The Fifth New Year’s Feast from the Auspicious Accession.
On Sunday, the 24th Ẕī-l-ḥijja (20th March, 1610), after two watches and three gharis the sun entered into the constellation of Aries, which is the house of honour and good fortune, and at this auspicious hour the New Year’s feast was arranged at Bāk Bhal, one of the villages of the parganah of Bārī, and according to the rules of my revered father I mounted the throne. On that morning, which was the New Year’s Day that lighted up the world, and coincided with the 1st of Farwardīn of the 5th year from my accession, I held a public reception, and all the nobles and servants of the Court had the good fortune to pay their respects. Some of the nobles’ offerings were laid before me. K͟hān Aʿz̤am gave a pearl worth 4,000 rupees; Mirān Ṣadr Jahān, twenty-eight hawks and falcons, and other gifts; Mahābat K͟hān, two European boxes, the sides of which were made with slabs of glass, so that whatever was placed inside could be seen from outside in a way that you might say there was nothing between them; Kis͟hwar K͟hān, twenty-two male and female elephants. In the same way each of the servants of the Court laid before me the presents and offerings that they had. Naṣru-llah, son of Fatḥu-llah s͟harbatchī (in charge of the s͟harbat), was placed in charge of the offerings. By Sārang Deo, who had been appointed to carry orders to the victorious army of the Deccan, I sent souvenirs (tabarruk) to Parwīz and to each of the officers. I presented Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, son of G͟hāzī K͟hān[1] Badak͟hs͟hī, who had taken to the ways of a dervish and seclusion, with 1,000 rupees and a farjī shawl. The day after the New Year’s Day I mounted and started for a tiger-hunt. Two males and a female were killed. I gave rewards to the ahadis who had shown bravery and gone in to the tigers, and increased their monthly pay. On the 26th of the same month I went and busied myself mostly with hunting nilgaw. As the air was hot and the (propitious) hour for re-entering Agra had nearly arrived, I went to Rūpbās, and hunted antelope in that neighbourhood for some days. On Saturday, the 1st Muḥarram, 1019, Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ, who was the founder of Rūpbās, presented the offering that he had prepared. That which pleased was accepted and what remained was given him back as a reward. At the same time Bāyazīd Mankalī and his brothers, who had come from the Subah of Bengal, were honoured with paying their respects. Sayyid Ādam, son of Sayyid Qāsim Bārha, who had come from Ahmadabad, also had the same good fortune. He presented an elephant as an offering. The faujdārship of the Subah of Multan was given to Walī Bī Ūzbeg in place of Tāj K͟hān.
On Monday, the 3rd Muḥarram of the 5th year, I halted at the Mandākar Garden, which is in the neighbourhood of the city. On the morning on which was the auspicious hour of entry into the city, after a watch and two gharis had passed I mounted and rode on a horse to the beginning of the inhabited part, and when I came to the immediate neighbourhood mounted on an elephant, so that the people from far and near might see, and scattering money on both sides of the road, at the hour that the astrologers had chosen, after midday had passed, entered with congratulation and happiness the royal palace. In accordance with the usual custom of the New Year I had ordered them to decorate the palace, which is like the courts of heaven. After seeing the decorations, K͟hwāja Jahān laid before me the offering that he had prepared. Having accepted out of the ornaments and jewels, dresses and goods, whatever I approved of, I gave the rest as a reward to him. I had ordered the clerks of the hunting department to write out (a list of) all the animals that had been killed from the time of my leaving until I re-entered the city. At this time they represented that in 56 days 1,362 animals, quadrupeds, and birds had been killed; the tigers were 7 in number; nilgaw, male and female, 70; black buck, 51; does and mountain goats and antelope (rojh), etc., 82; kulang (cranes); peacocks, surk͟hāb,[2] and other birds, 129; fish, 1,023. On Friday, the 7th, Muqarrab K͟hān came from the ports of Cambay and Surat, and had the honour of waiting on me. He had brought jewels and jewelled things, and vessels of gold and silver made in Europe, and other beautiful and uncommon presents, male and female Abyssinian slaves, Arab horses, and things of all kinds that came into his mind. Thus his presents were laid before me for two and a half months, and most of them were pleasing to me. On this day Ṣafdar K͟hān, who held the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, had an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse, and was presented with a standard, and given leave to return to his former jagir. Standards were also given to Kis͟hwar K͟hān and Farīdūn[3] K͟hān Barlās. A fighting elephant for Afẓal K͟hān (Abū-l-faẓl’s son) was handed over to his son Bis͟hūtan, to take to his father. I bestowed 1,000 rupees on K͟hwāja Ḥusain, a descendant of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, as was usual for the half-year. The Khankhanan had sent as an offering a “Yūsuf and Zulaik͟hā” in the handwriting of Mullā Mīr ʿAlī,[4] with illustrations and in a beautiful gilt binding, worth 1,000 muhrs. This Maʿṣūm, his Wakil, brought and submitted. Up to the day of culmination, which is the conclusion of the New Year’s feast, every day many offerings were laid before me by the Amirs and servants of the Court. Whichever of the rarities was approved of by me I accepted, and gave back what was left. On Thursday, the 13th, corresponding to the 19th Farwardīn, which is the day of culmination of the sun and of gladness and pleasure, I ordered them to prepare an entertainment of different kinds of intoxicating drinks, and an order was given to the Amirs and servants of the Court that everyone might choose the kind of drink he affected. Many took wine and some mufarriḥ (exhilarating drinks), whilst some ate what they wished of the preparations of opium. The assembly was successfully held. Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān from Gujarat had sent as an offering a throne of silver, inlaid and painted, of a new fashion and shape, which was presented to me. A standard was also conferred on Mahā Singh. In the commencement of my reign I had repeatedly given orders that no one should make eunuchs or buy or sell them, and whoever did so would be answerable as a criminal. At this time Afẓal K͟hān sent some of these evildoers to Court from the Subah of Behar, who were continually perpetrating this vile offence. I ordered these unthinking ones (bī-ʿāqibatān) to be imprisoned for life.
On the night of the 12th an uncommon and strange event took place. Some Delhi singers (Qawwālān, see Jarrett, ii, 236) were singing songs in my presence, and Sayyidī[5] S͟hāh was, by way of buffoonery, mimicking a religious dance. This verse of Amīr K͟husrau was the refrain (miyān-k͟hāna) of the song—
“Each nation has its right road of faith and its shrine (qibla-gāhī).
I’ve set up my shrine (qibla) on the path of him with the cocked cap.”
I asked what was the real meaning of the (last) hemistich. Mullā ʿAlī Aḥmad,[6] the seal engraver, who in his own craft was one of the first of the age, and had the title of K͟halīfa, and was an old servant, and with whose father I had learned when I was little, came forward and said, “I have heard from my father that one day S͟haik͟h Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā had put his cap on the side of his head, and was sitting on a terraced roof by the bank of the Jumna and watching the devotions[7] of the Hindus. Just then Amīr K͟husrau appeared, and the S͟haik͟h turned to him and said, ‘Do you see this crowd,’ and then he recited this line:—
‘Each race has its right road of faith and its shrine’ (qibla-gāhī).
The Amīr, without hesitating, respectfully did homage to the S͟haik͟h, and addressing him said—
‘I’ve set up my shrine in the direction of him with the cocked cap.’”[8]
The aforesaid Mullā, when these words were uttered, and the last words of the second hemistich passed over his tongue, became senseless and fell down. Conceiving a great fear from his falling down, I went to his head. Most of those who were present doubted whether he had not had an epileptic fit. The physicians who were present distractedly made inquiry and felt his pulse and brought medicine. However much they beat their hands and feet and exerted themselves, he did not come to. Immediately he fell he had delivered his soul to the Creator. As his body was quite warm, they thought that possibly some life might be left in him. After a short time it became evident that the thing was all over and he was dead. They carried him away dead to his own house. I had never seen this kind of death, and sent money to his sons for his shroud and burial, and the next morning they sent him to Delhi and buried him in the burial-place of his ancestors.
On Friday, the 21st, Kis͟hwar K͟hān, who held the rank of 1,500, was promoted to 2,000 personal and horse, and, having been presented with an Iraq horse out of my private stable, a robe of honour and a private elephant, named Bak͟ht-jīt,[9] and the Faujdārship of the country of Uch, was dismissed with a view to the punishment of the rebels of that region. Bāyazīd Mankalī, having been honoured with a robe and a horse, was sent off together with his brothers in the company of Kis͟hwar K͟hān. An elephant from my private stud, by name ʿĀlam-gumān, was entrusted to Habību-llah for Rāja Mān Singh and sent. A special horse was sent to Bengal for Kes͟ho Dās Mārū,[10] and a female elephant was now given to ʿArab K͟hān, the jagirdar of Jalalabad. At this time Iftik͟har K͟hān had sent an offering of a rare elephant from Bengal. As I approved of it, it was entered among my private elephants. I raised the rank of Aḥmad[11] Beg K͟hān, who had been nominated to the command of the army of Bangash on account of his good service and that of his sons, from his original rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse by 500 more personal. I sent a gold throne[12] of jewelled work for Parwīz, and a sarpīch, which was of rubies and pearls, and made at a cost of 2,000 rupees, was sent for K͟hān Jahān by the hand of Ḥabīb, son of Sarbarāh K͟hān, to Burhanpur. At this time it became known that Kaukab, son of Qamar K͟hān, had become intimate with a Sanyasi, and by degrees his words, which were all blasphemous and impious, made an impression on that foolish fellow. He had made ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, son of Naqīb K͟hān, and S͟harīf, his cousins, partners in that error. When this affair was discovered, with only a slight frightening they revealed certain circumstances with regard to themselves, the relation of which would be extremely disgusting. Considering their punishment advisable, I imprisoned Kaukab[13] and S͟harīf after giving them a whipping, and ordered ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf a hundred lashes in my presence. This special chastisement (was given) for the purpose of carrying out the Divine law in order that other ignorant persons might not be disposed towards the same actions. On Monday, the 24th, Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān was despatched to Delhi to punish the rebels and disaffected of that neighbourhood. Two thousand rupees were given to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. I had ordered S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Dars͟hanī to proceed with certain firmans to Bengal and presents to each of the Amirs of that Subah. I now gave him his orders and despatched him. With an eye on his actions and his approved services, I promoted Islām K͟hān to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and bestowed on him a special dress of honour. I gave a special dress of honour also to Kis͟hwar K͟hān, and presented Rāja Kalyān with an Iraq horse, and similarly to the other Amirs there were given robes of honour or horses. Farīdūn Barlās, who held the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse, I promoted to 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse.
On the night of Monday, the 1st Ṣafar, through the carelessness of the servants, a great fire occurred in the house of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, and before they became aware of it and the fire could be put out many of his properties were burnt. In order to afford consolation to the mind of the K͟hwāja and to make up for the loss he had sustained, I gave him 40,000 rupees. On Saif K͟hān Bārha, who had been cherished and brought up by me, I bestowed a standard. I increased the rank of Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who had been appointed to the Diwanship of Kabul, from his original of 1,000 personal and 225 horse by 200 personal and 275 horse, and dismissed him. The next day I sent a phūl-kaṭāra (dagger) studded with valuable jewels to Burhanpur to K͟hān Jahān.
A widow woman complained that Muqarrab K͟hān had taken her daughter by force in the port of Cambay, and after some while, during which he had kept her in his own house, when she enquired for the girl had said that she had died by an unavoidable death. I ordered an enquiry to be made into the affair. After much search I discovered that one of his attendants had been guilty of this outrage, and had him put to death, and reduced Muqarrab K͟hān’s mansab by one half, and made an allowance to the woman who had been thus injured.
As on Sunday, the 7th of the month, a qirān-i-naḥsīn (an unlucky conjunction) had occurred, I gave alms of gold and silver and other metals, and different kinds of cereals, to faqirs and indigent people to be divided in most parts of the dominion. On the night of Monday, the 8th, having sent for S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Sirhindī and S͟haik͟h Muṣt̤afā, who were celebrated for the adoption of the ways of dervishdom and the state of poverty, a party was held, and by degrees the assembly engaged warmly in samāʿ and wajd (dervish dancing and ecstasy). Hilarity and frenzy were not wanting. After the meeting was over I gave money to each and gave him leave. As Mīrzā G͟hāzī Beg Tark͟hān repeatedly made representations with regard to provisions for Qandahar and the monthly pay of the musketeers of the said fort, I ordered 200,000 rupees to be sent there from the treasury of Lahore.[14]
On the 19th Urdibihis͟ht, in the fifth year of my reign, corresponding with the 4th Ṣafar, there occurred a strange affair at Patna, which is the seat of government of the province of Behar. Afẓal K͟hān, the governor of the Subah, went off to the jagir to which he had just been appointed, and which was at a distance of 60 kos from Patna, and handed over the fort and the city to the charge of S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī, the Diwan of the Subah, and to a number of other mansabdars. With the idea that there were no enemies in that region he did not satisfy himself as he should have with regard to the protection of the fort and city. By chance, at that time an unknown man of the name of Qut̤b belonging to the people of Uch, who was a mischievous and seditious fellow, came to the province of Ujjainiyya,[15] which is in the neighbourhood of Patna, with the look of a dervish and the clothes of a beggar, and having made acquaintance with men of that part, who were always seditious, represented to them that he was K͟husrau, who had escaped from prison and conveyed himself there; saying that if they would accompany and assist him, after the affair had been completed they would be the ministers of his State. In short, deceiving those simpletons with foolish words he brought them over to him and persuaded them that he was K͟husrau. He showed those deceived ones the parts about his eyes, where at some time he had produced scars, of which the marks were still apparent, and told them that in the prison they had fastened cups (kaṭorī) on them and those were the marks.[16] Through these falsehoods and deceit a number of foot- and horsemen had collected round him, and had obtained information that Afẓal K͟hān was not at Patna. Considering this a great opportunity, they made a raid, and when two or three hours of the day had passed on Sunday came to the city, and being hindered by nothing went for the fort. S͟haik͟h Banārasī, who was in the fort, obtaining news of this, went in a disturbed state to the gate of the fort. The enemy, who came on with speed, did not give him time to close the gate of the fort. Together with G͟hiyās̤, he betook himself to the side of the river by a wicket gate, and procuring a boat proposed to go to Afẓal K͟hān. Those rebels came with ease into the fort and took possession of Afẓal K͟hān’s property and the royal treasury; and some of those wretched creatures who wait on events, who were in the city and its neighbourhood, joined them. This news reached Afẓal K͟hān at Gorakhpur (K͟harakpūr),[17] and S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ also came to him there by way of the river. Letters came from the city that this wretch, who called himself K͟husrau, was in reality not K͟husrau. Afẓal K͟hān, placing his trust on the grace and mercy of Allah, and through my good fortune, started without delay against those rebels. In five days he reached the neighbourhood of Patna. When the news of Afẓal K͟hān’s coming reached those scoundrels, they entrusted the fort to one of those whom they had confidence in, and the horse and foot arraying themselves went out for four kos to meet Afẓal K͟hān. A fight took place on the bank of the river Pūn Pūn, and after a slight skirmish the array of those ill-fated ones was broken and they became scattered. In great bewilderment a second time that wretch was coming into the fort with a few men. Afẓal K͟hān followed him, and did not allow them to close the gate of the fort. Going to Afẓal K͟hān’s house in a state of confusion, they fortified the house and remained there for three watches, and fought. They wounded about thirty people with arrows. After his companions had gone to jahannam (hell) he himself became helpless, and asked for quarter, and waited upon Afẓal K͟hān. In order to put a stop to this affair, Afẓal K͟hān executed him on the same day, and imprisoned some of his companions who had fallen alive into his hand. These items of news one after another reached the royal ear. I summoned to Agra S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī and the other mansabdars who had made default in holding the fort and protecting the city, and ordered their hair and beards to be cut off, and that they should be clothed in women’s clothes, seated on asses, and paraded round the city of Agra and in the bazars, as a warning and example to others.
At this time representations succeeded each other from Parwīz and the Amirs appointed to the Deccan and those who were well-wishers of the State, that ʿĀdil K͟hān Bījāpūrī prayed that they would send to him Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Injū, on whose words and acts all the rulers of the Deccan had great reliance, that he might associate himself with them and dispel the fear in their minds, and the affairs of that place might be arranged as it might seem proper to ʿĀdil K͟hān, who had chosen the way of loyalty and service. In any case, he might drive out of their minds the fear that was in them, and soothing them might give him hopes of the royal favour. In order to obtain this end, on the 16th of the same month I despatched the above-mentioned Mīr, giving him a present of 10,000 rupees. I increased the former rank of Qāsim K͟hān, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 personal and horse, in order that he might go to the support of his brother Islām K͟hān in Bengal. At the same time, in order to punish Bikramājīt, Zamindar of the province Bāndhū,[18] who had withdrawn his foot from the circle of obedience and service, I appointed Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, to proceed to put down the disaffection in that region and at the same time administer the estate of the jagir of the Raja, which was in that neighbourhood.
On the 20th of the month I gave an elephant to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. As the governor of Jalalabad had written and represented the ruinous state of the fort of that place, I ordered what might be required for the repair of the said fort to be taken from the treasury of Lahore. Iftik͟hār K͟hān had done approved service in Bengal. On the request of the governor of that Subah I increased his original rank, which was 1,500, by 500. On the 28th a representation came from ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, containing recommendations in favour of some of the zealous servants who had been sent with him to subdue the rebel Rānā. As G͟haznīn K͟hān Jālwarī had shown the greatest zeal of all in this service, I increased by 500 personal and 400 horse his former rank, which was 1,500 personal and 300 horse. In the same manner each one of those persons was promoted according to his services.
Daulat K͟hān, who had been sent to Allahabad to bring the throne of black stone, came on Wednesday, the 4th of the month of Mihr (15th September, 1610), and had an audience and brought the stone safe and sound. In truth it was a wonderful slab, very black and shining. Many say it is of a species of touchstone; in length it was one-eighth less than four cubits, and in breadth 2½ cubits and one tasū,[19] whilst its thickness may be three tasū. I ordered stone-cutters to carve suitable couplets on the sides of it. They had attached feet to it of the same kind of stone. I often sat on that throne.
As the brothers of K͟hān ʿĀlam became security for him, I brought out of prison ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān K͟hān, who was in confinement for certain offences, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and appointed him to the faujdārship of the Subah of Allahabad, and gave him the jagir of Qāsim K͟hān, the brother of Islām K͟hān. I sent Tarbiyat K͟hān to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Alwar. On the 12th of the same month a representation arrived from K͟hān Jahān that the Khankhanan, according to my order, had started for the Court in company with Mahābat K͟hān, and that Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who had been nominated by the Court to go to Bijapur, had also gone from Burhanpur, together with the wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān, to Bijapur. On the 21st of the same month I promoted Murtaẓā K͟hān to the subadarship of the Panjab, which is one of the largest charges in my dominions, and gave him a special shawl. Having appointed Tāj K͟hān, who was in the Subah of Multan to the governorship of Kabul, I added 500 horse to the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse already held by him. At the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, the son of Rānā Shankar was also promoted in rank. When Mahābat K͟hān, who had been sent to Burhanpur to ascertain the numbers of the forces of the Amirs appointed to the Deccan, and to bring the Khankhanan, arrived in the neighbourhood of Agra, he left the Khankhanan some stages off the city and came on in front himself, and was honoured with the good fortune of paying his respects and kissing the threshold. After a few days, on the 12th Ābān, the Khankhanan came and waited on me. As many of those who were loyal had represented the state of his affairs whether true or false, according to their ideas, and I was displeased with him, because the degree of favour and regard that I previously had observed in his case and that I had seen in my revered father had not produced its effect, I did justice in the matter, for previously to this a letter of appointment to the service of the Deccan for a certain time had been given to him, and he had proceeded there in attendance on Sult̤ān Parwīz with other nobles for that important matter. After he arrived at Burhanpur he had not looked to the opportuneness of the time, and at an improper season for moving, and when forage and other necessaries had not been laid in, he had taken Sult̤ān Parwīz and his forces above the Ghats, and by degrees, in consequence of want of concert among the Sardars and his treachery, and of conflicting opinions, things had come to such a pass that grain was obtained with difficulty, and not a mān was to be got for large sums of money. The affairs of the army became so confused that nothing went on properly, and horses, camels, and other four-footed beasts died. In consequence of the exigency of the time he had patched up a kind of peace with the enemy and withdrawn Sult̤ān Parwīz and the army to Burhanpur. As this business did not turn out well, all the well-wishers of the State knew that this division (of counsels) and confusion had arisen from treachery and want of arrangement of the Khankhanan, and represented this to the Court. Although this appeared altogether incredible, at last this impression was left upon my mind, and a representation came from K͟hān Jahān to the effect that all this mischief and confusion had arisen through the treachery of the Khankhanan; either this service should be left entirely in his control, or, summoning him to Court, I should appoint to this duty this man whom I had myself cherished and brought up, and appoint 30,000 horse to support this slave (K͟hān Jahān himself), in order that in the space of two years, having freed the whole of the royal province, now in the possession of the enemy, and having brought the fort of Qandahar[20] and other forts on the border into the occupation of the servants of the Court, he should include in the royal dominions the province of Bijapur. If he did not complete this service in that time, he might be debarred from the good fortune of paying his respects (to me) and would not show his face to the servants of the Court. When the relations between the Sardars and the Khankhanan reached this point, I did not consider it advisable for him to be there any longer, and handed over the command to K͟hān Jahān and sent for him to Court. In reality the cause of my disinclination and want of favour to him was this. The degree of inclination and disinclination towards him in future will be in accordance with whatever may become clear.
I favoured and promoted Sayyid ʿAlī Bārha, who is one of our distinguished young men, with an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse beyond his previous rank, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and gave Dārāb K͟hān, son of the Khankhanan, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, with the Sarkar of Ghazipur as his jagir. Previously to this I had had the daughter of Mīrzā Muz̤affar Ḥusain, son of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā Ṣafawī, ruler of Qandahar, betrothed to my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram, and on this date, the 17th Ābān, as the marriage meeting had been arranged, I went to the house of Bābā K͟hurram and passed the night there. I presented most of the Amirs with robes of honour. Some of those confined in the fort of Gwalior I released, and especially Ḥājī Mīrak. Islām K͟hān had collected 100,000 rupees from the k͟hāliṣa (directly managed) parganahs. As he was at the head of the army and the service, I handed this over to him as a present. Giving a little gold and silver and some of every kind of jewellery and grain to trustworthy men, I determined that they should distribute them to the poor of Agra. On the same day a report came from K͟hān Jahān that Īraj, the son of the Khankhanan, had obtained leave from the prince, and according to orders he had despatched him to Court. With regard to what had been ordered in the case of Abū-l-fatḥ, of Bijapur, as the above-mentioned was an experienced man, and his being sent would cause despair to the other Sardars of the Deccan to whom promises had been made, he had (therefore) kept him under surveillance.[21] An order had been sent that as Kes͟ho Dās, the son of Rāy Kalah(?), was in the service of Parwīz, if any impediment should occur in sending him, he (K͟hān Jahān) should despatch him whether he wished it or not. Immediately on this becoming known to Parwīz, he gave him leave and said to K͟hān Jahān: “These few words from my mouth thou wilt represent, that as I would give my existence and life for the service of my visible God (Jahāngīr), what is there in the being or annihilation of Kes͟ho Dās[22] that I should show any resistance in sending him? When they (i.e. the king) send for my confidential servants for any reason it produces a feeling of hopelessness and disquietude of mind in the rest, and becoming known in these regions gives an idea of disfavour on the part of our lord and Qibla (place looked towards in worship). As for the rest, it is His Majesty’s order.” From the date on which the fort of Ahmadnagar, by the efforts of my deceased brother Dāniyāl, came into the possession of the heads of the victorious State, up till now, the guardianship and preservation of that place had been entrusted to K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā Ṣafawī, who was a relative of the asylum of pardon S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp. After the disturbance of the rebel Deccanis went to a great length, and they besieged the said fort, he had committed no fault in the duties of devotedness and holding of the fort. When the Khankhanan and the Amirs and other leaders who had assembled at Burhanpur in waiting on Parwīz devoted themselves to the driving back and defeat of the rebels, and from the differences of opinion and quarrels of the Amirs, and the absence of provision of forage and grain, those who looked after matters of importance brought this large army into improper roads and among hills and difficult passes, they in a short space of time rendered it wretched and impotent, and matters had come to such a pass and the difficulty with regard to grain was such that they were giving a life for a loaf. They then turned back helplessly with their objects unfulfilled. The garrison of the fort, who were expecting aid from this army, on hearing this news, lost heart and stability, and tumultuously wished to vacate the fort at once. When K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā became aware of this he endeavoured to soothe and quiet the men, but though he did his best it had no good result. At last, under an agreement, he vacated the fort, and proceeded to Burhanpur, and on the day mentioned waited on the prince. Representations with regard to his coming reached me, and, as it was clear that he had not been wanting in bravery and loyalty, I ordered his rank of 5,000 personal and horse to be confirmed and a jagir to be given him. On the 9th a petition came from some of the Amirs in the Deccan that on the 22nd S͟haʿbān Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain had gone to Bijapur. ʿĀdil K͟hān sent his wakil forward for 20 kos, and himself received him at a distance of 3 kos, and took the Mīr by the same road to his own residence.
As the desire to hunt overcame me, at a propitious hour determined by the astrologers, when a watch and six gharis had passed on the night of Friday, the 15th Ramaẓān, corresponding with the 10th Āẕar in the 5th year (of my reign), I started to hunt, and made my first halt in the Dahrah Garden, which is near the city. At this stage I gave Mīr ʿAlī Akbar leave to go into the city after bestowing on him 2,000 rupees and a special warm wrapper (fargul). In order that the grain and cultivation should not be trodden down by my men I ordered that all should remain in the city but the men who were actually wanted and my personal servants. Having entrusted the charge of the city to K͟hwāja Jahān I gave him his leave. On the 14th Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, was given an elephant. On the 28th, corresponding with the 21st Ramaẓān, forty-four elephants, which Hās͟him K͟hān, son of Qāsim K͟hān, had sent as an offering from Orissa, were produced before me. Of these one was very good and tame; this one I put in my private stud. On the 28th an eclipse (of the sun, kusūf) took place, in order to do away with the unluckiness of which I weighed myself against gold and silver; it came to 1,800 tolas of gold and 4,900 rupees. This, along with several kinds of vegetables and sorts of animals such as elephants and horses and cattle, I ordered to be divided among deserving people who were unprovided for and helpless poor of the city of Agra and other cities in the neighbourhood.
As the affairs of the army which had been nominated for the subjugation of the Deccan under the command of Parwīz, and leadership of the Khankhanan and other high Amirs such as Rāja Mān Singh, K͟hān Jahān, Āṣaf K͟hān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and other mansabdars, and other leaders of every tribe and condition, had ended in this, that they had turned back from half-way and returned to Burhanpur, and all the confidential servants and news-writers who spoke the truth had sent in reports to the Court, that although there were many causes for the ruin of this army, yet the chief reason was the disagreement of the Amirs, especially the treachery of the Khankhanan, it came into my mind that I must send K͟hān Aʿz̤am with another fresh and powerful army to make amends for and set to rights some of the improper proceedings that had arisen from the disagreement of the Amirs that has been described. On the 11th of Day he (K͟hān Aʿz̤am) was honoured with the charge of this duty, and an order was given to the Diwans to make preparations and send him off quickly. I appointed K͟hān ʿĀlam, Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās, Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, ʿAlī K͟hān Niyāzī, Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, and other mansabdars, near to the number of 10,000 horse, to accompany him. It was settled that in addition to the ahadis who were appointed to this duty 2,000 others should accompany him, making altogether 12,000 horse. Having sent with him thirty lakhs of rupees and several elephants, I gave him his leave and presented him with a magnificent dress of honour, a jewelled sword-belt, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a private elephant, and 500,000 rupees for expenses. An order was given that the chiefs of the civil department should recover this from his jagir. The Amirs who were under his orders were honoured with robes of honour, horses, and presents. I increased by 500 more horse the rank held by Mahābat K͟hān, of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and ordered him to conduct K͟hān Aʿz̤am and this army to Burhanpur, and having enquired into (the circumstances of) the destruction of the army, should give the order of the appointment of the K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the Amirs of those regions and make them of one purpose and counsel with him. He was to see the state of preparation of the army of those parts, and after arranging all matters should bring the Khankhanan with him to Court. On Sunday, the 4th S͟hawwal, when near the end of the day, I engaged in a cheetah hunt. I had determined that on this day and Thursdays no animals should be killed and I would eat no meat, on Sunday especially because of the respect my revered father had for that day in not being inclined to eat flesh on it, and in forbidding the killing of any animals for the reason that on the night of Sunday his own honoured birth had taken place. He used to say it was better on that day that all animals should be free from the calamity of those of a butcherly disposition. Thursday is the day of my accession. On that day also I ordered that animals should not be killed, so that whilst sporting I should not shoot an arrow or a gun at wild animals. In hunting with cheetahs Anūp Rāy, who is one of my close attendants, was heading the men who were with him in the hunt at a little distance[23] from me and came to a tree on which some kites were sitting. When his sight fell on those kites he took a bow and some pointless arrows (tukkā) and went towards them. By chance in the neighbourhood of that tree he saw a half-eaten bullock. Near it a huge, powerful tiger got up out of a clump that was near and went off. Though not more than two gharis of day remained, as he knew my liking for tiger-hunting, he and some of those who were with him surrounded the tiger and sent some one to me to give me the news. When it reached me I rode there at once in a state of excitement and at full speed, and Bābā K͟hurram, Rām Dās, Iʿtimād Rāy, Ḥayāt K͟hān, and one or two others went with me. On arriving I saw the tiger standing in the shade of a tree, and wished to fire at him from horseback but found that my horse was unsteady, and dismounted and aimed and fired my gun. As I was standing on a height and the tiger below, I did not know whether it had struck him or not. In a moment of excitement I fired the gun again, and I think that this time I hit him. The tiger rose and charged, and wounding the chief huntsman, who had a falcon on his wrist and happened to be in front of him, sat down again in his own place. In this state of affairs, placing another gun on a tripod,[24] I took aim (majrā giriftam[25]). Anūp Rāy stood holding the rest, and had a sword in his belt and a baton (kutaka) in his hand. Bābā K͟hurram was a short distance off to my left, and Rām Dās and other servants behind him. Kamāl the huntsman (qarāwul) loaded the gun and placed it in my hand. When I was about to fire, the tiger came roaring towards us and charged. I immediately fired. The ball passed through the tiger’s mouth and teeth. The noise of the gun made him very savage, and the servants who had crowded together could not stand his charge and fell over one another, so that I, through their pushing and shock, was moved a couple of paces from my place and fell down. In fact, I am sure that two or three of them placed their feet on my chest and passed over me. Iʿtimād Rāy and the huntsman Kamāl assisting me, I stood up. At this moment the tiger made for those who were on the left-hand side. Anūp Rāy let the rest slip out of his hand and turned towards the tiger. The tiger, with the same activity with which he had charged, turned on him, and he manfully faced him, and struck him twice with both hands on the head with the stick he had in his hand. The tiger, opening his mouth, seized both of Anūp Rāy’s arms with it, and bit them so that his teeth passed through both, but the stick and the bracelets on his arms were helpful, and did not allow his arms to be destroyed. From the attack and pushing of the tiger Anūp Rāy fell down between the tiger’s fore-feet, so that his head and face were opposite the tiger’s chest. At this moment Bābā K͟hurram and Rām Dās came up to the assistance of Anūp Rāy. The prince struck the tiger on the loins with his sword, and Rām Dās also struck him twice with his sword, once on the shoulder-blade. On the whole it was very warm work, and Ḥayāt K͟hān struck the tiger several blows over the head with a stick he had in his hand. Anūp Rāy with force dragged his arms out of the tiger’s mouth and struck him two or three times on the cheek with his fist, and rolling over on his side stood up by the force of his knees. At the time of withdrawing his arms from the tiger’s mouth, as his teeth had passed through them, they were partly torn, and both his paws passed over his shoulders. When he stood up, the tiger also stood up and wounded him on the chest with his claws, so that those wounds troubled him for some days. As the ground was uneven, they rolled over each other, holding on like two wrestlers. In the place where I was standing the ground was quite level. Anūp Rāy says that God Almighty gave him so much intelligence that he bore the tiger over deliberately to[26] one side (in the original, that side), and that he knew no more. At this time the tiger left him and was making off. He in that state of bewilderment raised up his sword and followed him and struck him on the head. When the tiger turned his face round, he struck him another blow on the face, so that both his eyes were cut, and the skin of the eyebrows, which had been severed by the sword, fell over his eyes. In this state of affairs, a lamp-man of the name of Ṣāliḥ, as it was time to light the lamps, came in a hurry and by a blind chance[27] came across the tiger. The tiger struck him one blow with his paw and knocked him down. To fall and give up his life were the same thing. Other people came in and finished the tiger’s business. As Anūp Rāy had done this service to me and I had witnessed the way in which he offered his life, after he had recovered from the pain of his wounds and had the honour of waiting on me, I bestowed on him the title of Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan. Anīrāʾī[28] they call in the Hindi language the leader of an army, and the meaning of Singh-dalan is a tiger-slayer. Giving him a special sword of my own, I increased his mansab. I gave K͟hurram, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who had been appointed to the governorship of the province of Junagadh, the title of Kāmil K͟hān. On Sunday, the 3rd Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I employed myself in fishing, and 766 fish were caught; these were divided in my presence among the Amirs, Ibachkiān (?),[29] and most of the servants. I eat no fish but those that have scales, but not because the professors of the Shiah faith look on those without scales as unlawful, but the cause of my aversion is this, that I have heard from old men, and it has become known to me by experience as well, that fish without scales eat the flesh of dead animals and fish with scales do not eat it. From this cause, to eat them is contrary to my disposition. The Shiahs know[30] why they do not eat them and for what reason they consider them unlawful. One of my home-bred camels that was with me in the hunt carried five nilgaws that weighed 42 Hindustani maunds. I had before this sent for Naz̤īrī of Nīshāpūr, who excelled other men in the art of poetry, and passed his time in Gujarat as a merchant. At this time he came and waited on me, and imitating a poem of Anwarī,
“Again, what youth and beauty this is for the world!”
laid before me a poem that he had composed on me. I presented him with 1,000 rupees, a horse, and a robe of honour as a gift for this poem. I had also sent for Ḥakīm Hamīd Gujarātī, whom Murtaẓā K͟hān greatly praised, and he came and waited on me. His good qualities and purity were better than his doctoring. He waited on me for some time. When it became known that there was no physician but himself in Gujarat, and I found he himself desired leave to go, I gave him and his sons 1,000 rupees and some shawls, and set aside a whole village for his maintenance; he went off to his native place quite happy. Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, came from his jagir and waited on me. On Thursday, the 10th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, was the festival of the Qurbān (the sacrifice of Ishmael). As it is forbidden to take life on that day (Thursday), I ordered that on the Friday they should kill the sacrificial animals. Having sacrificed three sheep with my own hand, I mounted to go hunting, and returned when six gharis of night had passed. On this day was killed a nilgaw (commonly called blue bull) of the weight of 9 maunds and 35 seers. The story of this nilgaw is written because it is not devoid of strangeness. In the two past years, during which I had come to this same place to wander about and hunt I had shot at him each time with a gun. As the wounds were not in a fatal place, he had not fallen, but gone off. This time again I saw that nilgaw in the hunting-ground (s͟hikārgāh), and the watchman recognized that in the two previous years he had gone away wounded. In short, I fired at him again three times on that day. It was in vain. I pursued him rapidly on foot for three kos, but however much I exerted myself I could not catch him. At last I made a vow that if this nilgaw fell I would have his flesh cooked, and for the soul of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn would give it to eat to poor people. I also vowed a muhr and one rupee to my revered father. Soon after this the nilgaw became worn out with moving, and I ran to his head and ordered them to make it lawful (cut its throat in the name of Allah) on the spot, and having brought it to the camp I fulfilled my vow as I had proposed. They cooked the nilgaw, and expending the muhr and rupee on sweets. I assembled poor and hungry people and divided them among them in my own presence. Two or three days afterwards I saw another nilgaw. However much I exerted myself and wished he would stand still in one place, so that I might fire at him, I could get no chance. With my gun on my shoulder I followed him till near evening until it was sunset, and despaired of killing him. Suddenly it came across my tongue, “K͟hwāja, this nilgaw also is vowed to you.” My speaking and his sitting down were at one and the same moment. I fired at and hit him, and ordered him, like the first nilgaw, to be cooked and given to the poor to eat. On Saturday, the 19th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, I fished again. This time about 330 fish were caught. On the night of Wednesday, the 28th[31] of the same month, I encamped at Rūpbās. As this was one of my fixed hunting-places and there was an order that no one should hunt in the neighbourhood, a great number of antelope had come together in the desert there, so much so that they came into the inhabited parts and were not subject to any kind of molestation. I hunted for two or three days in those desert plains, and shot, and hunted with cheetahs many antelopes. As the hour for entering the city was near, making two halts on the way, I alighted on the night of Thursday, the 2nd Muharram, in the year 1020 (17th March, 1611), at the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, which is near, in fact close to, the city. On this night many of the servants of the Court, such as K͟hwāja Jahān, Daulat K͟hān, and a number who had remained in the city, came and waited on me. Īraj also, whom I had sent for from the Subah of the Deccan, had the honour of kissing the threshold. I stayed in that garden also on the Friday. On that day ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq presented his own offerings. As this was the last day for hunting, an order was given that the duration of the hunt and the number of animals killed should be counted up to me. The time of the hunt was from the 9th of the month of Āẕar to the 29th Isfandārmuẕ of the 5th year, or three months and twenty days. In this time tigers 12, deer (gāwzan) 1, chikārah (gazelle) 44, kūtāh-pācha (hog-deer) 1 head, fawns 2 head, black buck 68 head, does 31 head, foxes 4, kūrāra deer 8, pātal (?) 1, bears 5, hyænas 3, hares 6, nilgaw 108, fish 1,096, eagle 1, bustard 1, peafowl 5, herons 5, partridges 5, brahminī ducks (surk͟hāb) 1, sāras 5, dhīk (?) 1; total, 1,414.
On Saturday, the 29th Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding to the 4th Muḥarram, I mounted an elephant and went to the city. From the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq to the palace the distance is a kos and 20 tanāb. I scattered 1,500 rupees to the crowd. At the fixed hour I entered the palace. The bazars had been decorated with cloths after the manner of the New Year’s feast. As at the hunting-time an order had been given to K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare in the Maḥall (Zenanah) a building fit for me to sit in, the said K͟hwāja had in the space of three months prepared and brought to perfection this kind of lofty building, and with folded hands (in humility) had done exceedingly active work. Coming off the dust of the road I entered that Paradise-like building and went to look round that abode, and it was very much to my taste. K͟hwāja Jahān was dignified with much praise and commendation. The offerings he had prepared were displayed to me in the same building. Some of these were approved and accepted and the remainder presented to him.
[1] G͟hāzī K͟hān was one of the famous officers of Akbar. Ḥusām his son was married to Abū-l-faẓl’s sister. See Blochmann, p. 440. [↑]
[3] A son of Akbar’s officer, Muḥammad Qulī Barlās (Blochmann, pp. 342 and 478). [↑]
[4] Mīr ʿAlī was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can the copy mentioned by Jahāngīr be that in the Bodleian Library, which Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal of the Moslem Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that the copy is in the Bankipur Library. [↑]
[5] The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 41, has S͟hayyādī, ‘a dervish, a hypocrite,’ and the R.A.S. MS. has Sayyidī S͟hayyād. S͟hayyād is used at p. 60 to mean an impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon. [↑]
[6] ʿAlī Aḥmad’s father was S͟haik͟h Ḥusain. See Blochmann, p. 53. [↑]
[7] It was the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching. [↑]
[8] The point of Amīr K͟husrau’s hemistich is that kaj-kulāh literally means ‘the awry cap,’ and so refers to the saint, who had his cap on his ear or on the side of his head. But it also means one who is presumptuous, and has left the true path of religion. It also means, according to Steingass, a beloved person. [↑]
[9] I.O. MS. 181 has Tak͟ht-i-bak͟ht (Throne of fortune). [↑]
[10] Kes͟ho Dās was perhaps the father of Karamsī, one of Akbar’s wives. See Blochmann, p. 310. [↑]
[12] Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? [↑]
[13] Kaukab is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For notice of his father see Blochmann, p. 485. [↑]
[15] Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpūr. [↑]
[16] Apparently we may infer from this that Jahāngīr did blind or attempt to blind his son K͟husrau, though he says nothing about it. Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of the blinding? Tavernier says K͟husrau was blinded. Du Jarric also tells us that Jahāngīr blinded K͟husrau on his way back from Kabul, when he came to the place where K͟husrau had fought the battle. He was blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into his eyes. The juice resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his captains, who was also a judge, was likewise blinded there along with his son. W. Finch, too, speaks of this outbreak. He also says that K͟husrau was reported to have been blinded on the battlefield with a glass. Another story was that Jahāngīr merely caused a handkerchief to be tied over his eyes and had it sealed with his own seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway’s “Rise of the Portuguese Power in India,” p. 165, note, that fifteen relatives of the King of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls having been passed close to their eyes. [↑]
[17] K͟harakpūr. The word is written Gorak͟hpur in some MSS., but I think it is clear that K͟harakpūr is the place meant, for ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān had lately got Sangrām’s estate of K͟harakpūr in jagir. The fact, too, that he fought with the impostor at the Pūn Pūn to the east of Patna shows that he was coming back from down the Ganges. [↑]
[18] Text wrongly has Māndhu. [↑]
[19] A tasū, or t̤asū, is said in Wilson’s Glossary to be the 24th part of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O. MS. makes the breadth 3½ cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in Keene’s Guide and in the N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One inscription has the date 1011, or 1602. Archæological Report, lv, pp. 132–5, says it is 10 ft. 7½ ins. long, 9 ft. 10 ins. broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported on octagonal pedestals. See also Beale’s Miftāḥu-t-tawārīk͟h, pp. 300, 301, where a representation of the stone and copies of the inscriptions are given. [↑]
[20] A fort in the Deccan “sixty miles north of Bidar” (Elliot, vi, 70). [↑]
[21] So in MSS. Apparently K͟hān Jahān’s meaning was that if this Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other Deccani leaders would be discouraged. [↑]
[22] The text seems corrupt. Apparently I.O. MS. has Sargala, and this may have been Kes͟ho Dās’s title. [↑]
[23] Pāra dūrtar, but it would seem from the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 231, five lines from foot, that pāra, or bāra, is a word meaning a body of men. Perhaps it is bārah, ‘twelve.’ [↑]
[24] At p. 256 we have the phrase majrā gīrand applied to the directing of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I confess that I do not know whether Jahāngīr fired the gun that was on the stand or the one that Kamāl loaded. [↑]
[25] Majrā giriftam seems rather to mean here ‘adjusted the tripod,’ for from what follows it appears that the gun was not then loaded. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 47, has māsha rā zīr kard, ‘applied the match’(?). [↑]
[26] Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the side furthest from Jahāngīr. [↑]
[27] Kūragī. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 48, says the night was dark, and so the lamplighter blindly (az kūragī) fell upon the tiger and was killed. This tiger hunt and Jahāngīr’s danger, etc., are described by William Finch (Purchas, i, 430). [↑]
[28] Anīkini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning leadership. [↑]
[29] Text, Zangchiyān (?). I.O. 181 has Ibachkiyān, i.e. people of the Ibachkī-k͟hāna or closet. See Āyīn, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann, i, 46. [↑]
[30] This is said ironically. [↑]
[31] The text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. MS. 181. [↑]