An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal

by C. H. Grandgent

3. CONSONANTS.

54. The Latin consonants which we have to consider are: b, c (= k), d, f, g, h, j (= y), l, m, n, p, qu (= kw), r, s, t, v (= w), x (= ks). To these we must add the Vulgar Latin w coming from u̯, and y coming from e̯, i̯: see § [40], (2). Furthermore, in words borrowed from Germanic dialects we find b, ð, h, k, þ, w, which call for special notice; and, in words borrowed from Greek, ch, k, ph, th, z.

The Latin d, f, j, l, p, t call for no remark at present. Latin h, in popular speech, became silent very early (hŏc ＞ ŏc, hŏmo ＞ ŏmo), and, although an attempt was made to restore it in polite speech, it left no trace in the Romance languages: cf. Rom., XI, 399. Double consonants were pronounced distinctly longer than single ones: annus, ĭlle, ŏssum, tĕrra.

55. Latin b, c, g, m, n, qu, r, s, v, w, x, y show the following developments in popular Latin speech:—

B between vowels became, through failure to close the lips tightly, β (bilabial v), from the 1st to the 3d century of our era: habēre ＞ aβẹre. The same change took place, to a certain extent, when the b was not intervocalic, but we have few, if any, traces of it in Provençal. Between vowels, even in learned words, the clerical pronunciation was probably β or v until the 7th century. Cf. V.

C before a front vowel (e, i), as early as the 3d century, doubtless had, in nearly all the Empire, a front or palatal articulation; that is, it was formed as close as possible to the following vowel[36]: cĕntum ＞ c´ĕntu, dūcĕre ＞ dūc´ĕre. The next step was the introduction of an audible glide, a brief y, between the c´ and the vowel[37]: c´yęntu, dục´yere. By the 5th century this c´y had developed into a kind of ty, the c´ having been drawn still further forward: t´yęntu dụt´yere. Through a modification of the y-glide, the group then became, in the 6th or 7th century, tš or ts: tšęntu tsęntu. See H. Schuchardt, Voc., I, 151, and Ltblt., XIV, 360; P. E. Guarnerio, in Supplementi all’ Archivio glottologico italiano, IV (1897), pp. 21-51 (cf. Rom., XXX, 617); G. Paris, in the Journal des savants, 1900, 359, in the Annuaire de l’École pratique des Hautes-Études, 1893, 7, in the Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions, 1893, 81, and in Rom., XXXIII, 322; W. Meyer-Lübke, Einf., pp. 123-126; F. G. Mohl, Zs., XXVI, 595; P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 51-53; W. Meyer-Lübke, in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie, 313. Cf. G and X.[38]

G between vowels, before the accent, disappeared in some words in at least a part of the Empire: le(g)ālis, li(g)āmen, re(g)ālis, (realis is attested for the 8th century); ĕgo, generally used as a proclitic, everywhere lost its g; on the other hand, g was kept in castigāre, fatigāre, ligāre, negāre, pagānus. G before a front vowel (e, i), by the 1st or 2d century, was pronounced g´ (cf. C): gĕntem ＞ g´ĕnte, fragĭlis ＞ frag´ĭlis. As early as the 4th century this g´, through failure to form a close articulation, opened into y[39]: yęnte, fráyilis. Before an accented e or i an intervocalic y disappeared, in the greater part of the Empire, being fused with the vowel: magĭster ＞ mayįster ＞ maẹster, ✱pagēnsis ＞ payẹsis ＞ paẹsis, regīna ＞ reyịna ＞ reịna.[38]

M and n, when final, were weak and indistinct from the earliest times, except in monosyllables; by the 3d or 4th century they had probably disappeared altogether from the end of polysyllables: damnu, nọme; but jam, non.

N before spirants (f, j, s, v), except in the prefixes con- and in-, became silent during the Republican period, the preceding vowel, if it was short, being lengthened by compensation[40]: mē(n)sis, pē(n)sare. If the syllable con- or in- was not recognized as a prefix, the n fell: co(n)sul, co(n)ventum, i(n)fas. In learned and newly constructed words the n was pronounced. Cf. M.

Qu, gu before o or u were reduced to c, g in the 1st or 2d century: see W.

R before s, in a number of words, became s in the Republican period: deōrsum ＞ deōssum, dŏrsum ＞ dŏssum, sūrsum ＞ sūssum; so, in a part of the Empire, pĕrsĭca ＞ pĕssĭca, vĕrsus (preposition) ＞ vĕssus. Early in our era ss after a long vowel was reduced to s: deōsu, sūsu.

S was probably always voiceless, or surd, in classic Latin, but became voiced between vowels, in Gaul, at the end of the Vulgar Latin period: casa. To initial s + consonant an i or e was prefixed, at first, no doubt, after a word ending in a consonant: in schŏla ＞ in iscŏla; this process began in the 2d century and had become general by the 4th.

V, originally pronounced w, became β probably in the 1st century: vīvĕre ＞ βīβĕre. Before u, v regularly disappeared, but it was restored by analogy in many words: flavus ＞ flaus, ōvum ＞ ŏum, rīvus ＞ rīus; but also ŏvum, rīvus, by the analogy of ova, rivi. In the greater part of the Empire v apparently fell also before an accented o: pavōnem ＞ paōne, pavōrem ＞ paōre. Cf. W. When a β, representing either b or v, became contiguous to a following consonant, it changed to u: ✱avĭca ＞ aβĭca ＞ auca, gabăta ＞ gaβata ＞ gauta, ✱flavĭtat ＞ flaβĭtat ＞ flautat. In several words rv became rb in Latin: vervēcem ＞ berbēce berbīce, cŏrvus ＞ cŏrbus, cŭrvus ＞ cŭrbus.

W coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from u̯ (§ [40]) differed from Latin v, then pronounced β, but was probably identical with Germanic w: dēbuī ＞ dẹbwị, placuī ＞ placwị, sapuit ＞ sapwit, tĕnuis ＞ tęnwis. W fell between a consonant and o or u: antīquus ＞ antịcus, battuo ＞ batto, carduus ＞ cardus, cŏquus ＞ cǫcus, distĭnguo ＞ distįngo, mŏrtuus ＞ mǫrtus; so eccu’hŏc ＞ Pr. acǫ. Cf. Qu.

X (= ks) was reduced to s, in the 2d or 3d century, before a consonant or at the end of a word of more than one syllable: sĕstus, sĕnes; but sĕx. So the prefix ex- ＞ es- before any consonant but s: ✱exgaudēre ＞ Pr. esiauzir, ✱exlucēre ＜ Pr. esluzir, ✱exmĭttĕre ＞ Pr. esmẹtre; excernĕre ＞ ✱escernīre ＞ Pr. eissernir. Ex- + s apparently became either ex- or ess-: ✱exsanguinātum ＞ Pr. eissancnat, ✱exsaritāre ＞ Pr. eissartar, ✱exsĕquĕre ＞ Pr. essęgre, ✱exsŭrgĕre ＞ Pr. essọrger, ✱exsūcāre ＞ Pr. eissügar essügar.

Y coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from e̯ or i̯, (§ [40]) coincided with Latin j: habeam ＞ abya, eāmus ＞ yamus, tĕneat ＞ tęnyat; audio ＞ audyo, fīlia ＞ fịlya, vĕniat ＞ vęnyat. As early as the 4th century the groups dy, gy were reduced to y; and ly, ny probably became l´, n´: mĕdius ＞ mędyus ＞ męyus, corrĭgia ＞ corrįgya ＞ corrẹya; mĕlior ＞ męlyor ＞ męl´or, tĕneo ＞ tęnyo ＞ tęn´o.

56. Germanic b, ð, h, k, þ, w call for special mention:—

B did not participate in the change of Latin intervocalic b to β: roubôn ＞ Pr. raubar. The words containing it were evidently adopted after this phonetic law had ceased to operate.

ð, þ were pronounced by the Latins as d, t: ✱waiðanjan ＞ ✱wadanyāre ＞ Pr. gazanhar (It. guadagnare), þrëscan ＞ ✱trescāre ＞ Pr. trescar.

H, at the beginning of a word, was lost in the greater part of the Empire, including southern Gaul: hapja ＞ ✱apya ＞ Pr. apcha. H between vowels was lost in some words and replaced by kk in others: spëhôn ＞ Pr. espiar, fëhu ＞ Pr. fęu, jëhan ＞ ✱yekkīre ＞ Pr. gequir. Ht was regularly replaced by tt: slahta ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ Pr. esclata; but wahta, perhaps borrowed at a different period, became Pr. gaita.

K, in southern Gaul, did not take the palatal pronunciation before front vowels: skërnon ＞ Pr. esquernir, skina ＞ Pr. esquina, skiuhan ＞ Pr. esquivar, ✱rîk-ĭtia ＞ Pr. riquẹza; only the derivatives of Franko (doubtless Latinized early) show palatalization, as ✱Francia ＞ Pr. Fransa. G, however, seems to have been palatalized: gîga ＞ Pr. giga, geisla ＞ Pr. giscle. Before a, in words introduced early, k and g were treated like Latin c and g: kausjan ＞ Pr. cauzir chauzir, gâhi ＞ Pr. gai iai; see § [11], (1).

W was vigorously pronounced, and, through reinforcement of its velar element, came to be sounded gw: warjan ＞ ✱warīre gwarīre ＞ Pr. garir, wërra ＞ ✱węrra gwęrra ＞ Pr. guęrra.

57. Greek ζ, θ, κ, φ, χ did not exactly correspond to any Latin consonants:—

Z, whatever may have been its original pronunciation, received in Vulgar Latin the value dy, which then, like any other dy, became y: ✱zelōsus (from ζῆλος) = dyelọsus yelọsus ＞ Pr. gelọs. The infinitive ending -ίζειν, introduced in such words as βαπτίζειν, ＞ baptizāre = bapti(d)yāre, became very common in the form -įdyāre -įyāre, and was used to make new verbs: wërra + ίζειν ＞ ✱werrįdyāre gwerrįyāre ＞ Pr. guerrẹiar.

θ, in the popular speech of Rome, was replaced by t: similarly χ was replaced by c: σπαθή ＞ spatha = spata; χορδή ＞ chŏrda = cǫrda.

κ was apparently intermediate in sound between Latin c and g; it was generally replaced by the former, but sometimes by the latter: κατά ＞ cata, κυβερνᾰν ＞ gubernare.

φ, in Greek, was in early times (perhaps until the 4th century of our era) a strongly explosive p; it then developed into f. In words borrowed by the Romans in the early period it was replaced by p; in later words it was sounded f: κόλαφος ＞ cŏlăphus = cǫlapus, φασίολος ＞ phaseŏlus faseŏlus.

58. The fate of all these consonants in Provençal depended largely on their position in the word: we must therefore distinguish initial, medial, and final consonants. In a general way, the first tended to remain unchanged, the second to weaken, the third to disappear. Furthermore we must separate single consonants from consonant groups: the latter resisted change better than the former; but a group consisting of dissimilar elements tended to assimilate them.

INITIAL CONSONANTS.

59. A consonant preceded by a prefix was treated as an initial consonant as long as the character of this preceding syllable was recognized: de-cadĕre ＞ decazẹr, de-pĭngĕre ＞ depẹnher, præ-parāre ＞ preparar, re-cordāre ＞ recordar, re-patriāre ＞ repairar, re-pausāre ＞ repausar, se-dūcĕre ＞ sedüire. If, however, the initial syllable ceased to be recognized as a prefix, the following consonant was treated as a medial consonant: præpŏsĭtum ＞ prebǫst, retŏrta ＞ redǫrta; so, perhaps, profŭndum ＞ preọn. The rare rebọnre (beside repọnre) ＜ re-pōnĕre has the special sense ‘to bury’.

Single Initial Consonants.

60. B, d, l, m, n, p, r, s, t underwent no change: ben, dọn, lǫc, mẹ, nau, pauc, rius, si, tü.

1. For cremetar ＜ ✱tremitāre, see Meyer-Lübke, Einf., § 194. For granolha ＜ ✱ranŭcŭla, see Körting, ranuculus.

61. C, c´, f, g, g´, β, y suffered some change. C, g must be distinguished from c´, g´: § [55], C, G.

C, g before o, u remained unchanged: colōrem ＞ colọr, cūra ＞ cüra; gŭla ＞ gọla, gŭtta ＞ gọta. Before a they changed only in the north and northeast, where they became (perhaps from the 7th to the 9th century) respectively tš and dž: campus ＞ camps champs; gaudēre ＞ gauzir iauzir.

C´ ＞ ts, which just before and during the literary period was reduced to s: cælum ＞ cęl sęl, cīvitātem ＞ ciutat ciptat siptat. For g´, see Y.

Y, comprising Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z, became dž (except in Béarn, where it remained y): diurnālem ＞ iornal (yornal), deō(r)sum ＞ iọs; gĕlus ＞ gęls, gentīlem ＞ gentil (yentil), gȳrāre ＞ girar; jam ＞ ia, jŏcum ＞ iǫc (yǫc), jŭvĕnem ＞ iọve; ✱zelōsus ＞ gelọs.

F remained unchanged, except in Béarn and a part of Gascony, where it became h: famem ＞ fam ham, fĭdem ＞ fẹ hẹ, fŏcum ＞ fǫc hüc, fŏlia ＞ fuelha huelha.

β ＞ v (the dentilabial spirant), except in Béarn, Gascony, and parts of Languedoc, where it became b: vĕnit ＞ ven be, vĕntum ＞ vent bent, vĕrsus (§ [55], R) ＞ vęs bęs, vōs ＞ vọs bọs.

1. In a few words β, owing to Germanic influence, was replaced by w ＞ gw: vadum + watan ＞ gua, vastare + wôst ＞ guastar. So vagīna ＞ guaína, Vascŏnia ＞ Gasconha. Cf. gw below.

Initial Groups.

62. There are three classes of groups: those ending in l or r, those ending in w, and those beginning with s:—

(1) Bl, br, cl, cr, dr, gl, gr, pl, pr, tr underwent no change: blasphemāre ＞ blasmar, brĕvem ＞ bręu, clarus ＞ clars, crŭcem ＞ crọtz, drappus ＞ draps, glaciem ＞ glatz, gradum ＞ gra, plēnum ＞ plẹn, precāre ＞ pregar, trans ＞ tras. Gras is from grassus, a fusion of crassus and grossus. For grǫcs ＜ κρόκος see § [57], κ.

(2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained: wahta ＞ gaita guaita, warjan ＞ garir guarir, wërra ＞ gęrra guęrra, wīsa ＞ gisa guisa; quando ＞ can quan, quare ＞ car quar. It should be noted that the u was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, gu and qu being regarded merely as symbols for “hard” g and c. For cinc ＜ quīnque, see § [87], kw. Sw remained in suavem ＞ suau.

(3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ [55], S); this vowel appears in Provençal as e. Sc´ apparently did not occur in any popular word; sl early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc ＞ stš before a: scala ＞ escala eschala, schŏa ＞ escǫla, slahta ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ esclata, scrībĕre ＞ escriure, spīna ＞ espina, stare ＞ estar, strĭngĕre ＞ estrẹnher.

MEDIAL CONSONANTS.

63. (1) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ [51]), an early Provençal b, d, dz, dž, g, z, or ž was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: ŏpus ＞ ǫbus ＞ ǫbs ǫps, ŏrbum ＞ ǫrbu ＞ ǫrb ǫrp: datum ＞ dadu ＞ dad dat, vĭrĭdem vĭrdem ＞ vẹrde ＞ vẹrd vẹrt; prĕtium ＞ prędzu ＞ prędz pręts (written pretz), vōcem ＞ vọdze ＞ vọdz vọts (written votz); mĕdium ＞ męyu mędžu ＞ mędž mętš (written meg or mech); amīcus ＞ amigus ＞ amigs amics, largum ＞ largu ＞ larg larc; rīsum ＞ rizu ＞ riz ris; basium ＞ bažu ＞ baiž baiš (bais). The combination tšs, however, loses either its second or its third element: ✱gaudios ＞ gautšs ＞ gautš or gauts (both of them often written gaugz); so nŏctes ＞ nuetšs ＞ nuetš or nuets (nuegz). For local variations of g, see (6). For apud ＞ ab ap am an, see § [65], P. 2.

(2) Under the same conditions, y became i: vĭdeo ＞ vẹyo ＞ vẹy vẹi, pĕjus ＞ pęyus ＞ pęys pięis.

(3) Under the same conditions, ð, coming from intervocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s: audit ＞ auði ＞ auð au; crūdus ＞ cruðus ＞ cruds crüts. So crūdum ＞ crü, fĭdem ＞ fẹ, fraudem ＞ frau, gradum ＞ gra, nīdum ＞ ni, nōdum ＞ nọ, pĕdem ＞ pę, sapidum ＞ sabe, tĕpidum ＞ tębe; grados ＞ grats, nōdus ＞ nọts, nūdus ＞ nüts, pĕdes ＞ pęts. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence degras, fes,[41] nis, pes, etc.; crut, grat, not, nut,[41] etc.

(4) Under the same conditions, β, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: bĭbit ＞ bẹβi ＞ bẹβ bẹu, vīvit ＞ βịβi ＞ βịβ vịu, claves ＞ claβes ＞ claβs claus, vīvus ＞ βīβus ＞ βịβs vịus; salvet ＞ sal, salvum ＞ sal, sĕrvit ＞ siẹr, nĕrvos ＞ nęrs, salvus ＞ sals, sĕrvus ＞ sęrs. Sometimes, however, final β preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: salvet ＞ salf, salvum ＞ salf, sĕrvit ＞ sięrf, vŏlvit ＞ vǫlf; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + β when final, and that sal, sier are due to the analogy of sals, siers.

(5) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: bĕne ＞ be ben, canem ＞ ca can, sŏnum ＞ so son[42]; bŏnus ＞ bos bons, mansiōnes ＞ maisọs maisọns. In mĭnus ＞ mẹns the n was kept, perhaps through the analogy of menọr. If the n was preceded by a consonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: cŏrnu ＞ cǫr cǫrn, tŏrno ＞ tọr tọrn; diŭrnus ＞ iọrs iọrns. For iọrnh ＜ diŭrnī, see § [51], 1. Provençal n coming from nn never falls: annus ＞ ans.

(6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): fŏcum ＞ fǫc, lŏcus ＞ lǫcs, paucum ＞ pauc, Hūgo ＞ Uc; Aureliācum ＞ Aurelhac, dīco ＞ dic di, Henrīcum ＞ Enric Enri, ✱trago ＞ trac trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west.

(7) The vocalization of l before s (malus ＞ maus) is a different phenomenon from the foregoing. See § [65], L.

(8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spellings) does not: nĭmis ＞ nems nemps; annos ＞ ans anz.

(9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: ambos ＞ ams ambs, cŏrpus ＞ cors, tĕmpus ＞ tems temps; cf. balbs (balb), orbs (orb).

1. The d, n, t of the proclitics ad, quid, in, aut, et will be treated under Final Consonants.

64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: amātis ＞ amatz amas, habētis ＞ avętz avęs, dīcit ＞ ditz dis, grandes ＞ granz grans, latus ＞ latz las, prĕtium ＞ prętz pręs. On the other hand, in a part of Limousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphiné, -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habētis ＞ avęt.

Single Medial Consonants.

65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order:—

β, coming from b or v, became v; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b: habētis ＞ avętz abętz, debēre ＞ devẹr debẹr, faba ＞ fava faba; avārum ＞ avar, æstīva ＞ estiva, brĕvem ＞ bręu,[43] clavem ＞ clau, dīe Jŏvis ＞ diiǫus, lĕvat ＞ lęva, novĕlla ＞ novęla nabęra (Gascon), vīvus ＞ vius. When the preceding or following vowel was o or u, a β before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: abŭndare ＞ aondar abondar, gŭbĕrnare ＞ goernar governar, proclitic ŭbĭ ＞ ọ, prŏbare ＞ proar, sŭbĭnde ＞ soẹn sovẹn sobẹn, trĭbūtum ＞ treüt; Lŭdovīcus ＞ Lozoics, Provĭncia ＞ Proẹnsa Provẹnsa, novĕllum ＞ noęl novęl, novĕmbrem ＞ noembre novembre, pavōnem ＞ paọn, pavōrem ＞ paọr (cf. § [55], V).

1. The perfect endings -avi etc., -ivi etc. had lost their v in Latin. For avia, etc., see § [87], β.

2. Abans, beside avanz, avan ＜ ab ante, apparently shows the influence of Pr. ab = apud. Abet ＜ abiĕtem (§ [40], 1) is unexplained: cf. Italian abete. Abora is a Provençal compound of ab and ora. Trap, beside trau ＜ trabem, is doubtless from the nominative traps ＜ trabs, which seems to have been differentiated in meaning from the V. L. nominative trabis.

3. Brey, grey, ney, beside breu ＜ brĕvem, greu ＜ ✱grĕvem, neu ＜ nĭvem (cf. § [25], 1, e), have been subjected to the attraction of grey ＜ grĕgem, ley ＜ lēgem. Greug is a post-verbal noun from greuiar ＜ ✱grĕviare.

4. Natiz = natius ＜ natīvus seems to have been influenced by mestis ＜ mixtīcius. Massis is from ✱massīcius.

5. Paziment = pavamen owes its z perhaps to the analogy of aizimen.

6. In purely learned words, b and v were written as in Latin: diabol, diluvi.

C, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to g, and then developed like any other g. See G.

1. After au, apparently, c did not change: ✱auca (＜ ✱avĭca ＜ avis) ＞ auca, pauca ＞ pauca, rauca ＞ rauca, ✱traucare (? ＜ ✱trabucare) ＞ traucar. Cf. § [65], P, 3.

2. In purely learned words, c remained unchanged: vocal. Alucar aluchar, aluc seem to be learned formations patterned after antelucānus and Low Latin lucānus.

C´, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: cŏcĕre ＞ cǫire, dīcĕre ＞ diire dire, dīcĭtis ＞ ditz, facĕre ＞ faire, facĭmu(s) ＞ faim, facĭtis ＞ faitz, fēcĕram ＞ fẹira, fēcĕrunt ＞ fẹiron, gracĭlem ＞ graile. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ [55], C); in most of the Provençal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: aucĕllum ＞ auzęl, jacēre ＞ iazẹr, lĭcēre ＞ lezẹr, lūcēre ＞ lüzẹr lüzir lüisir, placēre ＞ plazẹr plaizẹr; crŭcem ＞ crọz crọiz crọis (see §§ [63], [64]), dīcere ＞ dízer, dīcit ＞ ditz dis, dūcit ＞ dütz düs, facit ＞ fatz fas, jacet ＞ iatz ias iays, pacem ＞ patz pas pais, placet ＞ platz plas plais, verācem? ＞ verais, vōcem ＞ vọtz vọiz.

1. Aucel, beside auzel, perhaps belongs to a dialect in which c´ was not voiced after au: cf. C, 1. See § [80], Bc´.

2. Iasser, beside iazer, seems to be due to ias ＜ jacet and iassa ＜ jaceat.

3. For desma deima, see S, 1.

4. In purely learned words, c´ ＞ ts: acĭdum ＞ aci.

D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into ð, which fell in the 11th century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provençal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: audīre ＞ auzir auir audir,[44] audit ＞ au,[45] cadit ＞ ca, crudēlem ＞ cruzęl cruęl crudęl, fīdat ＞ fia, ✱gaudo ＞ gau, hŏrrĭda ＞ ǫreza, hŏrrĭdum ＞ ǫre, laudo ＞ lau, alauda ＞ lauzẹta laudẹta, rīdat ＞ ria, tradĕre ＞ trazir trair tradir, vidēre ＞ vezẹr vẹr vedẹr, vĭdet ＞ vẹ. When ð became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: divīdĕre ＞ divire,[46] traditōrem ＞ traidọr (which, influenced by traïr, was pronounced traïdọr).[47]

1. Crey, beside cre ＜ crēdo, follows dei ＜ dēbeo, vei ＜ vĭdeo. Mercey, beside merce ＜ mercēdem, shows the influence of grey ＜ grĕgem, lei ＜ lēgem, and perhaps French fei ＜ fĭdem. Cf. β, (3).

2. Grau = gra ＜ gradum, niu = ni ＜ nīdum belong to the Catalan dialect, in which ð fell before the 8th century: gradum ＞ graðu ＞ gra-u ＞ grau, the u being preserved through combining into a diphthong with the a.

3. In purely learned words, d remained: odi ＜ ŏdium.

F is very rare (cf. § [59]). The few examples appear to show that f (presumably in the 6th century or earlier) became β, and then developed like any other β (see β): Stĕphănum ＞ Estęve, co(n)fortāre? ＞ ✱coβortar ＞ ✱coortar ＞ conortar (through the common use of the double forms, con-, co-), gryphum ＞ griu, raphănum ＞ rave rafe, ✱refusāre ＞ rehusar refusar, ✱prefŭndum (= pro-) ＞ preọn. Nevertheless, cofịn ＜ cŏphĭnum, defǫrs ＜ de fŏris, grifọ, profięg ＜ profĕctum, rafe, would seem to indicate that in some words, possibly less popular at the outset, f was retained.

1. In purely learned words, f was kept: antifona, Caifas, philozophia.

G, representing original c and g, had a varied development.[48] For the fall of g in some words in Vulgar Latin, see § [55], G.

(1) Before a, g remained in the greater part of the territory, but in the north and east it early became y; and this y was generally retained in the eastern dialects (often fusing with a preceding i), while in most of the northern it developed into dž (cf. Y): amīca ＞ amiga amiia amia, dīcam ＞ diga dia, mīca ＞ miga miia mia,[49] pacāre ＞ pagar paiar, precāre ＞ pregar preiar; castigāre ＞ castigar castiar, legālem ＞ leial leyal lial, ligāmen ＞ liam, lĭgātum ＞ legat liat, plaga ＞ plaga plaia, regālem ＞ reial, rūga ＞ rüa.[50]

(2) Before o and u (ü), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects: acūtum ＞ agüt, secŭndum ＞ segọn, secūrus ＞ segürs; ✱a(u)gūrium ＞ agür aür, a(u)gŭstum ＞ agọst[51] ahọst, proclitic ĕgo ＞ ęu, ✱fagŏttum ＞ fagǫt, figūra ＞ figüra, Hugōnem ＞ Ugọ. For a g that becomes final or contiguous to final s, see § [63], (6): amīcus ＞ amics amis, Auriācum ＞ Auriac, cŏcum (= cŏquum) ＞ cǫc, jŏcus ＞ iǫcs, Ludovīcum ＞ Lozoic Lozoi, prĕco ＞ pręc; castīgo ＞ chastic chasti.

(3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provençal period, became y, which developed into dž before the literary epoch; cf. § [49], (4): clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrge, ✱coratĭcum ＞ coratge, domĭnĭcum ＞ dimẹnge, manĭca ＞ mania, mĕdĭcum ＞ męge, mŏnăchum ＞ monge, ✱paratĭcum ＞ paratge, viatĭcum ＞ viatie. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clęrgue,[52] esta(t)ga, mętgue, mongue.

1. Amiu, chastiu belong to the dialect of Forez; so perhaps fau ＜ fagum, preu ＜ prĕco. These forms indicate a very early fall of the g in the dialect to which they belong. Cf. § [51], 3.

2. In purely learned words, Latin g remains unchanged: paganōrum ＞ paganor.

G´ became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ [55], G). See Y.

1. In purely learned words the letter g was retained, but it was doubtless pronounced dž: astrologia.

L remained: colōrem ＞ colọr, male ＞ mal, ✱volēre (= velle) ＞ volẹr. Before final s, l became u in most dialects, in some as early as the 10th century: malos ＞ maus, talis ＞ taus; l was written, however, long after l had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls ＞ -us, final l became u in the southwest and in some other regions: Aprīlem ＞ abriu. Cf. § [74], (2). Au ＜ -al is common in William of Poitiers.

1. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § [10].

2. Orifan, beside olifan ＜ elephantem, is probably French.

L´ will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § [73], Ly.

M remained: amāre ＞ amar, hŏmo ＞ om, timōrem ＞ temọr.

1. Occasionally -am rhymes with -an (afan: fam, portam: avan); this seems to show an indistinct pronunciation of the final nasal in some dialects. Cf. aven = avem ＜ habēmu(s) in the Nobla Leyczon. Cf. § [167], 2.

N remained: bŏnas ＞ bonas, donāre ＞ donar, lūna ＞ lüna. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § [63], (5): fīnis ＞ fis fins, panem ＞ pa pan.

1. In canorgue, dimergue, morgue, etc., beside canonge, dimenge, monge, etc., the r may be explained partly by dissimilation, partly by the analogy of clergue and of words with double forms (§ [87]).

2. Menhs meins, beside regular mens ＜ mĭnus, show the influence of the alternative forms genhs geins and gens from ingĕnium (see § [73], Ny).

3. Iassey (= iasse, the latter part of which may be from exín = exĭnde), tey (= te ＜ tĕnet), used by Marcabru, are doubtless due either to a mistaken imitation of conventional borderland forms (see § [25], 3) or to the analogy of crei = cre ＜ crēdo (crei itself being due to the analogy of dei ＜ dēbeo, vei ＜ vĭdeo).

N´ will be considered, as ny, under Groups, § [73], Ny.

P, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to b: capĭllum ＞ cabẹl, rīpa ＞ riba, ✱sapēre (= sapĕre) ＞ sabẹr, trepalium ＞ trebalh; capit ＞ cap (§ [63]), sapis ＞ saps.

1. In some borderland dialects p ＞ v, as in French: saver. Evescat, evesque, beside bisbat, bisbe, are French.

2. Apud, used as a proclitic, became for some reason in Vulgar Latin ✱apu, which developed regularly into ✱abu and, after the fall of intertonic vowels, ab. This ab assimilated its b more or less to a following consonant, becoming ap before voiceless consonants, am before nasals; am, used before dentals, became an: hence we have four forms, ab, ap, am, an. Amb perhaps developed first from am before l, as in am l’autre; when used before a consonant with which mb did not readily combine, it expanded into ambe. See Elise Richter, Zs., XXVI, 532; J. Huber, Zs., XXX, 583.

3. In some dialects, apparently, p was not voiced after au: sapuĕrunt ✱sapwĕrunt ✱saupĕrunt ＞ saubron saupron. Cf. § [65], C, 1.

4. In purely learned words, p remains: epifania.

R remained: amāra ＞ amara, durāre ＞ dürar, ĕrat ＞ ęra. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period: priōres ＞ priọrs priọs (Girart); the reduction apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th century (Bertran de Born rhymes iọs and flọrs).

1. Final r began to fall in many dialects in the 14th century. At present it has disappeared all through the south and west: amōrem ＞ amou, flōrem ＞ flou.

2. In some dialects (especially those of Gard and Hérault) intervocalic r and z were confused, probably during the literary period: gyrāre ＞ girar gisar; conversely audīre ＞ auzir aurir. Cf. Revue des langues romanes, XL, 49, 121.

S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century: pausa ＞ pausa, presĕntem ＞ presen; rīsum ＞ ris (§ [63]).

1. An s that became contiguous to n was changed, in a few dialects, to r: almosna almorna, disnar dirnar. In modern Limousin and some of the dialects of Dauphiné, Languedoc, and Gascony, s has disappeared before nasals: asne ane, caresma carema, disnar dinar (so blasmar blamar, desma dema); the fall began during the literary period. S before a consonant in many of the modern dialects, and final s in some, has become i: asne aine, caresma careima (so perhaps desma deima, pruesme prueime); some traces of this change occur in texts of the literary period. Cf. Zs., XXIII, 413. Isla, in Limousin, became ilha (perhaps through iyla): cf. Zs., XXIII, 414. Cf. § [78].

2. In some southeastern dialects intervocalic z after au has changed to v: causa cauva (so auzir auvir); possibly the auvent of the Boeci, v. 23, is to be connected with this.

T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: amāta ＞ amada, natālis ＞ nadals, servitōrem ＞ servidọr; habētis ＞ avętz avęs avęt (§§ [63], [64]), latus ＞ latz las, natum ＞ nat. For a t which became contiguous to r (amātor ＞ amaire), see § [52], (1), and § [70], Tr.

1. In some dialects of the south and southeast, final t fell shortly after the literary period: amātum ＞ amat ama.—Appoestat is French.

2. Tōtus, in Gaul, became tōttus as early as the 4th century: hence Pr. tota totas. For meteis ＜ met-ĭpse see § [131], (2).

3. Espaza (beside espada) ＜ spatha, was perhaps influenced in its pronunciation by the spelling of the Latin word.[53] Ez, coming from et before a vowel, shows the influence of az (＜ ad + vowel) and quez (＜ quĭd + vowel). Grazal, ‘grail’, is perhaps a cross between ✱cratella ＜ crater and gradale, ‘service-book’; so grazalet. Grazir grazire (cf. agradar) is perhaps altered from an earlier ✱grazar ＜ ✱gratiare. Mezeis ＜ met-ĭpse, mezesmes, meesmes (beside medesmes) ＜ ✱met-ĭpsĭmus have been subjected to the analogy of ez ＜ et and quez ＜ quĭd or of ĭd ĭpsum: § [131], (2).

4. In some dialects tī became a sound written h: peccatī ＞ peccah. See § [51], 1.

5. In purely learned words, t remains: eternal.

W will be considered, as gw, under Groups, § [72], βw.

X is a symbol for ks: see Groups, § [79], Ks.

Y, representing Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z (cf. § [55], G, Y; § [57], Z) had a varied development.

(1) When it became contiguous to a following consonant (§§ [45], [49]) it changed to i: adjutāre ＞ ayudāre ＞ ay’dar ＞ aidar, medietātem ＞ meitat; cōgitāre ＞ cüidar, frīgĕre ＞ frire, lĕgĕre ＞ lęyre, propagĭnem ＞ probaina, rĭgĭda ＞ rẹida, ✱tragĕre ＞ traire; bajŭlus ＞ bailes.

(2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dž in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed:[54] audiam ＞ auia, in-ŏdiare ＞ enoiar, invĭdia ＞ envẹia, invĭdiōsus ＞ enveiọs enveyọs, ✱gladia ＞ glaya, mediānum ＞ meian, ✱pŏdiāre ＞ poiar, radiāre ＞ raiar, sordĭdior ＞ sordẹier, vĭdeat ＞ vẹia; fragĭlem ＞ fragel; ✱exagiāre ＞ assatiar essaiar essayar, corrĭgia ＞ corrẹia corrẹya, fagea ＞ faia faya, regiōnem ＞ reiọ; dīe Jŏvís ＞ diiǫus, major ＞ maier, pĕjor ＞ pięier, pejōrem ＞ peiọr, trŏja ＞ trǫia; baptizāre ＞ bateiar. For a dž or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § [63], (1), (2): audio ＞ auch, in ŏdio ＞ enuęg (plural enuętz enuęg) enǫi, gaudium ＞ gauch, gladium ＞ glai, mĕdium ＞ męg męi, hŏdie ＞ ǫi, pŏdium ＞ puęg pǫi, radium ＞ rai; fŭgit ＞ füg füi, grĕgem ＞ gręy, lēgem ＞ lẹg (pl. lẹitz) lẹi, lĕgit ＞ lięg, magis mais,[55] rēgem ＞ rẹi, exagium ＞ essai; pĕjus ＞ pięis.

(3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § [55], G), except in some western dialects, where it became dž: vagīna ＞ guaīna, ✱legīre (= lĕgĕre) ＞ legir,[56] magĭster ＞ maẹstre maiẹstre magẹstre, ✱pagē(n)sis ＞ paẹs pagẹs, regīna ＞ reïna, sagĭtta ＞ saẹta saiẹta sagẹta.

1. Detz ditz ＞ dĭgĭtus are irregular and unexplained. The word is irregular in some other Romance languages, notably in Italian. Cf. Gröber’s Grundriss, I, p. 507.

2. Glavi, beside glai (and learned glazi) ＜ gladium, is supposed by some to show the influence of Celtic cládibo. Cf. Körting; also H. Schuchardt, Zs., XXV, 345.

3. Messér seems to be a contraction (due to proclitic use) of ✱messeyer = mes, ‘my’, + ✱seyer? ＜ ✱sĕyor = sĕnior (cf. A. Lindström, L’analogie dans la déclinaison des substantifs latins en Gaule, 1897-8, pp. 292-3).

4. In purely learned words, di, g, gi, z are retained, the g being pronounced presumably as dž, the z as z: odi, fragil, regio, canonizar.

Medial Groups.

66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as follows:—A. Double Consonants (1); B. Groups of Dissimilar Consonants: groups ending in l (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with l, m, n, r, or s and not ending in l, r, w, or y (6), all other groups (7). This order will be followed.[57]

1. It should be noted that the prefixes ad-, sub- regularly assimilate their d or b to the following consonant: ✱ad-rīpāre ＞ arribar, sub-venīre ＞ sovenir. Sosrire, sosterrar, sostraire show a substitution of prefix, due, no doubt, to the analogy of sospirar, sostener.

1. Double Consonants.

67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the 9th or 10th century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ [63], [64]: abbātem ＞ abat, sĭccum ＞ sẹc, rĕddo ＞ ręt, affībulāre ＞ afiblar, aggregāre ＞ agregar, flamma ＞ flama, pĭnna ＞ pẹna, cappa ＞ capa, passum ＞ pas,[58] mŭttum ＞ mọt, advenīre ✱avvenīre ＞ avenir.

(1) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became tš; elsewhere, c; bŭcca ＞ bọca bọcha, vacca ＞ vaca vacha.

(2) Ll, in some southern dialects, became l´; elsewhere, l: capĭllum ＞ cabẹl cabẹlh, grȳllum ＞ gril grilh, mantĕllum ＞ mantęl mantęlh, villānus ＞ vilas vilhas. It is possible, however, that -llī regularly became l´ in Limousin, while ll before other vowels was not palatalized: caballum ＞ caval, caballī ＞ cavalh; ĭllī ＞ ilh, ĭllōs ＞ ẹls; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of lh in the poems. So in some dialects -nnī ＞ n´: annī ＞ anh. Cf. § [51], 1. For final ls and l, see § [65], L: ĭllos ＞ ẹls ẹus, vallem ＞ val vau. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § [10]: appĕllat ＞ apęla apęra.

(3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: cŭrrĕre ＞ cọrre, ✱corrŭptiāre ＞ corrossar, errāre ＞ errar, tĕrra ＞ tęrra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r.

2. Groups Ending in L.

68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, sl remained unchanged; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pl, tl, βl and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into l´. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § [79].

Bl ＞ bl: nĕbŭla ＞ nębla, ✱oblītāre ＞ oblidar, sabulōnem ＞ sablọn.[59]

βl ＞ ul: fabŭla ✱faβla ＞ faula, sibilāre ✱siβlāre ＞ siular, tabŭla ✱taβla ＞ taula.

Cl ＞ l´: genŭcŭlum ＞ genọlh, ŏcŭlum ＞ ǫlh, sĭtŭla ✱sĭcla[60] ＞ sẹlha, vĕtŭla vĕcla[60] ＞ vęlha. In learned words we find gl, cl: ✱e(c)clĕsia ＞ glęiza, joculārem ＞ ioglar, sæcŭlum ＞ sęgle sęcle.

C´l ＞ il: gracĭlem ＞ graile.

Dl ＞ dl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: mŏdŭlum ＞ ✱mǫdle mǫlle.

Gl ＞ l´: rēgŭla ＞ rẹlha, ✱strĭgŭla ＞ estrẹlha, vĭg(ĭ)lat ＞ vẹlha. Lẹula ＜ lĕgŭla, tẹula ＜ tēgŭla are irregular: cf. Archivio glottologico italiano, XIII, 439, 459.

Ml ＞ mbl: sĭmĭlāre ＞ semblar, trĕmŭlat ＞ trẹmbla. In sembrar we find an r ＜ l due perhaps to the analogy of membrar ＜ memorāre. In semel gives ensẹmble essẹms.

Pl ＞ bl: cōpŭla ＞ cọbla, dŭplum ＞ dọble. Learned words have pl: duplicar.

Rl ＞ rl: Carŏlus ＞ Carles, hōrolŏgium ＞ orlǫi, ✱paraulare ＞ parlar.

Sl ＞ sl: ī(n)sŭla ＞ isla. For ilha, see § [65], S, 1.

Tl ＞ tl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: rŏtŭlum ＞ rǫtle rǫlle, spathūla ＞ espatla espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.[61]

Yl ＞ il: bajŭlus ＞ bailes. Cf. § [65], Y, (1).

69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ambulāre ＞ amblar, implēre ＞ emplir, avŭncŭlus ＞ avọncles, cĭrcŭlus ＞ cẹrcles, mascŭlus ＞ mascles, ✱afflammāre ＞ aflamar, inflāre ＞ enflar, ŭngŭla ＞ ọngla, emplastrum ＞ emplastre.

1. Selcle, beside cercle, seems to show an assimilation of the r to the l of the next syllable. Empastre, beside emplastre, has been influenced by pasta. Emblar is probably from V. L. ✱imbolare = involare.

3. Groups Ending in R.

70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that br, gr, lr, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes lr, nr) developed a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and βr, c´r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element.

Br ＞ br, also ur, occasionally ir (through ür): fabrum ＞ fabre faure[62], fĕbrem ＞ fębre fęure, lībra ＞ liura; Octōbrem ＞ ochọyre. For brg, see § [80].

βr ＞ ur, occasionally ir: bĭbĕre ＞ bęure, débēr’ hábḙo ＞ deβr’áyo ＞ deurái, ✱rōbŏrem ＞ rọure rọire; ✱mŏvĕre (= mŏvēre) ＞ mǫure, plŏvĕre ＞ plǫure.

Cr ＞ gr: acrem ＞ agre, lacrĭma ＞ lagrema, lŭcrum ＞ lọgre, macrum ＞ magre, sacrāre ＞ sagrar, sŏcrum ＞ sǫgre.[63] In late learned words we find cr: secret.

C´r ＞ ir: cŏcĕre ＞ cǫire, dīcĕre ＞ dire, dūcere ＞ düire, facĕre ＞ faire. Cf. § [49], (1).

Dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: divīdĕre ＞ devire, quadrum ＞ caire, vídēr’ hábe̯o ＞ veð’r-áyo ＞ veirái. After au, apparently, ð simply disappeared: claudĕre ＞ claure. Late learned words have dr: quadrupedi.

Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire fra(g)rāre ＞ ✱frarar ✱flarar flazar, intĕ(g)rum ＞ entęr entięr, nĭ(g)rum ＞ nęr nięr,[64] pere(g)rīnum ＞ peleri, pĭ(g)rĭtia ＞ perẹza; these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and everywhere, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin; this gr was kept in most of the Provençal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphiné, Auvergne, and Languedoc: fragrāre ＞ flairar, integrāre ＞ enteirar, intĕ́grum ＞ entęgre entęir,[65] nĭgrēscĕre ＞ negrezir, nĭgrum ＞ nẹgre nẹir,[65] peregrīnum ＞ pelegri, pĭgrĭtia ＞ pigręza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere: agricultura.

G´r: see Yr.

Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ldr[66]: vălēr’ hábe̯o ＞ valrai valdrai, ✱vólēr’ hábe̯o ＞ volrai voldrai.

Mr ＞ mbr: camĕra ＞ cambra, memorāre ＞ membrar, nŭmĕrum ＞ nọmbre.

Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr[66] cĭnĕrem ＞ cẹnre cẹndre, dīe Vĕnĕris ＞ divenres divendres, in-gĕnerāre ＞ engenrar, Henrīcum ＞ Enric, expōnĕre ＞ espọnre espọndre, ✱gĕnĕrem (= gĕnus) ＞ genre, gĕnĕrum ＞ genre gendre, honorāre ＞ onrar ondrar, tenēr’ habeo ＞ tenrai tendrai, venīr’ habeo ＞ venrai vendrai.

Pr ＞ br: capra ＞ cabra, cŭperāre ＞ cobrar, erĭpĕre ＞ erẹbre, ŏpĕra ＞ ǫbra, pauper ＞ paubre, ✱pĭperāta ＞ pebrada, recĭpĕre ＞ recẹbre, sŭperāre ＞ sobrar, sŭper ＞ sọbre. Purely learned words have pr: caprin. It is uncertain whether paupre (beside the usual paubre) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing.

Sr ＞ str: ✱ĕssĕre (= ĕsse) ＞ ęstre. For ęsser, see § [49], (2).

Tr ＞ dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: amātor ＞ amaire, fratrem ＞ fraire, latro ＞ laire, mater ＞ maire, ŭtĕrem ＞ ọire, pĕtra ＞ pęira, Pĕtrus ＞ Pęires, petrōnem ＞ peirọ, petrōsus ＞ peirọs, pre(s)by̆tĕrum (Einf., § 140) ＞ prevẹire, servītor ＞ servire, vĭtrum ＞ vẹire. Learned words have dr and tr: ✱poenĭtĕre ＞ penedre (penedir), impetrāre ＞ impetrar.

Yr ＞ ir: frīgĕre ＞ frire, lĕgĕre ＞ lęyre.

Zr ＞ zdr: mīsĕrunt + ✱mĭssĕrunt ＞ ✱mẹzron mẹsdron.

1. Redebre (beside rezemér) ＜ redĭmere has apparently been influenced by recebre. The Burgundian sor for sobre comes from the prefix sŭr- (sŭr-rīdēre, etc.). Perri ＜ ✱pētrīnum is probably French.

71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ŭmbra ＞ ọmbra, arbŏrem ＞ arbre, sepŭlcrum ＞ sepulcre, ✱canc(e)rōsus ＞ cancrọs, ✱addīrēctum ＞ adrẹit, fŭndĕre ＞ fọndre, ardĕre ＞ ardre, ✱offerīre ＞ offrir, ✱Hungaría ＞ Ongria, rŭmpĕre ＞ rọmpre, apprĕssum ＞ apręs, asprum ＞ aspre, ŭltra ＞ ọltra, intrāre ＞ entrar, mo(n)strāre ＞ mostrar, mĭttĕre ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): absŏlvĕre ＞ absǫldre (absolvre is probably a Latinism), pŭlvĕrem ＞ pọldre; ✱dē-ēr’ gĕre ＞ dẹrdre; tollĕre ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in marmor ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ pĕndĕre) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation.

1. The four-consonant group sbtr is reduced to str in prestre ＜ prĕsby̆ter. Prever is perhaps a proclitic syncopation of a V. L. ✱preβiter. Cf. § [78], 1.

4. Groups Ending in W.

72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § [40], (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § [56], W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § [62], (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww.

1. G. Körting (Zs., XXII, 258) would explain through the analogy of the perfects in -cui all other perfect forms which in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin -ui etc.

ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: habuĭssem ＞ aguẹs, dēbuit ＞ dẹc (§ [63]); ✱co(g)nōvuit (cf. Meyer-Lübke, Gram., II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱crevuĭstī ＞ creguist, ✱movuĭsset ＞ mogues, ✱plŏvuit ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic treuwa ＞ tręgua tręga (treva is probably French).

1. The diphthong of aic = habuī is probably not a phonetic development. The first and third persons of the preterit, aic and ac (＜ habuit), have been differentiated after the pattern of the present—ai and a.

Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱sĕduit ＞ sęc.

1. Vezoa ＜ vĭdua must be an early learned word: veuva is perhaps from veua ＜ veuða ＜ veðua.

Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: antīqua ＞ antiga, ĕqua ＞ ęga, æquālem ＞ egal (engal has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix en- or e- ＜ in-), nŏcuit ＞ nǫc, placuĭstī ＞ plaguist, ✱sĕquĕre (= sĕqui) ＞ sęgre, ✱sequīre ＞ seguir, tacuĭssem ＞ taguẹs.

1. Several words show a different development: cf. Ltblt., XXIV, 335; Zs., XXVIII, 381. In aqua (or acqua) and aquĭla (or ✱acquĭla) the first consonant became, for some reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞ aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So aiglentina. These same words show irregularities in other languages. Perhaps the dialect form eigal (Auvergne, Arles) for egal is to be explained in the same way; but the ei here may be analogical.

2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar Latin: coquĕre (+ cŏcus) ＞ cŏcĕre ＞ cǫzer, tŏrquēre ✱tŏrquĕre (+ ✱tŏrco ✱tŏrcunt) ＞ ✱tŏrcĕre ＞ tǫrser. Cf. § [55], W.

Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: caluit ＞ calc, ✱toluĭstī ＞ tolguist, valuĭssem ＞ valguẹs, vŏluĕrunt (§ [16], 2) ＞ vǫlgron.

Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: tĕnuit ＞ tẹnc, ✱venuĭsset ＞ venguẹs; sanguem ＞ sanc; cīnque (= quinque) ＞ cinc.

1. Tęuns ＜ tĕnuis is probably a learned word; the transposition of u and n may have been due originally to a misreading of the letters. Ianuer, manual, etc. are learned. Maneira is apparently from a Vulgar Latin ✱man(u)aria from manuarius. For enquerre ＜ inquærĕre, see § [59].

2. Exstĭnguĕre (+ ✱exstĭngo ✱exstĭngunt) ＞ ✱estĭngĕre ＞ estẹnher.

Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: sapuĭsset ＞ saubẹs, recĭpuit ＞ recẹup.

1. Saupes apparently belongs to a dialect in which au prevented voicing. Cf. § [65], P, 3.

Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: mĕruit ＞ męrc.

Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm (costüma). Cōnsŭo apparently became ✱cōsio, whence an infinitive ✱cōsĕre or ✱cosīre (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).

Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: pŏtuit ＞ pǫc.

1. Ba(t)tuo, qua(t)tuor were reduced to batto, ✱quattor in Vulgar Latin: Pr. bat, quatre.

5. Groups Ending in Y.

73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § [40], (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ [55], G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § [65], G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § [65], Y. See § [63], (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:—

Bry ＞ bry in ebriācum ＞ ebriac (iure is probably French).

βy was early reduced to y in habeo habeam etc. and dēbeo dēbeam etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of audio ＞ ✱auyo audiam ＞ ✱auya and video ＞ ✱veyo vĭdeam ＞ ✱veya; this y, like any other medial y (§ [65], Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱ach), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy—uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: abbrĕviat ＞ abręuia, ✱aggrĕviat ＞ agrẹuia, allĕviat ＞ alęuia, avĭŏ́lum ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, cavĕa ＞ gabia cauia, labia ＞ lavia-s, ✱leviarius ＞ leugięrs, ✱rabiam (= rabiem) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱rabiāre ＞ rabiar, rabiōsus ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, rŭbeum ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱sabium ＞ savi sabi, atavia ＞ tavia, vidŭvium ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin bi, vi, etc., are kept: abiurament, fluvial. Brĕvio ＞ bręy: cf. § [65], β, 3.

Cc´y: see C´y.

Cly ＞ l´: coclearium ＞ cuilhięr.

Cty ＞ is: factiōnem ＞ faissọ, lectiōnem ＞ leissọ, suspectiōnem ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings cti, cci, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: electio, accio. Cf. Ssy.

C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: bracchia ＞ brassa, bracchium ＞ bratz bras (§ [64]), faciam ＞ faza fassa, faciem ＞ fatz fas, glaciem ＞ glatz glas[69], laqueāre ＞ lassar, laqueum ＞ latz las, ✱pĕcia ＞ pęssa, placeam ＞ plassa. Learned words have zi and ci, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia. Cf. Pty.

D-g ＞ dž: jūdĭco ＞ iütge, mĕdĭcum ＞ męge, ✱sĕdĭcum ＞ sęie[70].

Dy: see § [55], Y and § [65], Y.

Gdy: see § [80], Gd.

Gy: see § [55], Y and § [65], Y.

Kwy: see Cy.

Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: calceāre ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § [74], (2).

Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱fŭlgĕrem (= fŭlgur) ＞ fọuzer.

Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in cŏllĭgit ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly.

Lly: see Ly.

Lny ＞ n´: balneum ＞ banh.

Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱altiāre ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § [74], (2).

Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in salvia ＞ saubia (Gascon).

Ly, lly ＞ l´: consĭlium ＞ cossẹlh, fīlium ＞ filh, fīlia ＞ filha, nūllī + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have li: familiarmens. Lili liri lire ＜ līlium are doubtless learned; lis is French.

Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: cambiāre ＞ camiar caniar cambiar.

Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: commeātus ＞ comiatz coniatz.

Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: somniāre ＞ sonhar soniar. Somni, beside suenh songe, is learned.

Mply ＞ mply in ampliāre ＞ ampliar, probably learned.

My ＞ my and n´: sīmia ＞ simia, vindēmia ＞ vendẹmia vendanha.

Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱Francia ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty.

Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱pĕndĭcat ＞ penia, vĭndĭco ＞ vẹnie. Similarly mandūcāre ＞ ✱mandugare manduyare mandyare ＞ maniar[71].

Ndy ＞ n´: ✱Burgŭndia ＞ Borgọnha, verecŭndia ＞ vergọnha.

N-g ＞ ndž: ✱excommĭnĭco (= excommūnĭco) ＞ escomẹnie[71], mŏnăchum ＞ monie.

Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: jŭngĕre ＞ iọnher iọnger, ŭngĕre ＞ ọnher ọnger, plangĕre ＞ planher planger, pŭngĕre ＞ pọnher pọnger. Angel is probably learned.

Ng´y ＞ ndž: spŏngia ＞ esponia.

Nny ＞ n´: stanneum ＞ estanh.

Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: cantiōnem ＞ cansọ, comĭn(i)tiāre ＞ comensar, sperantia ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have nti: essentia. Cf. Nc´y.

Ny ＞ n´: extraneum ＞ estranh, tĕneo ＞ tenh, vĕniat ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: ingĕnium ＞ genh gen. If estraniar comes from extraneāre (and not from ✱extranicāre), it must be a word of later adoption; so estrangier. In sotran ＜ subterraneum there is probably a change of suffix.

Pry probably became regularly bry: capreŏlum ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from cabra). Coyre ＜? cŭpreum is unexplained.

Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱captiāre ＞ cassar, ✱corrŭptiāre ＞ corrossar, nĕptia ＞ nęssa, ✱nŏptias (§ [38], 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y.

Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: apium ＞ ache api, ✱apprŏpiat (＜ prŏpe) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, sapiam ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, sapiĕntem ＞ sachent sapient, sēpia ＞ sẹpia. Asabentar is from sabẹn. Piion ＜ pipiōnem is French. Learned words have pi: copia; but mancĭpium ＞ mancip massip.

Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): urceŏ́lum (Zs., XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl.

Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱dis-tardiat ＞ destarza. Ordi = hŏrdeum is perhaps from the genitive hŏrdeī, as in tres modii hordei, etc.

R-g ＞ rdž: clĕrĭcus ＞ clęries.

Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): argĕntum ＞ argen, ✱burgē(n)sis ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also borgues, under the influence of borc), ✱dē-ērĭgit ＞ dẹrs, ✱dē-ē(i)gĕre ＞ dẹrzer (also derdre: § [71]), sŭrgĕre ＞ sọrger sọrzer, sŭrgit ＞ sọrtz.

Rny ＞ rn´: ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe.

Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱carrĭcat ＞ caria.

Rry ＞ ir: porrum ＞ ✱porreum ＞ poyre; but ✱horrearium? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting).

Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱excŏrtĭcat ＞ escǫria escǫrsa.

Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱fortiāre ＞ forsar, tĕrtium ＞ tęrz tęrs. Convercio is learned.

Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱cĕrvia ＞ cervia cerbia.

Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱exclariāre ＞ esclairar, ✱donatōria ＞ donadọira, ✱fĕria ＞ fęira fięira, fĕriat ＞ fęira, matĕria ＞ madęira, ✱mŏriat ＞ mǫira, primaria ＞ premęira premięira (§ [23], 1), ✱punitōria ＞ punidọira, varia ＞ vaira, variāre ＞ vairar; ✱a(u)gūrium ＞ aür, cŏrium ＞ cuęr, ✱donatōrium ＞ donadọr, impĕrium ＞ empięr, mĭnistĕrium ＞ mestięr, ✱mŏrio ＞ mǫr muęr, monastĕrium ＞ mostięr (§ [45], 3), primarius ＞ premięrs, ✱punitōrius ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: Auriācum ＞ Auriac (Zs., XXVII, 559). Learned words have ri: bori ＜ ebŏreum, contrari.

1. Adjectives in -er (-ier) and -or, coming from -arium and -ōrium, regularly have feminines in -eira (-ieira) and -oira. By the analogy of the masculine, there is a feminine in -era in parts of the west; by the analogy of the feminine, there is a masculine in -eir in Auvergne. The i of vair probably comes from the feminine vaira and from the verb vairar. The noun feira sometimes becomes fiera like a feminine adjective.

Sc´y: see Ssy.

Ssy, sc´y, sty ＞ s´, which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)š and (t)š: ✱bassiāre ＞ baissar baichar bachar, ✱angŭstia ＞ engọissa, ✱ingrŏssiat ＞ engruęissa, fascia ＞ faissa, ✱grassiāre ＞ graissar, pŏstea ＞ puęissas pueih püch, ūstium ＞ üis.

Sty: see Ssy.

Sy ＞ z´, which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)ž and (d)ž, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: basium ＞ bais bai (§ [63]), basiare ＞ baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, quasi + vowel ＞ cais quaish, camisia (cf. Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie, XII, 265) ＞ camiza, cerĕsea (Einf., § 103) ＞ ciręiza cirięiia cerięya cerięza, ma(n)siōnem ＞ maisọn maiiọn maiọn mayọ, occasiōnem ＞ ochaizọ, pre(hen)siōnem ＞ preisọ (cf. enpreyọna, ‘imprisons’), quĭd se + vowel ＞ quẹis, Ger. sazjan ＞ saisir, to(n)siōnem ＞ toisọ.

T-g ＞ dž: ✱coratĭcum ＞ corage, ✱paratĭcum ＞ parage, viaticum ＞ viatie. For messatgue, etc., see § [65], (3).

Try apparently became ir: atrium? ＞ aire, arbĭtrium ＞ albire.

Tty ＞ ts ＞ s: ✱plattĕa ＞ plassa.

Ty ＞ apparently t´ ＞ d´ ＞ generally d´z´,[73] which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: ✱altĭtia ＞ altẹza, ✱bellĭtia ＞ belẹza, malĭtia ＞ malẹza, pigrĭtia ＞ perẹza, ✱prĕtiat ＞ pręza, ✱rikĭtia ＞ riquẹza; palatium ＞ palatz palaitz palais (§ [64]), pŭteum ＞ pọtz püis, prĕtium ＞ prętz pręs, solatium ＞ solatz solas; potiōnem ＞ pozọn poizọn, ✱pretiāre ＞ prezar, ratiōnem ＞ razọ raizọn, s(t)atiōnem ＞ sazọ saizọn. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -ẹza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.[74] According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, see Zs., XXVII, 689. In learned words we find zi, ci, çi, ti: estimatio, iustizia -icia -ecia -eçia, natio nacio, negoci, servizi -ici (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736, XXXI, 200).

1. Palai (beside palatz -aitz -ais) may have been made from palais (used by Bertran de Born and in Flamenca) by dropping the s which was regarded as an inflectional ending. It was perhaps influenced by such words as bais bai: cf. Sy. A clerical Latin ✱palasium, however, would account, not only for palai palais, but also for French palais and for Italian palagio.

2. Modern poijon (Alps) and rajo (Limousin) have perhaps followed the analogy of such words as maison maijon majon: cf. Sy.

3. Escoisson ＜ excŭtiunt seems to follow ✱escois ＜ excŭtio. It was perhaps influenced by conoisson ＜ co(g)nōscunt.

4. Some of the modern western dialects have d in radon, sadon, etc. = razo, sazo, etc.

6. Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S.

74. (1) Of the groups beginning with l (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became tš in the north and northwest).— lb, lc (and llc), lg (llg), lm, lp, lv: alba ＞ alba; calcāre ＞ calcar, collocāre ✱colcāre ＞ colcar (-char); collocare ✱collogare ✱colgare ＞ colgar; hëlm ＞ ęlm, ŭlmum ＞ ọlm; cŏlăphum ✱cŏlpum ＞ cǫlp (κόλπος ＞ gọlfe is unexplained); calvum ＞ calv (= calf?), salvāre ＞ salvar. Ld, ls (lls), lt (llt) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the l: see below. Lc´ (llc´) became lts, and then the l was vocalized: see below. Lc´p became lp in calce pīsāre ＞ calpisar. Lg´, llg´, have been treated in § [73]. Lvs, lvt became ls, lt, and then the l was vocalized: see below.

(2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as l long continued to be written for u. In modern Provençal, ls remains in Languedoc, lt in Rouergue. Auça occurs in the Boeci. The l was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar l was opened into u. Ex.: cal(ĭ)daria ＞ caudiera, cal(ĭ)dum ＞ caut, sŏl(ĭ)dum ＞ sǫlt sǫut; falsum ＞ fals faus, malos ＞ mals maus, valles ＞ vals vaus; ✱fallĭta ＞ fauta, mŭltum ＞ mọlt mọut, ✱tŏllĭtum ＞ tǫlt tǫut; dŭlcem ＞ dọlz dọutz dọus, pŏllĭcem ＞ pǫutz, salĭcem ＞ sautz; calvus ＞ ✱cals caus, ✱vŏlvĭta ＞ vǫlta vǫuta. So ✱altiat ＞ auça aussa, ✱calceare ＞ cauçar caussar: cf. § [73], Lc´y, Lty. In dọs (= dọus) and mọt (= mọut) the ọ seems to have absorbed the u. Cf. § [65], L.

1. The final t of molt seems to have been lost sometimes before a consonant: hence mul, which, influenced by man, ‘many’, became mon.

2. Altretal (also autretal) became atretal by dissimilation; hence we have also atressi for altressi (autressi). Aital, aitan seem to be made up of tal, tan with the first syllable of aissi (＜ ac sīc), regarded as a prefix meaning ‘just’.

3. Pallĭdus ＞ palles (through the feminine ✱páleza).

4. Fouzer is from fŭlger or ✱fŭlgerem = fŭlgur.

75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged—mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: gamba ＞ gamba (if bobansa is from βόμβος, it is irregular); ✱semitarium ✱semidarium ＞ semdięr; triumphāre ＞ triomfar; lampas ✱lampa ＞ lampa; ✱camisīle? ＞ camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); cŏmĭtem ＞ comte (dialectically conte). For mbd in ambo dŭos see § [111], 2. Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled mpn), but in some dialects it was assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: dŏmĭna dŏmna ＞ dompna domna donna dona, damnāre ＞ dampnar damnar dannar danar, fēmĭna ✱fēmna ＞ fẹmna fẹnna (feme is from fémena ＜ fēmĭna),[75] hŏmĭnem ✱hŏmnem ＞ omne (ome is from ✱ómene ＜ hŏmĭnem).[75] When final, it regularly became n, occasionally m: damnum ＞ dan, somnum ＞ son som.[76] Mnc´ ＞ ndz nz in ✱domnicĭlla ＞ donzẹla. Mpt mt ＞ mt, dialectically nt: computāre ＞ comtar contar, temptāre ＞ temptar tentar; domitāre ＞ domptar.[77]

76. (1) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: hanka ＞ anca, blank- ＞ blanc (-ca -cha), franko ＞ franc (-ca -cha); mandāre ＞ mandar, ŭnda ＞ ọnda; lŏngum ＞ lonc (-ga -ia), plango ＞ planc, rĭng ＞ rẹnc; anĭma ＞ anma (also, by dissimilation, arma); sentīre ＞ sentir. For final nd, nt, see (2) below. Nc´ ＞ nts ns: ✱francē(n)sis ＞ francẹs, mancĭpium ＞ mansip (also massip: cf. ns below), vĭncere ＞ vẹncer vẹnser. Nct became in different dialects n´ int nt ntš: jŭnctum ＞ iọnh ioint iọnt iọnch, ŭnctūra ＞ onchüra, ✱pĭnctūra ＞ peintüra penchüra, planctum ＞ planh planch, sanctum ＞ sanh saint sant. Ndc´ became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndž: quīndĕcim ＞ quinze quintze quinge. Ndt ＞ nd nt: ✱rendĭta ＞ renda renta. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: confŭndit ＞ confọn cofọn, infantem ＞ enfant effant efant, infĕrnum ＞ enfęrn efęrn. Ng ＞ ng: mŏnăchum ✱mon’gu ＞ mongue (manĭcum ＞ margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § [55], N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s; consĭlium ＞ consẹlh cossẹlh, in sĭml ＞ ensẹm essẹm, ✱insignāre ＞ ensenhar essenhar, pensāre ＞ pensar pessar, sensus ＞ sens; for final ns, see § [63], (5). Ntc´ ＞ nts ns in pantĭcem ＞ pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: convenīre ＞ convenir covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng´ have been treated under § [73].

(2) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limousin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: amando ＞ aman, descĕndit ＞ deissẹn, grandem ＞ grant gran gra, mŭndum ＞ mọnt mọn, vēndit ＞ vẹnt bẹn, profŭndum ＞ preọn, quando ＞ quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: fŏntem ＞ font fon fo, mŏntem ＞ mont mon, quantum ＞ quant quan, vĕntum ＞ vent bent be.

For efanh, parenh, monh ＜ mŭndi, etc., see § [51], 1.

77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—rb, rc, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: barba ＞ barba, cŏrbum ＞ corp; barca ＞ barca, cĭrcāre ＞ cercar, clĕrĭcum ✱clĕrcum ＞ clęrc, fŭrca ＞ fọrca fọrcha, mercātum ＞ mercat; ardĕntem ＞ arden, ✱perdūtum ＞ perdüt, vĭr(ĭ)dem ＞ vẹrt; ŏrphănum ＞ ǫrfe; ✱carricāre ✱carrigāre ✱cargāre ＞ cargar cariar, largum ＞ larc (-ga -ia), sērĭca ✱sēr’ga ＞ sẹrga; ĕ́rēmum ＞ ęrm, fōrma ＞ fọrma; hibĕrnum ＞ ivęrn, tabĕrna ＞ tavęrna, tornāre ＞ tornar; wërpan ＞ guerpir; arsum ＞ ars, cŭrsum ＞ cọrs (for vĕrsus ＞ vęs, see § [55], R); artem ＞ art, fŏrtem ＞ fǫrt; servīre ＞ servir. For final rn, rs, see § [63], (5); § [65], R. Rc´> rts rs: parcĕre ＞ parcer, parcit ＞ partz, ✱tŏrcĕre ＞ tǫrser. Rdc´ became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdž: quatuŏrdĕcim ✱quattōrdĕcim ＞ quatọrze quatọrtze quatọrge. Rdg before a ＞ rg, rdž: vĭridicantem ✱vĭrdigantem ＞ verguan verian. Rdt ＞ rd: perdĭta ＞ pęrda. Rps ＞ rs: ✱escarpsus (= excerptus) ＞ escars. Rtm ＞ rtm or rm: fŏrti mĕnte ＞ fortmen formen. For rg´ see § [73].

78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became tš in the north and northeast)—sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: ✱bŭscum (? = bŭxum)? ＞ bọsc, ✱lŭscum ＞ lọsc, pascha ＞ pasca pascha, pĕrsĭca pĕssĭca ✱pĕsca ＞ pęsca, piscātor ＞ pescaire, piscarium ＞ pesquier peschier, þrëscan ✱trescāre ＞ trescar; ex-mĭttĕre ✱esmĭttĕre (§ [55], X) ＞ esmẹtre, pĕssĭmus ＞ pęsmes; eleemŏsy̆na ＞ almǫsna, asĭnum ＞ asne; expōnĕre ✱espōnĕre ＞ espọnre, gaspildjan? ＞ guespilhar; præpŏsĭtum ＞ prebǫst, trīstem ＞ trist. For final scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc´ became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)š and (t)š (cf. § [73], Ssy): co(g)nōscĕre ＞ conọisser, crēscĕre ＞ crẹisser, ex-cĕrnĕre ✱escĕrnīre ＞ eissernir, ✱ex-cerebellāre ✱es- ＞ esservelar, fascem ＞ fais, nascĕre ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, pĭscem ＞ pẹis pẹich pẹch. Scb became sb in epĭscŏpus ✱ebíscobus ＞ bisbes (also bispes and ebesques). Spm became sm in blasphemāre ＞ blasmar. Spt ＞ st: hŏspĭtem ＞ ǫste (also ǫsde). Stg became sg and sdž in domesticāre ✱-gāre ＞ domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in asthma ＞ asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § [65], S, 1.

1. Prĕsby̆ter became regularly pręstre: § [71], 1. But beside prĕsby̆ter there existed in Vulgar Latin prebĭter (Einf., § 140), the syllable pres- being replaced by the Latin prefx præ- or pre-, through the analogy of such words as præbĭtor, præposĭtus. From the accusative prebĭtĕrum we have regularly prevẹire. Pręire is a cross between pręstre and prevẹire.

2. Final sts, in nearly all the territory, was reduced to ts: finïstis ＞ finitz, hŏstis ＞ ǫz (accusative ǫst), trīstes ＞ tritz (sg. trist); but sts was kept in ẹstz ＜ ĭstos and in its derivative aquẹstz. Similarly final scs was generally reduced to cs: ✱bŭscus? ＞ (bǫcs) bǫcs (accusative bǫsc), quĭsquis ＞ quẹcs.

3. Conois etc. ＜ co(g)nōsco etc. (beside conosc etc.) are doubtless due to the second and third persons (conoisses conois etc.). Some of the modern eastern dialects have -isso corresponding to -sca (freisso etc.): this seems to indicate an old metathesis of sc in that region.

7. Miscellaneous Groups.

79. Of the groups not yet discussed, the most important are ct, gd, gn, ks, which show palatalization. It is now generally assumed that the Celts, who had turned their native ct into χt, pronounced Latin ct in the same way when they learned Latin (Meyer-Lübke, Einf., § 186), and likewise substituted χs for ks (Meyer-Lübke, Gram., I, § 650), and probably χd, χn for gd, gn. The χ was attracted into a palatal spirant by the following dental, and the dental itself was then palatalized. Most philologists explain the development of cl, gl into l´ (cf. § [68]) in a similar way. Inasmuch as Indo-European pt had also been changed to χt in Celtic, it is not unlikely that the Celts substituted χt, χs for Latin pt, ps in a few words; the χ replacing p may sometimes have been rounded.

1. To account for palatalization in the non-Celtic parts of southern Gaul, we may assume either that the spirant pronunciation spread from the Celtic to the other regions, or that in the latter the palatalization came about simply through the mutual attraction of the guttural and the dental.

80. The groups will now be discussed in alphabetical order:—

Bc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱reprŏb(ĭ)cat ＞ reprǫpcha.

Brg ＞ rg or urg in fabrĭca ✱fabrĭga ＞ farga faurga. Cf. § [70], Br.

Bs ＞ bs in the learned words absens, absensa.

Bsc ＞ sc: obscūrus ＞ escürs.

Bst ＞ st: sŭbstat ＞ sọsta.

Bt ＞ bt, t: subtīlem ＞ sobtil sotil. See also βt below.

Bts ＞ ts: sŭbtus ＞ sọtz.

βc ＞ uc: ✱avĭca ✱aβca ＞ auca.

βc´ ＞ udz or uts, later uz, us: avicĕllum ✱aβcĕllu ＞ auzęl aucęl. Cf. § [65], C´, 1.

βd ＞ ud, in the west bd: dēbĭtum ✱dēβĭdu ✱deβdu ＞ dẹude, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβĭdu ✱malaβdu ＞ malaude; cīvitātem ✱cīβidāde ✱ciβdad ＞ cibdat. Cf. βt below.

βt ＞ ut, in the west pt: dēbĭtum ✱dēβtu ＞ dẹute dẹpte, dŭbĭto ✱dŭβto ＞ dọute dọpte, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβtu ＞ malaute malapte; cīvitātem ✱cīβtate ＞ ciutat (later cieutat: § [44], 2) ciptat, ✱mŏvĭta ✱mŏβta ＞ mǫuta, ✱remōvĭtum? ＞ remọute (Girart). Depte, malapte are not confined to the west (modern Limousin dete, Dauphiné malate); they come also from Latin dēb’tum, mal’hab’tum: cf. § [47], (3).

Cc´ ＞ its ＞ is; in the west and the extreme east itš or tš: ecc’hīc ＞ eici eissi eichi achi.

Cm ＞ cm, m: ✱Jácomus ＞ Iacmes Iames (also, perhaps borrowed, Iaimes, Iaumes).

C´m ＞ im or sm: dĕcĭmum ＞ dęime dęsme, facĭmu(s) ＞ faim. Cf. § [52], (4).

Ct ＞ tš in most of the territory; but in the north and northeast, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: coctāre ＞ cochar coitar, dīctum ＞ dig dit, factum ＞ fag fait, lacte ＞ lag lait, lĕctum ＞ lięg lęit, lūcta ＞ lücha, nŏctem ＞ nuęg nuęit, pactum-a ＞ pacha, pĕctus ＞ pięg pęitz, ŏcto ＞ uęich[78] uęit. The ct of (e-)jectāre ＞ getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages.

C´t seems to give the same results as ct, namely tš and it: dīcĭtis ＞ ditz, ✱explĭcitāre ＞ esplechar espleitar, facĭtis ＞ faitz, placĭtum ＞ plach plait, (hence plaieiamen, plaideiar), ✱vŏcĭtum (= vacuum) ＞ vuęch vǫig[79] vǫh (hence voiar; voidar would appear to presuppose a form ✱vǫit).

DC, dg: see § [73], D-g.

DC´, in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dž: duŏdĕcim ✱dōdĕcim ＞ dọze dọtze dọge, jūdĭcem ＞ iütge, radicīna ＞ razina, sēdĕcim ＞ sẹze sẹtze sẹtge. Iütge may have been influenced by iütiar.

Dn developed peculiarly in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm, incūdĭnem ✱inclūd-? ＞ enclütge.

Gd ＞ dž and id, corresponding to the tš and it from ct: ✱frĭgdum (= frīgdum) ＞ frẹg frẹit (fem. frẹia frẹida).[80] The irregularity in amy̆gdăla ＞ amandola goes back to Vulgar Latin. Frezir freizir is perhaps from ✱fre(i)zar (cf. Italian frizzare) ＜ ✱frigdiare.

G’d: see Yd.

Gm ＞ m: pigmĕntum ＞ pimen. Fragment is learned. Greek γμ became um: phlĕgma ＞ flęuma, sagma ＞ sauma.

Gn ＞ n´: agnĕllum ＞ anhęl, pŭgnum ＞ pọnh. According to the rhymes, final n´ would seem to have become n in many dialects. Stagnum ＞ estanc, rēgnum ＞ rẹnc (also reing) show an early metathesis. When gnōsco lost its g, cognōsco became ✱conōsco in popular Latin.

Gnd ＞ n´d, later, in different dialects, ind, n´d, nd, ndž: cŏgnĭtum ✱cŏn´ĭdu ＞ ✱cǫnhede ✱cǫnhde, then cǫinde, cuęnde, cǫnge. Cf. Gnt below. See § [47], 1.

Gnt ＞ n´t, later, in different dialects, int, n´t, nt: cŏgnĭtum ＞ ✱cŏn´ĭtu ＞ ✱cǫnhete (the t being due to clerical influence) ＞ cǫinte cǫnte; dĭgnitātem ✱dĭn´tāte ＞ denhtat. Cf. Gnd above.

Ks ＞ is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became itš or tš: ac sīc ＞ aissi, exāmen ＞ eissam eicham echam, exĭlium ＞ eissilh, exīre ＞ eissir eichir ichir, ✱exorbāre ＞ eissorbar, laxat ＞ laissa, uxōrem ＞ oissọr, tŏxĭcum ＞ tuęissec. In essaiar, essemple, essilh, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants: cf. § [55], X.

Ksc ＞ sc; before a, in the north and northeast, stš: ✱laxicāre ＞ laschar, toxicāre ＞ toscar.

Ksm ＞ s´m, later sm: prŏxĭmum ＞ prǫsme pruęsme. For the later history of the s (pruęime), see § [65], S, 1.

Kss ＞ is: ✱exsanguinātum ＞ eissancnat, ✱exsūcāre ＞ eissügar (essugar presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § [55], X).

Pf ＞ f: sapphīrum ＞ safir.

Ppc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱cloppicāre ＞ clopchar.

Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through χs: § [79]) to is, iš, š, s, and us; iš and š belonging especially to the west, us to the east: capsa ＞ capsa caissa caisha casha, ĭpse ＞ ẹps ẹis, ĭpsa mĕnte ＞ epsament eissamen ichamens, met-ĭpse ＞ medẹis mezẹish medẹs mezẹus, ne-ĭpse ＞ neẹps nẹis nẹus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is.

Pt ＞ pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gascony); in a few words, ut, it: ✱accaptāre (or ✱accapitāre?) ＞ acaptar achatar, aptum ＞ apte, adaptāre ＞ azautar (hence azaut) through ✱aðaχtāre (§ [79]), baptizāre ＞ baptegar (g = dž) bateiar, capitāle ＞ captal catal chatal, captīvum ＞ captiu catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through ✱caχtīβu: § [79]), rŭpta ＞ rọta, septimāna ＞ septmana setmana, sĕptem ＞ sęt. Escrich escrit (= scrīptum) are based on dich dit.

Td ＞ t (through V. L. tt): nĭtĭdum ＞ nẹt, pūtĭdum ＞ püt. Cf. § [47], (1).

Tm: marĭtĭma ＞ marẹdma.

Tn: if renha, ‘rein’, is connected with rĕtĭne (see Körting), it must have been influenced by renhar ＜ regnāre.

Ts: et sīc, under the influence of ac sīc, became ✱ec sīc ＞ eissi eichi ichi.

Yd ＞ dž and id: cōgĭto ✱cōyĭdo ＞ cüg cüit, cōgitāre ✱cōyidare ＞ cüiar cüidar, rĭgĭdum ✱rĭyĭdu ＞ rẹide (§ [50], 1). Rede and the feminine reza are peculiar. Cf. § [49], (1).

FINAL CONSONANTS.

81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, l, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st.

Single Final Consonants.

82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (ad, in, per, et) are really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words (nōmen, frater, amat); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:—

B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned.

C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: eccu’hŏc (§ [55], W) ＞ acǫ (§ [43], 2), ecce hŏc ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, hŏc ＞ ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱hocque: cf. A. Thomas in Rom., XXXVII, 322); fac ＞ fai, illác (§ [16], 4) ＞ lai la, ecce hac ＞ sai sa; dīc ＞ di, ecce hīc ＞ eici, sīc ＞ si. Düi ＜ dūc may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of düire and of fai. Cf. § [63], (6).

D in apud fell early: see § [65], P, 2. In the proclitics ad, quĭd, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § [65], D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz.

L fell in in sĭmul ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl, tribunal. It is believed by some that sivals, ‘at least’, comes from sī vel.

M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ [55], M): crēdam crēda ＞ crẹza, dōnum dōnu ＞ dọn, fŏrtem fŏrte ＞ fǫrt; Adam is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § [65], N): jam ＞ ia, rĕm ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the rhyme), sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of en, non) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: quĕm ＞ que, sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, sŭm (= sŭum) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱tŭm (= tŭum) ＞ tọ tọn tọm.

N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ [55], M): nōmen nōme ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: ĭn ＞ en (en amar, en cant), e (e Fransa, e ls), em (em breu); nōn ＞ non (non es, non ges), no (no falh, no tol), nom (nom plagues).

R remained: amātor ＞ amaire, cŏr ＞ cǫr, marmor ＞ marbre (marme shows dissimilation), sŏror ＞ sǫrre (sor through proclitic use). So in proclitics: per ＞ per, sŭper ＞ sọbre.

1. A Provençal final r began to fall in the west and south in the 14th century: cf. § [65], R, 1.

S remained: amīcus ＞ amics, cŏrpus ＞ cǫrs, facias ＞ fassas, fŏrtes ＞ fǫrtz, ŏpĕras ＞ ǫbras, sŭbtus ＞ sọtz. Between a palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: annos ＞ anz, fīlios ＞ filz; cf. § [63], (1), (8).

1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as early as the 14th century: cf. § [65], S, 1. In mai, beside mais, the fall was earlier.

2. Final ts ＞ t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts of Limousin and Dauphiné: habētis ＞ avęt. Cf. § [64]. In all first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very early: amāmus amāmu’ ＞ amám. Cf. § [167].

3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as entz ＜ ĭntus, fors ＜ fŏris, ios ＜ deōrsum, mais ＜ magis, mens ＜ mĭnus, nemps ＜ nĭmis, plus ＜ plūs, sotz ＜ sŭbtus, sus ＜ sūrsum, s, coming to be regarded as an adverbial ending, was often added to the suffix -men (belamens), to many other adverbs, as ensem-s, era-s, onca-s, poissa-s, and to some prepositions, as sen-s (cf. tras, vers, etc.). By the analogy of such double forms, we have for, men beside fors, mens.

4. Magis, used as a proclitic, probably became in Vulgar Latin ✱mais and ✱mas, whence Provençal mais and mas. For mai, see 1 above.

T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: amat ＞ ama, cantābat ＞ cantava, dar’ ✱hat ＞ darạ, dōnet ＞ dọn, stat ＞ estạ, partībat ＞ partia, placet ＞ platz, tenēr’ + -ē(b)at ＞ tenria, vĕnit ＞ ven; donāvit ＞ donęt donę, vēndĭdit ✱vendĕ́dit ＞ vendęt vendę, partīvit partīt ＞ partị partịt, placuit ＞ plac, vīdit ＞ vi. In the proclitics et and ✱ot (= aut), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the influence of ad and quĭd, developed like an original d: et ＞ e, eð ez; ✱ot ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also.

Final Groups.

83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyllables only (§ [55], X); there it became, in Provençal, is: rēx ＞ rẹis, sĕx ＞ sęis. Grecx, nicx are Latinisms.

Nt was generally reduced to n; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in -ant: amant ＞ aman, habē(b)ant ＞ avian aviant; cantent ＞ canten; vēndunt ＞ vẹndon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vẹndo, au); -on and -o were used concurrently by the poets.

St ＞ s in ĕst ＞ ęs. Cf. § [28], 5.

SPORADIC CHANGE.

84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.[81] Some of them doubtless originate in the language of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical alteration.

Insertion.

85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal:—

alhọndre -s ＜ aliŭnde: V. L. ✱aliŭnder?

consi = cossi ＜ eccu’ sīc: analogy of the prefix co- con-. Cf. § [76], (1), nf, ns.

enclutge ＜ incūdĭnem: cf. French enclume.

engal = egal ＜ æquālem: analogy of the prefix e- en-. Cf. § [76], (1), nf, ns.

invęrn = ivern ＜ hibĕrnum: hi- mistaken for the prefix in-; cf. Italian inverno, etc.

parven (hence parvensa) ＜ parĕntem (parēre): analogy of ferven, serven, or of espaven, espavensa, or influence of parui, etc.?

penchenar ＜ pectināre: analogy of pencheire, penchura?

perdris = perditz ＜ perdīcem: progressive assimilation? Cf. French perdrix.

pǫuzer = pouze ＜ pŏllĭcem: confusion with polgar ＜ pollicāre.

refreitọr = refeitor ＜ refectōrium: association with refreidar (freit).

renlinquir = relinquir ＜ relĭnquĕre: analogy of e- en-; cf. reforsar and French renforcer.

Metathesis.

86. Metathesis is not very common in Provençal, although a few texts offer many examples; it is apparently restricted to liquids and nasals:—

cabirǫl = ✱cabriol ＜ capreŏ́lum.

cocodrilla ＜ crocodīlum: cf. Italian coccodrillo.

craba = cabra ＜ capra.

enfrondar = ✱enfondrar ＜ French effondrer ＜?✱infŭndulāre.

escremir ＜ skirmôn: cf. French escrimer.

estanc ＜ stagnum: cf. French étang.

esturmen = estrument ＜ instrumĕntum: cf. Italian stormento.

formir = fromir ＜ frumjan: cf. French formir, etc.

freïr = ferir ＜ ferīre.

grada = garda ＜ ✱warda.

grepir = guerpir ＜ wërpan.

lhun = nulh ＜ nūllum: analogy of negun. Cf. Fr. nune part (Balzac).

presseguier (also pess-) ＜ ✱préssega ＜ pĕrsĭca.

rẹnc (also regne) ＜ rēgnum.

trida ＜ τίγριδα.

tronar ＜ tonitruāre + thrŏnus.

truǫill ＜ tŏrculum.

trobar ＜?tŭrbāre: see Körting.

1. In ginhol = genolh ＜ genŭcŭlum the palatalization is shifted from the liquid to the nasal. In lunh = nulh ＜ nullum, on the other hand, the palatalization remains at the end of the word, but the liquid and the nasal change places.

Dissimilation.

87. Dissimilation, like the other irregular phenomena, affects mainly liquids and nasals, particularly r; it is not, however, entirely confined to these classes. The two nasals, m and n, are similar enough to undergo dissimilation. Some of the cases go back to Vulgar Latin, while others are peculiar to Provençal or to Provençal and French. In the table below, a dash indicates the total disappearance of the consonant in question.

β + β ＞ β + — (v + —): habēbam ＞ ✱aβēa ＞ avia, ✱vivāciārium ＞ viacier, vivācius ＞ viatz. Vianda, whatever its ultimate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French.

kw + kw ＞ k + kw: quīnque ＞ cīnque ＞ cinc.

l + l ＞ r + l, — + l, d + l: calamĕllum ＞ calamęl caramęl, ✱umbilīcŭlum ＞ emborígol, flēbĭlem ＞ flẹble frẹble fẹble, ŭlulāre ＞ ulular udolar. Perhaps püs = plüs ＜ plūs is to be explained by dissimilation, occurring in such phrases as plus larc, plus lonc.

m + m ＞ n + m: memorāre ＞ membrar nembrar (renembransa).

m + n ＞ m + r: ✱comĭnicāre ＞ comenegar comergar, ✱indomĭnicātum ＞ endomeniat endomergat, mancĭpium ＞ mansip massip marsip, manĭcum ＞ margue, mŏnăchum ＞ mongue morgue.

n + m ＞ r + m: anĭma ＞ anma arma, ✱mĭnimāre ＞ mermar.

n + n ＞ n + r, r + n; ? d + n: canŏnĭcum ＞ canónegue canorgue, venēnum ＞ verin; nec ūnum ＞ negün degün? (cf. Andalusian and Asturian dengun, Catalan dingu, apparently from nec ūnum + nĭngŭlum).

r + r ＞ r + —, — + r, l + r: ✱Bernhardum ＞ Bernart Bernat, marmor ＞ marbre marme, prŏprium ＞ prǫpri prǫpi; dīe Mércūrī (influenced by dīe Vénĕris) ＞ dimęrcres dimęcres, grandem rem ＞ granrẹ ganrẹ, pr(eh)ĕndĕre ＞ prenre penre, prĕsby̆ter ＞ pręstre pęstre; arbĭtrium ＞ albire, ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe, peregrīnus ＞ pele(g)rīnus ＞ peleris, pŭrpŭra ＞ pọlpra.

s + s ＞ — + s: ✱spasmāre ＞ (espasme) pasmar (cf. French pâmer), perhaps through confusion of the initial es- with the prefix ex-.

t + t? ＞ — + t: statiōnem? ＞ sazọ (cf. French saison, Spanish sazon).

y + y ＞ y + —: ✱disjejūnāre ＞ ✱disjeunāre ＞ ✱disy’nāre ＞ dis´nar disnar.

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III. MORPHOLOGY.

88. The most important morphological developments are common to all, or nearly all, the Romance languages. They may therefore be ascribed, in their early stages, to Vulgar Latin, although direct evidence of their beginnings is scanty.