The Sixth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious Accession.
Two gharis and forty seconds of day had passed on the Monday when the sun (lit. his honour the greatest star) entered his tower of honour, which is in the constellation of Aries. That day was the 1st Farwardīn, corresponding with the 6th Muḥarram[1] (21st March, 1611). The feast of the New Year having been prepared, I seated myself on the throne of good fortune. The Amirs and all the servants of the Court enjoyed the good fortune of waiting on me and gave their congratulations. The offerings of the servants of the Court Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, and Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, were laid before me. On Wednesday, the 8th Muḥarram, the offering of Rāja Kalyān, who had sent it from Bengal, was laid before me. On Thursday, the 9th of the same month, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and some of the mansabdars, who had come on summons from the Deccan, waited on me. I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to Razzāq-wirdī Ūzbeg. On the same day the New Year’s offering of Murtazā K͟hān was laid before me. He had prepared all kinds of things. Having inspected all these, I took what I approved in the shape of valuable jewels, fine cloths, elephants, and horses and gave back the rest. I presented a jewelled dagger to Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī, 3,000 rupees to Mīr ʿAbdu-llah, and an Iraq horse to Muqīm K͟hān. I increased the rank of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, which was 1,500 personal and 100 horse, by 500 personal and horse. I had summoned him from the Deccan for the purpose of sending him to Bengal to Islām K͟hān, in reality to take his place permanently, and I entrusted him with the charge of that Subah. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan laid before me (as offerings) two rubies, one royal pearl, and ten rings. I gave Īraj, the son of K͟hānk͟hānān, a jewelled dagger. The rank of K͟hurram was 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse; I increased his personal allowance by 2,000, and increased that of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 1,500 personal, 1,000 horse by 500 personal, 200 horse. On 24th Muḥarram, 18th Farwardīn, the day of the ascendant, Yādgār ʿAlī Sult̤ān, ambassador of S͟hāh ʿAbbās, ruler of Persia, who had come on a visit of condolence on the death of the late king and with congratulations on my accession, had the honour of waiting on me, and laid before me the gifts S͟hāh ʿAbbās, my brother, had sent. He had brought good horses, cloth stuffs, and every kind of fitting present. After he had presented the gifts, on the same day I gave him a superb robe of honour and 30,000 rupees, which were equivalent to 1,000 Persian tumans. He handed me a letter in which were mingled congratulations and condolences for the death of my revered father. As in the letter of congratulation he expressed the greatest friendship, and omitted no point of regard and concord, it has pleased me to enter here an exact copy of it.
Copy of the letter of S͟hāh ʿAbbās.
“May the sprinklings of the cloud of the grace of God and the dropping of the favour of the Almighty impart freshness to the gardens of wonderful men and inventors (of new things)! May the flower-bed of sovereignty and rule and the mead of magnificence and exalted happiness of his Honour of heavenly dignity, of sun-like grandeur, the king whose fortune is young, of Saturn-like majesty, the renowned prince, possessing the authority of the spheres, the Khedive, the world-gripper (Jahāngīr) and country-conquering sovereign, the prince of the exaltedness of Sikandar, with the banner of Darius, he who sits on the throne of the pavilion of greatness and glory, the possessor of the (seven) climes, the increaser of the joys of good fortune and prosperity, adorner of the gardens of happiness, decorator of the rose-parterre, lord of the happy conjunction (of the planets), the opener of the countenance, the perfection of kinghood, expounder of the mysteries of the sky, the adornment of the face of learning and insight, index of the book of creation, compendium of human perfections, mirror of the glory of God, elevator of the lofty soul, increaser of good fortune and of the beneficent ascension, sun of the grandeur of the skies, the shadow of the benignity of the Creator, he who has the dignity of Jamshīd among the stars of the host of heaven, lord of conjunction, refuge of the world, river of the favours of Allah, and fountain of unending mercy, verdure of the plain of purity, may his land (lit. surface) be guarded from the calamity of the evil eye; may his fountain of perfection be preserved in truth, his desire and love; the tale of his good qualities and benevolence cannot be written.
“‘The pen has not the tongue to express the secret of love.’
Although outwardly the distance (between us) prevents my attaining to the kaʿbah of desire, yet he is the qiblah of my keen longing for spiritual intercourse. Thank God that by virtue of essential oneness this humble supplicant and that pure nursling of glory have in reality been united to one another. The distance of space and outward separation of the body not having prevented nearness of soul and spiritual union, my face is still towards friendship, and accordingly the dust of sorrow has not settled on the sun-like mirror of my mind, but it has received the reflection of the beauty of that exhibitor of perfection, and the olfactory of my soul has been ever scented with the sweet savour of friendship and love and the ambergris-perfumed breezes of affection and concord, and spiritual fellowship and perpetual union have rubbed off the rust from friendship.
“‘I sit beside thee in thought, and my heart is at ease,
For this is an union not followed by separation’s pain.’
“Praise be given to the most mighty and pure God that the plant of the desire of true friends hath borne the fruit of fruition. Success (maqṣūd), that beauty who for years was hidden behind the veil, has by dint of humility and supplication at the throne of the Almighty, come forth and manifested herself from the hidden bridal chamber, and a ray of perfection has been thrown on the plain of the hopes of the expectants; she has ascended the auspicious throne and seated herself beside the king who adorns the assembly and enhances the glory of the tribune of the king of kings. The world-opening standard of the Caliphate and rule, and the sky-scraping umbrella of justice and world-sway of that creator of the diadem and throne, and that opener of the knots of knowledge and wisdom have cast the shade of equity and sovereignty and mercy over the heads of the inhabitants of the world. My hope is that the chief of desire-granters may make the auspicious ascension of that blessed rising of fortune brighten the crown and illuminate the throne, making it of good omen and prosperous to all, and may the things that appertain to kingship and rule of the world and the causes of dignity and prosperity be ever on the increase! For long past the customs of amity and the ways of intimacy, which have been in existence between our ancestors, and now freshly have been re-established between this one who is bent on friendship and him who is intent on equity, demanded that when the good news of the accession of him who sits on the Gūrgānī throne and is the heir of the crown of Tīmūr reached this country, one of the confidants of the royal palace should be quickly nominated to convey congratulations, but inasmuch as the business of Āẕarbījān and the conquest of the province of S͟hirwān just then occurred, and until my loving mind was satisfied as to the affairs of that province, I could not return to my capital, some delay took place in the accomplishment of this important duty. Although outward ceremonial observances and politenesses have not much weight with people of knowledge and discernment, yet the observance of them is the observance of the dues of friendship. Of necessity, therefore, at this auspicious time when the attention of the servants of holy angels (?) has been withdrawn from the affairs of that province, which have been arranged in accordance with the desires of my well-wishers, and I am at ease in that quarter, I have returned and settled down in my capital of Isfahan, which is the permanent seat of rule. Therefore I have despatched Kamālu-d-dīn Yadgār ʿAlī, who possesses the attributes of nobility, is perfect in sincerity and fully reliable, who is moreover of the number of devoted servants and Sūfīs of pure design of our family, to the most exalted Court, that after he has obtained the good fortune to salute you, to condole with you, and kissed the carpet of honour, and performed the dues of inquiry (after health, etc.) and congratulations, he may obtain leave to return, and may convey to the sincere mind of your well-wisher the good tidings of the safety of your angelic person and the health of your temperament that is of the brightness of the sun and increases joy. It is hoped that the tree of hereditary friendship and assiduousness, and the garden of intimacy and regard, both apparent and spiritual, which by the irrigation of the rivers of affection and the brooks of sincere regard acquire great splendour and greenness, not casting their leaves, may set in motion the cord of intimacy and drive away the misfortune of estrangement by the arrival of correspondence, which is the communication of the soul, and may connect by spiritual chains our visible friendship, and may favour the course and accomplishment of business.
“May God Almighty give the assistance of the secret powers to that living family of dignity and glory and that household of grandeur and good fortune.”
Up to this is the copy of the letter of my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās.
My brothers Sult̤ān Murād and Dāniyāl, who had died in the lifetime of my revered father, people had called by several names. I ordered that one of them should be called S͟hāhzāda mag͟hfūr (the pardoned prince), and the other S͟hāhzāda marḥūm (the prince admitted to mercy). I promoted Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, who each held the rank of 1,500, to that of 1,800, and increased the horse-rank of Qāsim K͟hān, brother of Islām Khankhanan, by 250. I dignified Īraj, eldest son of the Khankhanan, with the title of S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, and Saʿdu-llah, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, with the appellation of Nawāzis͟h K͟hān.
At the time of my accession I had increased weights and measures (lit. gaz), viz. to the extent of three ratis (small weight equal to eight barleycorns), in the weight of muhrs and rupees. At this time it was represented to me that in mercantile transactions it would be for the convenience of the people that muhrs and rupees should be of the same weight as previously. As in all affairs the contentment and ease of the people are to be looked to, I gave an order that from the present day, that is, the 11th Urdībihis͟ht in the 6th year of my reign, they should strike muhrs and rupees of the former weight in all the mints of my dominions. As before this, on Saturday, the 2nd of the month of Ṣafar, in the year 1020, the evil-dispositioned Aḥdād had heard that Kabul was deprived of an eminent leader, that K͟hān Daurān[2] was in the interior, and only Muʿizzu-l-mulk with a few servants of the aforesaid was in Kabul, thinking it a good opportunity he (Aḥdād) betook himself unexpectedly to Kabul with a large number of horsemen and foot-soldiers. Muʿizzu-l-mulk, according to the measure of his ability, displayed activity, and the Kabulis and other inhabitants, especially the Farmulī[3] tribe, barricaded up the streets and fortified their houses. The Afghans with some guns came in to the streets and bazars from different directions. The people from the shelter of their terraces and houses killed many of these wretches with arrows and guns, and Bargī,[4] one of the confidential leaders of Aḥdād, was killed. From the occurrence of this affair, for fear that the people from all sides and quarters should assemble and block the road for them to get out, giving up their hearts and feet (in a state of distraction), in fear and confusion they turned back. About 800 of those dogs went to jahannam (hell), and 200, having caught horses, hastily escaped with their lives from that deadly place. Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, who was in Lahūgar, at last on the same day arrived there, and pursued them for a short distance. As the distance (between them) was too great and his band small, he turned back. For the energy he had shown in coming quickly, and for the activity displayed by Muʿizzu-l-mulk, they were both promoted in rank; Nād ʿAlī, who held that of 1,000 personal to that of 1,500, and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who held the rank of 1,500, to 1,800. As it transpired that K͟hān Daurān and the Kabulis were in the habit of passing their days in carelessness, and the repelling of the evil disposition of Aḥdād had taken a long time it occurred to me that as the Khankhanan was without employment I might appoint him and his sons to this duty. Soon after this idea occurred, Qilīj K͟hān, to summon whom a firman had already been issued, came from the Panjab and obtained the honour of an audience. It became evident from the forehead of his circumstances (his manner) that he was annoyed at the duty of driving back the ill-dispositioned Aḥdād being assigned to K͟hānk͟hānān. As he faithfully promised to take up this duty, it was settled that the governorship of the Subah of the Panjab should belong to Murtaẓā K͟hān, and that the Khankhanan should remain at home, and that Qilīj K͟hān should be promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and be appointed to Kabul to drive back Aḥdād and the up-country robbers. I ordered the Khankhanan to have a jagir in the Subah of Agra in the Sarkars of Qanauj and Kalpi, that he might inflict condign punishment on the rebels of that region and exterminate them (pull them out by the roots). When I dismissed them I gave each of them special robes of honour and horses and elephants, and having received the robes of exaltation they started off. At the same time, on account of the sincerity of his friendship and his old services, I bestowed on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah the rank of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and presented him with a sum of 5,000 rupees by way of gift. Mahābat K͟hān, whom I had sent to make the necessary preparations for war for the victorious army of the Deccan and point out to the Amirs the desirability of concord and unanimity, paid his respects to me at the capital of Agra on the 12th of the month of Tīr, the 21st of Rabīʿu-s̤-s̤ānī. It was brought to notice in a letter from Islām K͟hān that ʿInāyat K͟hān had performed approved service in the Subah of Bengal; on this account I increased by 500 personal the rank he already held of 2,000. I also increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to make it up altogether to 1,500 personal and 800 horse, the rank of Rāja Kalyān, who was one of the officials of that Subah. I appointed Hās͟him K͟hān,[5] who was in Orissa, to the government of Kashmir, and sent his uncle, K͟hwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain, there to look after the affairs of that country until his arrival. In the time of my revered father his father, Muḥammad Qāsim, had conquered Kashmir. Chīn Qilīj, who was the eldest son of Qilīj K͟hān, came from the Subah of Kabul and waited on me. As in addition to his natural excellence he was a k͟hānazād (houseborn one), he was honoured with the title of K͟hān, and according to the prayer of his father, and on condition of his undertaking service in Tīrah, I increased his rank by 500 personal and 300 horse. On the 14th Amardād on account of the previous service and great sincerity and ability of Iʿtimādu-daulah, I bestowed on him the high rank of the viziership of the kingdom, and on the same day presented a belt with a jewelled dagger to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, who had been appointed to command the army against the rebel Rānā, promised to enter the province of the Deccan from the direction of Gujarat, I promoted him to be Subahdar of that province, and at his request appointed Rāja Bāso to the command of the army against the Rānā, increasing his rank by 500 horse. In place of Gujarat I conferred the Subah of Malwa on K͟hān Aʿz̤am and sent 400,000 rupees to provide for the army and warlike materials for the force that had been appointed to accompany ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān by way of Nāsik, which is near the province of the Deccan. Ṣafdar K͟hān, with his brothers, came from the Subah of Behar, and had the honour of kissing the threshold.
One of the royal slaves who was serving in the seal-cutting departments prepared and laid before me a design such as I had never seen or heard of before. As it is exceedingly strange, a detailed[6] description of it is given. In the shell of a filbert four compartments had been carved out of ivory. The first compartment was one of wrestlers, in which two men were engaged in wrestling, a third was standing with a spear in his hand, a fourth with a hard stone.[7] Another was sitting with his hands placed on the ground, while in front of him were laid a piece of wood, a bow and a pot. In the second a throne had been made above which a s͟hamiyāna (a tent-fly or canopy) was depicted, and a man of wealth (a prince) was seated on the throne with one leg placed over the other and a pillow at his back. Five servants were standing around and before him, and tree-boughs threw a shade over the throne. In the third compartment is a company of rope-dancers, who have raised upright a pole with three ropes fastened to it. A rope-dancer upon it (qu. on the ropes?[8]) has taken hold of his own right foot with his left hand behind his head, and standing on one foot has placed a goat on the top of the pole. Another person has thrown a drum on his neck and is beating it, whilst another man is standing with his hands lifted up and looking at the rope-dancer. Five other men are also standing, of whom one has a stick in his hand. In the fourth compartment there is a tree, below which the figure of the revered (ḥaẓrat) Jesus is shown. One person has placed his head at Jesus’ feet, and an old man is conversing with Jesus and four others are standing by.[9] As he had made such a masterpiece, I honoured him with a present and with increased salary.
On the 30th S͟hahrīwar, Mīrzā Sult̤ān, who had been sent for from the Deccan, came and waited on me. Ṣafdar K͟hān had an increase of rank conferred on him, and was appointed to go to the assistance of the army against the rebel Rānā. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang had proposed to enter the neighbouring province of the Deccan by way of Nāsik, it occurred to me to appoint Rām Dās Kachhwāha, who was one of the sincere servants of my revered father, to accompany him in order that he might in every place look after him, and not allow him to be too rash and hasty. For this purpose I bestowed on him great favours, as well as the title of Raja, which he had not thought of for himself. I also gave him drums and the fort of Ranthanbūr, which is one of the noted castles in Hindustan, and honouring him with a superb robe of honour and an elephant and horse I dismissed him. I appointed K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, who had been transferred from the chief Diwanship, to the duty of the Subahdarship of the Deccan, as he had been for a long time in those regions in the service of my deceased brother (Dāniyāl). I honoured Abū-l-ḥasan, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, with the title of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, and having promoted the sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān to fitting ranks sent them to Bengal to Islām K͟hān. At the request of Islām K͟hān, Rāja Kalyān was appointed to the government of the Sarkar of Orissa and had an increase in rank of 200 personal and horse. I presented S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī with 4,000 rupees. On the 7th Ābān Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, came from the Deccan and waited on me.
About this time, in consequence of the disturbances that had occurred in the country of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, many of the Amirs and Ūzbeg soldiers, such as Ḥusain Bī, Pahluwān Bābā, and Nauras Bī Darman, and Baram Bī and others came to Court and waited on me. They were all honoured with robes of honour, horses, cash, mansabs, and jagirs. On the 2nd Āẕar Hās͟him K͟hān came from Bengal and had the honour of kissing my threshold. I sent 500,000 rupees for the expenses of the victorious army of the Deccan, of which the leader was ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, to Ahmadabad in Gujarat by the hands of Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ and S͟haik͟h Anbiyā. On the 1st day I went to the village of Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places, to hunt. Twenty-two antelope were killed, of which I myself killed sixteen and K͟hurram the other six. Remaining there two days and two nights, on the night of Sunday I returned to the city in health and safety, and one night this couplet threw its brilliance on my mind:—
“As long as there’s in heaven light for the sun,
Be not the reflection far from the Shah’s umbrella.”
I ordered the lamplighters and the relators of stories that at the time of their salutations and telling stories they should commence with this couplet, and it is still in use. On Saturday, the 3rd day, a letter came from K͟hān Aʿz̤am that ʿĀdil K͟hān Bījāpūrī had given up his evil ways and become penitent, and in the rank of servants was now more loyal than ever. On the 14th day, corresponding with the last day of S͟hawwāl, leave was given to Hās͟him K͟hān to go to Kashmir. I gave a special wrapper[10] (fargal) to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of Persia. I presented Iʿtiqād K͟hān with one of my special swords called Sar-andāz (thrower of heads). Having honoured S͟hādmān, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, with the title of S͟hādmān K͟hān, I increased his rank to 1,700 personal and 500 horse. He was also honoured with a standard. Sardār K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz-jang, and Arslān Bī Ūzbeg, who had been appointed to the charge of Sīvistān,[11] were also presented with standards. I ordered that jāʾi-namāz (prayer carpets) should be made of the skins of the antelopes I had myself killed, and be kept in the public audience hall for people to use in saying their prayers. By way of special respect to the Law I ordered that the Mīr-i-ʿAdl and Qāẓī, who are the pivot of affairs of the divine law, should not kiss the ground (before me), which is a kind of sijda. On Thursday, the 22nd day, I went again to Samonagar to hunt. As many antelope had collected together in that neighbourhood I had this time sent off K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare a qamargah and drive in the antelope into a broad place from all sides, to place canvas-walls (sarā-parda) and a gulāl-bāṛ[12] round it. They enclosed a kos and half of ground with sarapardas. When news came that the hunting-place had been prepared and a great deal of game had been confined, I went there and began to hunt on the Friday. Until the next Thursday I went every day to the qamargah with the ladies and hunted as much as I liked. Some of the deer were taken alive and some killed with arrows and guns. On the Sunday and Thursday, on which I do not fire guns at animals, they took them alive in nets. In these seven days 917 head, male and female, were caught, and of these 641 deer were caught alive. Four hundred and four head were sent to Fatḥpūr to be let loose on the plain there, and with regard to 84 I ordered them to put silver rings in their noses and set them free in the same place. The 276 other antelope that had been killed with guns and arrows and by cheetahs were divided from day to day among the Begams and the slaves of the palace, and Amirs and servants of the palace. As I became very tired (dilgīr) of hunting, I gave orders to the Amirs to go to the s͟hikārgāh (hunting-place) and hunt all that were left over, and myself returned in safety to the city. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 17th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I ordered that in the large cities of my dominions, like Ahmadabad, Allahabad, Lahore, Delhi, Agra, etc., they should arrange bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (places for the distribution of cooked food) for the poor; thirty mahalls (districts) had been ordered. Six had already been established, and twenty-four other districts were now ordered. On the 4th Bahman I increased the rank of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo by 1,000 personal; it was previously 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse: I gave him a jewelled sword. Another sword out of my special ones, that was called S͟hāh-bacha, (king’s child), was presented to S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān. On the 16th Isfandārmuẕ, Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, was appointed to the army against the rebel Rānā and a sword sent by his hand for Rāja Bāso. Having again heard that the Amirs on the borders interfere with authority in matters that do not concern them, and do not observe laws and regulations, I ordered[13] that the Bakhshis should circulate orders, to be obeyed amongst the Amirs of the borders, that hereafter they should not interfere in such things, which are the private affair of kings. The first thing is this, that they should not sit in the jharokha (private window), and should not trouble their officers and captains of the auxiliaries with keeping guard or saluting them, and should not have elephant fights, and should not inflict the punishment of blinding, and should not cut off ears and noses, and should not force Islam on anyone, and should not confer titles on their servants, and should not order the royal servants to do kūrnis͟h or prostration, and should not force singers to remain on duty in the manner customary in (royal) darbars, and should not beat drums when they go out, and when they give a horse or elephant to anyone, whether to the king’s attendants or to their own servants, they should not place reins or elephant’s goads on their backs and make them perform obeisance. In going in procession they should not take with them on foot in their retinue the royal attendants. If they write anything to them they should not put a seal on it.[14] The regulations which have been styled the rules of Jahāngīr (Āyīn-i-Jahāngīrī) are now in force.[15]
[1] Jahāngīr does not mention that it was in this year that he married Nūr-Jahān. He saw her on New Year’s Day (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 56), and it appears from a note of Jahāngīr on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276 that he married her on 14th K͟hurdād (end of May, 1611). It was in the 11th year that she got the title of Nūr-Jahān. Before that she was known as Nūr-Maḥall. It would seem that Jahāngīr married Nūr-Jahān four years and a few days after her first husband’s death. [↑]
[2] K͟hān Daurān was away in the district of Ningnahar (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 53). [↑]
[3] Text wrongly has Qizilbāshes. [↑]
[5] The text has here the word g͟hāyatan, which does not seem to have much meaning. Erskine has ‘without his knowledge,’ so he probably had g͟hāʾībāna in his MS. [↑]
[6] Compare Elliot, vi, 324. [↑]
[7] Sang-i-durus͟htī. Elliot had the name reading and translates ‘a heavy stone.’ But both MSS. have sang u rasanī, ‘a stone and a cord,’ query a sling, and this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 57. [↑]
[8] Text bar pāy, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbāl-nāma, p. 58, have bar bāzi (‘on the rope’? or perhaps ‘is doing gymnastics’) [↑]
[9] Note of Sayyid Aḥmad (to the fourth compartment).—“Evidently this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department, for no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced into the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work of Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he had ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted was the Transfiguration.)” [↑]
[10] See Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe. [↑]
[11] In Scinde; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus. [↑]
[14] Both MSS. have bar rū instead of bar ū, ‘in front’ or ‘in the face’ of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are to be put. Jahāngīr’s order apparently was that the provincial governors were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters or other documents. [↑]
[15] The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of his reign. [↑]