The Influenza of 1803.
The number of the Medical and Physical Journal for March, 1803, announced that “a cold attended by symptoms of a very alarming nature has been general in the city of Paris for some time”; but it said nothing of the alarming disorder being in London. It is in the next number, under the date of Soho Square, March 11th, that a correspondent identifies the Paris epidemic with “the complaint now general in this metropolis, and called by some the Influenza.” In a report upon the diseases “in an Eastern District of London from February 20 to March 20, 1803,” the “catarrhal fever” is thus described:
“This disease has been so general as to claim the title of the reigning epidemic, and is very similar to one which prevailed a few years ago, and was denominated Influenza. It has generally been introduced by chilliness and shivering, which have been succeeded by violent pains in the head, with some discharge from the eyes and nostrils, as in a common catarrh, together with hoarseness and cough. The pains in the head have in some cases been the first symptoms and have been succeeded by giddiness, sickness and vomiting” &c. There were also rheumatic pains in the limbs, intercostals &c.
Meanwhile the information from various sources showed that the old influenza was once more really in this country. Two collective inquiries were made on the influenza of 1803: one by Dr Beddoes of Bristol, who issued a circular of five queries, and received answers to them (with other information) from one hundred and twenty-four correspondents[693]; the other by the Medical Society of London[694]. The Medical and Physical Journal and Duncan’s Annals each received a few independent papers on it; and several pamphlets were issued, mostly devoted to treatment—two in London[695], one at Edinburgh[696], one at Bath[697], and one at Bristol[698].
In these abundant data there is little novelty and not much variety.
The attack began with chills and severe pain in the head, along with slight running of the eyes and nose, as typhus fever might have begun. After the slightly catarrhal onset the malady was mostly a fever, with dry cough, dry and hot skin, pain in the forehead and about the eyeballs, pains in the limbs, “spontaneous” weariness and extreme prostration—a group of symptoms which led Hooper to find a rheumatic character in the malady. Among other symptoms were vertigo, nausea, vomiting and diarrhoea. Much sweating is not reported; but there was often a gentle sweat in recovering after about a week, less or more. There was the usual range from mildness to severity. Pneumonia and pleurisy were not rare, and were commonly the cause of fatalities.
The deaths were for the most part among the phthisical, the asthmatic and the aged; but these were not many, certainly not so many as in 1729, 1733 and 1743, and probably in about the same proportion as in 1762, 1775 and 1782. In the London bills the weekly deaths rose in March, to an average of 537 from an average of 429 in February, and of 375 in January, falling to an average of 417 in April. In Ireland the epidemic is said to have been seen among the troops in garrisons as early as December, 1802; it became universal in spring and summer. In Edinburgh the rise in the burials at Greyfriars churchyard was in the weeks ending 5th and 12th April, making them about a half more than usual for the brief period. When the wave of influenza was past, the public health in nearly all places became unusually good, as had happened immediately after the influenza of 1782.
The question most to the front in the influenza of 1803 was its manner of spreading. Beddoes, who believed in personal contagion, had this in view in his five queries:
1. When did the influenza appear and disappear with you?
2. Was its date different in remote places within your reach?
3. After being general, did it occur for some time in single instances?
4. Did it ever seem to pass from person to person?
5. If so, is it likely that clothes or fomites conveyed it in any case?
The dates of commencement were earlier or later according to no rule of direction or of distance from London. In some large towns of Yorkshire it appeared to be unusually late, in Chester unusually early; Edinburgh, certainly, was as long behind London as London was behind Paris. Haygarth, who took the most narrow view of contagion, made out the incidence thus: London first, then the towns which have the greatest intercourse with London, such as Bath and Chester, then smaller towns, and last of all the villages around each of the more populous centres. Several towns had the brunt of the epidemic in the same weeks (of March) as London; in very few was it later than the first weeks of April. In some towns it attracted little notice. In North Devon, it was said to have been at Hartland and Clovelly a fortnight before it was seen in Bideford; the first of it seen by one of the doctors of that town was in a solitary potter’s house four miles to the eastward, on a peninsula made by the confluence of a small stream with the Torridge, all the inmates of the house being attacked; in the town itself from first to last he saw but few cases, whereas there were many in the adjacent country[699].
The general rule seems to have been that the more sparse populations had it later, the nearer they were to the extremities of the kingdom, as in Cornwall, the north of Scotland, and in Ireland. Opinion was divided as to the part played by persons in carrying contagion from place to place, some holding that the facts of diffusion could be explained on no other hypothesis, while most held that the influenza was in the air. Beddoes got as many answers favouring the doctrine of personal contagion as made a respectable show for it; but when these had all been set forth to the best advantage, a practitioner wrote to say that, after all, nine-tenths of professional opinion was against the contagiousness of influenza. The practical question for Haygarth, Beddoes, and other contagionists was whether influenza was not a disease, like smallpox or scarlet fever, which could be kept from spreading by means of isolation, disinfection (with the fumes of mineral acids) and other precautions.
Some curious facts came out, showing the effect of influenza upon other epidemic diseases, or the effect of other epidemic diseases upon influenza. One writer applied to influenza what used to be said of the plague or pestilential fever, that these Leviathan constitutions swallowed up all other reigning epidemics. Holywell, a town in Flintshire, with a large cotton-weaving industry, had not been free from a bad kind of typhus for two years. “On the appearance of the influenza the typhus entirely ceased, and only one case of fever has occurred since. I have not for many years known this country so healthy as since the influenza disappeared[700].” The influenza was said also to have superseded typhus fever at Navan, in Meath[701]. At St Neots typhus was peculiarly prevalent for three months before the influenza, but ceased thereafter[702]. Another relation to typhus was seen at Clifton: “In the low, confined, and ill-ventilated houses in the Hot Well road, where typhus often abounds, the influenza was very unfrequent; while in the exposed high-lying buildings on Clifton Hill it was almost universal[703].” As to ague, which had often before stood in a remarkable relation to epidemics of catarrhal fever, there is one possibly relevant fact related from the Lincolnshire fens. A Wisbech physician writes:
“The influenza which ceased here about the middle of April made its appearance again in May; the leading symptoms were the same as in the first attack. About the same time also a most malignant fever, having some symptoms in common with the influenza, began to rage in that part of Lincolnshire contiguous to us, which has proved fatal to hundreds[704].”
From 1803 to 1831, nothing is heard in England of a universal influenza, although there was one such in the end of 1805 and beginning of 1806 in Russia, Germany, France and Italy; and there were four great influenzas in the Western Hemisphere (1807, 1815-16, 1824-25, and 1826). Catarrhs were perhaps commoner than usual in England and Scotland in the winter of 1807-8, but they cannot be reckoned an epidemic of influenza[705]. The summer following (1808) was unusually hot and agues became more epidemic in the fens than at any time since the great aguish period of 1780 and following years[706]. Agues were again unusually rife in England in 1826, 1827 and 1828, at the same time as the remarkable epidemics of them, from inundations and subsequent drought, in Holland and along the German coast of the North Sea. Dr John Elliotson, of London, met with cases of agues in his practice in those years in the following scale:
| Year | Cases | |
| 1823 | 8 | |
| 1824 | 14 | |
| 1825 | 15 | |
| 1826 | 44 | |
| 1827 | 53 | |
| 1828 | 27 | |
| 1829 | 8 |
They had increased, he says, throughout the country as well as in London, owing, as he thought, in agreement with Macmichael, to the higher mean temperature of the respective years; and he would apply the same law of increase to the epidemic periods of ague in Britain in former times[707]. Christison saw his first case of ague at Edinburgh in the autumn of 1827, in a labourer who had caught it working at the harvest in the fen-country of Lincolnshire.