ASSUMED THE GOVERNMENT JULY 10, 1850.

[Immediately upon the death of President Taylor, the members of his Cabinet tendered their resignation to President Fillmore, but at his request, and for the safety of the public service, they retained their offices for a few days. On the 15th, the new Cabinet was formed.]

Daniel Webster,Massachusetts,July 15,Secretary of State.
Thomas Corwin,Ohio,July 15,Secretary of Treasury.
Alexander H. H. Stuart,Secretary of the Interior.[90]
Charles M. Conrad,[91]Secretary of War.
William A. Graham,North Carolina,July 15,Secretary of the Navy.
John J. Crittenden,Kentucky,July 15,Attorney General.
Nathan K. Hall,New York,July 15,Postmaster General.

It is a most admirable feature of the Constitution of the United States, that it provides, in case of the death of a President, for the ready and quiet transfer of all his powers to the Vice President, as his constitutional successor. And a most interesting hour was that when, on the day following the death of Gen. Taylor, and while his remains were still reposing in the national mansion, Mr. Fillmore took the oath of the Presidential office in the presence of both Houses of Congress. It was a service occupying but a brief space; but in that short time a transfer of all executive power was quietly effected, and the machinery of government, which had paused for only a few hours, if it may be said to have been suspended at all, was again in motion, and was proceeding with its accustomed regularity and harmonious action. How unlike to scenes in other nations of the world, when the demise of a sovereign is nearly sure to be followed by turmoil and confusion, and the transfer of his power is effected only, perhaps, by strife and bloodshed. But here, at the bidding of God, the President one hour puts off the mantle of his power and authority, and the next his successor assumes it, and not one wave of commotion is observed. Who will not say of such a Constitution,—Esto perpetua?

The Compromise Bill.—The death of Gen. Taylor, and the funeral obsequies consequent thereupon, suspended for a brief time all other Congressional proceedings of the National Council. When, at length, action was resumed, it was natural to expect that an event so providential and so monitory would have its due influence in mitigating the acerbity of party spirit, and of infusing into the minds of legislators a deeper sense of the importance of harmony and mutual kindness. But it proved otherwise. Scarcely had the grave closed upon the remains of the great and good man, ere the same heated contest was renewed, and the same sectional jealousies indulged.

It would impart no pleasure to enter into the details of the Senate's action, day after day, upon the Compromise bill, the one great measure which had absorbed its dissensions nearly the whole of the session. Suffice it to say, that in consequence of various amendments, the bill, at length, contained nothing but the sections relating to the territory of Utah, and in that shape it was passed by a vote of 32 to 18. Thus a series of measures, which had been under discussion for months, which the powerful eloquence of Clay, Cass, and others had advocated, and which by them and others was deemed almost essential to the peace and integrity of the Union, was lost, and for the time any adequate substitute seemed hopeless. Clouds of deeper intensity than ever seemed to be gathering, and anarchy and discord were ready to extend their baleful influence to the nation at large.

Happily, however, a conservative spirit at length prevailed. Men perceived the necessity of doing something to save the nation and the Union, and under this conviction, a movement was made to revive, in another form and in distinct bills, the measures which had been previously combined into one, and been lost. We shall attempt to state little more than results.

First, the bill for the admission of California was taken up, and after a warm discussion, during which amendment after amendment was offered and rejected, it was passed by the Senate, 34 to 18. To this bill a formal and spirited protest was presented by several southern Senators, but its registration on the journal was refused.

Next, followed a bill making proposals to Texas for the settlement of her western boundary, and proposing to pay her ten millions of dollars, provided she should relinquish all claim to the United States for territory beyond the boundaries prescribed. The bill was debated for several days, and on the 9th of September, received its final passage. Yeas 30, nays 20.

On the 14th, the bill providing for a territorial government for New Mexico, was taken up and finally passed.

The above several bills were sent of course to the House of Representatives, and by that body were passed with amendments with regard to some of them, but only after as warm and even heated debate, as was ever, perhaps, known on the floor of Congress.

Two other important bills received also the sanction of a majority of both houses; the first was a bill to facilitate the recovery of fugitive slaves; and the second, a bill abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia.

Congress adjourned on the 30th of September; the session having been protracted to the long period of ten months, and having proved more stormy than any other session since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The effects of the above measures time only can determine. While to the South, the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, is most obnoxious, being, as is affirmed, a precursor of further action by the general government in relation to the abolition of slavery, the fugitive slave bill has received the loud and decided condemnation of individuals and assemblies at the North. The opinion, however, of the Attorney General, that this latter bill does not suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus, has served in a measure to allay the wide-spread hostility to it, as such suspension was supposed to be contemplated by it, and was condemned as unconstitutional and unjust.

[FOOTNOTES:]

[1] History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, by Wm. H. Prescott.

[2] History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus, by Washington Irving.

[3] It gives an interesting view of the depth of Columbus' solicitude and grief, as well as of the peculiar spirit by which he was actuated in his great enterprise, to learn the following from his own pen, in a letter to his sovereign: "I could have supported this evil fortune with less grief, had my person alone been in jeopardy, since I am debtor for my life to the Supreme Creator, and have at other times been within a step of death. But it was a cause of infinite sorrow and trouble to think, that after having been illuminated from on high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise; after having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of convincing my opponents and securing to your highness great glory and vast increase of dominion, it should please the Divine Majesty to defeat all by my death. It would have been more supportable also, had I not been accompanied by others, who had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who in their distress cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear inspired by my words, which prevented their turning back as they had at various times determined. Above all, my grief was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had left in school at Cordova, destitute in a strange land, without any testimony of the services rendered by their father, which, if known, might have inclined your highness to befriend them. And although, on the one hand, I was comforted by a faith, that the Deity would not permit a work of such great exaltation to his church, wrought through so many troubles and contradictions, to remain imperfect; yet, on the other hand, I reflected on my sins, for which he might intend, as a punishment, that I should be deprived of the glory which would redound to me in this world." It is ever to be kept in mind, that Columbus had the most exalted ideas of the effect of his discoveries on the extension of Christianity. Connected with this pious motive, was the questionable one of consecrating the wealth hence to be derived to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, a project which he had contemplated. This faith or enthusiasm runs through the whole tissue of his strange and chequered life.

[4] Prescott's History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.

[5] Smith's History of Virginia.

[6] Holmes' Annals.

[7] New England Memorial, by Nathaniel Morton.

[8] New England Memorial.

[9] New England's Memorial—Appendix.

[10] Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims.

[11] Trumbull's History of Connecticut.

[12] Bacon's Historical Discourses.

[13] T. Robbins.

[14] T. Robbins.

[15] Except Virginia.

[16] Mrs. Willard's Republic of America.

[17] Book of the Indians.

[18] Book of the Indians.

[19] Book of the Indians.

[20] Hoyt's Antiquarian Researches.

[21] Book of the Indians.

[22] Hoyt's Antiquarian Researches.

[23] Book of the Indians.

[24] Hoyt.

[25] Holmes' Annals.

[26] Holmes.

[27] Holmes.

[28] Pitkin.

[29] Wirt's Life of Henry.

[30] Botta's History.

[31] Botta's War of the Independence.

[32] Sparks' Life of Warren.

[33] Sparks' Life of Warren.

[34] Hinton.

[35] Botta's History of the American War.

[36] It has long been claimed that the first declaration of independence was made by the people in Charlotte town, Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, in May, 1775. All doubt on this subject is now dispelled, and the honor of such declaration must be accorded to them. In a letter from Mr. Bancroft, American minister at London, to Governor Swain, of North Carolina, dated London, July 4th, 1848, he says: "You may be sure that I have spared no pains to discover in the British state paper office a copy of the resolves of the committee of Mecklenburg, and with entire success. The first account of 'the extraordinary resolves of the people in Charlotte town, Mecklenburg county,' was sent over to England by Sir James Wright, then governor of Georgia, (to whom they had found their way) in a letter of the 20th of June, 1775. The newspaper thus transmitted is still preserved, and is the number 498 of the South Carolina Gazette and County Journal, Tuesday, June 13, 1775."—"It is identically the same with the paper which you enclosed to me."—The letter of Sir James Wright, referred to by Mr. Bancroft, closes as follows: "By the enclosed paper, your lordship will see the extraordinary resolves of the people of Charlotte town, in Mecklenburg county: I should not be surprised if the same should be done every where else"

[37] Pitkin.

[38] Headley's Washington and his Generals.

[39] Botta.

[40] Hale's History of the United States.

[41] Botta.

[42] Holmes' Annals.

[43] Nor was it only in New Jersey, and in the midst of the victorious royal troops, that these abrupt changes of party were observed; the inhabitants of Pennsylvania flocked, in like manner, to humble themselves at the feet of the English commissioners, and to promise them fealty and obedience. Among others, were Mr. Gallaway and Mr. Allen, both of whom had been members of the continental congress. Their example became pernicious, and the most prejudicial effects were to be apprehended from it. Every day ushered in some new calamity; the cause of America seemed hastening to irrecoverable ruin. The most ardent no longer dissembled that the term of the war was at hand, and that the hour was come in which the colonies were about to resume the yoke.

[44] General Lee had been a British officer, and had engaged in the American service before the acceptance of the resignation of his commission. Sir William Howe, for this reason, pretended to view him as a traitor, and at first refused to admit him on his parole, or to consider him as a subject of exchange. Congress directed Washington to propose to General Howe to give six Hessian officers in exchange for him; but Howe still persisting in his refusal, Congress ordered that Lieutenant-colonel Campbell and five Hessian officers should be imprisoned, and treated as General Lee. This order was executed even with more rigor than it prescribed. The lieutenant-colonel, being then at Boston, was thrown into a dungeon destined for malefactors. Washington blamed this excess; he knew that Lee was detained, but not ill-treated. Lieutenant-colonel Campbell and the Hessians were not liberated until General Howe had consented to consider Lee as a prisoner of war.

[45] Hinton.

[46] Journals of Congress.

[47] Holmes' Annals.

[48] Botta.

[49] General Frazer was wounded about four o'clock in the afternoon, and died the following morning at eight. At six in the evening he was buried—all the generals attending his funeral, and marching to an eminence where his remains were deposited. The Americans, entirely ignorant of the nature of the collection, directed their artillery towards the British. Fortunately, no lives were lost, and no one was wounded. General Gates, on learning the object of the assemblage, expressed his deep regret at the firing.

[50] The term Cow-boys was given to Americans attached to the British cause, who resided within their lines, but who frequently plundered the Americans on the other side of their cattle, which they drove to New York. Skinners were those who lived within the American lines, and professed attachment to their cause; but they were even more unprincipled than the former, often committing their depredations on friends as well as foes.

[51] Jones was an ardent man, and bore disappointment and delay with no good grace. Chance one day threw into his hands an old almanac, containing Poor Richard's Maxims, by Dr. Franklin. In that curious assemblage of useful instructions, a man is advised, "if he wishes to have any business faithfully and expeditiously performed, to go and do it himself—otherwise, to send." Jones was immediately struck, upon reading this maxim, with the impropriety of his past conduct, in only sending letters and messages to court, when he ought to have gone in person. He instantly set out, and, by dint of personal representation, procured the immediate equipment of the squadron, which afterwards spread terror along the Eastern coasts of England, and with which he so gloriously captured the Serapis, and the British ships of war returning from the Baltic. In gratitude to Dr. Franklin's maxim, he named the principal ship of his squadron after the name of the pretended almanac-maker, Le Bon Homme Richard, the Good Man Richard.

[52] Cooper's Naval History.

[53] Hartley was considered a tedious speaker on account of his prolixity. But he was a friend to America, and often told the ministers some very unwelcome truths. The following good story is told of him: One afternoon, Jenkinson, the first Lord Liverpool, left the house when the member from Hull rose to speak; and presuming that the honorable gentleman would, as usual, deliver a very long, dull speech, he walked home, mounted his horse, and rode to his country-house, where he dined; and, after strolling for some time about his grounds, returned at a gentle pace to town. On his arrival at home, he sent a messenger to the house to ascertain what had been done, and how soon the division might be expected to take place. The reply he received was, that Mr. Hartley had not yet done speaking; and when Jenkinson, at length, thought it advisable, in order to be in time for voting, to go down to Westminster, he found the long-winded orator still on his legs!

[54] For a more particular account of this plan of union, the reader is referred to Pitkin's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 142, or Holmes' Annals, vol. ii. p. 55.

[55] Holmes' Annals.

[56] Madison Papers, vol. ii. p. 687-9.

[57] Hinton.

[58] "The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as Dr. Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington, but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his house."—Madison Papers.

[59] "This plan had been concerted among the deputation, or members thereof, from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and perhaps Mr. Martin, from Maryland, who made with them a common cause, though on different principles. Connecticut and New York were against a departure from the principles of the confederation, wishing rather to add a few new powers to congress, than to substitute a national government. The states of New Jersey and Delaware were opposed to a national government, because its patrons considered a proportional representation of the states as the basis of it. The eagerness displayed by the members opposed to a national government, from these different motives, began now to produce serious anxiety for the result of the convention. Mr. Dickinson said to Mr. Madison: 'You see the consequence of pushing things too far. Some of the members from the small states wish for two branches in the general legislature, and are friends to a good national government; but we would sooner submit to foreign power, than submit to be deprived, in both branches of the legislature, of an equality of suffrage, and thereby be thrown under the dominion of the larger states.'"—Madison Papers.

[60] Madison Papers.

[61] This committee consisted of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Yates, Mr. Patterson, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bedford, Mr. Martin, Mr. Mason, Mr. Davy, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Baldwin.

[62] Pitkin.

[63] Never did a magistrate exercise power entrusted to him, with stricter fidelity than Washington. In respect to appointments to and removals from office, no man could be more conscientious. Private friendship exerted no influence, where the public good could not be subserved. A lofty patriotism swayed him. Even the enemies of Washington—they were never many—but the few who, at length, opposed the measures of his administration, had no occasion to censure him for conferring office on men whose only claim was friendship, or political affinity to the president. The following anecdote will serve to illustrate the integrity of the first chief magistrate of the union—happy had it been for the country, and for the honor and reputation of some of his successors in that exalted office, had they followed, in this respect, the "footsteps of an illustrious predecessor."

"During his administration, an application was made to him by a gentleman who had been the friend and companion of the general throughout the whole course of the Revolutionary war, during which he had received, on various occasions, indubitable marks of his kindness and partiality. He had become, in the estimation, if not of himself, of his friends, in a degree necessary to the happiness of Washington, and had therefore, in their opinion, only to apply for the office, to receive it. It was a boon, which, while it would ensure competency and ease to a friend, would bring that friend into frequent intercourse with his patron and former associate in arms.

"For the same office, however, there was a competitor; but as he was decidedly hostile to the politics of Washington, and had made himself conspicuous among the opposers of his administration, no serious apprehensions were felt from this quarter. Towards such a man—a well-known political enemy—Washington surely could feel under no obligations, and was not likely to prefer such a one to a personal friend and favorite. Every one acquainted with the pretensions of the two applicants, was at no loss to judge as to the president's decision, and the concurrent opinion was in favor of the friend and against his competitor.

"Judge, then, the general surprise, when it was announced that the political opponent of Washington was appointed and the former associate of the general in the toils and deprivations of the camp, was left destitute and dejected.

"When his decision was known, a mutual friend, who interested himself in the affair, ventured to remonstrate with the president on the injustice of his appointment. 'My friend,' replied this illustrious man, 'I receive with a cordial welcome; he is welcome to my house, and welcome to my heart; but, with all his good qualities, he is not a man of business. His opponent, with all his political hostility to me, is a man of business. My private feelings have nothing to do in the case! I am not George Washington, but president of the United States. As George Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power; but as president of the United States, I can do nothing.'"

[64] Pitkin.

[65] Before the time of embarkation, Mr. Henry died, and Governor Davie was appointed in his place.

[66] Paulding's Life of Washington.

[67] Life of Jefferson, vol. ii. p. 45.

[68] Gibbs' Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams.

[69] Commodore Truxton and Doctor Bollman testified before the court, that they were both intimate with Colonel Burr; that in their conversation with him, there had been no reserve; and that they had never heard him speak of a dissolution of the Union.

[70] This unhappy difficulty was not finally adjusted till 1811. Mr. Rose reached America December 25th. But, having no authority to negotiate until the president should rëcall his proclamation of July 2d, and the president declining to accede to such a preliminary, the negotiations, for the time, closed. In November, 1811, the British minister communicated to the secretary of state, that the attack on the Chesapeake was unauthorized by his majesty's government; that the officer at that time in command on the American coast, had been rëcalled; that the men, taken from the Chesapeake, should be restored, and that suitable pecuniary provision should be made for those who suffered in the attack, and for the families of the seamen that fell. To these propositions the president acceded. But the question, touching the right of search, was left undecided.

[71] Life of William Henry Harrison.

[72] Breckenridge's History of the War.

[73] Hale's History of the United States.

[74] Willard's Republic.

[75] Hinton.

[76] General Gaines' official letter.

[77] Bradford's History of the Federal Government.

[78] Willard's History of the United States.

[79] His last words were, as if addressing his successor, "Sir, I wish you to understand the principles of the government. I want them carried out. I ask nothing more."

[80] To this resolution there were three conditions—the 1st was, that Texas should adopt a constitution, and lay it before congress on or before the 1st day of January, 1846. 2. That all mines, minerals, fortifications, arms, navy, &c., should be ceded to the United States. 3. That new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory. The amendment of Mr. Walker allowed the president of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas, as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic.

[81] Life of Andrew Jackson, by John S. Jenkins.

[82] A new office, embracing certain portions of business heretofore transacted in the Departments of State, Treasury, &c.

[83] For the principal events of Canadian history during the French and Indian war—the invasion of Canada by the United Colonies, in 1775, and by the United States in 1812-15—the reader is referred to the prior portions of the volume, where these events are detailed.

[84] Murray's British America.

[85] Murray's British America.

[86] Simon Bolivar was a native of Caraccas, and belonged to one of the most respectable and wealthy families of that city. By a series of brilliant and arduous services, he established the liberty and independence of his native country, and procured the well-deserved title of The Liberator.

[87] American Almanac for 1849.

[88] American Almanac for 1839.

[89] Only ten of the twelve Articles of Amendment proposed by the first Congress, were ratified by the states; the first and second in order not being approved by the requisite number. These two were the following:

Article the First. After the first enumeration required by the first Article of the Constitution, there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred, after which, the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than one hundred representatives, nor less than one representative for every forty thousand persons, until the number of representatives shall amount to two hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than two hundred representatives, nor more than one representative for every fifty thousand persons.

Article Second. No law, varying the compensation for the services of the senators and representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.

[90] This office, first tendered to James A. Pearce, of Maryland, was declined; also by Hon. Charles J. Jenkins, Georgia, and Hon. Henry S. Geyer, of Missouri; but it was accepted by Hon. T. M. S. McKennan, of Pennsylvania, who resigned at the close of a single day.

[91] Edward Bates, of Missouri, was originally appointed Secretary of War, but declined the appointment.

[Transcriber's Notes:]