CHAIN MAIL REINFORCED, 1250-1325
The special points which distinguish this period are:—
1. The introduction of Banded Mail.
2. The use of Ailettes.
3. The invention of the Conical Heaume borne by the shoulders.
4. The reinforcement of the Chain Mail by Plate.
5. The development of the Crest.
Fig. 113.—Sir John d’Aubernoun, 1277. Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, Guildford, Surrey.
One of the most remarkable brasses in existence is that of Sir John d’Aubernoun, in Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, near Guildford, Surrey ([Fig. 113]). It is the earliest known example of this form of monumental effigy either in the British Isles or on the Continent, and dates from about the year 1277, the fifth of Edward I. It is to be noted that it is unique among the brasses of this reign by reason of the knight being represented with straight lower limbs, the remainder all having the cross-legged position. Although the figure is somewhat disproportionate, and the partial covering up of the lower parts of the legs by the surcoat is unfortunate, yet as a work of art, and especially as an example of technique and patience on the part of the engraver, it is unrivalled. Every separate link of the mail is faithfully represented. The reinforcement of the chain mail by secondary defences is here exemplified in its primitive stage, a pair of genouillières only appearing, which from their ornamental appearance are presumably of cuir-bouilli, or of plate covered with cuir-bouilli. The reason for the introduction of this defence was not alone the protection afforded: the intolerable drag of chain mail upon the knee or elbow when flexed prevented freedom of action in either joint; but by the termination of the mail at the upper part of the genouillière to which it was affixed, and the continuation of it below, an advantage was gained which was fully appreciated. The coif-de-mailles upon the head descends to the shoulders on either side and covers part of the surcoat, while the hauberk has sleeves which are prolonged to cover the hand with mail gauntlets, not divided for the fingers. The mail chausses are continued like the sleeves of the hauberk, in order to protect the feet as well as the legs. Over the mail appears a loose surcoat reaching to below the knees and confined at the waist by a cord, from below which it opens in front and falls on either side in many folds, being also divided at the back to facilitate riding. It does not bear any ornament or design, but apparently is of rich material, and has a fringed border. The sword is long and straight, with short quillons drooping towards the blade; the grip is slightly swelling, and the circular pommel is enriched with a design. The method of suspending the sword is peculiar to the period: it grips the scabbard in two places, between which a small strap runs as a guide; the weapon thus hangs diagonally across the left front of the figure. The guige bearing the shield is enriched with roses alternating with the mystical cross (signifying good fortune and long life) termed the Fylfot, Gammadion, or Svastika, in which each arm of a Greek cross is continued at right angles; it passes over the right shoulder, and supports a small, flat, heater-shaped shield, upon which the arms appear (azure, a chevron, or). The spurs are the usual short ones of the pryck variety affixed by ornamental straps. The lance passes under the right arm, and displays a small fringed pennon charged with the same armorial insignia as the shield; it is shortened to permit of its introduction, and shows no grip for the hand. This is the only example of a brass in which the lance is introduced.
Fig. 114.—Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289. Trumpington Church, Cambridge.
Another celebrated brass exemplifying in a remarkable degree the military equipment of the period is that of Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289, in Trumpington Church, near Cambridge ([Fig. 114]). This well-known monumental effigy is one of five brasses which portray knights in the cross-legged attitude, concerning which so much has been said and so much written. The popular idea is, that the cross-legged position denotes a pilgrimage, or else a participation in a Crusade, on the part of the deceased, but this supposition is entirely negatived by the existence of monuments to bonâ-fide Crusaders, and to persons known to have visited the Holy Land, who are represented with the lower limbs not crossed. It is to be noted that this position is entirely confined to England with the exception of one at Dublin, and the generally accepted ideas are that these persons so represented were benefactors to the Church and died in the odour of sanctity. But it is perfectly admissible to suppose that, after all, this position was entirely an idea of the artist or the engraver, preventing as it did the ungainly stiffness in the d’Aubernoun brass. There are two examples of carved stone effigies both cross-armed and cross-legged—Sir Roger de Kerdeston, 1337, at Reepham, and Sir Oliver d’Ingham, 1343, at Ingham, Norfolk; but neither of these were Crusaders, while both were benefactors to their respective churches.
Fig. 115.—Heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312.
The armour shown in the Trumpington brass is similar in general outline to the d’Aubernoun example, but is peculiar in manifesting nothing of an ornamental character. Two or three additions to the equipment, however, are shown which are important. The head rests upon the great heaume, which is of large proportions and conical, adapted for resting upon and being supported by the shoulders. At the apex is shown a staple for affixing either the contoise or the heraldic crest (to be alluded to later), and this feature is also shown upon the heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312, at Staunton, Notts ([Fig. 115]). From the lower part of the back of the heaume a chain depends which fastens to a narrow cord tied tightly round the waist; by this arrangement the knight was enabled to regain this most important part of his equipment in the event of his being unhelmed. Later on this chain was affixed to a staple riveted or welded to the plastron-de-fer, openings being made in the hauberk and surcoat to permit of this.
Fig. 116.—From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322.
Fig. 117.—Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey (d. 1344). (From his seal, 1329.)
Ailettes.—This period might almost be termed the “ailette period,” but for the fact that this extraordinary adjunct only prevailed during a portion of the time. They were small shields or defences fastened at right angles across the shoulders, designed to lessen the effect of a sweeping cut from a sword or battle-axe, and were prototypes of the passe-gardes of the late fifteenth century, and of the epaulettes of the present day. The fact that a brass has necessarily a plane surface prevents these being seen in their proper place; a perspective representation would afford a vertical line only upon each shoulder, and in order to display the surfaces and avoid any foreshortening, the artist has turned them at right angles to their real positions. The usual mode of their adjustment may be plainly perceived from a representation of the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322 ([Fig. 116]), where the stiff lower portion is bent upwards and downwards to prevent a lateral fall; at the same time it is shaped to the shoulder, and probably fixed tightly to the hauberk, or the coif-de-mailles, by rings or rivets. Another example from a seal is that of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329 ([Fig. 117]). Here the ailettes are apparently fastened only by one of the points and the half of one of the sides, but undoubtedly the whole of it was concave to the helmet; if so delineated by the artist the remote point would have been invisible, and not proper for heraldic representation as required upon a seal. Ailettes are rarely shown upon brasses and effigies; possibly the Buslingthorpe, Chartham, Gorleston, and Clehongre examples are the only ones in addition to the Trumpington. Upon seals they occur fairly often, but not with any frequency until the commencement of the fourteenth century. An early notice of ailettes occurs in the Roll of Purchases for the great tournament held at Windsor in 1278, where they are stated to have been made of leather covered with a kind of cloth. Silk laces were supplied to fasten them, and it is remarkable, to say the least, that the brass of Sir Roger de Trumpington, who was one of the thirty-eight knights taking part in the tournament, should furnish one of the earliest and best examples which has come down to modern times. In the curious painted window at Tewkesbury representing Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who perished upon the field of Bannockburn in 1314, we have the best illustration of ailettes contributed by stained glass. Probably the windows were made not long after the event, judging from the armour, which would be designed of contemporary pattern. Hewitt engraves a figure of a knight in Ash-by-Sandwich Church in which the ailettes appear as square projections behind the shoulders. In illuminated MSS. of this period the ailettes are very frequently shown, and are figured with combatants in all positions, so that the nature of the defence can be very clearly seen. They are also shown of all shapes and sizes. A lozenge-shaped ailette is seen on the accompanying figure (No. 118) from Roy. MS. 14, E. III., in which the same device appears as upon the shield, thus proving that it is not a square one worn awry. At times one ailette only seems to have been used, and that upon the left side; it appears as a reinforcement to the shield in an illuminated MS. of Sir Launcelot (Add. MS. 10,293), date 1316 ([Fig. 119]). Sometimes the ailettes are so high and wide that they almost enclose the great heaume by forming a circle round it, being fixed behind where they meet, and only allowing a small opening in front for vision. The proper position is, as has been stated, upon the shoulders and at right angles to them, but when enlarged or of an inconvenient shape they were fixed upon the upper part of the arm or behind the shoulder. For example, in [Fig. 120], which is taken from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the ailettes are shown of a circular form, which obviously would be awkward to fix upon the shoulder, hence we see them upon the upper part of the arm.
Fig. 118.—Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E. III.), c. 1280.
Fig. 119.—Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6), 14th century.
Fig. 120.—Soldier with circular ailettes.
Fig. 121.—Knight (Roy. M.S. 2, A. 22), c. 1290.
The use of ailettes is somewhat perplexing, and antiquarians have held various theories respecting them. That they were not merely armorial is proved by many showing no designs upon them whatever; that they were not for the purpose of distinguishing leaders in a fray is negatived by the fact that a knight’s cognisance was much better recognised from his shield, surcoat, and crest; also, the ailettes appear in tournaments where there would be no necessity for recognition. The only supposition which appears to be defensible is that they were shields for the neck and shoulders, but more especially for the latter, as the great heaume protected the neck. In Germany they were called “tartschen,” or shields. The defence afforded by a thick piece of leather, quilted material, or steel in that position will be at once appreciated; so low did they reach at times that they covered the junction of the arm with the body at the back, and this is well exemplified in the Clehongre effigy, dating from 1320, in which they are attached to the shoulders by arming points, and are concave to the body. Occasionally for tournaments and pageant purposes ailettes appear to have been made most elaborately; thus we find in the inventory of Piers Gaveston in 1313 a mention of a pair garnished and fretted with pearls.
Fig. 122.—Figures from martyrdom of Thomas à Beckett (Harl. MS. 5102, Fo. 32), c. 1220.
There is a singular figure of a knight in an attitude of devotion illustrated in Roy. MS. 2, A. XXII., dating from about 1290, which has been ably reproduced in Shaw’s “Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages” ([Fig. 121]). Many little details of thirteenth-century armour are delineated, affording a valuable acquisition to our knowledge. The mode in which the coif-de-mailles is fastened up to the side of the head by an arming point is well shown; the same method has been illustrated in [Fig. 122] on p. [107], where two continuous hauberks are seen looped up in the same way. The palms of the hands are free from rings, in order to afford a better grasp of a weapon; this was the usual mode for constructing the mail gauntlet, and is also shown in [Fig. 123]. It also permitted the gauntlet being slipped off the hand when required. The gauntlets are continuous with the sleeves of the hauberk. Upon the shoulders are singularly small ailettes, consisting merely of a cross similar in design to those emblazoned upon the surcoat. The thighs are defended by chaussons or haut-de-chausses of mail, apparently with rings only upon the parts exposed. The chausses are of Bezanté armour, formed of small discs, each with a stud in the centre; these are sewn or riveted on to a pliable material, probably leather, which is fastened together by a series of points down the back of the leg. The chausses are prolonged to cover the feet, upon which are strapped the usual short pryck spur. The heaume is very much ornamented, and its general contour points to an earlier date than c. 1290, as does also the absence of genouillières. The lance and its pennon are shown. A leg protection of leather and highly ornamented was in use upon the Continent at this period; its form and dimensions may be gleaned from [Fig. 125].
Fig. 123.—From “Lives of the Two Offas,” by M. Paris (Cott. MS., Nero, D. 1).
Fig. 124.—Circular ailettes. (MS. 211, Bod. Lib.)
In a MS. in the Bodleian Library (No. 211) a knight or man-at-arms is represented carrying a shield and wearing ailettes of a circular pattern, which are fastened to his banded mail at the upper part of the arm ([Fig. 124]). He wears a hemispherical steel cap and is clothed in a voluminous surcoat. A similar example, but of later date, is shown in Roy. MS. 20, D. 2, British Museum, where a figure habited in banded mail and a conical pot-helm, with sword and shield, wears circular ailettes in precisely the same manner as the previous example ([Fig. 126]).
Fig. 125.—Leg defence (Italian), c. 1289. Relief in Annunziata Convent.
Fig. 126.—Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.
THE BANNER, PENNON, AND PENNONÇEL
The knightly Banner of the period was either square or oblong; in the latter case the height was invariably twice the width (see [Fig. 127]). It was the distinctive mark of the Knight Banneret, and always indicated superiority of command and importance, inasmuch as it required a retinue of at least fifty men-at-arms with their followers to adequately support the dignity. Thus it was a position of distinction which could only be enjoyed by the rich, and the chronicles of the mediæval period record instances of knights who, having specially distinguished themselves on the field of battle, declined the proffered honour of Knight Banneret on the score of insufficient means. If, on the other hand, it were accepted, it was usual to convert the pennon of the knight into a banner on the spot by simply cutting off the tail or tails. The simple knight, or Knight Bachelor as he was termed, carried a Pennon or Pavon, which was furnished with one or more tails, as in [Fig. 121], where it is represented with three; that of Henri de Perci, first Earl of Northumberland, with two (see [Fig. 128]); and in the d’Aubernoun brass, where one is depicted. He became eligible for knighthood at twenty-one, presuming that he had sufficient private property to support the dignity, but had to distinguish himself in the field or otherwise before the honour was conferred. It was not absolutely necessary to be of gentle birth, as many examples may be cited of knighthood being conferred upon those who could not claim such descent. The contingent he led into battle under his pennon varied in number according to his means. The Pennonçel or Pensil was a small, narrow streamer to which the Esquire, or aspirant to knighthood, was entitled. It was necessary for him to serve an apprenticeship in arms, and he generally attended the castle of a neighbouring baron, or the court of the king. Such was, briefly, the etiquette respecting the three different flags of knighthood, quite apart from those of the chief commanders and the great standards. There were, of course, variations introduced. Pennons shown in Figs. [129] and [130] from the Painted Chamber are triangular, and the banner in [Fig. 130] is nearly three times as high as it is wide. Before quitting this subject it may be mentioned that knighthood was quite distinct from birth and social position, and was simply a scheme of military rank, the aspirants having absolutely equal opportunities for acquiring the dignity.
Fig. 127.—Banner of Knight Banneret.
Fig. 128.—Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of Northumberland.
Fig. 129.—Pavon, Painted Chamber.
Fig. 130.—Early heaume and helmets with nasals. Painted Chamber.
The Heaume.—During the first thirty years of this period, that is until about 1280, the heaumes continued to be generally of the flat-topped variety not reaching to the shoulders, but having the addition of a movable visor. One, however, shown in [Fig. 131] and dating from c. 1250, differs considerably, and shows a heaume approaching the dimensions and shape of a bascinet, while the visor is adapted for raising or for removal. An earlier example without a visor is one seen in a group from the Painted Chamber in conjunction with helmets having a nasal ([Fig. 130]). In [Fig. 132] we have an example of one of the earliest and plainest of this variety, in which the ventaille could be removed at pleasure from the two projecting studs on the heaume which kept it in place. [Fig. 133] is of the same type, but furnished with a more elaborate visor, and with a crown surmounting it. [Fig. 134] is from the seal of Richard Plantagenet, King of the Romans and Earl of Cornwall, who died in 1272, and [Fig. 135] from that of Robert de Ferrars, Earl of Derby, died c. 1279; in both we trace the tendency to alter the shape of the lower rim. The movable ventaille was not in all cases directly detachable from the heaume, but swung outwards upon a hinge on one side, similar to a wicket gate; as this hinge had a pin running through it which could be withdrawn, the visor was wholly removed if not required.
Fig. 131.—Helmet, c. 1250.
Fig. 132.
Fig. 133.
About 1270 the round-topped variety came into fashion, of which examples are found until the end of the century and even after it. The seal of Patrick Dunbar, 10th Earl of March, affords a good illustration of the heaume with a circular crown; it is furnished with a movable visor. Other examples are shown in groups in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, and two very late specimens are represented in Figs. [116] and [117] on p. [102].
Fig. 134.—From the seal of Richard Plantagenet, Earl of Cornwall, King of the Romans (d. 1272).
Fig. 135.—From the seal of Robert de Ferrars, Earl of Derby (d. before 1279).
Fig. 136.—Knight, showing mail over pot-de-fer, 1290.
About the year 1280 the conical-topped heaume came into use, whose general form is delineated in [Fig. 137], and has already been noticed in the Trumpington brass. It was of great weight, and either hung at the saddle bow, or was carried by the squire, when not in use; it rested upon the shoulders, and thus relieved the head of the greater part of its weight. Two heaumes are here shown (Figs. [138], [139]) from Add. MS. 10,294 in the British Museum. One is of the plain and ordinary pattern, but the second shows a movable visor which can either be raised or removed entirely. It also illustrates a reinforcing plate protecting the sides of the head. Inside it was thickly padded, and representations of this feature may often be discerned upon monumental effigies, where the heaume is used to support the head of the recumbent knightly figure. To keep it in position laces were attached to the lower edge at the back; these are clearly seen in [Fig. 121], p. [106].
Fig. 137.
Fig. 138.—Heaume. (Add. MS. 10,294.)
Fig. 139.—Heaume. (Add. MS. 10,294.)
Fig. 140.—Heaume of Henri de Perci, c. 1300.
The development of the crest during this period did not make much headway, but a few examples from seals and MSS. will show that there was a certain amount of progress. The heaume of Baron Henri de Perci, c. 1300 ([Fig. 140]), exhibits a highly ornamented crest with the distinctive feature of two streamers affixed to its base, the contoise or mantling in its incipient form. The comb is deeply serrated, and ornamented with gadroons springing from the centre. Upon the seal of Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, 1301 ([Fig. 141]), the conical heaume is shown, not reaching, however, to the shoulders, with a small, plain comb upon its summit, differing in that respect from the crests of Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel ([Fig. 142]), and Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford ([Fig. 143]), which both date from the same year. A singularly plain heaume, considering the distinction of the wearer, is that of Edward, Prince of Wales, 1305, as delineated upon his seal ([Fig. 144]). The crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329, shown in [Fig. 117] on p. [102], displays a startling development upon the preceding examples, and exhibits a high order of decorative design in crests at this early period.
Fig. 141.—From the seal of Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, 1301.
Fig. 142.—From the seal of Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, 1301.
Fig. 143.—From the seal of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, 1301.
Fig. 144.—From the seal of Edward of Carnarvon, Prince of Wales, 1305.
PLATE XI
Sir Robert de Bures, 1302. Acton Church, Suffolk
At Acton in Suffolk is a monumental brass to Sir Robert de Bures, dating from the year 1302, which holds the proud position of being the finest early brass in existence, and which may also fairly claim to be the finest military brass extant. The details of equipment differ but little from the d’Aubernoun and Trumpington brasses, but the guige of the shield, by being partially hidden under the tippet of the coif-de-mailles, indicates that the coif was entirely separate from the hauberk, and was not continuous, as might be imagined from the early brasses. The genouillières are very elaborate, and probably of cuir-bouilli; above them and beneath the skirt of the hauberk are seen the padded and quilted trews covering the chausses from the knee upwards. This garment, whose surface was usually of silk, baudekyn, or other costly material, is shown in the brass to be richly embroidered with fleur-de-lys and an ornament resembling in shape the Greek lyre, disposed alternately in lozenges formed by the reticulations of the silken cords, and a similar decoration appears upon the grip of the sword ([Plate XI.]).
Sir Robert de Septvans, 1306, is another knight whose brass effigy has the cross-legged position; it is in Chartham Church, Kent, and affords an excellent illustration of the military accoutrement at the termination of the reign of Edward I. ([Fig. 146]). The singular name of Septvans (or Seven Fans) is derived from the heraldic cognisance of the family, and is shown upon the figure as seven fans of the shape used for winnowing wheat at that period. The coif-de-mailles is thrown back in this effigy, and rests upon the shoulders in folds; the ailettes are square or oblong, and the sleeves of the hauberk are thrown back off the hands and are shown depending from the wrist. Beneath the hauberk the quilted undergarment called the haqueton appears; the trews are of similar material, and apparently are continued under the genouillières, probably to avoid chafing. The latter are of plate, and a stud is shown which fastens them to a strap behind the knee. The sword-hilt and scabbard are enriched with a highly effective diaper design.
Fig. 145.—Knight in banded mail, 1310. Croft, Lincs.
Between the years 1306 and 1320 there are no brasses in existence exhibiting the full military equipment of the time, the example at Croft, 1310, being only a half-brass and singularly devoid of detail ([Fig. 145]). Two brasses, however, dating from 1320, afford us an opportunity of seeing the marked development in defences which had been adopted in the interval. The Bacon brass in Gorleston Church, Suffolk, has been much mutilated, but sufficient is retained to make it of interest. The coif-de-mailles, hauberk, surcoat, sword-belt, shield, and guige show no differences, but in the plate defences a great advance has been made. The back of the upper arms from shoulder to elbow, and the front of the lower arms from the bend of the elbow to the wrist, are protected by plates of steel, fastened by steel straps round the limbs; these are respectively the Demi-Brassarts and Demi-Vambraces. Upon the elbows are the Coudières, and upon the knees Genouillières of plate, while the shins are defended by Demi-Jambarts, all being fixed over the chain mail to fulfil the office of reinforcements. At the shoulder and elbow bends, roundels of plate appear, and over the shoulder are ailettes marked with the Cross of St. George. The shield is small and heater-shaped, and is furnished with a narrow guige. In the Fitzralph brass, 1320, Pebmarsh Church, Essex ([Fig. 147]), the general arrangement is similar to the Gorleston brass, but no ailettes are shown, and the shield is large and concave to the body. Upon the feet are Sollerets consisting of five lames of plate riveted together and kept in place by two straps passing under each foot. The swords of both figures show straight quillons not drooping to the blade as formerly. The pryck spur is still in vogue, and from the roundels the small projecting spikes should be noticed. The five cross-legged brasses thus described and illustrated are all that now remain to us, and of these five only one, that of Trumpington, so far as is known, represents a knight who followed the banner of the Holy Cross to Palestine.
Fig. 146.—Sir Robert de Septvans, 1306. Chartham Church, Kent.
Fig. 147.—Sir — de Fitzralph, c. 1320. Pebmarsh Church, Essex.
Fig. 148.—Figures from “Massacre of the Innocents” (Add. MS. 17,687), c. 1290.
The defensive equipment of the ordinary foot soldier of this period is well delineated in [Fig. 148], which is taken from Add. MS. 17,687 in the British Museum, a German illumination dating from c. 1290. The subject is the Massacre of the Innocents, a favourite theme for illustrations in those times: the central figure is holding in the air a child (not shown except the foot) preparatory to dashing it upon the ground, while the soldier to the right has the decapitated head of a child, also not reproduced, in his left hand. The coif-de-mailles are in all three examples peculiar in being continued as a pectoral; in two cases they are constructed of banded mail, and in the third of studded jazeraint. Two hauberks are shown, one of banded mail and the other of jazeraint. The central figure has genouillières of leather which, like those of his companions upon his left, are apparently continuous round the joint: the strips of pendent leather from them have been sewn over the shins and calves, while studded strips over chausses of the same material cover the lower limbs of his comrade. The third figure has simple chausses of banded mail with no reinforcement: long swords with characteristic pommels are worn, and the whole group is a most striking example of the lack of uniformity at the period. Also see Figs. [149] and [150].
Fig. 149.—Soldier (Sloan MS. 346), c. 1280.
Fig. 150.—Swordsman of the chain mail reinforced period.
Archers.—From the time of the Norman Conquest the practice of archery assumed an importance which did not fall to its lot before in England. The Saxons had not paid particular attention to this arm from a military standpoint, only using it in sport, and the success of the Normans at Hastings was due in a great measure to the skill and superior numbers of their archers. The latter are shown on the tapestry both in hauberks and without, and one is seen on horseback. The bow appears to be of the simplest form of construction, and the arrow decidedly not the cloth-yard shaft of a later age. It became a custom from a very early date for the archer to bear a stake sharpened at both ends which the front ranks drove firmly into the ground with the second and uppermost point sloping from them, while the rear ranks filled up the intermediate spaces with theirs. When protected thus in front and on both flanks it was found that the archers of England could defy the charge of the heaviest cavalry. Already in the twelfth century the English began to develop that prowess in archery which subsequently made them renowned throughout the Continent of Europe. At the siege of Messina by Cœur de Lion we are told by Richard of Devizes that the Sicilians were obliged to leave their walls unmanned “because no one could look abroad but he would have an arrow in his eye before he could shut it,” while Richard himself did not disdain the use of the weapon, but used it personally with deadly effect when besieging Nottingham Castle, defended by the adherents of his brother John. Among the enactments of Henry I. of England it was provided that if any one practising with arrows or with darts should by accident slay another it was not to be visited against him as a crime.
Fig. 151.—Archer, c. 1250.
Fig. 152.—Archer, 1330. (Roy. MS. 16, C. 6.)
Fig. 153.—Archers. (Roy. MS. 20, D. 1.)
Fig. 154.—Archer, &c., from Painted Chamber.
It was during the period now under consideration, 1250 to 1325, that the archer first stepped into prominent notice, and that the efficacy of his weapon, the most deadly that the art of man devised until the introduction of gunpowder, came to be fully recognised. During the Norman period the infantry as a rule were armed with the bow, but the other weapons they bore were considered of equal if not greater usefulness and importance in battle, owing probably to the undeveloped condition of the weapon. With the advent, however, of the long-bow proper, and the invention of the arbalest, the deadly effect of the arrow and the quarrel began to be fully recognised and accepted, and changes consequently occurred in the art of warfare occasioned by the adoption of these weapons. The bow was not at first considered to be of exceptional efficiency in the open field, but to be especially valuable in sieges, and the defence of mountain passes and strongholds. When this idea was proved to be erroneous we find from various Statutes of Arms that a number of the military tenants were ordered to be provided with the long-bow and arrows. The Statute of Westminster, for instance, especially mentions the bow. Their equipment was considerably augmented also with respect to body armour, for in [Fig. 109] on p. [94] we see the bowman of c. 1220 defended only by his chapelle-de-fer, whereas in Figs. [153], [155], taken from Roy. MS. 20, D 1, dating from the end of the century, when the conical heaume had been generally adopted, the archers are depicted with the same headgear and the body defended by a hauberk of banded mail. Whether arrows were ever furnished with the small cross-pieces as shown is conjectural; they are, however, often shown in MSS. having a foreign origin. In [Fig. 154] the archer is seen clad in a coif-de-mailles and hauberk. The arrow-head is usually barbed as shown, but whether the three-barbed arrow of Spain, shown in the Spanish Codex, Add. MS. 11,695, written in 1109, was ever adopted in England is very doubtful. The fourteenth century showed the fullest development of the bow, as we shall find, and during that period the archer attained the height of his importance, but by his equipment at this early period we may conclude that he was taking an important place in the military force of the nation.
Fig. 155.—Mounted archer (Roy. MS. 20, D. 1.), c. 1290.
Fig. 156.—Military equipment, c. 1280.
PLATE XII*
Foot Armour of Philip II., made by Desiderius Colman
A. F. Calvert
Arbalestiers.—The arbalest or cross-bow was known apparently as early as the fourth century, and is mentioned in manuscripts of the tenth; it appears, however, to have been chiefly used for sport that time. It was not before the close of the twelfth century that it was recognised as a military weapon, or is illustrated in manuscripts. In the beginning of the twelfth century there appears to have been an effort made for its introduction, but at a council held under Pope Innocent II. in 1139, it was placed under an interdict as a barbarous weapon and unfit for Christian warfare, and this condemnation was subsequently confirmed by Innocent III. In the meantime, however, Richard I. of England and Philip Augustus of France had sanctioned its use during the Crusade in which they had taken part, Richard being the first to advocate its use, and Philip acquiescing and subsequently adopting his example. The cross-bow thus introduced into England at the end of the twelfth century practically became obsolete at the termination of the thirteenth, when the long-bow almost succeeded in extirpating its rival. This, however, was by no means the case upon the Continent, where it was the leading arm until the introduction of the arquebus, and throughout the thirteenth century cross-bowmen became integral units of every English army, sometimes being mounted. The King’s Bodyguard, founded by Richard I., was formed partly of arbalestiers. In the copious records left by Matthew Paris, who died in 1259, the cross-bowman is continually mentioned. His particular post was in the forefront of the battle and upon the wings, where the heavy quarrels discharged from his weapon were supposed to check the advance of the enemy’s cavalry; and scarcely a battle is recorded in that part of the thirteenth century where the arbalestier is not credited with performing most conspicuous service. In the battle near Damietta in 1237 a hundred Templars and three hundred cross-bowmen are said to have fallen, and the Emperor Frederick in 1239, writing to Henry III. of England, mentions the very prominent part played in a campaign by the arbalestiers. In the contest with Louis IX., Henry III. had seven hundred cross-bowmen in his force, while the French had a vastly greater number. In King John’s time the pay for a cross-bowman on foot was threepence per day, while if mounted he was paid sevenpence halfpenny or fifteenpence, according as to whether he possessed one or two horses. Notwithstanding the conspicuous successes of these troops they occupied an invidious position in other countries than our own; for the knights and men-at-arms, if they perceived the day being won by the prowess of the cross-bowmen, did not hesitate to charge through their ranks in order to share in the glory. This occurred many times upon the Continent, though happily no record exists of its happening in England.
Fig. 157.—Arbalestier, c. 1250.
Fig. 158.—Archer and arbalestier, 13th century.
Like the bowman of his time the arbalestier was clad occasionally in heavy armour. In the annexed [Fig. 158] of an archer and a cross-bowman, from Add. MS. 15,268 and dating from the close of the thirteenth century, the armour of the latter appears to be of the tegulated or the scale variety, though it is quite possible that it may be intended for banded mail. Upon his head he wears a leather skull-cap strengthened apparently by iron bands, under which appears a linen or soft leather coif. A representation of a similar skull-cap of leather ([Fig. 159]), ornamented with a strengthening device in iron which is prolonged into a nasal, is shown upon one of the figures in the Painted Chamber, Westminster. The pile of the cross-bow bolt is shown to be quite distinct from the barbed head of the arrow. In [Fig. 109], p. [94], the cross-bowman is represented as heavily armed in a pot-helm and hauberk of mail. The supersession of the cross-bow in England by the long-bow was due to natural causes. It was found that as the long-bow underwent improvements it outclassed the cross-bow in more ways than one. A powerful and skilful bowman could discharge half-a-dozen or more arrows during the time necessitated for winding up the cross-bow for a second shot; also the distance covered by the arrow, together with its penetrative force, were quite equal to that of the quarrel, and is generally considered to have been superior. In consequence of this rapidity of fire the English archer invariably beat down the attack of Continental cross-bowmen, if equal in numbers, and, very often, when they were in excess. Compactness of troops was a great point in mediæval warfare, and the bowmen could stand closer together with their bows vertical than their brethren of the cross-bow with their weapons in the horizontal position. There is little doubt that the cross-bow was the ideal weapon for the ordinary soldier of an ordinary race, inasmuch as little intellect was required to direct the aim and little strength was necessary if the usual mechanical means were used to bend the bow. For the efficient use of the long-bow, on the contrary, a keen judgment was an absolute necessity, and it was only a race of considerable physical power that could put forth the strength and maintain the exertion which the long-bow demanded. It is undoubtedly a matter for national self-complacency to reflect upon the fact that while the British gradually discarded the cross-bow and adopted the long-bow almost entirely, the Continental nations proceeded in exactly the opposite direction.
Fig. 159.—Nasal. Painted Chamber, Westminster.
Fig. 160.—Arbalestier, 1330. (Roy. MS. 16, G 6.)
The Hand Cross-bow.—The cross-bow as at first introduced was of a simple construction, and permitted of the bow being drawn by the hands alone, without the aid of mechanical means. Such a bow is that shown in Figs. [109], [157], [160], &c., which when required to be strung was simply placed upon the ground, the left foot inserted in the iron loop at the end of the stock, and the string drawn up with the right hand, until it engaged in the notch. This is termed the hand cross-bow. The oldest arbalest in the Wallace Collection dates from 1450, and is probably of German construction. The stock is of wood inlaid with plaques of polished stag-horn, which are beautifully carved in relief. The bow is of great strength, partly enveloped in parchment and leather painted, and the original cord remains.
The Goat’s Foot, or Hind’s Foot, Cross-bow.—The apparatus to bend this bow is essentially a double lever consisting of two pieces articulated together. The smaller piece is divided into two distinct parts, each of which terminates in a catch; one of these engages with the bow-string and the other upon points on either side of the stock. The longer arm of the lever was drawn back, and the catch with the bow-string followed it until, being brought up sufficiently into position, the string was caught by the notch and remained secure until discharged. An arbalest is preserved in the Wallace Collection, dating from 1520, the bow of which is built up of layers of cane, whalebone, hide, and parchment, ornamented and painted; this bow was bent by the goat’s-foot lever, a few examples of which are to be seen in the Museum.
The Wheel and Ratchet Cross-bow.—This apparatus is affixed to the bow stock behind the trigger by a stout cord which passes round the stock and holds the mechanism firmly. It consists of a flat, circular, iron case which contains in its outer periphery a small toothed wheel which can be turned by a long handle. Passing through the circular case and engaging with the small wheel is a straight ratchet with one side cogged: this ratchet has a catch at the end remote from the case which engages with the bow-string. By merely turning the handle and so revolving the wheel the ratchet is wound through the case, thus drawing back the string to its resting-place. The apparatus is then detached and hung at the belt until wanted again.
In [Plate XL.], p. [366], taken at the Rotunda, Woolwich, an arbalestier of c. 1450 may be discerned in the act of winding his cross-bow by a one-handled moulinet, the head of the stock, which is very short, resting on his knee and not on the ground. It takes a weight of 400 lbs. to bend this bow.
PLATE XIII*
Philip II., Armour by Wolf of Landshut, 1550
A. F. Calvert
Moulinet and Pulleys Cross-bow.—A piece of iron bent into the form of a stirrup is affixed to the stock (adjacent to the bow in this case), similar to that of the hand cross-bow, for the insertion of the left foot, so as to gain the largest amount of steadiness and purchase. At the butt end of the stock, against the archers body, a system of fixed pulleys, having cords running over another system of free pulleys, is firmly affixed by the insertion of the butt into a socket. The free-pulley system has a catch attached to it which engages with the cord of the bow: by winding up the fixed system with a small windlass having a handle on either side, the free system approaches the butt, bringing with it the string of the bow, which after a time is duly caught in the notch provided for it. The tackle is then released and hung at the belt until wanted. An excellent example of Moulinet and Pulleys may be seen in the Wallace Collection, dating from 1490 to 1500; it is constructed of steel, and is in good preservation.
The Cross-bow à Galet.—In this type the bow is bent by means of a lever fixed to the stock, and was much used in the sixteenth century for the discharge of stones, spherical balls of lead, &c. In order to afford a good purchase for the lever, the stock between the bow and the string-catch was very often curved downwards into a segment of a circle and made of metal.
The Barrelled Cross-bow was as a rule bent by hand, although a short stick was occasionally used. A half-tube covered the groove through which the quarrel travelled, thus leaving a passage for the string. It did not carry to any remarkable distance, but in spite of this was in much request during the seventeenth century.
Fig. 161.—Slinger with staff sling or fustibal, 13th century.
The missiles for cross-bows are termed quarrels, or bolts, and generally terminated in a four-sided pyramidal head or pile, being occasionally feathered with wood or brass. One kind was so feathered as to cause the bolt to rotate upon its axis. The cross-bow did not altogether disappear from the army. We find mention in 1572, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, of cross-bowmen being part of a force of six thousand men furnished by the queen to King Charles IX. The slinger of this period is well delineated in [Fig. 161]. It will be perceived that he carries no protection whatever in the shape of armour; his weapon is the staff sling or fustibal.
Banded Mail.—Toward the close of the thirteenth century a new species of armour made its appearance, which is generally known by the name of Banded Mail. It was in extensive use for about a century or more, and appears upon the knight as well as upon the ordinary soldier. Chain mail was apparently superseded by the banded mail, though not entirely, as the former appears upon regal effigies and persons of the aristocratic families, from which we may infer that the chain variety was retained by those who could afford it and banded mail was used by those whose means were limited.
As the structure of banded mail always presents difficulty to the student, and many conjectures made at various times have as a rule rendered the question more difficult still without solving it, it is obviously not out of place in this work to deal comprehensively with the subject and, it is hoped, to definitely decide the question. The premises from which we may argue are as follows:—
Fig. 162.—Banded mail: knight of the De Sulney family at Newton Solney, Derbyshire.
1. From the time of the first Crusade, or approximately about that time, chain mail proper was the flexible defensive covering for the English knight, and various kinds of jazeraint armour, in which leather, metal plates, padded material, &c., were indiscriminately used, for the ordinary soldier. The chain mail was obviously too dear for the average purse.
2. During the period mentioned above archery was in an incipient condition, and bodily defences were adapted to withstand the weapons in ordinary use, which, if we exclude the javelin, and, under extraordinary circumstances, the lance, were hand and not missile weapons.
3. The simultaneous adoption of banded mail, not only by the common soldier, but also by a large proportion of the knightly forces, points conclusively to the fact that chain mail was no longer considered an adequate defence; in other words that the adoption of a new arm had rendered it inefficient, and that another description of armour was imperatively demanded to withstand its effects.
4. The use of leather as a means for bodily defence had been known from the most ancient times, and in England had been freely used by the Saxons, as we have seen. From the Conquest onwards it had steadily advanced in favour, and culminated in importance in the first half of the fourteenth century during the Studded and Splinted Armour Period, not finally disappearing until the adoption of total plate defences rendered its use obsolete. Its second rise into favour during the seventeenth century is obviously not connected with this question, except to emphasise the fact that leather has always been considered an efficacious defence against sword-cuts, and also against missiles which are not gifted with too great powers of penetration.
5. The fact that banded mail, whether seen upon the inside or the outside, presents exactly the same appearance (see the Creke, Northwode, and d’Aubernoun brasses) and is delineated in such manner in illuminated manuscripts, and carved the same in monumental effigies, precludes the supposition that rings of metal were sewn down or otherwise affixed to a garment of leather, as had been the fashion with Saxons and Normans. Unless, however, we suppose a total abandonment of leather as a defence which had been growing in favour previously and which culminated afterwards, we must conclude that leather in some form was used in the construction of the mail.
6. The abandonment generally of chain mail and the adoption of banded mail occurred synchronously with the extraordinary development of the long-bow in the latter part of the thirteenth century.
7. Banded mail was of so flexible a character that folds are depicted in garments constructed of this material; it was used for hauberks, camails, chausses, sleeves, and, in short, for every purpose in which its predecessor had been used.
8. It is represented in MSS. with a metallic surface. The colour is always silver, white or grey of various shades, and gold. We have therefore to devise a protection which shall be of greater service than chain against arrows; which shall be comparatively cheap; in which leather plays a more or less conspicuous part; which shall present the same appearance when viewed upon both sides; shall be flexible; and finally shall have a metallic surface or general appearance.
PLATE XIV
Suggested Construction of Banded Mail
The accompanying diagram ([Plate XIV.]) is taken from a photograph of a piece of banded mail constructed according to our idea of the structure of the mediæval defence. The rings are iron washers, 1 in. in diameter and 1/16 in. thick. Through the centre of the washers a piece of leather exactly as wide as the apertures passes from end to end. The washers are arranged like rouleaux of coin, each one just covering the aperture through the centre of the one below. Between each row of washers a thick piece of leather is placed, the raw edges being visible on either side of the mail where they have been rounded off with the knife. The section of this leather band would be similar to that of a dumb-bell, the centres on each side of the leather being hollowed so as to permit the edges of the rouleaux to approach each other and almost touch, the thin centre only preventing them. To the middle of this leather band the individual rings of the mail are sewn of both the upper and lower rows. The best portion of this example is that immediately to the right of the white band. The appearance of both sides of this example of mail is precisely similar; it is very flexible, and easily bends in any required direction. The weight, however, would probably be prohibitory, even to a mediæval knight, and in order to lighten it we may suggest that every alternate washer be made of leather, or even that two washers of leather alternate with one of metal. Against this it may be argued that banded mail is represented with a metallic tint, but so also is chain mail, which must have presented ordinarily a rusty-hued mass with simply an outer surface of polished iron. The liability to rust of chain mail must have been excessive, and the two outer and accessible surfaces were undoubtedly the only portions usually polished. So well known is this fact that in the pageants now prevalent brown string is knitted to represent chain armour, the outer surface being subsequently covered with a metallic medium. As a consequence the limners of banded mail would represent it with a metallic surface even though it presented as brown or rusty an aspect as chain mail. The washers used in the modern example would in the mediæval period be flattened rings of metal, and the excessively coarse and large banded mail would be oval rings and not circular. The bands are at times represented by single lines, and the suggestion is obvious that the lines simply represent the junction of the rouleaux which have not the extra defence of the bands of leather, or else the band is so narrow that one line is sufficient for its representation.
We will now deal with its efficiency for defence against arrows, which appears to have been the chief reason for its being called into existence. These missiles would strike either upon the rouleaux or upon the bands, and would impinge either at a right angle to the plane of the surface, or at any angle less than a right angle. An arrow striking the rouleaux at right angles would endeavour to pass through (1) the thickness of a metal or leather disc; (2) the leather running through the discs; (3) the thickness of a metal or leather disc at the rear. If it struck a metal disc, however, there would be a deflective tendency either to right or left, according to the slant of the disc.
An arrow striking at an acute angle upon the rouleaux would glance off if the discs slanted in its direction; if the discs sloped from it the arrow might insert itself between two of them, penetrate the band of leather running through the centres, and then endeavour to pass between two discs at the back. So tightly, however, would these discs be pressed together, by the leverage of the arrow-head itself in enlarging the opening between them in the front, that it is questionable if the inertia remaining in the arrow would enable it to overcome such resistance, remembering that the discs are firmly fixed both at the top and bottom to the leather bands. If an arrow struck upon one of the bands it would have to penetrate at least half-an-inch of leather and force apart the rouleaux firmly sewn, or affixed in other ways, to the band on either side.
The specimen of banded mail constructed in accordance with the foregoing method possesses in actual practice the resisting power claimed for it; the apparent weak point is the penetrability between the discs. If, however, the rings are firmly sewn to the lateral bands the resistance to an arrow is almost if not quite equal to that of any other part of the mail; the arrow becomes firmly fixed in the discs without penetrating to the body. It is an unsettled question as to whether or not complete armour of leather discs was ever introduced into England: certain it is that the armour of William Longuespée, first Earl of Salisbury, in Salisbury Cathedral was originally painted brown, but that might signify, as we have said before, rusty chain mail and not leather; whereas upon the few sculptured effigies in banded mail preserved to us the colouring has altogether disappeared.