Epidemic Agues and Influenzas, 1727-29.
The contemporary annalist of epidemics in England is Wintringham, of York, who enters remittents and intermittents almost every year from 1717 to the end of his first series of annals in 1726; but none of his entries points very clearly to an epidemic of ague[615]. It is not until the very unwholesome years 1727-29 that we hear of intermittent fevers being prevalent everywhere, with one or more true influenzas or epidemic catarrhs interpolated among them. To show how unhealthy England was in general, I give a table compiled from Short’s abstracts of the parish registers, showing the proportion of parishes, urban and rural, with excess of burials over christenings:
Country Parishes.
| Year | Registers examined | Registers showing high death-rate | Births in ditto | Deaths in ditto | ||||
| 1727 | 180 | 55 | 1091 | 1368 | ||||
| 1728 | 180 | 80 | 1536 | 2429 | ||||
| 1729 | 178 | 62 | 1442 | 2015 | ||||
| 1730 | 176 | 39 | 1022 | 1302 |
Market Towns.
| Year | Registers examined | Registers showing high death-rate | Births in ditto | Deaths in ditto | ||||
| 1727 | 33 | 19 | 2441 | 3606 | ||||
| 1728 | 34 | 23 | 2355 | 4972 | ||||
| 1729 | 36 | 27 | 3494 | 6673 | ||||
| 1730 | 36 | 16 | 2529 | 3445 |
It is clear from the accounts by Huxham, Wintringham, Hillary, and Warren, of Bury St Edmunds[616], that much of the excessive sickness in 1727-29 was aguish, although much of it, and probably the most fatal part of it, was the low putrid fever so often mentioned after the first quarter of the 18th century. At Norwich, where the burials for three years, 1727-29, were nearly double the registered baptisms, many were carried off, says Blomefield, “by fevers and agues, and the contagion was general.” In Ireland also, a country rarely touched by true agues, Rutty enters intermittent fever as very frequent in May, 1728; and again, in the spring of 1729: “Intermittent fevers were epidemic in April; and some of the petechial kind. Nor was this altogether peculiar to us; for at that same time we were informed that intermittent and other fevers were frequent in the neighbourhood of Gloucester and London; and very mortal in the country places, but less in the cities.”
In the midst of this epidemic constitution of agues and other fevers there occurred one or more horse-colds, and one or more epidemic catarrhs of mankind. The most definitely marked or best recorded of these was the influenza of 1729.
The universal cold or catarrh of 1729 fell upon London in October and November, and upon York, Plymouth and Dublin about the same time. It prevailed in various parts of Europe until March, 1730, its incidence upon Italy being entirely after the New Year. The rise in the London deaths was characteristic: the level was high when the epidemic began, but the epidemic nearly doubled the already high mortality during the worst week and trebled the deaths from “fever.”
London Weekly Mortalities.
1729
| Week ending | Fever | All causes | |||
| October | 21 | 88 | 564 | ||
| 28 | 118 | 603 | |||
| November | 4 | 213 | 908 | ||
| 11 | 267 | 993 | |||
| 18 | 166 | 783 | |||
| 25 | 124 | 635 | |||
The high mortalities of the weeks following may be taken as due to the sequelae of the epidemic (pneumonias, pleurisies, malignant fevers) and are indeed so explained in one contemporary account:
| Week ending | Fever | All causes | |||
| December | 2 | 92 | 678 | ||
| 9 | 132 | 779 | |||
| 16 | 116 | 707 | |||
| 23 | 123 | 710 | |||
| 30 | 109 | 628 | |||
The influenza of October and November, 1729, was the occasion of a London essay[617], which appears to treat solely of the epidemic catarrh and its after-effects, and not of the two years’ previous sicknesses, which are the subject of another essay, by Strother, written before the influenza began. London, says this author, as well as Bath, and foreign parts, have been on a sudden seized universally with the disorders named in his title (fevers, coughs, asthmas, rheumatisms, defluxions etc.). These had come in the course of an unusually warm and wet, or relaxing, winter; “we have for some time past dwelt in fogs, our air has been hazy, our streets loaden with rain, and our bodies surrounded with water.” So many different symptoms attend the “New Disease” that a volume, he says, would not suffice to describe them, but he thus summarizes them:
Sudden pain in the head, heaviness or drowsiness, and anon their noses began to run; they coughed or wheezed, and grew hoarse; they felt an oppression and load on their breasts, and turned vapourish, either because they apprehended ill consequences, or because their spirits were oppressed with a load of humours. The victims of the epidemic, he says again, were very subject to vapours; they are, upon the least fatigue or emotion of mind, dispirited, and flag upon every emergency. Among other symptoms were, quick pulse, thirst, loss of appetite and vertigo: the mouth and jaws hot, rough and dry, the thrush raising blisters thereon; the throat hoarse; a fierce brutal cough, which weakens by bringing on profuse sweats; the urine, muddy and white, “if they who are seized have been old asthmaticks.”
He speaks of cases that had proved suddenly fatal and says that all who died of “epidemical catarrhs” had been found to have polypuses in their hearts. If reference be made to the Table, it will be seen that the high mortality continued in London for at least a month after the epidemic had passed through its ordinary course of rise, maximum and decline; and it is probably to that post-epidemic mortality that the author refers in the following passages:
“Numbers, as appears by our late bills, are taken with malignant fevers, or malignant pleurisies or with pleuritic fevers.... Whosoever, then, would prevent a defluxion from turning into a fever, or from anything yet worse, if worse can be, must keep warm and observe a diluting regimen so long as till their water subsides and the symptoms are vanquished.... I am convinced by experience that many poor creatures have perished under these late epidemical fevers, from the fatal mistake of never retiring from their usual employments till they have rivetted a fever upon them, and till they have neglected twelve or fourteen days of their precious time.” This was fully endorsed by Huxham for the influenza of 1733: “Morbus raro lethalis, quem tamen, multi, vel ob ipsam frequentiam, temeri spernentes, seras dedêre poenas stultitiae, asthmatici, hectici, tabidi.”
Hillary’s account for Ripon is very brief[618]:
“The season continuing very wet, and the wind generally in the southern points, about the middle of November [1729] an epidemical cough seized almost everybody, few escaping it, for it was universally felt over the kingdom; they had it in London and Newcastle two or three weeks before we had it about Ripon.”
Wintringham, of York, says the epidemic in the early winter of 1729 was “a febricula with slight rigors, lassitude, almost incessant cough, pain in the head, hoarseness, difficulty in breathing, and attended with some deaths among feeble persons, from pleuritic and pulmonary affections[619].” There was a tradition at Exeter as late as 1775 that two thousand were seized in one night in the epidemic of 1729. Huxham, of Plymouth, says of the epidemic in November:
“A cartarrhal febricula, with incessant cough, slight dyspepsia, anorexia, languor, and rheumatic pains, is raging everywhere. When it is more vehement than usual, it passes into bastard pleurisy or peripneumony; but for the most part it is easily got rid of by letting blood and by emetics.” In December, the coughs and catarrhal fever continued, while mania was more frequent than usual, and in January, 1730, the cartarrhal fever still infested some persons.
Rutty, of Dublin, merely says: “In November raged an universal epidemic catarrh, scarce sparing any one family. It visited London before us[620].”
These references to the unusual catarrhal febricula in November, 1729, are all that occur in the epidemiographic records kept by some four British writers who recorded the weather and prevalent diseases of those years. The epidemic catarrh made a slight impression upon them beside some other epidemics, and hardly a greater impression than another of the same kind, which seems to have occurred in the beginning of 1728. Thus, Rutty says, under November, 1727: “In Staffordshire and Shropshire their horses were suddenly seized with a cough and weakness. In December, it was in Dublin and remote parts of Ireland; some bled at the nose.” On December 25th, he enters: “The horses growing better, a cough and sore throat seized mankind in Dublin[621].” Huxham, for Devonshire, under Oct.-Nov. 1727 confirms this: “a vehement cough in horses, which lasted to the end of December; the greater number at length recovered from it.” He does not say in that context that an epidemic cough followed among men, as Rutty does say for Dublin; but in a subsequent note upon horse-colds, he says: “In 1728 and 1733 it [the precedence of the horse-cold] was most manifest; in which years a most severe cough seized almost all the horses, one or two months earlier than men.” From which it would appear that the influenza of Nov.-Dec. 1729, was not the only one during the aguish years 1727-29.
In the weekly London bills the other series of mortalities that look most like those of an influenza are in the month of February, 1728 (748, 889, 850 and 927 in four successive weeks, being more than double the average).