XVII. ZACHARY TAYLOR, PRESIDENT,
(CONTINUED FROM PAGE [756].)
Congress assembled on the 3d of December. But the organization of the House of Representatives was delayed for twenty days, that period being consumed in voting for a Speaker, before a choice was effected. The ballotings reached the number of sixty-three. So nearly balanced were the two great political parties, that a few members, constituting the "Free Soil Party," so called, had it in their power for this long time to prevent a choice, and that power they exercised with an obstinacy of purpose, which excited the marvel of the nation. Nor, at the last, was a choice effected but by the adoption of a novel resolution, viz., that after voting viva voce three times, if no speaker is elected, the vote shall be called again, and the member having the highest vote, provided it be a majority of a quorum, shall be declared elected. Under this rule the choice finally fell upon the candidate of the democratic party.
To the people of the country, such a contest was regarded with deep regret, and even with indignation. The feelings of members became excited and exasperated; political jealousies and animosities were kindled, sectional differences were magnified to unwonted importance, and sectional interests advocated and insisted upon, all giving premonition of the long and stormy session which followed.
Fortunately, the President and Senate awaited the issue with a calm and dignified bearing; and, on the organization of the House, the former communicated his annual Message. It was more brief than such documents have usually been; but clear, able, and remarkably practical. It recommended among other matters of various moment, an alteration of the Tariff—improvements in rivers and harbors—strict neutrality of the nation in foreign quarrels—and the immediate admission of California with the Constitution which she had already formed. The message concluded by urging the preservation of the Union, in terms as noble in sentiment, as beautiful in expression. The President said: "Attachment to the Union of the States, should be habitually fostered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it, have long since descended to the grave; yet still it remains, the proudest monument to their memory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one, worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment, its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities; and to avert that, should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness, and that of countless generations to come. What ever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it, and maintain it in its integrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed, and the power conferred upon me by the Constitution."
Proceedings in Congress.—For years the subject of slavery has been, as is well known, a fruitful theme of controversy, and a source of jealousy and agitation, between parties in the southern and northern states. The great territorial acquisitions of the United States, consequent upon the war with Mexico, and the question whether slavery should or should not obtain in those territories, had served to increase that jealousy and that agitation. Moreover, California had already adopted a Constitution, by which slavery was excluded, and was making application for admission into the Union. Other states were soon expected to follow her lead. To the South, these anti-slavery tendencies were not only unexpected, but most unwelcome, as with the hope, and, probably, with the design of extending the area of slavery, they had ardently enlisted in the Mexican war. On the other hand, the people of the North generally, were for preventing the further extension of slavery, and even desired to curtail the system by all constitutional measures within their power.
It was in this sensitive and excited state of the country that Congress assembled. The members themselves participated more or less in these jealous and antagonistical feelings, which were rather increased than allayed by the unfortunate contest attendant upon the election of a speaker. Indeed, that a storm was approaching was too evident to be concealed. A crisis had come which must be met. Questions of the deepest importance could no longer be postponed. It was fortunate for the nation, that the Senate at this time embodied men of great political sagacity, and firm and patriotic resolution. Among these may be mentioned, by way of pre-eminence, Mr. Clay, who had once more returned to the councils of the nation, and upon whom more than any other man, it seemed to devolve, to mediate between parties holding a hostile attitude, and to suggest some measures, if such were possible, by which great and daily increasing difficulties might be compromised.
Accordingly, towards the close of January, Mr. Clay introduced his celebrated resolutions to the consideration of the Senate, "by which, taken together, he proposed an amicable arrangement of all the questions in controversy between free and slave states, growing out of the subject of the institution of Slavery." These resolutions were as follows.
The first of these related to the admission of California, when she should apply, without providing for the introduction or exclusion of Slavery within her boundaries. The second declared that Slavery does not exist, and is not likely to be introduced into the territories acquired from the republic of Mexico; and that no legislation should be had in reference to its introduction or exclusion therefrom. The third established the western boundary in the state of Texas. The fourth provided for the payment of the public debt of the State of Texas, she relinquishing to the United States all her claims for any part of New Mexico. The fifth asserted the inexpediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, without the consent of the people of the district, and without just compensation to the owners of the slaves within the district. The sixth expressed the expediency of prohibiting the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. The seventh related to the restitution and delivery of fugitive slaves. The eighth denied the power to Congress, to prohibit or obstruct the slave-trade between the slaveholding states.
These resolutions were subsequently supported by Mr. Clay in a speech of great power, and in which the great pacificator stood before the Senate and the world as the firm and fast friend of the country—the whole country, in whose service, for whose prosperity, and for the preservation of whose Union, he had labored with untiring assiduity during the greater part of his life. In view of the dangers which were thickening around the country and the prospect of disunion, and possibly civil war growing out of these unsettled questions, between the North and South, Mr. Clay in conclusion, most eloquently said, "Sir, I implore gentlemen, I adjure them, whether from the South or the North, by all they hold dear in this world—by all their love of liberty—by all their veneration for their ancestors—by all their gratitude to Him, who has bestowed on them such unnumbered and countless blessings—by all the duties which they owe to mankind—and by all the duties which they owe to themselves, to pause, solemnly to pause at the edge of the precipice, before the fatal and dangerous leap is taken into the yawning abyss below, from which none who ever take it, shall return in safety."
From this time for months, these resolutions occupied the consideration of the Senate—speech following speech—often embodying the most profound views—exciting the deepest feelings, and giving birth ofttime to eloquence the most powerful and patriotic.
Death of Mr. Calhoun.—During the pendency of these great questions which were agitating the country to its remotest ends, and the discussion of which seemed to increase rather than allay the already excited storm, an event occurred calculated to show the folly of all such sectional strife, as that in which the Representatives of the nation were engaged. This was the death of that able and distinguished statesman, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, who died at Washington, while a member of the Senate, on the 6th of April. Among the great men of the day, few had occupied a more commanding station than he, and but few had been longer engaged in the public service of his country. As early as 1810, Mr. Calhoun took his seat in the House of Representatives of the United States. The period was pregnant with portentous events. Europe was involved in war, nor was it improbable that the United States would long escape its calamities. Mr. Calhoun felt, and enforced the necessity of immediate preparation for such a state. The first tones of his voice in public life might be considered war-like, yet no man loved peace better, or deemed it more likely to be secured than by being well prepared for hostilities. In subsequent years, he occupied various important offices. During the administration of the younger Adams, and the first term of Gen. Jackson, he held the office of Vice President. During a part of the Tyler Administration, he was Secretary of State. For many years he had a seat in the Senate. In all these stations he showed himself to be a man of pre-eminent talents and incorruptible integrity. He was strongly southern in his feelings, and perhaps his sectional prejudices sometimes led him to the advocacy of some measures, and opposition to others, which with other feelings he would have avoided. Yet, no one could doubt his patriotism or his firmness in the cause of right, as he understood it. His speeches displayed great logical acumen, and were often characterized for great power and brilliancy, which commanded the admiration of his strongest political opponents.
In the great questions which were agitating the national representatives at the time of his death, Mr. Calhoun had taken the deepest possible interest. He was solemnly impressed with the critical juncture of affairs, and thought he foresaw in the measures which were likely to be adopted, the precursors of a shock fatal to the integrity of the National Union. Though borne down with a disease which in the sequel must prove fatal, he enlisted himself strongly—too strongly for his physical strength, to avert impending calamities, as he deemed them, and by so doing, hastened the termination of his mortal existence.
His departure was a national loss. Even those who had long differed from him in regard to political doctrines and political measures, lamented his death. A committee of the Senate accompanied his remains to his native state, where it is believed he was held in honor and affection almost unequaled in the history of public men.
The funeral obsequies of Mr. Calhoun having been solemnized, Congress resumed its deliberations, and, shortly after, a resolution introduced by Mr. Foote, referring the subject matters in debate to a select committee, consisting of thirteen, was adopted. Of this committee, Mr. Clay was chairman. To this committee were referred the following subjects upon which to report:
1st. The admission of California as she presents herself. 2d. Governments for territories without any anti-slavery proviso. 3d. Settlement of the boundary question between Texas and New Mexico, and the purchase of the territory of Texas. 4th. The ultimate admission of other states, formed from the territory of Texas. Besides these, the committee were permitted to take into consideration or not, at their discretion, the subject of fugitive slaves, and Slavery in the District of Columbia.
On the 8th of May, Mr. Clay presented the majority report of the Committee of thirteen, denominated the compromise or omnibus bill, which after a protracted discussion failed; but its provisions were subsequently passed, as we shall have occasion to notice in a subsequent page.
Invasion of Cuba.—On the 25th of April, and the 2d of May, an expedition, three hundred in number, left New Orleans, under command of Gen. Lopez, for the secret purpose of invading Cuba. This force had been collected, armed, and officered in the United States. So secretly had the affair been conducted, that neither the Spanish Consuls in our larger ports, nor the government of the United States had been apprised of it. The invaders consisted in part of old Mexican soldiers, some of whom were informed of the object in view, while not a few enlisted under the expectation that the expedition was bound to California. On the morning of the 19th of May, a landing was effected at Cardenas. A brief struggle ensued between the invaders and the troops, in which the latter were repulsed, the Governor captured, his palace plundered, and a large quantity of public money seized. The invaders had counted upon accessions to their ranks in the Spanish army, and from the disaffected inhabitants. In this, however, they were disappointed, and Lopez re-embarked on board the steamer, and with a few of his followers made his escape to the United States, leaving the great body of his adherents to the tender mercies of the authorities of Cuba. As soon as the sailing of the expedition was known, the American executive despatched armed vessels to prevent its landing in Cuba. In this, however, they failed. Lopez was arrested in New Orleans, and held for trial. It seems that a Spanish steamer captured two vessels in the Mexican waters, laden with men whom they suspected of having intended to join the invading expedition, and took them into Havanna. The release of these was peremptorily demanded by the President, and subsequently they were so released. But three, it is believed, of all who participated in the invasion, were condemned, and these three were sent to the galleys.
Convention with Great Britain.—This Convention had reference to the Nicaragua treaty, so called, which was ratified by the governments of the United States and Great Britain, and promulgated at Washington, the 4th of July, 1850. This treaty provided for the establishment of a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, by means of a ship canal, to be constructed by way of the river San Juan de Nicaragua, and either or both of the lakes of Nicaragua or Maragua, to any port or place on the Pacific Ocean.
Death of Gen. Taylor.—The administration of Gen. Taylor was suddenly brought to a close, on the 9th of July, by his demise, on the evening of that day. His illness was brief, and occasioned by exposure and fatigue, while attending the celebration of the 4th of July. His funeral was attended by a large military display, by the officers of government and the representatives of foreign nations, and by an immense concourse of his fellow citizens.
This event was unexpected, and the more so, from the well known vigor of health always enjoyed by the President. It came upon the nation, as in the case of the death of the lamented Harrison, like the voice of an earthquake. Few could credit it; none were prepared for it. That he, who "had passed through severe military duties in the swamps of Florida, and on the plains of Mexico, unharmed by bullet or pestilence, should be struck down in the midst of his friends, and in the high station to which his country had raised him—it was thought passing strange."
In a former part of this work we have had occasion to sketch a portion of the military service rendered by Gen. Taylor, while in the employment of the Government. We have seen with what courage, skill, and bravery he bore himself at Palo Alto, Buena Vista, and on other fields, where victories were achieved which would have done credit to a Napoleon or a Wellington. During his entire military life, in the midst of his most brilliant victories, in the flush of all his military prosperity, he seems to have maintained an unaffected simplicity of character, a remarkable plainness of manners, an unbending integrity of soul, combined with kindness, moderation, and benevolence, calculated to win the admiration and confidence of all to whom he stood related.
"Returning, laurel-crowned and victorious, from a foreign war," as a writer remarks, "he was hailed from his first landing on his native strand, as the future President. With what unaffected modesty he received these new honors—how scrupulously he abstained from any and every step that might look like seeking this high office—how calmly and how simply, when installed as President, he bore his honors, we need not attempt to recite." From the day of his inauguration, to the day of his death, it is believed that he endeavored, as he expressed himself on his dying pillow, to do his duty. No one, perhaps, ever suspected him of "pursuing any crooked path in politics," or "having been actuated by sinister views and purposes." His administration was brief—only one year and four months—too brief to decide upon the policy which he might have deemed it his duty to pursue, in the difficult and trying times upon which the government had fallen, and amidst the perplexing questions which it was called to decide. It was fortunate for his reputation, perhaps, that he was removed at the precise juncture at which God called him to resign his exalted station. He had committed no error. He stood before the nation and the world, as the man of integrity—brilliant in his former military exploits—firm and patriotic in his brief civil career. He enjoyed the confidence of friends—he commanded the respect and admiration of political opponents. He died mourned and lamented by all. To what higher honors could a man wish to attain? What reputation more exalted, or more enviable, could he wish to leave behind him? Fortunate Senex!
[XVIII. MILLARD FILLMORE, PRESIDENT.]
