FOOTNOTES
[1] New light has been thrown upon Arnulf’s career in Normandy by the publication of Professor Haskins’s Norman Institutions (pp. 74-75) since this Appendix was originally written; but it seems worth while to let it stand with slight modifications, since it may still serve to bring together in convenient form all the known facts concerning Arnulf’s early history. For the fullest treatment of Arnulf’s career as a whole see Eduard Franz, Das Patriarchat von Jerusalem im Jahre 1099 (Sagen, 1885), pp. 8-16. See also the critical and bibliographical notes in Ekkehard, Hierosolymita, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer (Tübingen, 1877), p. 264, n. 8; G. F., p. 481, n. 14; Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 409, n. 15; Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (1095-1127), ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913), p. 590, n. 24.
[2] “Les Flamands du Ternois au royaume latin de Jérusalem,” in Mélanges Paul Fredericq (Brussels, 1904), pp. 189-202. The decisive lines are (p. 191):
Primus Evremarus sedit patriarcha Sepulchri;
Post hunc Arnulfus: oriundus uterque Cyokes.
[3] Jacques de Meyer, Commentarii sive Annales Rerum Flandricarum (Antwerp, 1561), a. 1099, fol. 34 v; Jacques Malbrancq, De Morinis et Morinorum Rebus (Tournay, 1639-54), ii, p. 684.
[4] H. C. Oc., iv, p. 470: “Arnolfus de Zokes castello Flandriae.”
[5] E.g., Riant, Hagenmeyer, and Röhricht at various places in their well known works. Hagenmeyer in his recent edition (1913) of Fulcher of Chartres (p. 590, n. 24) accepts Moeller’s conclusion; but Bréhier, writing in 1907 (L’église et l’Orient au moyen âge, p. 83), still says “Arnoul de Rohez.”
[6] Haskins, p. 70, no. 31; p. 74, n. 28. It is true that the text as printed from an original now lost has “Emulpho de Croches,” but this is probably a misreading for Cyoches or Cioches. G. A. de La Roque, Histoire généalogique de la maison de Harcourt (Paris, 1662), iii, preuves, p. 34.
[7] H. C. Oc., iii, p. 699.
[8] Raymond of Aguilers, ibid., iii, p. 302; Guibert of Nogent, ibid., iv, p. 233; William of Tyre, ibid., i, p. 365.
[9] Cartulaire de l’église du Saint Sépulchre, ed. Eugène de Rozière (Paris, 1849), no. 11.
[10] Du Cange, Les familles d’outre-mer, ed. E.-G. Rey (Paris, 1869), pp. 274-275, 339, 431; T. W. Archer and C. L. Kingsford, The Crusades (London, 1894), pp. 118,193.
[11] Reinhold Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, and Additamentum (Innsbruck, 1893 and 1904), nos. 104, 112, 147, 102 a, 114 b.
[12] H. C. Oc., i, p. 628.
[13] Guibert of Nogent, H. C. Oc., iv, p. 232: “in dialecticae eruditione non hebes, quum minime haberetur ad grammaticae documenta rudis”; Ralph of Caen, ibid., iii, p. 604: “nullius etenim liberalis scientiae te cognovimus exsortem”; cf. the interesting passage (ibid., iii, p. 665) where Arnulf is represented while on the Crusade as learning astrology from a ‘didascalus.’ The other sources, while not particularizing, bear unanimous testimony to Arnulf’s learning. Cf. G. F., pp. 479-480; Raymond of Aguilers, in H. C. Oc., iii, p. 281; Ekkehard, Hierosolymita, p. 264.
[14] H. C. Oc., iii, p. 604: “Praesertim mellita mihi erit quaecumque erit correctio tua, si, quem sortitus sum praeceptorem puer iuvenem, nunc quoque correctorem te impetravero vir senem.”
[15] Guibert of Nogent, ibid., iv, p. 232: “regis Anglorum filiam monacham ea … diu disciplina docuerat.” Ordericus Vitalis (ii, p. 303), without mentioning any particular teacher, remarks upon Cecilia’s unusual education: “Quae cum grandi diligentia in coenobio Cadomensi educata est et multipliciter erudita.”
[16] Guibert of Nogent, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 232.
[17] Milo Crispin, Vita Venerabilis Willelmi Beccensis Tertii Abbatis, in Migne, cl, col. 718.
[18] Guibert of Nogent, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 233: “Cuius comitatui idem Arnulfus sese indidit; et quum huic ipsi episcopo citra, nisi fallor, Romaniae fines finis obtigisset, ex illo maximo censu quem post se reliquerat, hunc legatarium, pene ante omnes, suppellectilis suae preciosae effecit.”
APPENDIX D
ROBERT’S COMPANIONS ON THE CRUSADE
It cannot be said with certainty that every one who appears in the ensuing list actually went on the First Crusade with Robert Curthose. Since it was desired to make the list as complete as possible, doubtful names have been included and marked with an asterisk (*). The evidence is fully set forth in each case, so that no confusion can arise.
1. Alan, “dapifer sacrae ecclesiae Dolensis archiepiscopi.” Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507.
2. Alan Fergant, duke of Brittany. His presence is recorded at the siege of Nicaea (Albert of Aix, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 316) and at the siege of Antioch (Baldric of Dol, ibid., p. 50, n. 9, being the variant from MS. G). His absence from Brittany during the Crusade is indicated by his disappearance from the charters of the period. The latest document which I have noted in which he appears before his departure is dated 27 July 1096. Cartulaire de l’ abbaye de Sainte-Croix de Quimperlé, ed. Léon Maître and Paul de Berthou, 2d ed. (Paris, 1904), no. 82, pp. 234-235. He was back again in Brittany 9 October 1101, when he made grants in favor of the abbey of Marmoutier. P. H. Morice, Mémoires pour servir de preuves à l’histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Bretagne (Paris, 1742-46), i, cols. 505, 507; cf. col. 504.
3. Alan, son of Ralph de Gael. He was present with Robert at Nicaea, and advanced with him from there. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507.
4. Alberic of Grandmesnil. Ordericus, iii, p. 484; cf. supra, p. 107, n. 88.
5. Anonymous, engineer of Robert of Bellême: “ingeniosissimum artificem, … cuius ingeniosa sagacitas ad capiendam Ierusalem Christianis profecit.” Ordericus, iii, p. 415.
6. *Anonymous, wife of Thurstin, prévôt of Luc. See no. 44 infra.
7. *Anonymous, son of Thurstin, prévôt of Luc. See no. 44 infra.
8. Arnulf of Chocques, chaplain of Robert Curthose. Raymond of Aguilers, in H. C. Oc., iii, pp. 281, 302. Cf. Appendix C.
9. Arnulf of Hesdin: “Ernulfus de Hednith,” who was accused of complicity in Robert Mowbray’s conspiracy, and cleared himself by a judicial duel; but “tanto dolore et ira est commotus, ut abdicatis omnibus quae regis erant in Anglia, ipso rege invito et contradicente, discederet; associatus autem Christianorum exercitui, Antiochiam usque devenit, ibique extremum diem clausit. Cumque ei infirmanti principes medicorum curam adhibere vellent, respondisse fertur, ‘Vincit Dominus quare medicus me non continget, nisi ille pro cuius amore hanc peregrinationem suscepi.’” Chronicon, in Liber de Hyda, pp. 301-302. Arnulf ceases to appear in charters from about the period of the First Crusade. Cf. Davis, Regesta, nos. 315, 319; Round, C. D. F., no. 1326.
10. *Aubrée la Grosse. See no. 20 infra.
11. Bernard of Saint-Valery. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507. Ralph of Caen credits him with having been the first to scale the wall of Jerusalem. H. C. Oc., iii, p. 693.
12. Conan de Lamballe, second son of Geoffrey I, called Boterel, count of Lamballe. He was present with Robert at Nicaea and advanced with him from there. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, pp. 28, 33; Albert of Aix, ibid., p. 316; Ordericus, iii, pp. 503, 507. He was killed by the Turks at Antioch 9 February 1098. Ralph of Caen saw his tomb there years afterwards. H. C. Oc., iii, p. 648.
13. Edith, wife of Gerard of Gournay and sister of William of Warenne. Her husband died on the Crusade, and she returned and became the wife of Dreux de Monchy. Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 277-278.
14. Emma, wife of Ralph de Gael and daughter of William Fitz Osbern. She accompanied her husband on the Crusade. Ordericus, ii, p. 264; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 287.
15. Enguerrand, son of Count Hugh of Saint-Pol. He died at Marra in Syria. Albert of Aix, in H. C. Oc., iv, pp. 372, 451; Raymond of Aguilers, ibid., iii, p. 276.
16. *Eustace III, count of Boulogne. It seems impossible to determine the route taken by Eustace of Boulogne on the First Crusade. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1096), Henry of Huntingdon (p. 219), and Albert of Aix (H. C. Oc., iv, p. 314), he went with Robert Curthose; Baldric of Dol (ibid., p. 20), Ordericus Vitalis (iii, pp. 484-485), and Robert the Monk (H. C. Oc., iii, p. 732), on the other hand, all say that he went with his brother Godfrey of Bouillon. Cf. G. F., p. 465, n. 17.
17. Fulcher of Chartres, historian of the Crusade. See the introduction to Hagenmeyer’s edition of the Historia Hierosolymitana.
18. Geoffrey Chotard, one of the barons (proceres) of Ancenis: “anno dedicationis Maioris Monast. ab Urbano papa facte statim post Pascha, cum dominus abbas noster tunc temporis Bernardus rediret a Nanneto civitate per Ligerim, anno scilicet ordinationis sue .xiii. venit ad portum Ancenisi,” and Geoffrey Chotard, “post parum temporis iturus in Ierusalem cum exercitu Christianorum super paganos euntium,” came to him and granted to Saint-Martin freedom from customs on the Loire. P. H. Morice, Preuves, i, col. 488.
19. Gerard of Gournay. Ordericus, iii, pp. 484, 507; Albert of Aix, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 316; Baldric of Dol, ibid., p. 33. He was accompanied by his wife Edith, and died on the Crusade. Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 277-278. Cf. no. 13 supra.
20. *Gilbert, an architect (?). “Tunc Gislebertus, quidam laicus, de Ierusalem Rotomagum venit, et a praefato patre [i.e., Abbot Hilgot of Saint-Ouen, 1092-1112] ad monachatum susceptus, ecclesiae suae digniter profecit. Opus enim basilicae, quod iamdudum admiranda magnitudine intermissum fuerat, assumpsit; ibique pecuniam Alberadae Grossae, dominae suae, quae, in via Dei moriens, thesaurum ei suum commendaverat, largiter distraxit, et inde, aliorum quoque fidelium subsidiis adiutus, insigne opus perficere sategit.” Ordericus, iii, pp. 432-433.
21. Gilbert, bishop of Évreux. He was present at the council of Clermont as legatus of his fellow bishops. Ordericus, iii, p. 470. He was with Bishop Odo of Bayeux at the time of the latter’s death at Palermo early in 1097. Ibid., iv, pp. 17-18; iii, p. 266. Cf. no. 29 infra. If Gilbert completed the Crusade, he must have returned from Jerusalem far more quickly than most of his comrades, for he was back in Normandy by the middle of November 1099. Ordericus, iv, p. 65; cf. v, pp. 159, 195-196.
22. *Guy, eldest son of Gerard le Duc. He received five solidi from Saint-Vincent of Le Mans “cum pergeret ad Ierusalem cum Pagano de Monte Dublelli.” Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 666. The editors, without good reason, date the document “circa 1096.” Cf. no. 30 infra.
23. *Guy de Sarcé, a knight of Saint-Vincent of Le Mans. He surrendered his fief to the abbot and monks of Saint-Vincent, and received from them 20 livres manceaux and 300 solidi. This was done in the chapter on 22 June 1096, “eo videlicet anno quo Urbanus papa adventu suo occiduas illustravit partes, quoque etiam innumerabiles turbas populorum admonitione sua, immo vero Dei suffragante auxilio, Ierosolimitanum iter super paganos adire monuit.” It is not improbable that Guy’s brothers, Nicholas and Pain, accompanied him on the Crusade. Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 317. This charter was witnessed, among others, by William de Braitel, who is no. 47 of our list infra.
24. *Hamo de Huna. He made a grant to Saint-Vincent of Le Mans on 29 July 1096; and “post non multum vero temporis … antequam Ierusalem iret quo tendere volebat,” he added another gift, and received from the monks 20 solidi. “Hoc actum fuit in domo monachorum apud Bazogers, in adventu Domini iv die ante natale Domini.” Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 460. This was 22 December, presumably of the year 1096. Hamo, therefore, did not accompany the other crusaders in the autumn, but he may very well have overtaken them in Italy the following spring.
25. Hervé, son of Dodeman. He is named among those who advanced with Robert after the capture of Nicaea. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507; cf. n. 6, ibid., where Le Prévost remarks that ‘Breton chronicles’ name Hervé, son of Guyomark, count of Léon, in place of Hervé, son of Dodeman.
26. Hugh II, count of Saint-Pol. He set out from Normandy with Robert in 1096. Ordericus, iii, p. 484. He was present at the siege of Nicaea, and advanced with Robert from there. Ibid., pp. 502-503, 507; Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, pp. 28, 33. He was present at the siege of Antioch. Albert of Aix, ibid., p. 372.
27. *Ingelbaudus: “Ego Ingelbaudus illud Sepulchrum volo petere.” In view of the proposed journey he made various grants to Saint-Vincent of Le Mans. Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 101. The editors date the document “circa 1096,” but there are no chronological data. Most of the documents among which this appears are of the late eleventh century.
28. Ivo of Grandmesnil. Ordericus, iii, p. 484. Cf. supra, p. 107, n. 88.
29. Odo, bishop of Bayeux. He was present at the council of Clermont as legatus of his fellow bishops. Ordericus, iii, p. 470. He was in touch with Abbot Gerento of Saint-Bénigne of Dijon, the Pope’s special agent, who was promoting the Crusade in Normandy during the summer of 1096. Haskins, pp. 75-76. But it seems probable that he undertook the Crusade rather to escape the wrath of William Rufus than from any religious zeal. Ordericus, iv, pp. 16-17. He died at Palermo, in February 1097 according to Ordericus Vitalis (ibid.), though his obit was celebrated in Bayeux cathedral on Epiphany (6 January). Ulysse Chevalier, Ordinaire et coutumier de l’église cathédrale de Bayeux (Paris, 1902), p. 410. He was buried by his fellow bishop, Gilbert of Évreux, in the cathedral church of St. Mary at Palermo, and Count Roger reared a splendid monument over his grave. Ordericus, iv, pp. 17-18; iii, p. 266; cf. Guibert of Nogent, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 233. Odo’s epitaph is published, from a late seventeenth century MS., by V. Bourrienne, in Revue catholique de Normandie, x, p. 276.
30. *Pain de Mondoubleau. See the quotation from Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 666, in no. 22 supra. The editors accept this as convincing evidence that Pain de Mondoubleau went on the First Crusade, but in the absence of any definite date there is no proof. And indeed it seems hardly likely that we have to do here with the First Crusade, since in 1098, according to Ordericus Vitalis—who, however, is a very untrustworthy guide in matters of chronology—Pain was in Maine and handed over the castle of Ballon to William Rufus. Ordericus, iv, p. 47; cf. Latouche, Maine, p. 47; Auguste de Trémault, “Recherches sur les premiers seigneurs de Mondoubleau,” in Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Vendômois, xxv (1886), pp. 301-302. The latter mentions no evidence of Pain’s having gone on any crusade.
31. Pain Peverel. The distinguished Norman knight who acted as Robert’s standard-bearer on the Crusade, and who upon his return was granted a barony in England by Henry I, and became the patron of Barnwell priory. He is described as “egregio militi, armis insigni, milicia pollenti, viribus potenti, et super omnes regni proceres bellico usu laudabili.” He endowed the church of Barnwell with notable relics which he brought back from the Holy Land: “reliquias verissimas super aurum et topazion preciosas, quas in expedicione Antiochena adquisierat cum Roberto Curthose, dum signiferi vicem gereret, necnon quas a patriarcha et rege et magnatibus illius terre impetraverat.” Liber Memorandorum Ecclesie de Barnewelle, ed. J. W. Clark (Cambridge, 1907), pp. 54, 55, 41, 46. According to the editor this anonymous work was written in its present form in 1295-96; the author had access to documents, and probably based his narrative on the work of an earlier writer (introduction, pp. ix-x, xiv). The part dealing with our period contains notable chronological inaccuracies, but for the fundamental facts of the life of Pain Peverel it may probably be relied upon.
32. Philip of Bellême, called the Clerk, fifth son of Roger of Montgomery. He set out with Robert from Normandy in 1096, and died at Antioch. Ordericus, iii, pp. 483, 426.
33. *Rainerius de Pomera. “Ista quae narravimus [i.e., the details of a miracle wrought by St. Nicholas of Bari] a quodam bono et fideli homine, nomine Rainerio, de villa quae dicitur Pomera, didicimus, qui haec vidit et audivit et iis omnibus praesens affuit, dum rediret de itinere Ierusalem.” Miracula S. Nicolai conscripta a Monacho Beccensi, in Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Latinorum in Bibliotheca Nationali Parisiensi, ed. the Bollandists (Brussels, 1889-93), ii, p. 427.
34. Ralph de Gael. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, pp. 28, 38; Ordericus, iii, pp. 484, 503, 507; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 287. Emma, his wife, and Alan, his son, went with him. Cf. nos. 14 and 3 supra.
35. Richard, son of Fulk, of Aunou-le-Faucon: “quidam miles, genere Normannicus, vocabulo Ricardus, filius Fulconis senioris de Alnou.” After the capture of Jerusalem he was saved from shipwreck off the Syrian coast through the miraculous interposition of St. Nicholas of Bari; and upon his return to Normandy he became a monk of Bec. Miracula S. Nicolai conscripta a Monacho Beccensi, in Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Latinorum in Bibliotheca Nationali Parisiensi, ed. the Bollandists, ii, p. 429. On Fulk of Aunou, see Ordericus, ii, p. 75.
36. Riou de Lohéac. He died while on the Crusade, but sent back to Lohéac a casket of precious relics, among them a portion of the true Cross and a fragment of the Sepulchre: “Notum sit … quod Waulterius, Iudicaelis filius de Lohoac, quidam miles nobilissimus et illius castri princeps et dominus… Sancto Salvatori suisque monachis quoddam venerandum et honorabile sanctuarium, quod frater suus, videlicet Riocus, dum iret Hierosolyman, adquisierat, et post mortem suam, nam in itinere ipso obiit, per manum Simonis de Ludron sibi transmiserat, scilicet quandam particulam Dominicę; Crucis et de Sepulchro Domini et de cęteris Domini sanctuariis, cum maximis donariis quę subter scribentur, honorificę dedit et in perpetuum habere concessit.” These relics were placed in the church of Saint-Sauveur at Lohéac in the presence of a great concourse of clergy and people, among them being the famous Robert of Arbrissel, “quidam sanctissimus homo.” The document was attested, among others, by Walter and William, Riou’s brothers, and by Geoffrey his son, Gonnor his wife, and Simon de Ludron. “Hoc factum est in castello de Lohoac, iuxta ipsam aecclesiam monachorum, .iii. kal. Iul., in natali apostolorum Petri et Pauli, anno ab incarnatione Domini millesimo centesimo .i., luna .xxix., epacte .xviii., Alano comite existente, Iudicahele episcopatum Sancti Maclovii obtinente, et hoc donum cum suo archidiacono Rivallono annuente, data .vi. non. Iulii.” Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Redon, ed. Aurélien de Courson (Paris, 1863: Documents inédits), nos. 366, 367. Baldric of Dol names him among those who advanced with Robert from Nicaea. H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33.
37. Robert of Jerusalem, count of Flanders. One of the well known leaders, who was closely associated with Robert Curthose during most of the Crusade and who returned with him at least as far as southern Italy. See Chapter IV, passim.
38. *Robert the Vicar (vicarius). Before he went to Jerusalem (priusquam Ierusalem pergeret) he made donations to Saint-Vincent of Le Mans—his wife, son, and brothers consenting—and received from Abbot Ranulf and the monks four livres manceaux. Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 522. The document is undated, but the mention of Abbot Ranulf places it between 1080 and 1106. The editors date it “circa 1096.”
39. Roger of Barneville. G. F., p. 185; Ordericus, iii, p. 503. He was captured and beheaded by the Turks at Antioch early in June 1098; and was buried amid great sorrow by his fellow crusaders in the church of St. Peter. Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 159; Raymond of Aguilers, in H. C. Oc., iii, p. 252; Ordericus, iii, pp. 549, 538; Robert the Monk, in H. C. Oc., iii, pp. 808-809; Albert of Aix, ibid., iv, pp. 407-408.
40. Rotrou of Mortagne II, son of Geoffrey II, count of Perche. His father died during his absence, having made provision for Rotrou to succeed him in the countship upon his return from the Crusade. Ordericus, iii, p. 483; v, p. 1.
41. Simon de Ludron. It was he who brought back the relics which had been obtained by Riou de Lohéac while on the Crusade. See the extract from the Redon cartulary quoted in no. 36 supra.
42. Stephen, count of Aumale. He was one of the Norman rebels who had previously sided with William Rufus against Robert Curthose. Ordericus, iii, p. 475. But he was on friendly terms with the duke by 14 July 1096—doubtless as a result of the pacification which had been brought about by the Pope—since Robert attested a charter by Stephen on that date. Gallia Christiana, xi, instr., col. 20; cf. Haskins, p. 67, no. 5. Stephen also attested a charter by the duke in 1096. Archives de la Seine-Inférieure, G 4069 (Inventaire sommaire, iii, p. 255). Albert of Aix records his presence at Nicaea; and Ralph of Caen names him among those who at Antioch were obligated to Robert Curthose by gifts or homage. H. C. Oc., iv, p. 316; iii, p. 642.
43. Stephen, count of Blois and Chartres. One of the well known leaders of the Crusade. He was closely associated with Robert Curthose at least as far as Nicaea. He became faint-hearted and turned back home after the expedition had reached Antioch. See Chapter IV, passim.
44. *Thurstin, son of Turgis, prévot of Luc-sur-Mer. In 1096 he pledged his allod (alodium) of forty acres at Luc for four marks and a mount (equitatura): “si ipse Turstinus aut uxor eius vel filius post vi annos rediret, redderet Sancto Stephano ad finem vi annorum iiiiᵒʳ argenti marcas.” Probably the Crusade was in contemplation, though it is not specifically mentioned. R. Génestal, Rôle des monastères comme établissements de crédit (Paris, 1901), p. 215; cf. pp. 29-30.
45. Walter of Saint-Valery. Ordericus, iii, pp. 483, 507; Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33.
46. Wigo de Marra, a crusader from Perche. “Rediens a Ierosolimitano itinere, tempore profectionis communis Aquilonensium et Occidentalium,” he passed through Tours; and while he rested there with the monks of Saint-Julien, he gave them his church at Bellou-sur-Huîne, a gift which he afterwards confirmed upon reaching home. Chartes de S.-Julien de Tours, no. 51. The document is dated 1099, “regnante Willelmo rege Anglorum et duce Normannorum,” and is of special interest as indicating the early date at which some of the crusaders got back to western Europe.
47. *William de Braitel (en Lombron), son of Geoffrey the vicomte. With the consent of his brothers he made a donation to Saint-Vincent of Le Mans in 1096, “eo videlicet anno quo papa Urbanus occidentales partes presentia sua illustravit.” Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 738. The similarity of dating between this charter and no. 317 of the same cartulary (cf. no. 23 supra), as well as the fact that many of the witnesses are identical in both, makes it seem not improbable that they were drawn up on the same occasion. If William actually went on the First Crusade, his return appears to have been delayed until 1116. In that year a precious relic which he brought back from Jerusalem for Adam, a Manceau who had become a canon of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, was presented to the cathedral church of Le Mans. Actus Pontificum, p. 407. Cf. Samuel Menjot d’Elbenne, Les sires de Braitel au Maine du XIᵉ au XIIIᵉ siècle (Mamers, 1876), p. 38.
48. William, son of Ranulf de Briquessart, vicomte of Bayeux. He is named among those who advanced with Robert from Nicaea. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507.
49. *William de Colombières. On 7 June 1103 Henry de Colombières granted to Saint-Martin of Troarn “all that his father William had given and granted before he went on crusade (Ierosolimam pergeret).” Round, C. D. F., no. 471.
50. William de Ferrières. He is named among those who advanced with Robert from Nicaea. Baldric of Dol, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 33; Ordericus, iii, p. 507.
51. William de Percy, benefactor of Whitby abbey. He died while on the Crusade. “Denique nobilissimus Willielmus de Perci Ierosolimam petens, apud locum qui vocatur Mons Gaudii, qui est in provincia Ierosolimitana, migravit ad Dominum, ibique honorifice sepultus est.” Cartularium Abbathiae de Whiteby, ed. J. C. Atkinson (Durham, 1879-81), i, p. 2. The quotation is from the “Memorial of Benefactions,” which, according to the editor, was written in the second half of the twelfth century, certainly before 1180. It is probably only a legend that William’s heart was brought back and buried at Whitby abbey. His son had evidently succeeded him by 6 January 1100. Davis, Regesta, no. 427.
52. William du Vast. On 9 September 1096, “vadens in Ierusalem,” he pledged his land to the abbey of Fécamp for a loan of three marks until his return. Léopold Delisle, Littérature latine et histoire du moyen âge (Paris, 1890), pp. 28-29.
APPENDIX E
LAODICEA AND THE FIRST CRUSADE
Laodicea, as a commodious port on the Syrian coast directly opposite the fertile island of Cyprus, was a maritime base of the utmost importance to the crusaders, and it has a special interest for the life of Robert Curthose. Its history during the period of the First Crusade is obscure, and it may be admitted at the outset that it will not be possible to elucidate it entirely from such meagre and contradictory materials as have survived. Nevertheless, the problems are by no means hopeless; and the sources, such as they are, are worthy of a more careful and critical examination than they have yet received.[1]
From the oriental sources it seems reasonably certain that during the period immediately preceding the arrival of the crusaders in Syria Laodicea was in the hands of the Turks. Previous to 1086 it had belonged to the Munkidhites of Shaizar;[2] but it passed from their hands into the possession of Malik-Shah when in that year he established himself at Aleppo.[3] Malik-Shah granted it to Kasim ed-daula Aksonkor, who held it until his death in 1094.[4] There is no evidence that it passed out of Turkish control between this date and the arrival of the crusaders and their associates from the West in 1097; and, in view of the precarious situation of the Eastern Empire and the preoccupation of the Greek Emperor with other problems during this period, there seems to be no ground for such a supposition. According to Kemal ed-Din—who wrote towards the middle of the thirteenth century, and whose statement would perhaps deserve little consideration were it not so specific—a fleet of twenty-two ships came from Cyprus on the 8th of the month of Ramadan in the year 490 of the Hegira (19 August 1097), entered the port of Laodicea, pillaged the town, and carried off all the merchandise.[5]
The western sources dealing with Laodicea in 1097-98 are numerous; but at some points they are contradictory, and at best they yield but scanty information. It will be well to analyze them separately with some care:—
(1) The letter of Anselm de Ribemont to Archbishop Manasses of Rheims, written from Antioch near the end of November 1097, states definitely that Laodicea had been taken—evidently by some one acting in the interest of the crusaders, and pretty clearly before the arrival of the land forces at Antioch on 21 October 1097.[6]
This statement is confirmed by the anonymous Florinensis Brevis Narratio Belli Sacri,[7] as it is also by the account of Raymond of Aguilers.
(2) Raymond of Aguilers, who, because of his actual presence in Syria and his close association with the count of Toulouse, is by all odds the best and most reliable chronicler dealing with the events now under consideration, seems to have received but little attention from modern scholars in this connection. According to his account, which is quite full, English mariners, who were fired with enthusiasm for the Crusade, sailed via Gibraltar to the eastern Mediterranean, and with much labor obtained possession of the port of Antioch (evidently Port St. Simeon is meant) and of Laodicea before the arrival of the land forces. And during the siege of Antioch, together with the Genoese, they rendered important services to the crusaders by means of their fleet, keeping open commercial intercourse with Cyprus and other islands, and in particular protecting the ships of the Greeks from attack by the Saracens. Finally, when the crusaders were about to advance from Syria upon Jerusalem, the English, finding that their ships had been reduced by wear and tear from thirty to nine or ten, abandoned them or burned them, and joined the land forces on the southward march.[8]
Now, of the actual presence of English mariners on the Syrian coast acting in coöperation with the crusaders, there can be no doubt. Apart from the foregoing narrative, the fact is proved beyond question (a) by the well known letter of the clergy and people of Lucca in which they state that their citizen Bruno had journeyed from Italy to Antioch “with English ships,” had taken part in the siege, and had stayed on for three weeks after the victory;[9] and (b) by the letter of Patriarch Dagobert, written from Jerusalem in the spring of 1100, which mentions the presence of English ships, apparently at Jaffa.[10] While the English ships referred to in these letters are not necessarily, or even probably, identical with those mentioned by Raymond of Aguilers, the letters are still of great importance as demonstrating the general fact of the presence and activity of English mariners at this period in these distant waters.
As will appear below, Raymond’s account receives some further confirmation from Ordericus Vitalis and from Ralph of Caen.
(3) The narrative of Ordericus differs widely from that of Raymond of Aguilers. According to him, at the time when the Christians were themselves being besieged at Antioch (6-28 June 1098), a great number of pilgrims from England and other islands of the ocean landed at Laodicea and were joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, who accepted their protection against the Turks. The chief among these pilgrims was Edgar Atheling.[11] Taking Laodicea under his protection, Edgar afterwards handed it over to Robert Curthose, whom he loved as a brother. Thus Robert gained possession of Laodicea, and came and dwelt there for some time with Normans, English, and Bretons. Then, leaving his own garrison in the fortresses, Robert pursued his way to Jerusalem. But meanwhile Ravendinos, protospatharius of Emperor Alexius, and other Greek officers came with an expedition by sea, and laid siege to Laodicea; and the citizens, sympathizing with the Greeks, their compatriots, expelled the men from beyond the Alps and admitted imperial governors.[12]
William of Malmesbury is the only other writer who mentions a journey of Edgar Atheling to the Holy Land, and his account is very different from that of Ordericus Vitalis. He makes no mention of English mariners, and he places Edgar’s arrival in the East, in company with a certain Robert, son of Godwin, at the time of the siege of Ramleh by the Saracens (May 1102).[13]
(4) Raymond of Aguilers is authority for the statement that Robert was absent from Antioch in the third month of the siege, apparently about Christmas 1097.[14]
A fuller explanation of this absence seems to be supplied by Ralph of Caen, who says that Robert, disgusted with the tedium of the siege, withdrew to Laodicea in the hope of ruling there; for the English at that time were holding it for the Emperor, and being menaced by a wandering band, had called in Robert as their protector. Robert accordingly went to Laodicea and gave himself up to idleness and sleep. Yet he was not altogether useless, for, having come upon opulence, he shared it generously with his needy comrades at the siege. Laodicea was then the only city on the Syrian coast which was Christian and which obeyed the Emperor; and Cyprus had filled it with an abundance of wine, grain, and cattle. Robert was very loath to turn his back upon such ease and plenty; and it was only after he had been thrice summoned, and even threatened with excommunication, that he reluctantly yielded to the entreaties of his comrades and returned to the hardships of the siege.[15]
From the place which this incident occupies in Ralph’s general narrative one would judge that it belongs to the spring of 1098; but he does not date it exactly, and his chronology at best is confused and by no means trustworthy. It may be conjectured that this account is to be connected with the above mentioned briefer but more trustworthy statement of Raymond of Aguilers, thus placing the episode in the winter of 1097-98. Ralph’s chronology is not to be regarded as impossible, however, since there is no record of Robert’s presence at Antioch between 9 February and the end of May, or even the first of June, and he may very well have enjoyed more than one sojourn in Laodicea.
Further evidence of the duke’s connection with Laodicea is found in a curious statement of Guibert of Nogent that Robert had once held it, but that when the citizens were unable to bear his excessive exactions, they drove his garrison from the fortresses and threw off his domination, and out of hatred abjured the use of the money of Rouen.[16]
Finally, the twelfth-century poet Gilo remarks that English victors gave Laodicea to the Norman count.[17]
(5) The problem of Laodicea in its relation to the First Crusade is still further complicated by a statement of Anna Comnena that the Emperor wrote—she gives no date—to Raymond of Toulouse, directing him to hand over the city to Andronicus Tzintzilucas, and that Raymond obeyed.[18] Both Riant[19] and Chalandon[20] accept this statement and assign the Emperor’s letter to the first half of 1099. Their reason for so doing appears to be found in the strange narrative of Albert of Aix, which is unique among the sources.
(6) According to Albert of Aix, while Baldwin and Tancred were at Tarsus on the way to Antioch (circa September 1097) a strange fleet approached the Cilician coast. It proved to be made up of ‘Christian pirates’ from “Flanders, Antwerp, Frisia, and other parts of Gaul [sic],” who under their commander, a certain Guinemer of Boulogne, had been pursuing their calling for the past eight years. But when they learned of the Crusade, they concluded a treaty with Baldwin, and, landing, joined forces with him and advanced as far as Mamistra. But here they turned back, and, reëmbarking, sailed away to Laodicea, which they besieged and took. Then resting there in the enjoyment of ease and plenty, they sent no aid to their Christian brothers at Antioch. But presently they were attacked and cut to pieces by ‘Turcopoles’[21] and men of the Emperor, who recovered the citadel and threw Guinemer into prison, Godfrey and the other chiefs at Antioch being ignorant of the whole affair. Later Guinemer was released at the request of Godfrey.[22]
Elsewhere Albert sets forth another version of these curious events. Guinemer and his pirates, he tells us, had assembled their fleet in conjunction with the Provençaux of the land of Saint-Gilles under the dominion of Count Raymond.[23] Then, sailing to Laodicea, they had taken it and driven out the Turks and Saracens whom they found there. Then, after the siege of Antioch, they had handed their prize over to Count Raymond. Still later, Guinemer, the master of the pirates, had been captured by the Greeks, and after long imprisonment had been released through the intervention of Duke Godfrey. Then, when the advance to Jerusalem had been decided upon, Raymond had restored Laodicea to the Emperor, and so kept his faith inviolably.[24]
Thus, if we could rely upon Albert of Aix, Laodicea came into the hands of the count of Toulouse after the siege of Antioch, and Alexius might naturally be expected to write him demanding its restoration to the Empire, as Riant and Chalandon suppose in accepting the above mentioned statement of Anna Comnena regarding the Emperor’s letter. It should be noted, however, that from Albert’s statement that Raymond handed over Laodicea to Alexius when the advance to Jerusalem had been decided upon,[25] it follows that the transfer could not have taken place later than 16 January 1099, the date on which Raymond moved southward from Kafartab;[26] whereas Chalandon has shown that the letter of which Anna speaks cannot be earlier than March 1099.[27] Albert of Aix and Anna Comnena, therefore, are not mutually confirmatory.
(7) Finally, note should be taken of the statement of Cafaro of Genoa—who passed the winter of 1100-01 at Laodicea, but who wrote as an old man years afterwards—that, at the time of the capture of Antioch by the crusaders, Laodicea with its fortresses was held by the Emperor, and was under the immediate command of Eumathios Philocales, duke of Cyprus.[28]
So much for an analysis of the sources. It remains to consider what conclusions may reasonably be drawn from them. And since the efforts which have been made to accept them all as of equal validity and to bring them into reconciliation have plainly not been successful, it will be well to begin with a consideration of some things which must probably be eliminated.
And first, it seems clear that the account of Ordericus Vitalis, which represents Edgar Atheling as landing at Laodicea between 6 and 28 June 1098 at the head of a great body of English pilgrims, cannot be accepted without serious modification; for we know from reliable English sources that towards the end of 1097 Edgar was engaged in Scotland, assisting his kinsman, another Edgar,[29] to obtain the Scottish throne;[30] and it would, it seems, have been impossible for him to have made the necessary preparations for a crusade and to have journeyed from Scotland to Laodicea within the limitations of time which our sources impose. It is perhaps conceivable that he should have made a hurried trip to Italy in the winter of 1097-98 with a small band of attendants, and sailing from there, have reached the Syrian coast by June. But according to Ordericus he arrived at the head of “almost 20,000 pilgrims … from England and other islands of the ocean.” Further, if the account of Ordericus were to be brought into chronological accord with the other sources which deal with Robert’s sojourn at Laodicea, the arrival of Edgar Atheling would probably have to be placed several months earlier, indeed, in the early winter of 1097-98, almost at the very time he is known to have been in Scotland. The chronology of Ordericus, therefore—which in general is notoriously unreliable—seems at this point unacceptable; and William of Malmesbury, who places Edgar’s arrival in the East in May 1102, appears to give the necessary correction. In view of the testimony of both Ordericus Vitalis and William of Malmesbury, it can hardly be doubted that Edgar Atheling actually went to the Holy Land; but that he reached Laodicea in time to have anything to do with the calling in of Robert Curthose seems highly improbable, if not impossible.
The tale of Guinemer of Boulogne and his fleet of Christian pirates, as told by Albert of Aix, must also meet with rougher handling than it has yet received, and for the following reasons: (1) The description of this fleet with its “masts of wondrous height, covered with purest gold, and refulgent in the sunlight”[31] is not such as to inspire confidence, particularly in such a writer as Albert of Aix, where one expects at any time to meet with the use of untrustworthy poetical materials. (2) As the narrative proceeds it becomes self-contradictory. At one point we are told that Guinemer was captured by the Greeks during the siege of Antioch, whereas at another he seems to have held Laodicea throughout the siege—since he turned it over to Count Raymond after the siege—; and his capture and imprisonment by the Greeks are placed still later. (3) Albert of Aix is in direct contradiction with Raymond of Aguilers, the best of all our authorities, who tells us that the English held Laodicea during the whole of the siege of Antioch and rendered important services to the crusaders; whereas, according to Albert’s account, Guinemer and his pirates held it and refused to aid the crusaders. (4) Not a scrap of evidence concerning Guinemer and his pirates has come to light in any source except Albert of Aix—unless perchance their fleet is to be identified with the ships which, according to Kemal ed-Din, came from Cyprus 19 August 1097, pillaged Laodicea, and sailed away;[32] and this seems unlikely. (5) In any case, outside the pages of Albert of Aix, evidence is lacking that such a piratical fleet held Laodicea for any considerable period; and apparently the only reason why Riant and Chalandon have accepted this fantastical tale of Guinemer and the Christian pirates is the fancied possibility of connecting it with the letter which, according to Anna Comnena, the Emperor wrote at an undetermined date to Raymond of Toulouse, directing him to hand over Laodicea to Andronicus Tzintzilucas. But Riant and Chalandon have somewhat arbitrarily assigned this letter to the first half of 1099. If Raymond was directed to hand Laodicea over, he must have possessed it. Therefore, so the argument seems to run, the Guinemer episode should be accepted as explaining how Raymond came into possession of Laodicea. But, as has already been pointed out, this explanation involves a serious chronological inconsistency. Further, the evidence is not conclusive that the letter ever existed—it rests upon the sole statement of Anna Comnena—and, if it did exist, it may with more reason, and with less violence to Anna’s chronology, be assigned to the period between September 1099 and June 1100, when Raymond is known to have been in possession of Laodicea and on terms of close understanding with the Emperor.[33]
The foregoing considerations are not, it may be conceded, sufficient to prove that there is no shadow of truth in the tale of Guinemer and the pirates; but they do constitute a strong case against the narrative as it stands, and suggest the probability that it is one of the strange pieces of fiction occasionally to be met with in the pages of Albert of Aix.
Having now somewhat cleared the ground, it is possible to set forth the probable course of events at Laodicea on the basis of the more reliable sources.
There can be little doubt that Laodicea had already been taken from the Turks when the crusaders arrived at Antioch, 21 October 1097;[34] and we may accept without question the statement of Raymond of Aguilers—which Riant and Chalandon appear to ignore without reason—that it was taken by the English, who had come by sea, and who held it during the siege of Antioch and assisted the land forces by protecting commerce and keeping communications open with Cyprus and the other islands. These English mariners were unquestionably acting in coöperation with the Emperor,[35] who at this time, as Chalandon has shown, was supporting the crusaders in accordance with his treaty obligations.[36]
At some time during the siege of Antioch by the Christians Robert Curthose was called to Laodicea by the English—probably because of dangers on the landward side which made their situation there precarious—and he remained there for a time, in the enjoyment of ease and plenty, until he was obliged by repeated summonses and by a threat of ecclesiastical censure to return to Antioch.[37] The date of Robert’s sojourn at Laodicea cannot be determined with certainty, but it may probably be assigned to December-January 1097-98,[38] 8 February being the extreme limit for his return to the siege.[39] Yet there is no record of his presence at Antioch between 9 February and the beginning of June, or between the end of June and 11 September; and the possibility of his having paid more than one visit to Laodicea must be recognized. The accounts of Ralph of Caen and of Ordericus Vitalis, interpreted strictly, point to sojourns in the spring and in the summer of 1098; but the chronology of these authors is not trustworthy, and it is not unlikely that they have fallen into inaccuracies here, and that they really refer to Robert’s earlier sojourn at Laodicea, for which we have the indirect but more reliable evidence of Raymond of Aguilers.
The arrangements which were made at Laodicea upon Robert’s final departure before his advance to Jerusalem must remain a matter of doubt. According to Ordericus Vitalis and Guibert of Nogent he left a garrison, which was later driven out by the citizens. Guibert is curiously circumstantial. He says that the citizens, unable to bear the duke’s excessive exactions, drove his men from the citadel, threw off his domination, and abjured the use of the money of Rouen. But this incident is confirmed by none of the early writers who were in the East; and in the absence of any other evidence of Robert’s having attempted to secure for himself a private possession in Syria, we may well wonder whether Guibert and Ordericus have not blundered through a misunderstanding of the actual situation in the East and of the spirit in which Robert undertook the Crusade.
Finally, what is to be said of the statement of Cafaro of Genoa that, at the time of the capture of Antioch by the crusaders, Laodicea was under the rule of Eumathios Philocales, duke of Cyprus? It would not be surprising if Cafaro, writing long after the event, should be mistaken on a point of this kind; yet he is by no means to be ignored, and on the whole his account does not seem inconsistent with established facts. The sojourn of Robert Curthose at Laodicea was apparently a passing episode rather than a lasting occupation. But throughout the period under consideration the Syrian port was clearly in the hands of crusaders, mainly English mariners, who were acting in coöperation with the Greeks. Under existing treaty obligations the place might fairly be regarded as a Greek possession from the moment the Turks were expelled[40]—unless there were a Bohemond or some other like-minded chief to seize and hold it in defiance of imperial rights. And the Emperor would most naturally delegate authority over Laodicea to the head of his administration in Cyprus. From the Greek standpoint, therefore, it might well be regarded as subject to Eumathios Philocales, though actually held by the Emperor’s allies, the crusaders.
Between the departure of the crusaders from northern Syria early in 1099 and their return in September after the capture of Jerusalem, Laodicea seems to have become definitely a Greek possession; but whether there was any violent expulsion of the garrison of a crusading chief, as Ordericus and Guibert suppose, or any formal transfer,[41] must remain uncertain. When the crusaders moved southward from northern Syria to Jerusalem, their influence at Laodicea must, it seems, inevitably have declined, while that of the Greeks increased; and without any formal transfer it is conceivable that the place might gradually and almost imperceptibly have passed under full Greek control.
But for this later period there are some further scattered notices in the chronicles of Albert of Aix and of Raymond of Aguilers and in the anonymous Gesta Francorum, which must now be considered, and which make it clear that at this time Laodicea was still in Christian hands and served as a most important base for the further prosecution of the Crusade.
Albert of Aix, who is the fullest and most specific, explains that the crusaders still remaining in Syria gathered in council at Antioch on 2 February 1099, and, determining upon an advance to Jerusalem, fixed 1 March as the date for a general rendezvous of all the forces at Laodicea, a city which was then under Christian dominion.[42] Pursuant to this decision, Godfrey, Robert of Flanders, and Bohemond assembled their forces at Laodicea on the appointed day. And from Laodicea Godfrey and Robert moved on southward to the siege of Jebeleh; but Bohemond, ever suspicious and anxious lest through some fraud he should lose a city which was ‘impregnable by human strength,’ returned to Antioch.[43] This very specific account of Albert of Aix is confirmed by the much briefer statements of the Gesta Francorum, which record the meeting of the leaders at Laodicea, the advance of Godfrey and the count of Flanders to the siege of Jebeleh, and the return of Bohemond to Antioch.[44] It is also clear from Raymond of Aguilers that in the spring and summer of 1099—at least until June—the port of Laodicea was open to the ships of the Greeks, Venetians, and Genoese who were engaged in provisioning the crusaders at Arka and at Jerusalem.[45]
There can be little doubt, therefore, that until June 1099, Laodicea was held in the interest of the crusaders, and that its harbor was open to the ships of Greeks and Italians without distinction. Albert of Aix nowhere explains what he means when he says that Laodicea was “under Christian dominion”; but, in the absence of valid evidence of its retention by any of the crusading chiefs, or by the fleet of any Italian city, the most reasonable hypothesis appears to be that it was held by the Greeks in the interest of the common enterprise.
We get our next information concerning Laodicea when, in September 1099, Robert Curthose, Robert of Flanders, and Raymond of Toulouse, upon their return from Jerusalem, found the place undergoing a prolonged siege at the hands of Bohemond, who was assisted in his nefarious enterprise by a fleet of Pisans and Genoese.[46] Since the early summer, when ships of Genoese, Venetians, and Greeks had all enjoyed free entry to the port, a complete change had come over the situation at Laodicea.[47] What had happened to produce this? As is well known, it was the fixed policy of the Emperor to turn the Crusade to his own advantage, and to utilize the efforts of the Franks for the recovery of the lost provinces which had formerly belonged to the Greek Empire in Asia. To this end, he had been on the whole successful in coöperating with the crusaders. But in Bohemond of Taranto he had encountered opposition from the beginning; and, since the capture of Antioch by the crusaders, it had been the little disguised policy of this crafty and ambitious leader to hold it for himself, and to make it the capital and centre around which he hoped to build up a Norman state in Syria. It was, of course, inevitable that the Emperor should set himself to thwart such plans by every means at his disposal; and when the departure of the main body of the crusaders for Jerusalem left Bohemond with a free hand in the north, open hostilities became imminent. Undoubtedly foreseeing what was to come, Bohemond had separated from Godfrey and Robert of Flanders at Laodicea in March, and had returned to Antioch to mature his plans.[48] A few weeks later, ambassadors from the Emperor arrived in the crusaders’ camp at Arka and lodged a complaint against Bohemond.[49] But the Emperor was in no position to take vigorous measures at that time. Such a course might even have endangered his friendly relations with the other leaders. But neither was Bohemond in a position to resort to an overt act against Laodicea so long as he was powerless to meet the imperial fleet at sea. In the late summer of 1099, however, all this was changed by the arrival of a Pisan fleet under the command of Dagobert, archbishop of Pisa; for Bohemond, with true Norman adaptability and shrewdness, came to an understanding with the Pisans and secured their aid for an attack upon Laodicea.[50] And with this, the slight naval supremacy which the Greek Emperor had been vainly striving to maintain in the eastern Mediterranean came to an end.[51]
Such was the situation at Laodicea when in September 1099 Robert Curthose and the counts of Flanders and Toulouse arrived at Jebeleh on their way home from the Crusade. The siege had already been going on for some time and was making progress. The place seemed to be on the point of falling.[52] But never were the plans of Bohemond to end in more egregious failure. His unprovoked attack upon a friendly city which had rendered important services to the crusaders roused the indignation and jealousy of the returning leaders. The archbishop of Pisa suddenly discovered that he had been led into a false position by the crafty Norman, and, deserting Bohemond, he threw his powerful influence on the side of Raymond, Robert Curthose, and Robert of Flanders. The Greeks too, who, though hard pressed, were still holding out, well understood that Bohemond was their real enemy and that it behooved them to make terms quickly with the leaders who had kept faith with the Emperor. Accordingly, an agreement was promptly reached among the Pisans, the Laodiceans, and the returning leaders. An ultimatum was despatched to Bohemond demanding that he withdraw forthwith; and thus suddenly confronted with superior force, he had no choice but to yield. Wrathfully he retired under the cover of darkness; and next morning Robert Curthose and the counts of Flanders and Toulouse entered Laodicea with their forces, and were enthusiastically welcomed by the inhabitants.[53]
Count Raymond placed a strong garrison in the citadel, and raising his banner over the highest tower, took possession of the city[54]—in the Emperor’s name, it may be supposed, since by this time he clearly had an understanding with Alexius.[55] A few days later he met Bohemond outside the city and concluded peace.[56]
After a fortnight’s sojourn at Laodicea the two Roberts and a large number of humbler crusaders took ship and proceeded on their homeward way. But Raymond, still suspicious of the prince of Antioch, remained to keep a close guard upon Laodicea and Tortosa until the following summer, when he went to Constantinople and entered the Emperor’s service.[57]