THE CHAIN MAIL PERIOD, 1180-1250
Fig. 96.
The essential differences between this period and the last are: (1) the substitution of chain mail for the jazeraint, mascled, and scale armour which had formerly been used; (2) the adoption of the pot-helm or heaume as a secondary defence for the head in place of the conical helmet, the coif-de-mailles, or the pot-de-fer under the mail; (3) the introduction of the sleeveless surcoat and the crest.
Fig. 97.—Painted “Pot Helmet,” c. 1241.
The Heaume.—The term “heaume” may perhaps by some be deemed to be hardly applicable to the head-defence when first introduced, inasmuch as it was small in size, fitted closely to the head, and was in most respects a helmet. But inasmuch as a second defence was worn underneath it from its very inception, the word “heaume” is an appropriate designation, as it infers a reinforcement to an existing protection in the next few centuries during which it is constantly in evidence. It may readily be divided into two distinct classes, namely, those in which the plates composing it are riveted together so as to form one piece, and secondly, those in which a movable ventail can be affixed. Further subdivisions may be made if desired, such as flat-topped, round-topped, and sugar-loaf. The word “heaume” or helm among the northern nations simply meant a covering of any kind for the head, and we have an example in the Anglo-Saxon wærhelm, of which examples have been given in this work. Of the first heaumes the flat-topped, or those with slightly curved crowns, were probably the earliest, of which the woodcut No. 96 furnishes an example.
A helm which is preserved in the Musée d’Artillerie in Paris probably exemplifies the transition between the Norman helmet and the barrel heaume. The conical Norman crown is preserved, but instead of the pendent neck and cheek guards and nasal, the head and face are entirely covered by a cylinder of iron, which is complete but for a vertical slit covered by a projecting nasal and two transverse occularia, one on either side. In England very early examples may be seen upon the monumental effigy of Hugh Fitz Eudo, in Kirkstead Chapel, Lincolnshire, and in a slightly modified form in the carvings of the Presbytery arcade of Worcester Cathedral, also in the groups of the Painted Chamber, Westminster. Holes for breathing purposes are entirely absent, the sole openings being a pair of horizontal occularia separated by a perpendicular band. In this class may be included the painted pot-heaume on a parchment MS. dating approximately from the year 1241, which is shown coloured in green and white diagonal stripes, and is now in the town library of Leipzic ([Fig. 97]). This flat-topped variety appears to have been viewed with much favour, for we have many examples of it in this period and in that immediately following. For instance, the seal of Roger de Bigod, Earl of Norfolk (1231 to 1240) ([Fig. 98]), exhibits a heaume which is flat-topped, furnished with two occularia, and nine small square breathing holes on either side, strengthened with cross pieces of iron. The seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, who died in 1262 ([Fig. 99]), shows a flat topped helmet of cylindrical fashion, in which the occularium is formed by one ornamental wavy slit of which the lower edge is slightly cusped. The helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne, 1202 ([Fig. 100]), is of the round-topped variety, and is remarkable for the narrow occularium and the complete absence of any breathing holes. It is taken from the Cott. MS., Julius, C. VII.
Fig. 98.—From the seal (1231-1240) of Roger le Bigod, Earl of Norfolk.
Fig. 99.—From the seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford (d. 1262).
It is difficult to see the protection against a lance or sword-thrust afforded by the heaume of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford, d. 1263 ([Fig. 101]), unless an interior plate was in use to reinforce the numerous openings in the fore part. The peculiarity of the surcoat covering the neck should be noticed, as it is uncommon at this period. From the examples given it will be apparent that from the year 1180 to 1250, the era under discussion, no heaume is represented with a movable visor, and this may be taken as a distinguishing feature, inasmuch as they appear shortly afterwards.
Fig. 100.—Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne (d. 1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)
Fig. 101.—From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford (d. 1263).
Fig. 102.—Interlinked chain mail showing method of construction.
Fig. 103.—Sir John de Bitton, Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227.
Whatever doubts may exist respecting the presence of true chain mail in the early Norman period in conjunction with mascled, scale, leather, horn, and jazeraint work generally, no misconception can arise with respect to the epoch under consideration, where, together with the heaume and the plastron-de-fer, it formed the sole defence of the knight. Chain mail has existed from very remote antiquity, but owing to its nature is of such a perishable quality, exposing the maximum of surface to atmospheric oxidation, that practically no examples have come down to us of all the vast quantity fabricated in remote ages. There are in the British Museum some aggregations of iron rust brought from the excavations at Nineveh, which experts assert have once been hauberks of chain mail of the true pattern (so far as interlocking is concerned), and hence are credited with being the earliest examples in existence. That the Romans used rings, together with discs and plates, as defensive covering, backed by a substratum of a tough textile fabric, is well known; but whether these rings were so interlinked as to form a true chain mail has been much questioned. Discoveries have, however, been made from time to time which tend to prove that they were not unacquainted with it, and taking into consideration the extent of territory they possessed, and the number of nations owning their sway, it would be a matter for wonder if they were ignorant of its existence. Sculptures may be referred to which appear to indicate true chain mail, but so many conventional styles and methods were used by artists to indicate defensive equipment, that it is difficult to arrive at a definite settlement of the question. That this means of protection originated in the East is undoubted, where its coolness would be a great advantage; that it spread in some mysterious way to the Teutonic nations of the West is also certain, and we must look for its introduction there to an age long prior to the time of the Crusades. It was imitated, however, by the unskilful western artificers in such a manner that immense weight occurred and became an inseparable condition, and in this manner during the early Crusades it came into contact with the light chain mail, characteristic of Oriental workmanship, covering the nomadic cavalry of the East. These horsemen were enabled in consequence to move with a swiftness and freedom quite impossible to the crusading knights, thus being forcibly reminiscent of the ponderous Spanish galleons of the Armada, and the small but handy English vessels. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the cost of true chain mail was prohibitory to all but the very wealthy, in spite of great quantities which fell to the lot of the victors in Palestine. The manufacture varies under the conditions of time, place, and requirements. Wire, or what answered for wire, was made in the earlier periods of a very rough character, in the manufacture of which the hammer evidently played an important part; but later on, when the art of wire-drawing became known, the cross section of a link exhibits as perfect a circle as it would if of modern construction. This wire was wound tightly round an iron core of convenient size, cut off in rings, and each ring separately treated by flattening the overlapping ends, piercing them with a steel punch, and inserting a small rivet. This rivet was either hammered to flatten it, or it was finished off in a vice. The general method in almost every coat of mail was for one ring to interlink with four others; a few variations occur, however, such as rows of rings occasionally interlinking with other rows above and below, the use of alternate double rings, &c. From the foregoing it will readily be seen that the cost of production of chain mail in labour alone must have been excessive. The strengthening of the mail by insertion of leather straps was occasionally done, the straps being carried through the links in horizontal rows, while vertical rows of strapping in addition to the foregoing are not unknown. In the metalwork, also, the resistance of mail could be considerably augmented by enlarging the rivet joinings. Considering the intricate nature of mail, it is no matter for wonderment that neither in the centuries under consideration nor in those immediately following do we find the common soldier clad in true chain mail, as every portion, large or small, would be carefully retained by the knightly wearer. The incised slab of Sir John de Bitton, in Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227 ([Fig. 103]), may be taken as an excellent example of this early period preserved in a monumental effigy: the large shield covering the greater part of the body has no guige, and is necessarily quite flat, though doubtless convex in reality. The coif-demailles is separate from the hauberk, and has a lappet overlying the upper part of the gorget to protect the junction there. The length of the hauberk can only be surmised, inasmuch as the lower border is not shown, but from other examples we glean that it reached nearly to the knees. The mail gloves are also distinct from the hauberk, and bands, laces, or straps are used to protect the junctions with the sleeves: separate fingers are not shown, but the gloves are precisely similar to the mitten gauntlets of the end of the century. The chausses are of chain mail, and continuous with the covering for the feet. The heaume is not shown; it is probable that the flattish configuration of the upper part of the head indicates that a pot-de-fer of some kind was worn under the coif, as in [Fig. 104]. The sword is long and broad, the hilt having short, straight quillons and a cylindrical grip, terminating in a circular pommel. The spurs are of the short pryck form. It should be noticed that the artist has drawn the figure too large for the slab, and has consequently been compelled to encroach upon the bevelled edges.
Fig. 104.—Rich. Wellesburn de Montfort, c. 1270. Hitchenden Church, Bucks.
The Surcoat is of the sleeveless variety, one of the distinguishing features of this period, and reaches nearly to the heels, being, as usual, split up in front and probably also behind, for convenience in riding. It was introduced in order to guard the mail from rain, and indirectly as some protection against the heat of the sun’s rays; but the chief reason for its adoption was that it afforded a means for recognising the wearer, whose features were now completely hidden by the heaume, thus rendering it impossible in the hurly-burly of battle to know friend from foe. Previous to this the nasal helmet, although covering but part of the features, had at times led to confusion, even as early as the battle of Hastings as previously stated. Thus heraldry, which up to this time had only been in an incipient condition, suddenly found itself of the highest importance, and developed in the course of succeeding centuries into a science, the study of which was deemed absolutely necessary for all pretending to the possession of gentle blood. The surcoat had its inception in the long, flowing tunic which during the last period dealt with had been worn underneath the hauberk, as shown upon the two great seals of King Richard I., and the suggestion would be natural to transfer the latter to the outermost position, leaving to the padded gambeson alone the duty of supporting the weight of the hauberk. The first English monarch to appear in this military attire as an outer garment was King John, and he is shown thus habited upon his great seal: while his rival, the Dauphin Louis, who proved such an unwelcome visitor in the latter part of his reign, is similarly represented upon the French seal, as may be seen in the Harl. MS. 43, B. VII., date 1216, to which it is appended. To the Cott. MS., XIX. 2, the seal of Alexander II. of Scotland, 1214-1249, is attached, and this also shows the surcoat. It was of white material or self-coloured, sometimes diapered, and generally bore heraldic charges. The length varied, and both long and short surcoats are seen of approximately the same date; the former reaching at times to the heels and the latter to the hem of the hauberk. The material varied with the means and taste of the wearer; the better descriptions were of silk, richly embroidered with gold and sometimes decorated with precious stones, cloth of gold of the richest quality being also used.
Fig. 105.—Taken from the tomb of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou.
The Crest.—Although much uncertainty exists among exponents of the art of heraldry upon the origin of the crest, yet a little investigation leads to the conclusion that it need not be a matter of speculation or conjecture. The first example of the nature of a crest appears upon the cap of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, died 1150; his monumental slab in the museum at Le Mans, which stood formerly in the cathedral there, exhibits the figure of a lion ([Fig. 105]). The helmet of Philip d’Alsace, Count of Flanders (c. 1181), shows a lion painted upon the side of the same character as another appearing upon his shield; but what is generally acknowledged to be the earliest authenticated example of a crest fulfilling all the desired conditions is that of Richard the Lion Heart, who upon his great seal shows a fan-shaped ornament surmounting the heaume, and upon the base is painted a lion passant ([Fig. 106]). One of the earliest instances of the use of a crest on the Continent is that afforded by a MS. in the Royal Library at Berlin, and belonging to the end of the twelfth century ([Fig. 107]). In this case an actual figure, that of a red lion, appears, and not paintings, as in the two examples previously cited. It is possible that the adoption of a crest upon the helmet may have been partly of a defensive character, for the effect of a sword-cut would be very materially modified after passing through a stiff erection of steel plate or of tough cuir-bouilli, while against the mace and the pole-axe it would also afford some slight protection. In support of this conjecture it may be noticed that crests at first were ridged and serrated, somewhat after the style which distinguished the pike-guards of the fifteenth century in their embryonic stage, as if purposely designed to arrest the edge of a weapon. The many examples which occur in an undecorated form preclude the thought that they were invented in order to bear heraldic cognisances, although they were quickly seized upon to fulfil the duty hitherto borne by the shield and surcoat, namely, to afford means of identifying the wearer. Of course the fan-shaped ornament under consideration may have simply been the outcome of that instinct for personal adornment and decoration which appears to be inherent in the human race, and which manifested itself in the mediæval period much more than now; but when it is considered that many of these fans are carried forward well over the face and at the same time far backwards, the conclusion is almost compelled that they originated in an endeavour to secure more protection for the top of the head than the crown of the heaume afforded. The great crests of a subsequent period were never used in actual combat, but were reserved exclusively for tournament purposes.
Fig. 106.—Heaume, Cœur de Lion.
Fig. 107.—“Pot Helmet,” from the Eneit of Heinrich von Veldeke.
The Shield during this period was cut off as a rule in a straight line at the top, and was convex, so as to partially enclose the figure (see [Fig. 108]). It gradually decreased in size, until towards the close it became the small, well-known “heater-shaped” shield which remained in vogue for such a lengthy period. It was invariably decorated with the armorial bearings of the wearer, which in the early part of the chain mail period were mostly fanciful or devotional and of a transitory character, but became hereditary as it progressed. The only weapon of importance introduced was the arbalest, which will be dealt with in the next period.
Fig. 108.—From the seal (1315) of John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond.
The equipment of the ordinary rank and file of the chain mail period did not vary in any essential features from that which preceded it. In [Fig. 88] we have two foot soldiers from Harl. MS. Y6, one of whom wears the Norman helmet, now truncated, with a nasal, which apparently is very long and wide. A similar helmet, but minus the nasal, defends his companion. The usual hauberk of chain mail or a cheaper substitute covers the body, and the legs are undefended. The mode of wearing the stockings and the cross bar below the leaf-shaped head of one spear tends to the belief that the illuminator was of Saxon blood or depicting others of that descent. The shields are suspended by guiges in both cases, and the fanciful decorations illustrate the assertions previously made in this chapter. In woodcut No. 109 a very characteristic group of soldiery of about the year 1220 is shown, taken from Harl. MS. 4751. The heavily-armed arbalestier in pot-helm and mail is one of a force defending a castle, and has discharged a quarrel which transfixes an archer of the attacking party. Before him, and apparently without any defensive equipment other than a chapelle-de-fer, is a foot soldier with a military pick in his right hand and a sword of short dimensions in the left. An arbalestier is probably shown in the third position from the front, and an archer fourth, while the fifth is unmistakably a slinger. As was generally the rule, no protective covering was allowed the slingers—the one in question has not even a hat—who from the nature of their weapon were perforce compelled to be always in open order when in action and at a distance from the enemy, and presumably suffered less than the closely-packed bodies of men-at-arms, billmen, and even archers. His sling appears to be in no way different to the Saxon weapon shown in [Fig. 70]. The last man is clad in a coif and hauberk of mail, and is armed with an axe. At this period a weapon appears in the illuminated MSS. which is apparently of recent introduction, namely the Staff Sling or Fustibal. It is generally shown in besieging operations pitted against the defenders on the walls, or in naval warfare as in [Fig. 110]. The action of the sling is readily seen, the loop at the end allowing the bag to disengage itself automatically at the psychological moment, and to discharge the stone. In this case it seems to be charged with some combustible material to be hurled on board an opposing ship. The slinger is as usual bareheaded and devoid of bodily defences. With him is an archer also discharging combustibles affixed to the end of an arrow. He is habited in a sleeveless leather hauberk strengthened with round plates, presumably of metal; a coif of mail or leather covers his head. The third figure carries a sword, spear, and pole-axe, possibly his own, and also the close-quarter weapons of the projectile throwers.
Fig. 109.—Soldiers, c. 1220. (Harl. MS., 4751.)
Fig. 110.—Staff-sling, &c. (MS. by Matthew Paris.)
The equipment of a man-at-arms at the close of this period is well shown in [Fig. 111], from Auct. D. 4, 17, in the Bodleian Library. It dates from about 1250, and illustrates the defensive properties of leather in combination with iron. The steel chapelle-de-fer covers a chain mail coif which may be part of a continuous hauberk, as the arms and hands are covered with mail of the same description. Bands of leather round the throat afford the protection of a gorget: they are affixed to a hauberk composed of leather scales of large size and leaf-like shape showing the midrib, while a belt round the waist and pendent leaves on the skirt complete a most effective means of bodily defence. The legs are enclosed in soft leather chausses protected by metal studs, upon which is a cross-gartering of leather thongs. The only weapon shown is an axe of formidable proportions. A spearman of c. 1280 is shown in Add. MS., 11639, representing Goliath of Gath, in which a chapelle-de-fer is a feature ([Fig. 112]).
Fig. 111.—Armour of cuir-bouilli, c. 1250.
Fig. 112.—Chapelle-de-fer, c. 1280. Figure of Goliath from Add. MS., 11639.