FOOTNOTES:
[459] See Lüders, Bruchstücke Buddhistischer Dramen, 1911, and id., Das Sâriputra-prakarana, 1911.
[460] See Senart, "Le ms Kharoshṭhî du Dhammapada," in J.A., 1898, II. p. 193.
[461] Lüders, "Die Śakas und die Nordarische Sprache," Sitzungsber. der Kōn. Preuss. Akad. 1913. Konow, Gōtting. Gel. Anz. 1912, pp. 551 ff.
[462] See Hoernle in J.R.A.S. 1910, pp. 837 ff. and 1283 ff.; 1911, pp. 202 ff., 447 ff.
[463] An old Turkish text about Maitreya states that it was translated from an Indian language into Tokhri and from Tokhri into Turkish. See F.K.W. Müller, Sitzungsber. der Kön. Preuss. Akad. 1907, p. 958. But it is not clear what is meant by Tokhri.
[464] The following are some words in this language: Kant, a hundred; rake, a word; por, fire; soye, son (Greek υἱός); suwan, swese, rain (Greek ὔει ὑετύς); âlyek, another; okso, an ox.
[465] The numerous papers on this language are naturally quickly superseded. But Sieg and Siegling Tokharisch, "Die Sprache der Indoskythen" (Sitzungsber. der Berl. Ak. Wiss. 1908, p. 815), may be mentioned and Sylvain Lévi, "Tokharien B, Langue de Kouteha," J.A. 1913, II. p. 311.
[466] See Radloff Tisastvustik (Bibl. Buddh. vol. xii.), p. v. This manuscript came from Urumtsi. A translation of a portion of the Saddharma-pundarîka (Bibl. Buddh. xiv.) was found at Turfan.
[467] Laufer in T'oung Pao, 1907, p. 392; Radloff, Kuan-si-im Pursar, p. vii.
[468] See especially Stein's Ancient Khotan, app. B, and Francke in J.R.A.S. 1914, p. 37.
[469] Chavannes, Les documents chinois découverts par Aurel Stein, 1913.
[470] See especially Chavannes and Pelliot, "Traité Manichéen" in J.A. 1911 and 1913.
[471] Hsüan Chuang notes its existence however in Kabul and Kapiśa.
[472] See for these Fergusson-Burgess, History of Indian Architecture, I. pp. 125-8.
[473] J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 313.
[474] E.g. Grünwedel, Altbuddhistische Kultstätten, fig. 624.
[475] Stein, Ancient Khotan, plates xiii-xvii and xl, pp. 83 and 482 ff.
[476] See Grünwedel, Buddh. Kultstätten, pp. 129-130 and plate. Foucher, "L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique," p. 145, J.R.A.S. 1886, 333 and plate i.
[477] See Wachsberger's "Stil-kritische Studien zur Kunst Chinesisch-Turkestan's" in Ostasiatische Ztsft. 1914 and 1915.
[478] See Grünwedel, Buddh. Kultstätten, pp. 332 ff.
[479] Ancient Khotan, vol. II. plates lx and lxi.
[480] Le Coq in J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 299 ff. See the whole article.
[481] For some of the more striking drawings referred to see Grünwedel, Buddh. Kultstätten, figs. 51, 53, 239, 242, 317, 337, 345-349.
[482] In Geog. Journal, May 1916, p. 362.
[483] Chavannes, Documents chinois découverts par Aurel Stein, 1913.
[484] These of course are not the Osmanlis or Turks of Constantinople. The Osmanlis are the latest of the many branches of the Turks, who warred and ruled in Central Asia with varying success from the fifth to the eighth centuries.
[485] That is Kashgar, Khotan, Kucha and Tokmak for which last Karashahr was subsequently substituted. The territory was also called An Hsi.
[486] See for lists and details Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue Occidentaux, pp. 67 ff. and 270 ff.
[487] The conquest and organization of the present Chinese Turkestan dates only from the reign of Ch'ien Lung.
[488] Thus the pilgrim Wu-K'ung mentions Chinese officials in the Four Garrisons.
[489] See for this part of their history, Grenard's article in J.A. 1900, I. pp. 1-79.
[490] Pelliot also attributes importance to a Sogdian Colony to the south of Lob Nor, which may have had much to do with the transmission of Buddhism and Nestorianism to China. See J.A. Jan. 1916, pp. 111-123.
[491] These words have been connected with the tribe called Sacae, Sakas, or Sök.
[492] See Klaproth, Tabl. Historique, p. 166, apparently quoting from Chinese sources. Specht, J.A. 1897, II. p. 187. Franke, Beitr.-zur Kenntniss Zentral-Asiens, p. 83. The passage quoted by Specht from the Later Han Annals clearly states that the Yüeh-chih made a man of their own choosing prince of Kashgar, although, as Franke points out, it makes no reference to Kanishka or the story of the hostages related by Hsüan Chuang.
[493] Fa-Hsien's Chieh-ch'a has been interpreted as Skardo, but Chavannes seems to have proved that it is Kashgar.
[494] About 643 A.D. He mentions that the inhabitants tattooed their bodies, flattened their children's heads and had green eyes. Also that they spoke a peculiar language.
[495] At Bamian the monks belonged to the Lokottaravâdin School.
[496] Beal, Records, II. p. 278. The pilgrim is speaking from hearsay and it is not clear to what part of Persia he refers.
[497] See Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue Occidentaux, pp. 121, 125. The inhabitants of K'ang (Samarkand or Sogdiana) are said to honour both religions. Ib. p. 135.
[498] Known to the Chinese by several slightly different names such as Ku-chih, Kiu-tse which are all attempts to represent the same sound. For Kucha see S. Lévi's most interesting article "Le 'Tokharien B' langue de Koutcha" in J.A. 1913, II. pp. 311 ff.
[499] J.A. 1913, ii. p. 326.
[500] See Chavannes in Stein's Ancient Khotan, p. 544. The Western Tsin reigned 265-317.
[501] The circumstances which provoked the expedition are not very clear. It was escorted by the king of Turfan and other small potentates who were the vassals of the Tsin and also on bad terms with Kucha. They probably asked Fu-chien for assistance in subduing their rival which he was delighted to give. Some authorities (e.g. Nanjio Cat. p. 406) give Karashahr as the name of Kumârajîva's town, but this seems to be a mistake.
[502] S. Lévi, J.A. 1913, ii. p. 348, quoting Hsü Kao Sêng Chuan.
[503] Quoted by S. Lévi from the Sung Kao Sêng Chuan. See J.A. 1913, II. p. 344 and B.E.F.E.O. 1904, p. 562.
[504] As a proof of foreign influence in Chinese culture, it is interesting to note that there were seven orchestras for the imperial banquets, including those of Kucha, Bokhara and India and a mixed one in which were musicians from Samarkand, Kashgar, Camboja and Japan.
[505] Quoted by Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, ii. 189.
[506] Pelliot, J.A. 1912, i. p. 579, suggests that Chotscho or Qoco is the Turkish equivalent of Kao Ch'ang in T'ang pronunciation, the nasal being omitted.
[507] Chavannes, Tou-kiue Occidentaux, p. 101.
[508] For the history of Khotan see Rémusat, Ville de Khotan, 1820, and Stein's great work Ancient Khotan, especially chapter vii. For the Tibetan traditions see Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 230 ff.
[509] Ku-stana seems to have been a learned perversion of the name, to make it mean breast of the earth.
[510] The combination is illustrated by the Sino-Kharoshthî coins with a legend in Chinese on the obverse and in Prakrit on the reverse. See Stein, Ancient Khotan, p. 204. But the coins are later than 73 A.D.
[511] The Tibetan text gives the date of conversion as the reign of King Vijayasambhava, 170 years after the foundation of Khotan.
[512] See Sten Konow in J.R.A.S. 1914, p. 345.
[513] See Stein, Ancient Khotan, pp. 170, 456.
[514] Chavannes, Tou-kiue, p. 125, cf. pp. 121 and 170. For Hsien shên see Giles's Chinese Dict. No. 4477.
[515] Beal, Life, p. 205.
[516] Identified by Stein with Kohmari Hill which is still revered by Mohammedans as a sacred spot.
[517] Desert Cathay, II. p. 114.
[518] See Watters, Yüan Chwang, II. p. 296. Beal, Life. p. 205. Chavannes, "Voyage de Sung Yun." B.E.F.E.O. 1903, 395, and for the Tibetan sources, Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, chap. VIII. One of the four Tibetan works is expressly stated to be translated from Khotanese.
[519] The Tibetan Chronicles of Li-Yul say that they worshipped Vaiśravana and Śrîmahâdevî.
[520] A monk from Kashmir called Vairocana was also active in Tibet about 750 A.D.
[521] It is also possible that Buddhism had a bad time in the fifth and sixth centuries at the hands of the Tanguts, Juan-Juan and White Huns.
[522] The Later Han Annals say that the Hindus are weaker than the Yüeh-chih and are not accustomed to fight because they are Buddhists. (See T'oung Pao, 1910, p. 192.) This seems to imply that the Yüeh-chih were not Buddhists. But even this was the real view of the compiler of the Annals we do not know from what work he took this statement nor to what date it refers.
[523] See Beal, Life, p. 39, Julien, p. 50. The books mentioned are apparently the Samyuktâbhidharmahṛidaya (Nanjio, 1287), Abhidharma Kosha (Nanjio, 1267), Abhidharma-Vibhâsha (Nanjio, 1264) and Yogâcâryabhûmi (Nanjio, 1170).
[524] The importance of the Tarim basin is due to the excellent preservation of its records and its close connection with China. The Oxus regions suffered more from Mohammedan iconoclasm, but they may have been at least equally important for the history of Buddhism.
[525] E.g. see the Maitreya inscription of Turfan.
[526] Or at least is not accessible to me here in Hongkong, 1914.
[527] I do not mean to say that all Dhâraṇîs are late.
[528] It is even probable that apocryphal Sûtras were composed in Central Asia. See Pelliot in Mélanges d'Indianisme, Sylvain Lévi, p. 329.
[529] The list of manifestations in Jambudvipa enumerates 56 kingdoms. All cannot be identified with certainty, but apparently less than half are within India proper.
[530] See Bibl. Budd. XII. pp. 44, 46, XIV. p. 45.
[531] The Turkish sutras repeatedly style the Buddha God (t'angri) or God of Gods. The expression devâtideva is applied to him in Sanskrit, but the Turkish phrases are more decided and frequent. The Sanskrit phrase may even be due to Iranian influence.
[532] An Chou, the Prince to whose memory the temple was dedicated, seems to be regarded as a manifestation of Maitreya.
[533] J.A. 1913, I. p. 154. The series of three articles by Chavannes and Pelliot entitled "Un traité Manichéen retrouvé en Chine" (J.A. 1911, 1913) is a most valuable contribution to our knowledge of Manichæism in Central Asia and China.
[534] E.g. see J.A. 1911, pp. 509 and 589. See also Le Coq, Sitzb. preuss. Akad. der Wiss. 48, 1909, 1202-1218.
[535] J.A. 1913, I. pp. 116 and 132.
[536] See especially Havret, "La stèle chrétienne de Si-ngan-fu" in Variétés Sinologues, pp. 7, 12 and 20.
[537] See Havret, l.c. III. p. 54, for some interesting remarks respecting the unwillingness of the Nestorians and also of the Jesuits to give publicity to the crucifixion.
[538] See Takakusu, I-tsing, pp. 169, 223, and T'oung Pao, 1896, p. 589.
[539] Turfan and Kucha are spoken of as being mainly Hînayânist.
[540] See Stein, Zoroastrian deities on Indo-Scythian coins, 1887.
[541] See S.B.E. IV. (Vendîdad) pp. 145, 209; XXIII. p. 184, V. p. III.
[542] Chap. VII. The notices in Chaps. XXII. and XXIV. are rather more detailed but also later.
[543] XII. p. 23.
[544] Transl. Schiefner, pp. 93, 105 and 303, and Pander's Pantheon, No. 11. But Târanâtha also says that he was Aryadeva's pupil.
[545] Śara in Sanskrit.
[546] The doctrine of salvation by faith alone seems to be later. The longer and apparently older version of the Sukhâvatî Vyûha insists on good works as a condition of entry into Paradise.
[547] S.B.E. IV. p. 293; ib. XXXIII. pp. 317 and 344.
[548] It may also be noticed that Ameretât, the Archangel of immortality, presides over vegetation and that Amida's paradise is full of flowers.
[549] S.B.E. XXIII. pp. 335-7.
[550] S.B.E. XXXI. p. 261.
[551] S.B.E. XXIII. pp. 21-31 (the Ormasd Yasht).
[552] Is it possible that there is any connection between Sukhâvatî and the land of Saukavastan, governed by an immortal ruler and located by the Bundehish between Turkistan and Chinistan? I imagine there is no etymological relationship, but if Saukavastan was well known as a land of the blessed it may have influenced the choice of a significant Sanskrit word with a similar sound.
[553] E.R.E. sub voce.
[554] J.A. 1912, I. p. 622. Unfortunately only a brief notice of his communication is given with no details. See also S. Lévi, Le Népâl, pp. 330 ff.
[555] Ti-tsang in Chinese, Jizo in Japanese. See for his history Visser's elaborate articles in Ostasiatische Ztsft. 1913-1915.
[556] He was accepted by the Manichæans as one of the Envoys of Light. J.A. 1911, II. p. 549.
CHAPTER XLII
CHINA
Prefatory note.
For the transcription of Chinese words I use the modern Peking pronunciation as represented in Giles's Dictionary. It may be justly objected that of all dialects Pekingese is perhaps the furthest removed from ancient Chinese and therefore unsuited for historical studies and also that Wade's system of transcription employed by Giles is open to serious criticism. But, on the other hand, I am not competent to write according to the pronunciation of Nanking or Canton all the names which appear in these chapters and, if I were, it would not be a convenience to my readers. Almost all English works of reference about China use the forms registered in Giles's Dictionary or near approximations to them, and any variation would produce difficulty and confusion. French and German methods of transcribing Chinese differ widely from Wade's and unfortunately there seems to be no prospect of sinologues agreeing on any international system.