FOOTNOTES:
[1] Attacapa, a name by which the Choctaws and other southern Indians designated the different tribes occupying southwestern Louisiana and southern and southeastern Texas. Less than a dozen are known to be in existence today.
[2] Oroyelles, probably of the Caddoan family and now extinct.
[3] An important tribe of the Algonquian family closely allied with the other Plains Indians, particularly with the Cheyennes.
[4] A tribe of the Iroquoian family frequenting during the 17th century the territory extending south from Lake Erie to the Ohio river, and now practically extinct unless their descendants may be called a part of the Seneca living at present in the Indian Territory.
[5] A vocabulary included among others is from the Duralde manuscripts in the Library of the American Philosophical Society.
[6] For further synonomy see [appendix C.]
[7] Clark. Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, 1885.
[8] Mallery. Introduction to the Study of Sign Language among the North American Indians, etc. B. A. E., Introductions, No. 3.
[9] See J. O. Dorsey in The American Antiquarian, 1879, and the same writer in Bul. Philos. Soc., 1880. The term literally translated means “belonging to this place” or “the home people.” See also W J McGee in the 15th Rep., B. A. E., 1897.
[10] Dorsey.
[11] Considerable controversy has taken place as to the actual meaning of this word. Various suggestions have been made, more generally by local writers, and in the confusion it is difficult to come to a final decision. The latest authorities prefer Gray Snow, and the task would be considerable to enumerate all those who have written on the subject. W. W. Hildreth in Annals of Iowa, April, 1864, gives the derivation from the Omaha word Py-ho-ja, or “Grey Snow.” It has been claimed that the word is of Dakota origin and that it was written by the French Aiouez (see Charlevoix, 1723) and that its anglicization was gradual. The present meaning of Iowa in the Dakota is “something to write or paint with.” Schoolcraft is authority for the statement that the tribes called themselves Pa-ho-ches, meaning “Dusty Nose,” or “Dirty Face,” and Foster in the text emphasizes this point. One writer boldly asserts that the word Iowa is a corruption from Kiowa, and Antoine Le Claire, the celebrated half-breed interpreter, stated that the word in his tongue signified “this is the place.” Taylor Pierce, long connected with the trading post of Fort Des Moines, testified in favor of Kiowa, giving it the same definition as last named. Fulton (Red Men of Iowa) mentions certain writers who interpreted the word as “beautiful.” W. E. Richey (Memoirs of the Exploration of the Basin of the Mississippi Valley, Volume VII, 1903) says, “I feel inclined to think that the word Iowa came from Harahey....” For a full discussion of this subject see Annals of Iowa, April, 1864, and July, 1896.
[12] See Mooney, The Cheyenne Indians, Mem. of the Amer. Anthro. Assoc. No. 1, 1907. His map as given there is especially useful.
[13] See Williamson, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, (reprint 1902), page 242. According to this authority the Iowa were known as Ayuhba, which form is also used by Riggs, Dakota Grammar and Dictionary, 1852. In Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, Vol. III, 1900, is included an excellent historical chart by N. H. Winchell showing geographical names and other data prior to Nicollet’s Map of 1841. This shows the location of the Iowa tribe in that section between the present southern boundary of Iowa and lower Minnesota on the east, and along the southern bank of the Missouri river to the westward. Catlin’s Map of 1833 places this tribe in the southwestern portion of the State of Iowa.
[14] See [note 60.]
[15] For an extended account of the Recollet Father Zénobe Membré, see Le Clercq’s First Establishment of the Faith in New France, Shea’s translation, II, 133; 1881.
[16] See Richman (I. B.). Among the Quakers, and Other Sketches, 3rd ed. Contains Mascoutin, A Reminiscence of the Nation of Fire.
[17] Original in St. Mary’s College Archives, Montreal and reproduced in The Jesuit Relations, published by The Burrows Brothers Co. See also Joliet’s Map of 1674 (ibid. vol. LIX.) where relative positions are practically the same.
[18] Michel Accault, a companion of La Salle.
[19] See Prof. N. H. Winchell’s admirable map contained in Volume III, Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, St. Paul, 1900. This chart shows with great precision the geographical names and their dates, given prior to Nicollet’s map of 1841, and locates the Iowa on the west bank of the Mississippi, near the “Riviere de Aiounoues” according to Franquelin’s map of 1684, and also in a space bounded on the north and east by the St. Peter’s river (Minisoute Ouadeba or St. Peters river of Jefferys, 1762) and on the south and west by the Riviere aux Liards and Redwood river respectively, of Long. Franquelin’s map, Carte de la Louisiane, a facsimile of which is in the Library of Harvard University, (the original formerly in the Archives of the Marine, in Paris, has been lost), locates the Ai8u8e and the Paote on the Riviere des Ai8u8e (Iowa).
[20] In Thwaites’ edition of Lewis & Clark (Original Journals, VI, 91-92, 1905) the number is given as “200 warriors or 400 souls, eighteen leagues up Platte river on the S. E. side, although they formerly lived on the Missouri above the Platte.” When the traders first knew the Iowa the band consisted of about 800 souls. Their principal points of commerce were Robidoux’s Post at Black Hills, the present site of St. Joseph, Missouri, and at Council Bluffs, though not as extensively at the latter. See Chittenden, The American Fur Trade, p. 874, and also The Henry and Thompson Journals, Coues ed., for an account of Robidoux’s dealings. Maximilian’s Travels, Vol. 1, p. 257 note, has a valuable reference.
[21] Probably what was then known as the Big Platte in Nebraska.
[22] See F. J. Goodfellow, S. D. Hist. Coll., Vol. 2, also the original translation of a portion of Le Sueur’s Voyage in Wis. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVI. The Fort took its name from L’Huillier, one of the French farmer generals and Le Sueur’s patron. In September, 1700, Le Sueur reached the present site of Mankato, Minn., and built the Fort, which according to most authorities was completed Oct. 14 of that year. The post was abandoned in 1703.
[23] Rep. of Sec. of War, 1829.
[24] Pike’s Expedition, etc., etc., edited by Elliott Coues, 1895.
[25] Jesuit Relations, Vol. LX, also note 60.
[26] Buffalo hides. The earlier explorers referred to the buffalo (Bison americanus) under various cognomens. Boeuf sauvage, was the name given to it by Du Pratz; the Canadian voyageurs termed it simply le boeuf. See Allen, History of the American Bison, 1877.
[27] Red Pipestone, a fine grained argillaceous sediment, the analysis of which is as follows: Silica, 48:20, alumina, 28:20, ferric oxide, 5, carbonate of lime, 2:60, manganous oxide, 0:60, magnesia, 6, water 8:40, loss 1. First brought to the attention of mineralogists by George Catlin and named in his honor “catlinite.”
[28] The important feature of camping was left to the women, according to the Indian custom. Occasion often controlled circumstances as to the form of this particular ceremony. Hunting, visiting, or war parties were usually carefully organized. The tribal circle, each segment composed of a clan, gens or band, made a living picture of tribal organization and responsibilities. The usual opening through the circle was toward the east, which calls to mind religious rites and obligations of an earlier people, being further exemplified in the position which was usually given to the ceremonial tents. See A. C. Fletcher in Pub. of the Peabody Museum.
[29] The clan or gens among the American Indians is an intertribal, exogamic group of persons actually or theoretically consanguine. See J. N. B. Hewitt in Bul. 30, B. A. E., and J. W. Powell in the 17th Rep., B. A. E., Part I, 1898, page 29 passim. Throughout all of the American tribes of savagery it has been found that peculiar groups of persons are organized and known as shamanistic societies or phratries, viz: banded religious bodies. The term however must be extended that it may include the ceremonies which the savage believed to be religious. Peace and warfare, health and disease, welfare and want, pleasure and pain, all, whether good or evil, are believed to be under control of such societies as noted. The gens is to be found in Greek and Roman history, where it is known as the agnatic kindred. The tribe remains a body of consanguineal kindred: it is composed of groups of gentes that are incest groups, and the mates in marriage must belong to different gentes. See [appendix A.]
[30] For an account of the mythical origin of each of the Iowa gens, see J. O. Dorsey, Social Organization of the Siouan Tribe in the Journal of American Folklore, Vol. IV, 1891, No. XV, page 338. This was recorded by Rev. William Hamilton in 1848 and was published from a letter by him to the children of the Presbyterian Sunday schools. Dorsey also obtained from the Iowa, during a visit to that tribe in 1880, a list of the gentes and later perfected this with a list of the subgentes. This list is included herewith as an appendix from the 15th Rep., B. A. E., 1897.
[31] Dorsey. Siouan Sociology.
[32] See Cyrus Thomas. Mound Explorations, 12th Rep., B. A. E., 1894, page 111. A plan of the section noted above is given in this report, which is the most complete on mound exploration ever attempted. It may well be termed definitive.
[33] The study of games as played among North American Indians, is a field in itself. This has been covered most exhaustively by Mr. Stewart Culin in his recent work, Games of the North American Indians: (24th Rep., B. A. E., 1907), and to this volume we refer any student who wishes to make detailed researches. In addition to this work, Catlin’s great contribution to the history of the North American tribes is in itself a mine of general information, though his little volume entitled The Fourteen Ioway Indians, published in London in 1844, treats of the games of the Iowa more particularly. Where possible the earlier edition of that writer’s Letters and Notes should be used rather than the later issues with the colored plates, such method of illustration having been condemned by Catlin from the beginning. Indian Games an Historical Research by Andrew McFarland Davis, is a valuable monograph. All of the above refer in extenso to the Iowa.
[34] The Fourteen Ioway Indians. London, 1844. This little pamphlet is now scarce, and was written by Catlin at the instance of the parties who brought the Indians to London. He was particularly interested from an humanitarian point of view. An edition was issued in Paris, a year later, with woodcuts by Porret, adding interest to the work.
[35] The Fourteen Ioway Indians.
[36] Ibid.
[37] A translation of the song for this occasion is as follows:
“Take care of yourself—shoot well, or you lose, You warned me, but, see! I have defeated you! I am one of the Great Spirit’s children! Wa-konda I am! I am Wa-konda!”
See Alice C. Fletcher’s paper, Tribal Structure, as included in The Putnam Anniversary Volume, Cedar Rapids, 1909, for a further exposition of the word Wa-Kon’-da.
[38] Culin. Games of the North American Indians.
[39] In a game witnessed by the writer, on the Sauk and Fox Reservation at Tama, Iowa, in 1907, the ball used was wood. This tribe is slow to acquire new ideas, nor has it advanced greatly during the last fifty years. The game was one of intense excitement and is still played along the same lines as in the earlier days of this once powerful band.
[40] Field Columbian Museum Catalog, No. 71404.
[41] The Fourteen Ioway Indians.
[42] The oldest attempt at a detailed description of the game is given by Nicolas Perrot, Memoire sur les Moeurs, Costumes et Religion des Sauvages de l’Amerique Septentrionale. First printed in Paris in 1864.
[43] See Catlin. The Fourteen Ioway Indians, page 19, for a translation in full of this song.
[44] The Fourteen Ioway Indians, page 20.
[45] Ibid., page 21. In the French translation of this pamphlet these chansons are particularly well rendered.
[46] A contrary statement is made by Messrs. Irvin and Hamilton in Schoolcraft’s History of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III, page 260, (1853), wherein the Iowa are mentioned as being “but a remnant of a once numerous and considerable nation.” Estimates as follows given as a total—in 1764 (Bouquet) 1100; 1804 (Lewis & Clark) 800; 1822 (Morse) 1000; 1829 (Sec. of War) 1000; 1832 (Drake) 1100; 1843 (Report Indian Affairs) 470; and the Donaldson Report (11th Census, taken from Jackson catalog of photographs, etc., Washington, 1877) 1894, states that their number reached 1500 early in the 19th century. Catlin conjectures 1400 in 1832 and 992 in 1836. The total remnant of the tribe in 1905 was 314; in 1908, 339, these figures being from official sources.
[47] Writing in 1876, the author seems unfamiliar with Pere André’s reference to the tribe in 1676, and quotes from Le Sueur who knew this band first in 1700.
[48] The present spelling of the name was first used by Lieut. Albert M. Lea in his Notes on the Wisconsin Territory, 1836, wherein he referred to the country west of the Mississippi as the “Ioway District”, suggested by the Ioway river. This point will be brought out fully in the new edition of Lea’s Notes now in preparation by the Ioway Club, edited by L. A. Brewer.
[49] The tribe has long since been divided and now occupies lands in the Potawatomi and Great Nemaha Agency in Kansas and the Sauk and Fox Agency in Oklahoma. See Kappler. Laws and Treaties, 2 vols., Washington, 1903.
[50] Benard de la Harpe, a French officer who came to Louisiana in 1718. His Narrative of Le Sueur’s Expedition is included by French in his Hist. Coll. of Louisiana, Part III, page 19 et seq., and is also given by Shea, Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, Albany, 1861, reprint, 1908. For a lengthy bibliographical note of this work, see A. McF. Davis in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, Vol. V, page 63.
[51] Pierre Charles le Sueur, a French geologist, member of Iberville’s Expedition of 1698, and sent primarily to report on the “green earth” (copper mines), known to him through previous researches in 1695.
[52] At the best information concerning the expedition of Le Sueur is scant. The most important source is the work of one Penicaut, Perricaut or Perricault (see A. McF. Davis in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, Vol. V, page 71), a carpenter who accompanied the Iberville party from France in 1698 and remained in Louisiana until 1781. The most complete form in which we are able to read the Journal is in Margry’s Découvertes et Etablissements des Francais dans l’Ouest et dans le Sud de l’Amerique Septentrionale, Vol. V, page 319 et seq. Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698-1722) are translated in their entirety in French’s Hist. Coll. of Louisiana, New Series, Vol. I, but this translation must be read with caution as French was not the most careful of translators.
[53] In a communication from Mr. W. H. Holmes, former Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, with reference to the Penicaut manuscript, he states that no translation from this source has been made and that French (Hist. Coll.) is unreliable. For the printed form, in the French language, Margry’s Decouvertes (ETC.), Vol. V, is the authority.
[54] Pierre Francois Xavier de Charlevoix, a French traveller, born October 29, 1682, at St. Quentin, died, 1761. His most important work of American interest bears the following title: Histoire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, Avec le Journal Historique d’un Voyage Fait Par Ordre Du Roi Dans L’Amerique Septentrionale. Paris, 1744. Several editions of the work, in three and six volumes respectively, were issued in Paris during this year. Journal d’un Voyage (ETC.), usually forms the last volume, with a separate title page. During 1761 this portion was published in English in London, two volumes, but it was not until 1865-72 that the Histoire proper was translated, and at that time by J. G. Shea (New York, 6 vols.). Foster is obviously in error as to the date mentioned (1722). Charlevoix’s work was not ready for publication at that time, though he had no doubt finished it in 1724, at which date he issued simultaneously, the Journal which was addressed to the Duchess de Lesdiguières. Some partial reprints of Charlevoix do not contain the linguistic portions.
[55] Here the writer no doubt refers to the mutilated and meretricious issue of the Lewis and Clark Journals, published by William Fisher of Baltimore during 1812. As a contribution to the literature of the subject, the volume is entirely devoid of worth and statements concerning linguistics or events have little value. Coues, in his edition of the Lewis and Clark Travels, gives full details of this publication. See also the present writer’s Bibliography of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Literary Collector, March, 1902. In Thwaites’ edition of the Original Journals of Lewis and Clark, 1904, (Vol. I, page 45), Ayauway is noted, as an early form of spelling.
[56] It is difficult to determine exactly the work here referred to. Without doubt in this instance, as in those which follow, Foster had access to Rev. S. R. Riggs’s Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language, published by the Smithsonian Institution as one of the Contributions to Knowledge, in 1852. Dr. Riggs was a close student of Siouan linguistics and published much material on the subject, his Dakota-English Dictionary being exhaustively edited with great care by J. O. Dorsey and published in final form in 1892 by the Bureau of American Ethnology. A comprehensive list of the published and manuscript material by Riggs, who was ably assisted by his wife, will be found in Pillings’s Siouan Bibliography, page 60 et seq., and in the S. D. Hist. Coll., Vol. II. At various intervals through the original work, Foster acknowledges his indebtedness to the first volume of the Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll. In this there is an excellent article by Riggs entitled The Dakota Language, from which considerable assistance was no doubt obtained.
[57] According to J. O. Dorsey in Bull. 30, B. A. E., their tribal tradition is, that after separating from the parent stock they “received the name of Pahoja, or Gray Snow.” See also W J McGee, 15th Rept., B. A. E., 1897, who says: “Iowa or Pá-qo-tce signifies ‘Dusty Heads’.” See also On the Origin of the Otos, Joways and Missouris, etc., in Maximilian’s Travels (Vol. III, Clark’s reprint, page 313). This purports to be a tradition communicated to Maj. Jonathan L. Bean, of Pennsylvania, Gov. Sub. Agent to the Sioux, 1827-34. The Iowa are designated as Pa-ho-dje, or Dust Noses.
[58] Rev. William Hamilton and Rev. Samuel McCleary Irvin, Presbyterian missionaries to the Iowa and Sauk and Fox Indians located near the mouth of the Great Nemaha river. They established what was known as the Ioway and Sac Mission Press at their station in 1848, issuing therefrom several volumes now of great rarity including An Ioway Grammar and The Ioway Primer, the latter in two editions. (See [illustration]). For a complete list of their writings see Pilling, Bibliography of the Siouan Languages, p. 31 et seq. There is an autobiography of Hamilton in Nebraska State Historical Society Reports, Vol. I, 1885, first series.
[59] See [the map] by Waw-Non-Que-Skoon-a.
[60] See [note 47.] Several references are made to the Iowa tribe at an earlier date than here mentioned. Father Louis André, 1676 André, who came to Canada during 1669, and was at Green Bay, Wis., from 1671 to 1681, designates the Nadoessi Mascouteins, which name was applied to the Iowa because of their relations for a time with the Sioux, as living about 200 leagues from that place, in 1676. (See article by Father A. E. Jones, in U. S. Cath. Hist. Mag., No. 9, 1889). Father André died in Quebec in 1715. Membré, 1680 Even before the date of Le Sueur we have a reference by Father Zenobius Membré in 1680, placing the Oto and Iowa in three great villages built near a river “which empties in the river Colbert [Mississippi] on the west side above the Illinois, almost opposite the mouth of the Wisconsin.” More than this he appears to locate a part of the Ainove (no doubt Aioue) to the west of the Milwaukee river in Wisconsin. Perrot, 1685 Perrot (Memoirs), apparently locates them, in 1685, on the plains in the vicinity of the Pawnee. Marquette’s map of 1674-79 gives the Pahoutet (Iowa), Otontanta (Oto), Maha (Omaha) a position on the Missouri river, but this is done by mere chance and without authority. La Salle, writing Hennepin August 22, 1682, mentions both Oto and Iowa under Otontanto and Aiounonea.
[61] It has often been a matter for conjecture why Le Sueur should have given himself so much concern over a mine of “green earth” as the discovery does not seem to be one meriting a great amount of distinction. Not long since, however, certain mineral specimens of metallic substance, apparently a sort of iron or copper ore, were found in the banks of the Le Sueur river (so-called by J. N. Nicollet, and on a map published in 1773, the river St. Remi), near the confluence with the Blue Earth river. Penicaut in his relation speaks of the deposit extending many miles on the banks of the river (Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. III, page 8), and it is therefore not improbable that the intrepid explorer had in mind something more real than colored marls of blue, green or yellow, which owed their color to the silicate of iron, and which were, when free from sand, highly prized and used for paint by the Indians. As an article of trade they were of value, but even this point does not fully explain the expedition. (See MS. in Ministere des Colonies, Paris, Vol. XV, c. 11, fol. 39). In a letter from the Intendant Champigny to the French Minister, also in this collection in Paris, the former says, “I think that the only mines that he (Le Sueur) seeks in those regions are mines of beaver skins.” For a lengthy sketch of the material first referred to, see Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, 1902, reprint, also in Neill, History of Minnesota, 3d edition, 1878, page 165, note.
[62] See [note 50.]
[63] In Shea’s Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, Albany, 1861 (1902).
[64] The manuscript here referred to was found in 1869 in Paris, among a collection of similar material, and purchased by the Library of Congress. It consists of 452 pages, antique writing, and was first published in Margry’s Decouvertes, (ETC.), in French. Portions of it have been printed by the Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. III, Part I, and the whole work included by B. F. French, in translation, in his Hist. Coll. of Louisiana.
[65] Edward Duffield Neill, born Philadelphia, August 9, 1823, died St. Paul, September 26, 1893. Presbyterian minister in St. Paul, 1849-60; private secretary to President Johnson, 1865-69; consul to Dublin, 1869-70 and later president of Macalester College, St. Paul. Published extensively in American history and his History of Minnesota (last edition, 1887), is considered of highest authority. See Dr. Alexander Nicolas De Menil’s Literature of the Louisiana Territory (St. Louis, 1904), for a sketch of this writer and of many others whose names are prominent in the history of the middle west.
[66] Le Sueur was commandant at Chequamegon for a considerable time, beginning in 1693. During that year he erected two forts, one near the present site of Red Wing, Minnesota, and one on Madeline Island, believing this necessary in order to keep open the Bois Brulé and St. Croix trading route. See Wis. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVI, page 173. For a sketch of Chagaouamegong (now corruptly written Chequamegon), see the excellent little volume by Rev. Chrysostom Verwyst, O. S. F., entitled Missionary Labors of Fathers Marquette, Menard, and Allouez in the Lake Superior Region, 1886, pp. 181-182, also Wis. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, which gives the Indian nomenclature, showing the early form, Chegoiwegon.
[67] A mistake taken bodily from Neill’s History of Minnesota, first edition, which was corrected in a later edition to “Fort Perrot on the west side of the Mississippi, on a prairie, just below the expansion of the stream known as Lake Pepin.”
[68] Nicolas Perrot, one of the most prominent of the early voyageurs and very well acquainted with the northwestern tribes, gained their confidence and good-will from the beginning. He was born in 1644 and employed by the Jesuits from 1660-65, later connecting himself with the Ottawa fur-trade. He is probably better known, however, as an explorer, and in 1685 was employed by the government of Canada as commandant in the northwest. During his last years he composed his Memoirs which remained in manuscript until 1864, at which time they were published with copious notes by Tailhan. Perrot died August 13, 1717. See Stickney, Parkman Club Papers, Milwaukee, 1896.
[69] Pierre de Fevre de La Barre, successor of Frontenac, as governor of Canada, and in turn followed by Denonville. An ignorant and by no means worthy occupant of the position.
[70] A small, square-ended barge equipped with both oars and sail.
[71] Nineteen men. La Harpe’s Narrative. Penicaud.
[72] Ibid. Gives the date as 29th.
[73] Gabriel Marest, S. J., who came to Canada in 1694 and died at the Kaskaskia Mission, September 15, 1714. Practically his whole life was spent among the Kaskaskia Indians of Illinois, once the leading tribe of the Illinois Confederacy, and he taught among them continually.
[74] “This does not accord with the general tradition that the Dakota were always enemies of the Sioux, nevertheless the name Nadoessi Mascouteins seems to have been applied to the Iowa by the earlier missionaries because of their relations for a time with the Sioux.” Cyrus Thomas, Bull. 30, B. A. E., 1907.
[75] This statement is wholly without foundation. Iberville was the third son of a burgher of Dieppe one Charles Le Moyne, father of fourteen children, who migrated from his native country to Canada in 1640, at which place he joined the Jesuits. Sieur d’ Bienville together with his brother were leaders in that conflict with the English in the Hudson Bay region (see Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, Vol. IV), and it is not exaggeration to term Pierre le Moyne, Sieur d’Iberville, as one of the most noted Canadian naval officers of his time. His death occurred from yellow fever, July 9, 1706, at Havana. Cf. The First Great Canadian. By Charles B. Reed, Chic., 1910; also Wis. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVI. Certain writers affirm the relations between Sauvole and the others here mentioned, notably Gayarre, in his History of Louisiana, Vol. I, page 58. Later authorities, however, as Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, page 32, take opposite views. See [note 51] for a sketch of Le Sueur.
[76] Gen. Lewis Cass, on his return from France in 1842, brought certain French manuscripts among which was a census of Indian tribes, compiled by one M. Chauvignerie. Schoolcraft gives this in full in his monumental work on the Indians of North America. (Vol. III, pages 553-557).
[77] There is no authority for this statement. See [note 50.] Le Sueur came to Canada as a young man and became a fur trader. During 1693 and for a few years thereafter he was commandant at Chequamegon and discovering lead mines on the upper Mississippi he made efforts to secure permission to work them, but without success. Little is known of his last years and his death occurred while on the ocean, probably before 1710.
[78] It is doubtful that Le Sueur gave assistance as here stated. The map in question is Carte du Canada ou de la Nouvelle France et des Decouvertes que y Ont Eté Faites. Par Guillaume Del’Isle. Paris, l’auteur 1703. (19-1/2 × 25-1/2). There is a reproduction, reduced, in Neill’s Minnesota, 3d edition, and Milburn’s The Lance, Cross and Canoe, p. 72, on which is to be found the following note:
“The manuscript from which the above Map was prepared, was found in the ‘Bibliotheque du roi,’ in Paris in a volume of La Harpe’s journeys of 1718-1722. It is said to bear date the year 1700. If so, it is evident that after the original preparation and before publication some one has added matter subsequently ascertained, for the Map above contains items of as late a date as 1717. Also is to be noted the fact that while all the other parts of the Map are in the French language, one single English phrase is to be found in the lower right-hand corner, to-wit: ‘De Soto landed 31 May, 1538.’ This would indicate that some one other than the original draftsman had taken part in its creation and at a time subsequent to its original preparation.”
Claude and Guillaume Delisle—father and son—were the most noted French cartographers of their day. There have been reissues of the map in question, corrected to date. For a sketch of Delisle see C. A. Walckenaer, Vies de Plusieurs Personnages Célébres, 1830; and Vincent Dutouret, Examen sur Toutes les Cartes Generales des quatre parties de le Terre, mises au jour, par feu Delisle, dupuis 1700, jus’qu en 1725, pour Servir d’Eclaircissement sur la Geographis, 1728.
[79] Plate 30.
[80] Vol. III, page 262.
[81] For an extended account of the Radisson-Groseillers controversy see Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, Vol. VI, Minnesota, by J. V. Brower, and particularly Radisson and Groseilliers, by Henry Colin Campbell, issued as No. 2 of the Parkman Club Publications, Milwaukee, 1896.
Pierre Esprit Radisson was a native of St. Malo in Brittany and in 1651 settled with his parents at Three Rivers on the St. Lawrence. Medard Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers, was born in Brie, France, though the exact dates in both cases are not known. It is supposed that these two adventurers died in Great Britain at an advanced age as they had served in the interest of the French and British as policy dictated. In the Minnesota monograph above referred to, Mr. Benjamin Sulte, one of the leading Canadian authorities on the early French explorations, gives in detail a vast amount of highly important material concerning the Radisson-(Chouart) Groseillers connection and a more popular though somewhat biased exposition of the same subject is given by Miss Agnes C. Laut in her Pathfinders of the West, part I.
Radisson’s highly important account of his wanderings are in manuscript in The Bodleian Library, and include the record of his first four voyages, including two journeys westward in company with Groseilliers, and his subsequent Hudson Bay experiences are in the British Museum. In 1885 The Prince Society of Boston published the work in its entirety and to the lasting benefit of American history.
For further reference to this matter see Wis. Hist. Coll., Vol. XI, and also the same Society’s Proceedings, for 1895.
[82] Daniel Greysolon du Luth (Lhut) was for a time commandant of the northwest. Coming to Canada as an officer from France about 1676 he conducted an expedition against the Sioux in 1678 and a year later took formal possession of their country for France. He spent several years as an explorer and fur trader, and in 1689 returned to the St. Lawrence. His death occurred in 1710. See Minn. Hist. Coll., Vol. I. His name is spelled Du Luth, Du Lut, Dulhut, De Luth, Dulud and Du Luhd in the old documents. The city of Duluth, St. Louis Co., Minnesota, founded in 1856, was named after the explorer at the suggestion of Rev. J. G. Wilson of Logansport, Indiana. See Stennett, History of the Origin of the Place Names connected with the C. & N. W. R. R., etc., Chic., 1908.
[83] Foster’s interjection.
[84] Foster’s interjection.
[85] See [note 49.]
[86] See [the treaty of 1824] (Appendix B) for migration. Maximilian says that “the Ioway [Iowa] dwelt on the Grand river till 1827, when they removed to the Little Platte river.” Clark’s reprint of the Travels, Vol. I, p. 245. Later on in the same volume, he writes of this tribe: “On the northern bank, seven miles up that [the Little Platte] river, are the villages of the Ioway Indians....” No doubt the tribe had journeyed in this direction after the troubles of the Black Hawk War in 1832.
[87] See Hornaday, The Extermination of the American Bison, 1887, and Allen, The American Bisons, Living and Extinct, 1876.
[88] In 1876. Marquette found them in 1673 at the mouth of the Des Moines river. This, as will be seen, was their first location.
[89] Report of Albert J. Vaughan, sub-agent of the Great Nemaha agency, published in the Rep. of the Comm. of Ind. Affairs, 1849, p. 143, Washington, 1850. Vaughan says, “According to the census of last spring payment of annuities, the Iowas numbered 802, and the Sacs and Foxes 128”. (Communicated in a letter from Mr. F. W. Hodge, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology).
[90] This should be 1702.—Ed.
[91] The Memorial here referred to is in manuscript and among the archives of the government, at Paris. It is one of the most valuable documents on the subject of early nations and country of the Mississippi, and portions of it have been transcribed and translated for the Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, p. 279, 1850-56 (reprint 1902). The full title of the work is as follows: Memoriall of M. d’Iberville upon the Country of the Mississippi, the Mobile and its Environs, Their Rivers, Inhabitants and the Commerce which could be Carried on in less than Five or Six Years in Settling it. The quotation by Foster, given above, has been proof read to correspond with the translation here mentioned, and includes only the line preceding the brackets.
[92] This enumeration as included in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, has been variously assigned to different authorities. O’Callaghan supposes it to be by Joncaire, but Thwaites proves otherwise, as Joncaire was on the Ohio at the time and not at Mackinac. Schoolcraft relies on the note which he says was on the original manuscript, that the compilation was by Chauvignerie—i.e., Michel Maray, sieur de Chauvignerie, an interpreter employed at the post—and Thwaites comes to the final conclusion that it was done by Celeron, the Younger, commandant at Mackinac at this date, and particularly well acquainted with the Indian tribes. See Wis. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. XVII.
[93] 1806—should be 1810.
[94] In Thwaites, Original Journals of Lewis and Clark, Vol. VI, p. 91, a reference is made to the “Ne persa” (i. e., Nez Percés;) and this is given as a trader’s nickname.
[95] A portion of this treaty is included in Maximilian’s Travels, Vol. III, pg. 315 et seq.—Clark’s reprint.