[69] Here used in the absolute sense of liberum arbitrium indifferentiæ. [Tr.]

[70] "Whatever conception one may form of freedom of the will, for metaphysical purposes, its phenomena, human actions, are nevertheless determined by universal laws of Nature, just as well as every other occurrence in Nature." "Ideen zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte." Anfang. I. Kant. "All the acts of a man, so far as they are phenomena, are determined from his empirical character and from the other concomitant causes, according to the order of Nature; and if we could investigate all the manifestations of his will to the very bottom, there would be not a single human action which we could not predict with certainty and recognize from its preceding conditions as necessary. There is no freedom therefore with reference to this empirical character, and yet it is only with reference to it that we can consider man, when we are merely observing, and, as is the case in anthropology, trying to investigate the motive causes of his actions physiologically."—"Kritik. d. r. Vern." p. 549 of the 1st edition, and p. 577 of the 5th edition. (Engl. Transl. by M. Müller, p. 474.)

"It may therefore be taken for granted, that if we could see far enough into a man's mode of thinking, as it manifests itself in his inner, as well as outer actions, for us to know every, even the faintest motive, and in like manner all the other causes which act upon these, it would be possible to calculate his conduct in future with the same certainty as an eclipse of the sun or moon."—"Kritik der praktischen Vernunft" ed. Rosenkranz, p. 230 and p. 177 of the 4th edition.

[71] Published in the same volume with the Prize-Essay on "Free Will." See "Die beiden Grundprobleme der Ethik."

[72] Anno 1813, pp. 53-55.

[73] For further details see my "Will in Nature," p. 19 of the 1st edition, and p. 14 of the 3rd. ([P. 230 et seqq.] of the translation of the "Will in Nature," which follows the "Fourfold Root" in the present volume.)

[74] Hesiod, ἔργα, 293.

[75] Macchiavelli, "Il principe," cap. 22.

[76] Schelling, "Philosophische Schriften" (1809), vol. i. pp. 237 and 238.

[77] Fries, "Kritik der Vernunft." vol. i. pp. 52-56 and p. 290 of the 1st edition.

[78] Diderot, in his "Lettre sur les Aveugles," gives a detailed account of Saunderson.

[79] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. ii. chap. 4.

[80] The Frankfort "Konversationsblatt," July 22, 1853, gives the following account of this sculptor:—"The blind sculptor, Joseph Kleinhaus, died at Nauders, in Tyrol, on the 10th inst. Having lost his eyesight through small-pox when he was five years old, he began to amuse himself with carving and modelling, as a pastime. Prugg gave him some instructions, and supplied him with models, and at the age of twelve he carved a Christ in life-size. During a short stay in Nissl's workshop at Fügen, his progress was so rapid, that, thanks to his good capacities and talents, his fame as the blind sculptor soon spread far and wide. His works are numerous and of various kinds. His Christs alone, of which there are about four hundred, bear special witness to his proficiency, particularly if his blindness is taken into consideration. He sculptured many other objects besides, and, but two months ago, he modelled a bust of the Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria which has been sent to Vienna."

[81] Newton, "Optics." Query 15.

[82] See the original report in vol. 35 of the "Philosophical Transactions" as to this case.

[83] Franz, "The Eye, a treatise on preserving this organ in a healthy state and improving the sight." London, Churchill, 1839, pp. 34-36.

[84] Haslam's "Observations on Madness and Melancholy," 2nd ed. p. 192.

[85] Flourens, "De la vie et de l'Intelligence," 2nd edition, Paris, Garnier Frères, 1852, p. 49.

[86] "It is the mind that sees and hears; all besides is deaf and blind." (Tr. Ad.)

[87] Plutarch, "De solert. animal." c. 3. "For the affection of our eyes and ears does not produce any perception, unless it be accompanied by thought." (Tr. Ad.)

[88] "Straton, the physicist, has proved that 'without thinking it is quite impossible to perceive.'" (Tr. Ad.)

[89] "Therefore it is necessary that all who perceive should also think, since we are so constituted as to perceive by means of thinking." (Tr. Ad.)

[90] Porph. "De abstinentia," iii. 21.

[91] Compare "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 3rd edition, vol. ii. p. 41. [The 3rd edition of "Die Welt a. W. u. V." contains at this place a supplement which is wanting in the 2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 38.—Note by the Editor of the 3rd edition.]

[92] Kant, "Krit. d. r. V." 1st edition, p. 367 sqq. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 318 sqq.)

[93] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." 1st edition, p. 371. (English translation, by M. Müller, p. 322.)

[94] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." 1st edition, p. 372. (English translation, p. 323.)

[95] Compare "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 2nd edition; vol. i. sect. 4, p. 9; and vol. ii. pp. 48, 49 (3rd edition, vol. i. p. 10; vol. ii. p. 52). English translation, vol. i. pp. 9-10; vol. ii. p. 218.

[96] Wissenschaftsleere (literally, emptiness of science), a pun of Schopenhauer's on the title of Fichte's Wissenschaftslehre (doctrine of science), which cannot be rendered in English. (Tr.'s Note.)

[97] Kant, "Erklärung über Fichte's Wissenschaftslehre." See the "Intelligenzblatt" of the Jena Literary Gazette (1799), No. 109.

[98] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." 1st edition, p. 201; 5th edition, p. 246. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 176.) This is, however, not a literal quotation. (Tr.'s note.)

[99] Ibid. p. 189 of the 1st edition; more fully, p. 232 of the 5th edition. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 166.)

[100] In German Zufall, a word derived from the Zusammenfallen (falling together), Zusammentreffen (meeting together), or coinciding of what is unconnected, just as τὸ συμβεβηκός from συμβαίνειν. (Compare Aristotle, "Anal. post.," i. 4.)

[101] Leibnitz, "Nouveaux Essais sur l'Entendement," lib. iv. ch. ii. sect. 14.

[102] Kant, "Kritik d. r. Vern." 1st edition, p. 275; 5th edition, p. 331. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 236.)

[103] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." vol. i. p. 203 of the 1st edition; p. 249 of the 5th edition. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 178.)

[104] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." pp. 212 and 213 of the 1st edition. (English translation, pp. 185 and 186.)

[105] Feder, "Ueber Raum und Causalität." sect. 29.

[106] G. E. Schulze, "Kritik der theoretischen Philosophie," vol. ii. p. 422 sqq.

[107] For instance, in Fries' "Kritik der Vernunft," vol. ii. p. 85.

[108] I lifted from thine eyes the darkness which covered them before. (Tr.'s Ad.)

[109] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 2nd edition, vol. ii. ch. iv. p. 42 et seqq.; 3rd edition, vol. ii. p. 46 et seqq.

[110] Plato, "Parmenides," p. 138, ed. Bip.

[111] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern." 1st edition, p. 207; 5th edition, p. 253. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 182.)

[112] Kant, "Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Naturwissenschaft." End of the "Allgemeine Anmerkung zur Mechanik."

[113] According to his own assertion, p. 189 of the "Opera philos." ed. Erdmann.

[114] Ibid. p. 104.

[115] Begriff, comprehensive thought, derived from begreifen, to comprehend. [Tr.]

[116] Inbegriff, comprehensive totality. [Tr.]

[117] Inbegriff.

[118] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. i. sect. 13, and vol. ii. ch. 8.

[119] Aristot. "Metaph." xii. c. 9, "For without universals it is impossible to have knowledge." (Tr.'s Add.)

[120] Part the First, in the middle.

[121] Let any one to whom this assertion may appear hyperbolical, consider the fate of Göthe's "Theory of Colours" (Farbenlehre), and should he wonder at my finding a corroboration for it in that fate, he will himself have corroborated it a second time.

[122] Aristot. "De anima," iii. c. c. 3, 7, 8.

[123] "The mind never thinks without (the aid of) an image." [Tr.]

[124] "He who observes anything must observe some image along with it." [Tr.]

[125] "De Memoria," c. 1: "It is impossible to think without (the aid of) an image."

[126] "De imaginatione," c. 5.

[127] "De anima," p. 130.

[128] "De compositione imaginum," p. 10.

[129] "De immortalitate," pp. 54 et 70.

[130] "Ein Momentanes end Einheitliches."

[131] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 3rd edition, vol. ii. ch. iv. p. 55.

[132] Cicer. "De Offic." i. 16.

[133] Idem, "De nat. deor." ii. 7.

[134] Idem, "De Leg." i. 10.

[135] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 2nd edition, vol. i. § 8, and also in the Appendix, pp. 577-585 (3rd edition, pp. 610-620), and again vol. ii. ch. vi.; finally "Die b. G-P. d. Ethik," pp. 148-154 (2nd edition, pp. 146-151).

[136] Here Schopenhauer adds, "especially when pronounced Uedähen." [Tr.]

[137] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 2nd edition, vol. i. p. 576 et seqq.; 3rd edition, p. 610 et seq.

[138] Schopenhauer, "Die beiden Grundprobleme der Ethik," p. 152; 2nd edition, p. 149 et seq.

[139] Schopenhauer, "Die beiden Grundprobleme der Ethik," p. 148 and sqq. (p. 146 et seq. of 2nd edition.)

[140] "Aus seinem Grund oder Ungrund."

[141] "Ahnung without the d." See above, p. 133. (Tr.'s note.)

[142] "If Brimha be unceasingly employed in the creation of worlds ... how can tranquillity be obtained by inferior orders of being?" Prabodh Chandro Daya, translated by J. Taylor, p. 23.—Brahma is also part of the Trimurti, which is the personification of nature, as procreation, preservation, and death: that is, he represents the first of these.

[143] See "Asiatic Researches," vol. vi. p. 268, and Sangermano's "Description of the Burmese Empire," p. 81.

[144] See I. J. Schmidt, "Forschungen im Gebiete der älteren Bildungsgeschichte Mittelasiens." St. Petersburg, 1824, pp. 276, and 180.

[145] I. J. Schmidt, Lecture delivered in the Academy at St. Petersburg on the 15th Sept. 1830, p. 26.

[146] Mahavansi, Raja-ratnacari, and Raja-Vali, from the Singhalese, by E. Upham. London, 1833.

[147] Κόσμον τόνδε, φησὶν Ἡράκλειτος, οὔτε τις θεῶν οὔτε ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησεν. (Neither a God nor a man created this world, says Heraclitus.) Plut. "De animæ procreatione," c. 5.

[148] Platonic ideas may, after all, be described as normal intuitions, which would hold good not only for what is formal, but also for what is material in complete representations—therefore as complete representations which, as such, would be determined throughout, while comprehending many things at once, like conceptions: that is to say, as representatives of conceptions, but which are quite adequate to those conceptions, as I have explained in § 28.

[149] Aristot. "Metaph." i. 6, with which compare x. 1. "Further, says he, besides things sensible and the ideas, there are things mathematical coming in between the two, which differ from the things sensible, inasmuch as they are eternal and immovable, and from the ideas, inasmuch as many of them are like each other; but the idea is absolutely and only one." (Tr.'s Add.)

[150] "In these it is equality that constitutes unity." (Tr.'s Add.)

[151] "Oupnekhat," vol. i. p. 202.

[152] Aristot., "De anima," iii. 8. "In a certain sense the intellect is all that exists." (Tr.'s Add.)

[153] See "Die beiden Grundprobleme der Ethik," p. 11, and in several other places.

[154] Weltknoten.

[155] See "Die Welt, a. W. u. V." vol. ii. ch. xiv.

[156] Aristot. "Metaph." iv. 1. "Sometimes too, learning must start, not from what is really first and with the actual beginning of the thing concerned, but from where it is easiest to learn." [Tr.'s add.]

[157] See "Die Welt a. W. u. V.," vol. ii. ch. iv. p. 41, 42 of the 2nd edition, and p. 44 of the 3rd.

[158] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern.," 1st edition, p. 202; 5th edition, p. 248 (English translation by M. Müller, p. 177.)

[159] Compare "Die Welt a. W. u. V.," vol. i. p. 551 et seq. of the 2nd edition (i. p. 582 et seq. of 3rd edition) as to "immaterial substance," and § 52 of the present work as to "reason in general." (Editor's note.)

[160] "Die Welt a. W. u. V.," vol. ii. ch. 12, p. 126 of the 2nd edition (p. 139 of the 3rd edition).

[161] Or ground.

[162] Kant, "Krit. d. r. Vern.," 1st edition, pp. 561, 562, 564; p. 590 of the 5th edition. (Pp. 483 to 486 of the English translation by M. Müller.)

[163] Ibid. p. 540 of 1st edition, and 641 of 5th edition. (P. 466 of English translation.)

[164] Ibid. p. 563 of the 1st and 591 of the 5th edition. (P. 485 of English translation.)

[165] Empirical contingency is meant, which, with Kant, signifies as much as dependence upon other things. As to this, I refer my readers to my censure in my "Critique of Kantian Philosophy," p. 524 of the 2nd, and p. 552 of the 3rd edition.

[166] And this infatuation has reached such a point, that people seriously imagine themselves to have found the key to the mystery of the essence and existence of this wonderful and mysterious world in wretched chemical affinities! Compared with this illusion of our physiological chemists, that of the alchymists who sought after the philosopher's stone, and only hoped to find out the secret of making gold, was indeed a mere trifle. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[167] "Aut catechismus, aut materialismus," is their watchword. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[168] There too he will meet with people who fling about words of foreign origin, which they have caught up without understanding them, just as readily as he does himself, when he talks about "Idealism" without knowing what it means, mostly therefore using the word instead of Spiritualism (which being Realism, is the opposite to Idealism). Hundreds of examples of this kind besides other quid pro quos are to be found in books, and critical periodicals. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[169] They ought everywhere to be shown that their belief is not believed in. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[170] For revelation goes for nothing in philosophy; therefore a philosopher must before all things be an unbeliever. [Add. to 3rd ed.].

[171] One always says the other is right, so that the public in its simplicity at last imagines them really to be right. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[172] Here it is especially Ernst Reinhold's "System of Metaphysics" (3rd edition, 1854) that I have in my eye. In my "Parerga" I have explained how it comes, that brain-perverting books like this go through several editions. See "Parerga," vol. i. p. 171 (2nd edition, vol. i. p. 194).

[173] Nevertheless, by Zeus, all such gentlemen, in France as well as Germany, should be taught that Philosophy has a different mission from that of playing into the hands of the clergy. We must let them clearly see before all things that we have no faith in their faith—from this follows what we think of them. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[174] (a) Rosenkranz, "Meine Reform der Hegelschen Philosophie," 1852, especially p. 41, in a pompous, dictatorial tone: "I have explicitly said, that Space and Time would not exist if Matter did not exist. Æther spread out within itself first constitutes real Space, and the movement of this æther and consequent real genesis of everything individual and separate, constitutes real Time." (b) L. Noack, "Die Theologie als Religionsphilosophie," 1853, pp. 8, 9. (c) V. Reuchlin-Meldegg, Two reviews of Oersted's "Geist in der Natur" in the Heidelberg Annals, Nov.-Dec., 1850, and May-June, 1854.

[175] Time is the condition of the possibility of succession, which could neither take place, nor be understood by us and expressed in words, without Time. And Space is likewise the condition of the possibility of juxtaposition, and Transcendental Æsthetic is the proof that these conditions have their seat in the constitution of our head. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[176] In the Scholium to the eighth of the definitions he has placed at the top of his "Principia," Newton quite rightly distinguishes absolute, that is, empty, from relative, or filled Time, and likewise absolute from relative Space. He says, p. 11: Tempus, spatium, locum, motum, ut omnibus notissima, non definio. Notandum tamen quod VULGUS (that is, professors like those I have been mentioning) quantitates hasce non aliter quam ex relatione ad sensibilia concipiat. Et inde oriuntur præjudicia quædam, quibus tollendis convenit easdem in absolutas et relativas, veras et apparentes, mathematicas et vulgares distingui. And again (p. 12):

I. Tempus absolutum, verum et mathematicum, in se et natura sua sine relatione ad externum quodvis, æquabiliter fluit, alioque nomine dicitur Duratio: relativum, apparens et vulgare est sensibilis et externa quævis Durationis per motum mensura (seu accurata seu inæquabilis) quâ vulgus vice veri temporis utitur; ut Hora, Dies, Mensis, Annus.

II. Spatiam absolutum, natura sua sine relatione ad externum quodvis, semper manet similare et immobile: relativum est spatii hujus mensura seu dimensio quælibet mobilis, quæ a sensibus nostris per situm suum ad corpora definitur, et a vulgo pro spatio immobili usurpatur: uti dimensio spatii subterranei, ærei vel coelestis definita per situm suum ad terram.

But even Newton never dreamt of asking how we know these two infinite entities, Space and Time; since, as he here impresses on us, they do not fall within the range of the senses; and how we know them moreover so intimately, that we are able to indicate their whole nature and rule down to the minutest detail. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[177] Ecclesiasticus xxii. 8.

[178] For Kant has disclosed the dreadful truth, that philosophy must be quite a different thing from Jewish mythology. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[179] Another instance of Michelet's ignorance is to be found in Schopenhauer's posthumous writings, see "Aus Arthur Schopenhauer's handschriftlichem Nachlass," Leipzig, A. Brockhaus, 1864, p. 327. [Editor's note.]

[180] The same reviewer (Von Reuchlin-Meldegg) when be expounds the doctrines of the philosophers concerning God in the August number of the Heidelberg Annals (1855), p. 579, says: "In Kant, God is a thing in itself which cannot be known." In his review of Frauenstädt's "Letters" in the Heidelberg Annals of May and June (1855) he says that there is no knowledge à priori. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[181] C. 1. p. 899.

[182] p. 908.

[183] Hofräthe. A title of honour often given for literary and scientific merit in Germany, and common among University professors. [Tr.'s note.]

[184] "Potius de rebus ipsis judicare debemus, quam pro magno habere, de hominibus quid quisque senserit scire," says St. Augustine ("De civ. Dei," l. 19, c. 3). Under the present mode of proceeding, however, the philosophical lecture-room becomes a sort of rag-fair for old worn out, cast-off opinions, which are brought there every six months to be aired and beaten. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[185] I take this opportunity urgently to request that the public will not believe unconditionally any accounts of what I am supposed to have said, even when they are given as quotations; but will first verify the existence of these quotations in my works. In this way many a falsehood will be detected, which can however only be stamped as a direct forgery when accompanied by quotation marks (" "). [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[186] "Die Welt a. W. u. V.," vol. ii., c. 18, p. 213.

[187] So had I written in 1835, when the present treatise was first composed, having published nothing since 1818, before the close of which year "Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung" had appeared. For a Latin version, which I had added to the third volume of "Scriptores ophthalmologici minores," edente J. Radio, in 1830, for the benefit of my foreign readers, of my treatise "On Vision and Colours" (published in 1816), can hardly be said to break the silence of that pause.

[188] As will be seen by the following detailed exposition, Schopenhauer attaches a far wider meaning to the word than is usually given, and regards the will, not merely as conscious volition enlightened by Reason and determined by motives, but as the fundamental essence of all that occurs, even where there is no choice. [Tr.]

[189] Kant, "Von der wahren Schätzung der lebendigen Kräfte," § 51.

[190] Baltazar Gracian, "El Criticon," iii. 90, to whom I leave the responsibility for the anachronism.

[191] Kant, "Krit. d. r. V." 5th edition, p. 755. (English translation by M. Müller, p. 640.)

[192] Schiller, "der langen Rede kurzer Sinn." [Tr.]

[193] Chapter 20, p. 263; p. 295 of the 3rd edition.

[194] Rosas, "Handbuch der Augenheilkunde" (1830).

[195] Göthe, "Tag und Jahreshefte," 1812.

[196] This I wrote in 1836. The "Edinburgh Review" has since however greatly deteriorated, and is no longer its old self. I have even seen clerical time-serving in its pages, written down to the level of the mob.

[197] As a being existing by itself, a thing in itself. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[198] In which it is lodged in the garret. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[199] By this Schopenhauer means the distinction between the will in its widest sense, regarded as the fundamental essence of all that happens,—even where there is no choice, even where it is unconscious,—and conscious will, implying deliberation and choice, commonly called free-will. We must however carefully guard against confounding this relative free-will, with absolute free-will (liberum arbitrium indifferentiæ), which Schopenhauer declares to be inadmissible. The sense in which I have used the expression 'free-will' throughout this treatise, is that of relative freedom, i.e. power to choose between different motives, free of all outward restraint (Willkühr). (Tr.)

[200] I have shown the difference between cause in its narrowest sense, stimulus, and motive, at length in my "Grund-probleme der Ethik" p. 29 et seq.

[201] It is especially in secretive processes that we cannot avoid recognising a certain selection of the materials fitted for each purpose, consequently a free will in the secretive organs, which must even be assisted by a certain dull sensation, and in virtue of which each secreting organ only extracts from the same blood that particular secretion which suits it and no others: for instance, the liver only absorbs bile from the blood flowing through it, sending the rest of the blood on, and likewise the salivary glands and the pancreas only secrete saliva, the kidneys only urine, &c. &c. We may therefore compare the organs of secretion to different kinds of cattle grazing on one and the same pasture-land, each of which only browses upon the one sort of herb which suits its own particular appetite. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[202] Treviranus, "Die Erscheinungen und Gesetze des Organischen Lebens," vol. i. pp. 178-185.

[203] E. H. Weber, "Additamenta ad E. H. Weberi tractatum de motu iridis." Lipsia, 1823.

[204] Joh. Müller, "Handbuch der Physiologie," p. 764.

[205] Meckel, "A. f. d. P." vol. 5, pp. 195-198.

[206] Burdach, "Physiologie," vol. i. § 259, p. 388.

[207] "Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Great Britain," 1824, p. 110.

[208] "Asiatic Researches," vol. 8, p. 426.

[209] Ecclesiastes, ch. 7, v. 28.

[210] In my "Parerga," § 94 of the 2nd vol. (§ 96 in the 2nd edition) belongs also to the above.

[211] Ding an sich.

[212] Inbegriff.

[213] Pander and d'Alton, "Ueber die Skelette der Raubthiere," 1822, p. 7.

[214] Burdach, "Physiologie," vol. 2, § 474.

[215] Bopp, "Ardschuna's Reise zu Indra's Himmel, nebst anderen Episoden des Mahabharata" (Ardshuna's Journey to Indra's Heaven together with other episodes from the Mahabharata), 1824.

[216] The Matsya Parana attributes a similar origin to Brahma's four countenances. It relates that, having fallen in love with his daughter Satarupa, and gazed fixedly at her, she stepped aside to avoid his eye; he being ashamed, would not follow her movement; whereupon a new face arose on him directed towards the side where she was and, on her once more moving, the same thing occurred, and was repeated, until at last he had four faces. ("Asiatic Researches," vol. 6, p. 473.) [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[217] I should like under this name to add a fourth to the three proofs brought forward by Kant, i.e. the proof a terrore, which the ancient saying of Petronius: primus in orbe Deos fecit timor, designates and of which Hume's incomparable "Natural History of Religion" may be considered as the critique. Understood in this sense, even the theologist Schleiermacher's attempted proof might have its truth from the feeling of dependence, though perhaps not exactly that truth which its originator imagined it to have.

[218] Socrates propounded it already in detail in Xenophon. ("Mem." i. 4.) [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[219] Priestley, "Disqu. on Matter and Spirit," sect. 16, p. 188.

[220] Part 7, and in other places.

[221] See "Die Welt als W. u. V." vol. i. p. 597. (Vol. i. p. 631 of the 3rd ed.)

[222] The point at which the life-spark is kindled. [Tr.]

[223] Nor can a mundus intelligibilis precede a mundus sensibilis; since it receives its material from the latter alone. It is not an intellect which has brought forth Nature; it is, on the contrary, Nature which has brought forth the intellect. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[224] This is expanded, vol. iv. pp. 825-843.

[225] I have seen (Zooplast. Cab. 1860) a humming-bird (colibri) with a beak as long as the whole bird, head and tail included. This bird must certainly have had to fetch out its food from a considerable depth, were it only from the calyx of a flower (Cuvier, "Anat. Comp." vol. iv. p. 374); otherwise it would not have given itself the luxury, or submitted to the encumbrance, of such a beak.

[226] Galenus, "De Usu Partium Anim.," i. 1.

[227] Lucretius, v. pp. 1032-1039.

[228] Aristot., "De Part. Animal.," iv. 6: "They have a weapon because they have passion." [Tr.]

[229] Ibid. c. 12: "Nature makes the tools for the work, not the work for the tools." [Tr.]

[230] De Lamarck, "Philosophie Zoologique," vol. i. c. 7, and "Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertèbres," vol. i. Introd. pp. 180-212.

[231] Urthier.

[232] Animated by the feeling of this truth, Robert Owen, after passing in review the numerous and often very large Australian fossile marsupialia—sometimes as big as the rhinoceros—came as early as 1842 to the conclusion, that a large beast of prey must have contemporaneously existed. This conclusion was afterwards confirmed, for in 1846 he received part of the fossile skull of a beast of prey of the size of the lion, which he named thylacoleo, i.e. lion with a pouch, since it is also a marsupial. (See the "Times" of the 19th of May, 1866, where there is an article on "Palæontology," with an account of Owen's lecture at the Government School of Mines.) [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[233] Kirby and Spence, "Introduction to Entomology," vol. i. p. 355. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[234] Blumenbach, "De hum. gen. variet. nat." p. 50. Sömmering, "On the Negro," p. 8.

[235] That the lowest place should be given to the rodents, seems however to proceed from à priori rather than from à posteriori considerations: that is to say, from the circumstance, that their brain has extremely faint or small convolutions; so that too much weight may have been given to this point. In sheep and calves the convolutions are numerous and deep, yet how is it with their intelligence? The mechanical instincts of the beaver are again greatly assisted by its understanding, and even rabbits show remarkable intelligence (see Leroy's beautiful work: "Lettres Philosophiques sur l'Intelligence des Animaux," lettre 3, p. 149). Even rats give proof of quite uncommon intelligence, of which some remarkable instances may be found in the "Quarterly Review," No. 201, Jan.-March, 1857, in a special article entitled "Rats."

[236] The most intelligent birds are also birds of prey, wherefore many of them, especially falcons, are highly susceptible of training. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[237] That the negroes should have become the special victims of the slave-trade, is evidently a consequence of the inferiority of their intelligence compared with that of other human races; though this by no means justifies the fact. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[238] As is likewise his capacity for escaping from his pursuers; for in this respect all the four-footed mammalia surpass him. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[239] [See Third Book of the W. a. W. u. V.; later also, in my "Parerga," vol. ii. §§ 50-57 and § 206. (§§ 51-58, and § 210 of the 2nd edition.)]

[240] "Principes de Philosophie Zoologique," 1830.

[241] "Parerga," vol. ii. § 91; § 93 of the 2nd edition.

[242] See Aristotle, "De Partibus Animalium," iii. c. 2 sub finem: πῶς δὲ τῆς αναγκαίας φύσεως κ. τ. λ.

[243] The appearance of every animal therefore presents a totality, a unity, a perfection and a rigidly carried out harmony in all its parts which is so entirely based upon a single fundamental thought, that even the strangest animal shape seems to the attentive observer as if it were the only right, nay, only possible form of existence, and as if there could be no other than just this very one. The expression "natural" used to denote that a thing is a matter of course, and that it cannot be otherwise, is in its deepest foundation based upon this. Göthe himself was struck by this unity when contemplating whelks and crabs at Venice, and it caused him to exclaim: "How delightful, how glorious is a living thing! how well adapted for its condition; how true, how real!" ("Life," vol. iv. p. 223). No artist therefore, who has not made it his business to study such forms for years and to penetrate into their meaning and comprehension, can rightly imitate them. Without this study his work will seem as if it were pasted together: the parts no doubt will be there, but the bond which unites them and gives them cohesion, the spirit, the idea, which is the objectivity of the primary act of the will presenting itself as this or that particular species, will be wanting. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[244] It is a great truth which Bruno expresses ("De Immenso et Innumerabili," 8, 10): "Ars tractat materiam alienam: natura materiam propriam. Ars circa materiam est; natura interior materiæ." He treats this subject much more fully, "Della Causa," Dial. 3, p. 252 et seqq. Page 255 he declares the forma substantialis to be the form of every product of Nature, which is the same as the soul. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[245] Thus the saying of the Schoolmen is verified: "Materia appetit formam." See "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 3rd edition, vol. ii. p. 352. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[246] Compare "Die Welt a. W. u. V." 3rd edition, vol. II. p. 375. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[247] Vol. i. p. 245. 1826.

[248] Repeated in the "Times" of June 2nd, 1841.

[249] Vol. v. p. 171. Paris, 1826.

[250] C. H. Schultz, "Sur la Circulation dans les Plantes," a prize-essay, 1839.

[251] F. J. Meyen, "Neues System der Pflanzenphysiologe" (1839), vol. iii. p. 585.

[252] These have been translated for the "Bibliothèque Britannique, Section des Sciences et Arts," vol. lii.

[253] Treviranus, "Die Erscheinungen und Gesetze des Organischen Lebens" (Phenomena and Laws of Organic Life), vol. i. p. 173.

[254] Brandis, "On Life and Polarity," 1836, p. 88, says: "The roots of rock-plants seek nourishing mould in the most delicate crevices of rocks. These roots cling to a nourishing bone in dense clusters. I saw a root whose growth was intercepted by the sole of an old shoe: it divided itself into as many fibres as the shoe-sole had holes—those by which it had been stitched together—but as soon as these fibres had overcome the obstruction and grown through the holes, they united again to a common stem." And p. 87: "If Sprengel's observations are confirmed, even mediate relations are perceived (by plants) in order to obtain this end (fructification): that is to say, the anthers of the nigella bend down in order to put the pollen on the bees' backs, and the pistils bend in like manner to receive it from the bees." [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[255] In this connection I may mention an analysis of an entirely different kind, given by the French Academician Babinet in an article in which he treats of the seasons on the planets. It is contained in the No. of the 15th January, 1856, of the "Revue des Deux Mondes," and I will give the chief substance of it here in translation. The object of it is to refer to its direct cause the well-known fact, that cereals only thrive in temperate climates. "If grain did not necessarily perish in winter, if it were perennial, it would not bear ears, and there would be no harvest. In the hotter portions of Africa, Asia and America, where no winter kills the grain, these plants grow like grass with us: they multiply by means of shoots, remain always green, and neither form ears nor run to seed. In cold climates, on the contrary, the organism of these plants seems by some inconceivable miracle to feel, as it were by anticipation, the necessity of passing through the seed-phase in order to escape dying off in the winter season" (L'organisme de la plante, par un inconcevable miracle, semble préssentir la nécessité de passer par l'état de graine, pour ne pas périr complètement pendant la saison rigoureuse). In a similar way, districts which have a "droughty season,"—that is to say a season in which all plants are parched up with drought—"tropical countries, for instance Jamaica, produce grain; because there the plant, moved by the same organic presentiment (par le même pressentiment organique), in order to multiply, hastens to bear seed at the approach of the season in which it would have to dry up." In the fact which this author describes as an inconceivable miracle, we recognise a manifestation of the plant's will in increased potency, since here it appears as the will of the species, and makes preparations for the future in a similar way to animal instinct, without being guided by knowledge of that future in doing so. Here we see plants in warmer climates dispensing with a complicated process to which a cold climate alone had obliged them. In similar instances animals do precisely the same thing, especially bees. Leroy in his admirable work "Lettres Philosophiques sur l'Intelligence des Animaux" (3rd letter, p. 231) relates, that some bees which had been taken to South America continued at first to gather honey as usual and to build their cells just as when they were at home; but that when they gradually became aware that plants blossom there all the year round, they left off working. The animal world supplies a fact analogous to the above mentioned change in the mode of multiplying in cereals. This is the abnormal mode of propagation for which the aphides have long been noted. The female aphide, as is well known, propagates for 10-12 generations without any pairing with the male, and by a variety of the ovoviviparous process. This goes on all summer; but in autumn the males appear, impregnation takes place, and eggs are laid as winter quarters for the whole species, since it is only in this shape that it is able to outlive the winter. (Add. to 3rd ed.)

[256] Plat. "Tim." p. 403. Bip.

[257] "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. ii. chap. 23.

[258] Compare "Die Welt a. W. u. V." vol. ii. chap. 22: "Objective View of the Intellect."

[259] Plan.

[260]

Between two kinds of food, both equally

Remote and tempting, first a man might die

Of hunger, ere he one could freely chuse. (Cary's Tr.)

[261] Herschel, "Treatise on Astronomy," chap. 7, § 371 of the 1st edition, 1833.

[262] Even Copernicus had said the same thing long before "Equidem existimo Gravitatem non aliud esse quam appetentiam quandam naturalem, partibus inditam a divina providentia opificis universorum, ut in unitatem integritatemque suam se conferant, in formam Globi coeuntes. Quam affectionem credibile est etiam Soli, Lunæ cæterisque errantium fulgoribus, inesse, ut ejus efficacia, in ea qua se repraesentant rotunditate permaneant; quæ nihilominus multis modis suos efficiunt circuitus" ("Nicol. Copernici revol." Lib. I, Cap. IX. Compare "Exposition des Découvertes de M. le Chevalier Newton par M. Maclaurin; traduit de l'Anglois par M. Lavirotte," Paris, 1749, p. 45). Herschel evidently saw, that if we hesitate to explain gravity, as Descartes did, by an impulse from outside, we are absolutely driven to admit a will inherent in bodies, Non datur tertium. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[263] Which he has more at heart than all the wisdom and truth in the world. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[264] See "Die Welt a. W, u. V." vol. ii. ch. 4, pp. 38-42 (3rd edition, pp. 41-46).

[265] P. 74 (3rd edition, p. 79), [p. 92] of the translation in the present volume.

[266] 3rd edition, p. 44.

[267] Plato, "Phæd." p. 319 Bip.

[268] "That which is moved by itself and that which is moved from outside." [Tr.] And we find the same distinction again in the 10th Book "De Legibus," p. 85. [After him Cicero repeats it in the two last chapters of his "Somnium Scipionis." Add. to 3rd ed.]

[269] "All that is moved, is moved either by itself or by something else." [Tr.] Aristotle, "Phys." vii. 2.

[270] Maclaurin, too, in his account of Newton's discoveries, p. 102, lays down this principle as his starting-point. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[271] Émile, iv. p. 27. Bip.

[272] Burdach, "Physiologie," vol. iv. p. 323.

[273] Seneca, "Epist." 81.

[274] Ibid. "Quæst. nat." ii. 24.

[275] Plin. "Hist. nat." 37, 15.

[276] Aristot. "De Cœlo." ii. c. 13, "If a small particle of earth is lifted and let loose, it is carried away and will not rest." [Tr.'s add.]

[277] Ibid. c. 14, "But each thing ought to be named as it wills to be and really is according to its nature, not as it is by force and contrary to its nature." [Tr.'s add.]

[278] Arist. "Eth. Mag." i. c. 14.

[279] "Let the freely curling locks fall unarranged as they will [like]." [Tr.'s add.]

[280] "Y-King," ed. J. Mohl, vol. i. p. 341.

[281] Liebig, "Die Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agrikultur," p. 394.

[282] Ibid. "Die Chemie in Anwendung auf Physiologie."

[283] French chemists likewise say: "Il est évident que les métaux ne sont pas tous également avides d'oxygène." ... "La difficulté de la réduction devait correspondre nécessairement à une avidité fort grande du métal pour l'oxygène."—(See Paul de Rémusat, "La Chimie à l'Exposition." "L'Aluminium," "Revue des Deux Mondes," 1855, p. 649).

Vaninus ("De Amirandis Naturæ Arcanis," p. 170) had said: "Argentum vivum etiam in aqua conglobatur, quemadmodum et in plumbi scobe etiam: at a scobe non refugit (this is directed against an opinion expressed by Cardanus) imo ex ea quantum potest colligit: quod nequit (scil. colligere), ut censeo, invitum relinquit: natura enim et sua appetit, et vorat." This is evidently more than a form of words. He here quite decidedly attributes a will to quicksilver. And thus it will invariably be found that where, in physical and chemical processes, there is a reference to elementary forces of Nature and to the primary qualities of bodies which cannot be further deduced, these are always expressed by words which belong to the will and its manifestations. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[284] I only mention one work which has recently appeared, the explicit object of which is to show that the magnetiser's will is the real agent: "Qu'est ce que le Magnétisme?" par E. Gromier. (Lyon, 1850.)

[285] Puységur himself says in the year 1784: "Lorsque vous avez magnétisé le malade, votre but était de l'endormir, et vous y avez réussi par le seul acte de votre volonté; c'est de même par un autre acte de volonté que vous le réveillez." (Puységur, "Magnét. Anim." 2me édit. 1820, "Catéchisme Magnétique," p. 150-171.) [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[286] Kieser, "Tellur." vol. i. p. 400, et seqq.

[287] See "Wahrheit aus Jean Paul's Leben," vol. viii. p. 120.

[288] I had the good fortune in the year 1854 myself to witness some extraordinary feats of this kind, performed here by Signor Regazzoni from Bergamo, in which the immediate, i.e. magical, power of his will over other persons was unmistakeable, and of which no one, excepting perhaps those to whom Nature has denied all capacity for apprehending pathological conditions, could doubt the genuineness. There are nevertheless such persons: they ought to become lawyers, clergymen, merchants or soldiers, but in heaven's name not doctors; for the result would be homicidal, diagnosis being the principal thing in medicine.—Regazzoni was able at will to throw the somnambulist who was under his influence into a state of complete catalepsy, nay, he could make her fall down backwards, when he stood behind her and she was walking before him, by his mere will, without any gestures. He could paralyze her, give her tetanos, with the dilated pupils, the complete insensibility, and in short, all the unmistakeable symptoms of complete catalepsy. He made one of the lady spectators first play the piano; then standing fifteen paces behind her, he so completely paralyzed her by his will and gestures, that she was unable to continue playing. He next placed her against a column and charmed her to the spot, so that she was unable to move in spite of the strongest efforts.—According to my own observation, nearly all his feats are to be explained by his isolating the brain from the spinal marrow, either completely, in which case the sensible and motor nerves become paralyzed, and total catalepsy ensues; or partially, by the paralysis only affecting the motor nerves while sensibility remains—in other words, the head keeps its consciousness, while the body is apparently lifeless. This is precisely the effect of strychnine: it paralyzes the motor nerves only, even to complete tetanos, which induces death by asphyxia; but it leaves the sensible nerves, and with them consciousness, intact. Regazzoni does this same thing by the magic influence of his will. The moment at which this isolation takes place is distinctly visible in a peculiar trembling of the patient. I recommend a small French publication entitled "Antoine Regazzoni de Bergame à Francfort sur Mein," by L. A. V. Dubourg (Frankfurt, Nov. 1854, 31 pages in 8vo.) on Regazzoni's feats and the unmistakeably genuine character they bear for everyone who is not entirely devoid of all sense for organic Nature.

In the "Journal du Magnétisme," edit. Dupotet, of the 15th August, 1856, in criticizing a treatise: "De la Catalepsie, mémoire couronné," 1856, in 4to, the reviewer, Morin, says: "La plupart des caractères qui distinguent la catalepsie, peuvent être obtenus artificiellement et sans danger sur les sujets magnétiques, et c'est même là une des expériences les plus ordinaires des séances magnétiques." [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[289] "Mittheilungen über die Somnambüle, Auguste K., in Dresden." 1845, pp. 115, 116, and 318.

[290] See extract from the English periodical "Britannia," in "Galignani's Messenger," of the 23rd October, 1851.

[291] Szapary, "Ein Wort über Animalischen Magnetismus, Seelenkörper and Lebensessenz" (1840).

[292] "Oder physische Beweise, dass der Animalisch-magnetische Strom das Element, and der Wille das Princip alles geistigen und Körperlichen Lebens sei."

[293] Bacon, "Instaur. Magna," L. III.

[294] Plin. hist. nat. L. 30, c. 3. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[295] Apuleius, "Oratio de Magia," p. 104. Bip.

[296] Bacon, "Silva Silvarum," § 997.

[297] In the "Times" of June the 12th, 1855, we find, p. 10, the following:—

"A Horse-charmer.

"On the voyage to England the ship 'Simla' experienced some heavy weather in the Bay of Biscay, in which the horses suffered severely, and some, including a charger of General Scarlett, became unmanageable. A valuable mare was so very bad, that a pistol was got ready to shoot her and to end her misery; when a Russian officer recommended a Cossak prisoner to be sent for, as he was a 'juggler' and could, by charms, cure any malady in a horse. He was sent for, and immediately said he could cure it at once. He was closely watched, but the only thing they could observe him do was to take his sash off and tie a knot in it three several times. However the mare, in a few minutes, got on her feet and began to eat heartily, and rapidly recovered." [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[298] Kieser, "Archiv, für den thierischen Magnetismus," vol. v. heft 3, p. 106; vol. viii. heft 3, p. 145; vol. ix. heft 2, p. 172; and vol. ix. heft 1, p. 128; Dr. Most's book likewise: "Über Sympathetische Mittel und Kuren," 1842, may be used as an introduction to this matter. (And even Pliny indicates a number of charm-cures in the 28th Book, chaps. 6 to 17. [Add. to 3rd ed.])

[299] Delrio. "Disqu. Mag." L. III. P. 2, q. 4. 4, s. 7—and Bodinus, "Mag. Dæmon," iii. 2.

[300] See [note 2], p. 334, especially pp. 40, 41, and Nos. 89, 91, and 97 of Most's book.

[301] Kieser, "Archiv. f. t. M." See the account of Bende Bensen's illness, vol. ix. to vol. xii.

[302] Plutarch, "Symposiacæ quæstionis," qu. v. 7. 6.

[303] Kant, "First Principles of Ethical Metaphysic," 3rd edition, p. 105.

[304] D. Tiedemann, "Disputatio de quæstione, quæ fuerit artum magicarum origo." Marb. 1787. A prize-essay written for the Göttingen Society.

[305] Here and there, Plotinus betrays a more correct knowledge, for instance, "Enn." ii. lib. iii. c. 7; "Enn." iv. lib. iii. c. 12, et lib. ix. c. 3.

[306] Delrio, "Disq. mag." L. ii. qu. 2. Agrippa a Nettesheym, "De Vanit. Scient." c. 45.

[307] Roger Bacon already in the thirteenth century said: ... "Quod si ulterius aliqua anima maligna cogitat fertiter de infectione alterius atque ardenter desideret et certitudinaliter intendat, atque vehementer consideret se posse nocere, non est dubium quin natura obediet cogitationibus animæ." (See Rogeri Bacon, "Opus Majus," Londini, 1733, p. 252.)

[308] Theophrastus Paracelsus, Strassburg edition in two folio vols., vol. i, pp. 91, 353, et seqq. and p. 789; vol. ii. pp. 362, 496.

[309] Vol. i. p. 19.

[310] "De occulta philosophia," lib. 1, c. 66.

[311] Ibid. c. 67.

[312] "De occulta philosophia," lib. 1, cc. 66, 67 et 68.

[313] Ibid. p. 440: Addunt Avicennæ dictum: "Ad validam alicujus imaginationem cadit camelus." Ibid. p. 478, speaking of charms: fascinatio ne quis cum muliere coeat, he says: Equidem in Germania complures allocutus sum vulgari cognomento Necromantistas, qui ingenue confessi sunt, se firme satis credere, meras fabulas esse opiniones, quæ de dæmonibus vulgo circumferuntur, aliquid tamen ipsos operari, vel vi herbarum commovendo phantasiam, vel vi imaginationis et fidei vehementissimæ, quam ipsorum nugacissimis confictis excantationibus adhibent ignaræ mulieres, quibus persuadent, recitatis magna cum devotione aliquibus preculis, statim effici fascinum, quare credulæ ex intimo cordis effundunt excantationes, atque ita, non vi verborum, neque caracterum, ut ipsæ existimant, sed spiritibus[314], fascini inferendi percupidis exsufflatis proximos effascinant. Hinc fit, ut ipsi Necromantici, in causa propria, vel aliena, si soli sint operarii, nihil unquam mirabile præstiterint: carent enim fide, quæ cuncta operatur. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[314] Schopenhauer has added to spiritibus in parenthesis (sc. vitalibus et animalibus).

[315]

"Der Teufel hat sie's zwar gelehrt;

Allein der Teufel kann's nicht machen."—Faust.

[Add. to 3rd ed.]

[316] De incantationibus. Opera Basil. 1567, p. 44.

[317] German translation, Amsterdam, 1695, pp. 126 to 151, especially the pages headed "the power of calm will."

[318] Horst, "Zauberbibliothek" (Library of Magic), vol. i. p. 325.

[319] J. Böhme, "Erklärung von sechs Punkten," under Punkt v.

[320] Campanella, "De sensu rerum et magia," l. iv. c. 18.

[321] Krusenstern's words are: "A universal belief in witchcraft, which is held to be very important by all islanders, seems to me to be connected with their religion; for they assert that the priests alone possess magic power, although some of the common people also, it is said, profess to have the secret, probably in order to make themselves feared, and to exact presents. This sorcery, which they call Kaha, consists in inflicting a lingering death upon those to whom they bear a grudge, twenty days being however fixed as the term for this. They go to work as follows. Whoever wishes to practise revenge by means of sorcery, seeks to procure either saliva or urine or excrements of his enemy in some way or other. These he mixes with a powder, lays the compound in a bag which is woven in a special manner, and buries it. The most important secret is in the art of weaving the bag in the right way and of preparing the powder. As soon as it is buried, the effects show themselves in the person who is the object of this witchcraft. He sickens, becomes daily weaker, loses at last all his strength, and in twenty days is sure to die. If, on the other hand, he attempts to divert his enemy's revenge from himself by offering up a pig, or making some other valuable present in order to save his life, he may yet be saved, even on the nineteenth day, and no sooner is the bag unburied, than the attacks of illness cease. He recovers gradually, and after a few days is quite restored to health."—"Reise um die Welt." Ed. in 12mo, 1812, Part i., p. 249 et seq. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[322] Kieser, "Archiv für thierischen Magnetismus," vol. ix. s. i. in the note, pp. 128-132.

[323] They scent something of the

"Nos habitat, non tartara sed nec sidera cœli:

Spiritus in nobis qui viget, illa facit."

(Not in the heavens it lives, nor yet in hell;

The spirit that does it all, doth in us dwell.)

Compare Johann Beaumont, "Historisch-Physiologisch-und Theologischer Tractat von Geistern, Erscheinungen, Hexereyen und andern Zauber-Händeln, Halle im Magdeburgischen, 1721," p. 281. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[324] Compare Parerga, vol. i. p. 257 (2nd ed. vol. i. p. 286).

[325] On the 4th of August, 1856, the Roman Inquisition issued a circular to all the bishops, in which it called upon them in the name of the Church to use their utmost influence against the practice of Animal Magnetism. The reasons for this are given with striking want of lucidity and great vagueness, and even here and there are not unmixed with falsehood; and it is easy to see that the Church is reluctant to own the real reason. This circular is published in the "Turin Journal" of December, 1856, and again in the French "Univers," and reprinted from this in the "Journal des Débats" of January 3rd, 1857. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[326] According to a Chinese official Report on the census, printed in Pekin, and found by the English in the Chinese Governor's palace on entering Canton, China had 396 millions of inhabitants in 1852, and allowing for a constant increase, may now have 400 millions. ("Moniteur de la Flotte," end of May, 1857.)

The Reports of the Russian Clerical Mission in Pekin give the returns of 1842 as 414,687,000.

According to the tables published by the Russian Embassy at Pekin, the population, in 1849, amounted to 415 millions. ("Post-Zeitung," 1858.) [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[327] For the benefit of those who wish to acquire a fuller knowledge of Buddhism, I here note down those works belonging to its literature, and written in European languages, which I can really recommend, for I possess them and know them well; the omission of a few others, for instance of Hodgson's and A. Rémusat's books, is intentional.

1. "Dsanglun, or the Sage and the Fool," in Tibetan and German, by I. J. Schmidt, Petersburg, 1843, 2 vols. in 4to, contains in the preface to vol. i. (i.e. the Tibetan volume), from pp. xxxi to xxxviii, a very brief, but excellent, sketch of the whole doctrine, admirably calculated for a first introduction to the knowledge of it: the whole book even, as a part of the Kandshur (canonical books), may be recommended.—2. In the Memoranda of the Academy of St. Petersburg are to be found several lectures by the same excellent author (I. J. Schmidt), which were delivered in German in that Academy in 1829-1832. As they are of very great value for the knowledge of this religion, it is to be hoped that they will be collected and published all together in Germany.—3. By the same writer: "Forschungen über die Tibeter und Mongolen." Petersb. 1829, in 4to. (Investigations concerning the Tibetans and Mongols).—4. By the same writer: "Über die Verwandtschaft der gnostisch-theosophischen Lehren mit dem Buddhaismus," 1828. (On the relation between the Gnostic-Theosophic Doctrines and Buddhism.)—5. By the same: "Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen," Petersb. 1829, in 4to. (History of the Eastern Mongols.) [This is very instructive, especially the explanations and appendix, which give long extracts from writings on Religion, in which many passages clearly show the deep meaning and breathe the genuine spirit of Buddhism.—Add. to 3rd ed.]—6. Two treatises by Schiefner in German, in the "Mélanges Asiatiques tirés du Bulletin Historico-Philol. de l'Acad. d. St. Pétersburg," Tome 1, 1851.—7. "Samuel Turner's journey to the Court of the Teshoo-Lama" (at the end), 1801.—8. Bochinger, "La Vie ascétique chez les Indous et les Bouddhistes," Strasbourg, 1831.—9. In the 7th vol. of the "Journal Asiatique," 1825, an extremely beautiful biography of Buddha by Deshauterayes.—10. Bournouf, "Introd, à l'Hist, d. Bouddhisme," vol. i. in 4to, 1844.—11. "Rgya Tsher Rolpa," traduit du Tibétain, par Foucaux, 1848, in 4to. This is the "Lalita Vistara," i.e. life of Buddha, the gospel of the Buddhists.—12. "Foe Koue Ki, relation des royaumes Bouddhiques," traduit du Chinois par Abel Rémusat, 1836, in 4to.—13. "Description du Tubet," traduit du Chinois en Russe par Bitchourin, et du Russe en Français par Klaproth, 1831.—14. Klaproth, "Fragments Bouddhiques," printed separately from the "Nouveau Journal Asiatique," Mars, 1831.—15. Spiegel, "De officiis sacerdotum Buddhicorum," Palice et Latine, 1841.—16. The same author's "Anecdota Palica," 1845.—[17. "Dhammapadam," palice edidet et latine vertit Fausböll, Hovniæ, 1855.—Add. to 3rd ed.]—18. Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. Buchanan, "On the Religion of the Burmas," and vol. xx. (Calcutta, 1839), Part 2, contains three important articles by Csoma Körösi, including Analyses of the Books of the Kandshur.—19. Sangermano, "The Burmese Empire," Rome, 1833.—20. Turnour, "The Mahawanzo," Ceylon, 1836.—21. Upham, "The Mahavansi, Raja Ratnacari et Rajavali," 3 vols. 1833.—22. ejusd. "Doctrine of Buddhism," 1839, fol.—23. Spence Hardy, "Eastern Monachism," 1850.—24. ejusd. "Manual of Buddhism," 1853. The two last books, written after a twenty years' stay in Ceylon and from oral information supplied by the priests there, have given me a deeper insight into the essence of the Buddhist dogma than any other work. They deserve to be translated into German, but without abridgement, for otherwise the best part might be left out.—[25. C. F. Köppen, "Die Religion des Buddha," 1857, a complete compendium of Buddhism, compiled not only with great erudition and serious industry but also with intelligence and insight from all the other works I have mentioned above and from many more besides, which contains all that is essential on the subject.—26. "The Life of Buddha," from the Chinese of Palladji, in the "Archiv für wissenschaftliche Kunde von Russland," edited by Erman, vol. xv. Heft 1, 1856.—Add. to 3rd ed.]

[328] This is equivalent to imputing to the Chinese the thought, that all princes on earth are tributary to their Emperor. [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[329] "Description du Tubet," traduite du Chinois en Russe par Bitchourin, et du Russe en Français par Klaproth, Paris, 1831, p. 65. Also in the "Asiatic Journal" new series, vol. i. p. 15. [Köppen, "Die Lamaische Hierarchie," p. 315.—Add. to 3rd ed.]

[330] "Lettres édifiantes," édit. de 1819, vol. viii. p. 46.

[331] "Description of the Burman Empire," Rome. 1833. p. 81.

[332] Colebrooke, "Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society," vol. i.; "Essay on the Philosophy of the Hindoos," published also among his "Miscellaneous Essays," p. 236.

[333] "Investigations concerning the Tibetans and Mongols," p. 180.

[334] Morrison, "Chinese Dictionary," Macao, 1815, and following years, vol. i. p. 217.

[335] Upham, "History and Doctrine of Buddhism," London, 1829, p. 102.

[336] Neumann, "Die Natur-und Religions-Philosophie der Chinesen, nach den Werken des Tehu-hi," pp. 10, 11.

[337] The following account given by an American sea-captain, who had come to Japan, is very amusing from the naïveté with which he assumes that mankind consists exclusively of Jews. For the "Times" of the 18th October, 1854, relates that an American ship, under command of Captain Burr, had arrived in Jeddo Bay, and gives his account of the favourable reception he met with there, at the end of which we find: "He likewise asserts the Japanese to be a nation of Atheists, denying the existence of a God and selecting as an object of worship either the spiritual Emperor at Meaco, or any other Japanese. He was told by the interpreters that formerly their religion was similar to that of China, but that the belief in a supreme Being has latterly been entirely discarded—(this is a mistake)—and he professed to be much shocked at Deejunoskee (a slightly Americanised Japanese), declaring his belief in the Deity." [Add. to 3rd ed.]

[338] Édition de, 1819, vol. xi. p. 461.

[339] Book iv. ch. i.

[340] To be found in the "Asiatic Journal," vol. xxii. anno 1826, pp. 41 and 42.

[341] A note of Schopenhauer's referring to this says:—"According to letters from Doss" (a friend of S.'s), "dated 26th February and 8th June, 1857, the passages I have here quoted are to be found in Morrison's Chinese Dictionary, Macao, 1815, vol. i. p. 576, under 天 Tëen, although in a slightly different order, in nearly the same words. The important passage at the end alone differs and is as follows: 'Heaven makes the mind of mankind its mind: in most ancient discussions respecting Heaven, its mind, or will, was divined (it stands thus, and not derived) from what was the will of mankind.'—Neumann translated this passage for Doss, independently of Morrison's rendering, and the end was: 'Through the heart of the people Heaven is usually revealed.'" [Editor's Note.]

[342] Neumann, "Die Natur-und Religions-Philosophie der Chinesen, nach dem Werke des Tschu-hi," an article in Illgen's "Periodical for Historical Theology," vol. vii. 1837, from pp. 60 to 63.

[343] See my prize-essay "On the Fundament of Morality," § 6.

[344] "Die Wissenschaftslehre in allgemeinen Umrisse" (The Doctrine of Science in a general outline), 18, 10.

[345] For instance, "Eth." iv. prop. 37, Schol. 2.

[346] The language of truth is simple. [Tr.'s add.]

[347] Self-existence; self-dependence.

[348] "Eth." i. def. 7. [Tr.]

[349] Compare "Parerga," i. p. 115, et seqq. (p. 133 of 2nd ed.).

[350] Aristot. "De Cœlo," i. 12.

[351] "These two go together, the uncreated is imperishable, and the imperishable is uncreated.... For the created and the perishable go together.... If a thing is created it is necessarily perishable." [Tr.]

[352] I refer those who may wish to be briefly, yet thoroughly, informed on this point, to the late Pasteur Bochinger's work: "La vie contemplative, ascétique et monastique chez les peuples Bouddhistes," Strasbourg, 1831.

[353] Shakespeare, "Love's Labour's Lost."

---

Transcriber's Corrections:

page	original text	correction
[xxvii], [169], [199]	ἐζοχήν	ἐξοχήν
[040]	phantasm.	phantasm."
[087]	expérences	expériences
[088]	ὁρῆ	ὁρῇ
[090]	invesgation	investigation
[121]	Underderstanding	Understanding
[140]	huy	hay
[146]	impossibity	impossibility
[158]	μεταζύ	μεταξύ
[220]	footnote anchor missing	[190]
[256]	movement.	movement."
[259]	0	0"
[233]	footnote anchor missing	[196]
[235]	empircial	empirical
[246]	embarassment	embarrassment
[271]	Letters	Lettres
[286]	In	"In
[289]	season	season"
[289]	necessité	nécessité
[302]	innummerable	innumerable
[308]	conciousness	consciousness
[315]	susceptibity	susceptibility
[324]	lex.	lex."
[328]	somnabulist	somnambulist
[354]	will."	will.
[366]	mankind.	mankind."
[395]	Deity.	Deity."
[396]	heaven.	heaven."
[372]	confirmamations	confirmations