The Ninth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious Accession.
The commencement of the ninth year after my auspicious accession, corresponding with the Hijra year 1023 (1614).
Two watches and one ghari had passed on the night of Friday, the 9th Ṣafar (21st March, 1614), when the world-warming sun shed his rays on the constellation of Aries, which is his house of dignity and honour; it was the first morning of the month of Farwardīn. The assembly for the New Year’s festival took place in the pleasant regions of Ajmir, and at the time of entry (of the sun into Aries), which was the propitious hour, I seated myself on the throne of good fortune. They had in the usual manner decorated the palace with rare cloth-stuffs and jewels and gem-decked things. At this auspicious moment the elephant ʿĀlam-gumān,[1] which was fit to be entered in the private stud, with the seventeen other male and female elephants which my son Bābā K͟hurram had sent of the Rānā’s elephants, were presented before me, and the hearts of the loyal rejoiced. On the 2nd day of the New Year, knowing it to be propitious for a ride, I mounted it and scattered about much money. On the 3rd I conferred on Iʿtiqād K͟hān a mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, increasing thus that which he had already, which was of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and I distinguished him with the title of Āṣaf K͟hān, with which title two of his family had been previously honoured. I also increased the mansab of Dayānat K͟hān by 500 personal and 200 horse. At the same time I promoted Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. At the request of Bābā K͟hurram I increased the mansab of Saif K͟hān Bārha by 500 personal and 200 horse, that of Dilāwar K͟hān by the same number, that of Kis͟han Singh by 500 horse, and that of Sarfarāz K͟hān by 500 personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 10th, the offering of Āṣaf K͟hān was produced before me, and on the 14th Iʿtimādu-d-daulah produced his own offering. From these two offerings I took what pleased me and gave back the rest. Chīn Qilīj K͟hān, with his brothers, relations, and the army and retinue of his father, came from Kabul[2] and waited on me. Ibrāhīm K͟hān, who had a mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse, having been promoted to that of 1,500 personal and 600 horse, was appointed jointly with K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan to the exalted dignity of paymaster of the household. On the 15th of this month Mahābat K͟hān, who had been appointed to bring K͟hān Aʿz̤am and his son ʿAbdu-llah, came and waited on me. On the 19th the assembly of honour was held. On that day the offering of Mahābat K͟hān was laid before me, and I sent a private elephant called Rūp Sundar for my son Parwīz. When that day had passed I ordered them to deliver K͟hān Aʿz̤am into the charge of Āṣaf K͟hān, that he might keep him in the fort of Gwalior. As my object in sending him to the fort was in case some disagreement and disturbance should occur in the matter of the Rānā in consequence of the attachment that he had to K͟husrau, I ordered him not to be kept in the fort like a prisoner, but that they should provide everything necessary for his comfort and convenience in the way of eating and clothing. On the same day I promoted Chīn Qilīj K͟hān to a mansab of 2,500 personal and 700 horse. To the rank of Tāj K͟hān, who had been appointed to the charge of the province of Bhakar, I added 500 personal and horse. On the 18th Urdībihis͟ht I forbade K͟husrau to pay his respects. The reason was this, that through the affection and fatherly love (I bore him) and the prayers of his mother and sisters, I had ordered again that he should come every day to pay his respects (kūrnis͟h). As his appearance showed no signs of openness and happiness, and he was always mournful and dejected in mind, I accordingly ordered that he should not come to pay his respects. In the time of my revered father, Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā and Rustam Mīrzā, sons of Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā, nephews of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp Ṣafawī, who had in their possession Qandahar and Zamīndāwar and that neighbourhood, sent petitions to the effect that in consequence of the nearness to Khurasan and the coming of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Ūzbeg to that country, they could not leave the charge of looking after the country and come (to pay their respects), but that if he (Akbar) would send one of the servants of the palace they would hand over the country to him, and themselves come to pay their respects. As they repeatedly made this request, he sent S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, who is now honoured with the title of K͟hān Daurān, to the governorship of Qandahar and Zamīndāwar and that neighbourhood, and wrote firmans full of favour to the Mīrzās summoning them to the Court. After their arrival favours appropriate to the case of each were bestowed on them, and he gave them a territory equal to two or three times the collections of Qandahar. In the end, the management expected from them was not achieved, and by degrees the territory deteriorated. Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā died during the lifetime of my revered father, and he sent Mīrzā Rustam with the Khankhanan to the Subah of the Deccan, where he had a small jagir. When the throne was honoured by my succession, I sent for him from the Deccan with the intention of showing him favour and sending him to one of the border territories. About the time he came Mīrzā G͟hāzī Tark͟hān, who held the governorship of Thatta and Qandahar and that neighbourhood, died. It occurred to me to send him to Thatta, so that he might show there his natural good qualities and administer that country in an approved manner. I promoted him to a mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, 200,000 rupees were given to him for expenses, and I despatched him to the Subah of Thatta. My belief was that he would do good service[3] on those borders. In opposition to my expectation he did no service, and committed so much oppression that many people complained of his wickedness. Such news of him was heard that it was considered necessary to recall him. One of the servants of the Court was appointed to summon him, and I sent for him to Court. On the 26th Urdībihis͟ht they brought him. As he had committed great oppression on the people of God, and inquiry into this was due according to the requirements of justice, I handed him over to Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan that he might enquire into the facts, and that if guilty he might receive prompt punishment and be a warning to others. In those days the news also came of the defeat of Aḥdād, the Afghan. The facts are that Muʿtaqid K͟hān came to Pūlam[4] Guzar (ferry?), in the district of Peshawar, with an army, and K͟hān Daurān with another force in Afghanistan and blocked the path of that rascal (lit. black-faced one). Meanwhile a letter came to Muʿtaqid K͟hān from Pish Bulagh that Aḥdād had gone to Koṭ Tīrāh, which is 8 kos from Jalalabad, with a large number of horse and foot, and had killed a few of those who had chosen to be loyal and obey, and made prisoners of others, and was about to send them to Tīrāh, and intended to make a raid on Jalalabad and Pish Bulagh. Immediately on hearing this news Muʿtaqid K͟hān started in great haste with the troops he had with him. When he arrived at Pish Bulagh he sent out spies to ascertain about the enemy. On the morning of Wednesday, the 6th, news reached him that Aḥdād was in the same place. Placing his trust on the favour of God, which is on the side of this suppliant at the throne of Allah, he divided the royal army into two, and went towards the enemy, who, with 4,000 or 5,000 experienced men, had seated themselves haughtily in complete carelessness, and did not suspect that besides K͟hān Daurān’s there was an army in the neighbourhood that could oppose itself to them. When news came that the royal forces were coming against that ill-fortuned man, and the signs of an army were becoming manifest, in a state of bewilderment he distributed his men into four bodies, and seating himself on an eminence a gunshot away, to get to which was a difficult matter, he sent his men to fight. The musketeers of the victorious army assailed the rebel with bullets, and sent a large number to hell. Muʿtaqid K͟hān took the centre of his army to his advanced guard, and, not giving the enemy more than time to shoot off their arrows two or three times, swept them clean away, and pursuing them for 3 or 4 kos, killed nearly 1,500 of them, horse and foot. Those left of the sword took to flight, most of them wounded and with their arms thrown away. The victorious army remained for the night in the same place on the battlefield, and in the morning proceeded with 600 decapitated heads[5] towards Peshawar and made pillars of the heads there. Five hundred horses and innumerable cattle and property and many weapons fell into their hands. The prisoners of Tīrāh were released, and on this side no well-known men were killed. On the night of Thursday, the 1st of K͟hūrdād, I proceeded towards Pushkar to shoot tigers, and on Friday killed two of them with a gun. On the same day it was represented to me that Naqīb K͟hān had died. The aforesaid K͟hān was one of the Saifī Sayyids, and was originally from Qazwin. The tomb of his father, Mīr ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, is at Ajmir. Two months before his death his wife,[6] between whom and her husband there was a great affection, and who for twelve days was ill with fever, drank the unpleasant draught of death. I ordered them to bury him by the side of his wife, whom they had placed in the K͟hwāja’s venerated mausoleum. As Muʿtaqid K͟hān had done approved service in the fight with Aḥdād, in reward he was exalted with the title of Las͟hkar K͟hān. Dayānat K͟hān, who had been sent to Udaipur in the service of Bābā K͟hurram and to convey certain orders, came on the 7th K͟hūrdād and gave good account of the rules and regulations made by Bābā K͟hurram. Fidāʾī K͟hān, who in the days of my princehood was my servant, and whom after my accession I had made bakhshi in this army, and who had obtained favour, gave up the deposit of his life on the 12th of the same month. Mīrzā Rustam, as he showed signs of repentance and regret for his misdeeds, and generosity demanded that his faults should be pardoned, was, in the end of the month, summoned to my presence, and I satisfied his mind, and having given him a dress of honour, ordered him to pay his respects to me. On the night of Sunday, the 11th of the month of Tīr, a female elephant in the private elephant stud gave birth to a young one in my presence. I had repeatedly ordered them to ascertain the period of their gestation; at last it became evident that for a female young one it was 18 months and for a male 19 months. In opposition to the birth of a human being, which is in most cases by a head delivery, young elephants are born with their feet first. When the young one was born, the mother scattered dust upon it with her foot, and began to be kind and to pet it. The young one for an instant remained fallen, and then rising, made towards its mother’s breasts. On the 14th the assembly of Gulāb-pās͟hī (sprinkling of rose-water) took place; from former times this has been known as āb-pās͟hī (water-sprinkling), and has become established from amongst customs of former days. On the 5th Amurdād (middle July, 1614) came news of the death of Rāja Mān Singh.[7] The aforesaid Raja was one of the chief officers of my revered father. As I had sent many servants of the State to serve in the Deccan, I also appointed him. After his death in that service, I sent for Mīrzā Bhāo Singh, who was his legitimate heir. As from the time when I was prince he had done much service with me, although the chiefship and headship of their family, according to the Hindu custom, should go to Mahā Singh, son[8] of Jagat Singh, the Raja’s eldest son, who had died in the latter’s lifetime, I did not accept him, but I dignified Bhāo Singh with the title of Mīrzā Rāja, and raised him to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also gave him Amber, the native place of his ancestors, and, soothing and consoling the mind of Mahā Singh, increased his former mansab by 500, and gave him as an inʿām the territory of Garha.[9] I also sent him a jewelled dagger belt, a horse, and dress of honour. On the 8th of this month of Amurdād I found a change in my health, and by degrees was seized with fever and headache. For fear that some injury might occur to the country and the servants of God, I kept this secret from most of those familiar with and near to me, and did not inform the physicians and hakims. A few days passed in this manner, and I only imparted this to Nūr-Jahān Begam than whom I did not think anyone was fonder of me; I abstained from eating heavy foods, and, contenting myself with a little light food, went every day, according to my rule, to the public Dīwān-k͟hāna (hall of audience), and entered the Jharokha and ghusal-k͟hāna (parlour) in my usual manner, until signs of weakness showed themselves in my skin.[10] Some of the nobles[11] became aware of this, and informed one or two of my physicians who were trustworthy, such as Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-zamān, Ḥakīm Abū-l-qāsim, and Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr. As the fever did not change, and for three nights I took my usual wine, it brought on greater weakness. In the time of disquietude, and when weakness prevailed over me, I went to the mausoleum of the revered K͟hwāja, and in that blessed abode prayed to God Almighty for recovery, and agreed to give alms and charity. God Almighty, in His pure grace and mercy, bestowed on me the robe of honour of health, and by degrees I recovered. The headache, which had been very severe, subsided under the remedies of Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr, and in the space of twenty-two days my state returned to what it was before. The servants of the palace, and indeed the whole of the people, made offerings for this great bounty. I accepted the alms of no one, and ordered that everyone in his own house should distribute what he wished among the poor. On the 10th S͟hahrīwar news came that Tāj K͟hān, the Afghan, governor of Thatta,[12] had died; he was one of the old nobles of the State.
During my illness it had occurred to me that when I completely recovered, inasmuch as I was inwardly an ear-bored slave of the K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn) and was indebted to him for my existence, I should openly make holes in my ears and be enrolled among his ear-marked slaves. On Thursday, 12th S͟hahrīwar,[13] corresponding to the month of Rajab, I made holes in my ears and drew into each a shining pearl. When the servants of the palace and my loyal friends saw this, both those who were in the presence and some who were in the distant borders diligently and eagerly made holes in their ears, and adorned the beauty of sincerity with pearls and rubies which were in the private treasury, and were bestowed on them, until by degrees the infection caught the Ahadis and others. At the end of the day of Thursday, the 22nd of the said month, corresponding with the 10th S͟haʿbān, the meeting for my solar weighing was arranged in my private audience hall, and the usual observances were carried out. On the same day Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh, gratified and prosperous, returned to his native country with the promise that he would not delay (there) more than two or three months. On the 27th of the month of Mihr news came that Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās had died at Udaipur. In the clan of Barlās no leader remained but he. As his tribe had many claims on this State and endless connection with it, I patronised his son Mihr ʿAlī, and raised him to the mansab of 1,000 personal and horse. On account of the approved services of K͟hān Daurān, I increased by 1,000 his mansab, which became 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, original and increase. On the 6th Ābān the qarāwuls (s͟hikārīs) reported that three tigers had been met at a distance of 6 kos. Starting after midday, I killed all three of them with a gun. On the 8th of the month the festival of the Dewālī came on. I ordered the attendants of the palace to have games with each other for two or three nights in my presence; winnings and losings took place. On the 8th of this month they brought to Ajmir the body of Sikandar Muʿīn Qarāwul (S͟hikārī), who was one of my old attendants and had done much service for me when I was prince, from Udaipur, which was the place where my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram was staying. I ordered the qarawuls and his fellow-tribesmen to take his body and bury it on the bank of Rānā S͟hankar’s tank. He was a good servant to me. On the 12th Āẕar two daughters whom Islām K͟hān in his lifetime had taken from the Zamindar of Kūch (Behar), whose country is on the boundary of the eastern provinces, together with his son and 94 elephants, were brought before me. Some of the elephants were placed in my private stud. On the same day, Hūs͟hang, Islām K͟hān’s son, came from Bengal, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented as offerings two elephants, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. On one particular night in Day I dreamt that the late king (Akbar) said to me: “Bābā, forgive for my sake the fault of ʿAzīz K͟hān, who is the K͟hān Aʿz̤am.” After this dream, I decided to summon him from the fort (of Gwalior).
There is a ravine in the neighbourhood of Ajmir that is very beautiful. At the end of this ravine a spring appears which is collected in a long and broad tank, and is the best water in Ajmir. This valley and spring are well known as Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl. When I crossed over to this place I ordered a suitable building to be made there, as the place was good and fit for developing. In the course of a year a house and grounds were made there, the like of which those[14] who travel round the world cannot point out. They made a basin 40 gaz by 40, and made the water of the spring rise up in the basin by a fountain. The fountain leaps up 10 or 12 gaz. Buildings are laid on the edge of this basin, and in the same way above, where the tank and fountain are, they have made agreeable places and enchanting halls and resting-rooms pleasant to the senses. These have been constructed and finished off in a masterly style by skilled painters and clever artists. As I desired that it should be called by a name connected with my august name, I gave it the name of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr, or ‘the fountain of light.’ In short, the one fault it has is this, that it ought to have been in a large city, or at a place by which men frequently pass. From the day on which it was completed I have often passed Thursdays and Fridays there. I ordered that they should think out a chronogram for its completion. Saʿīdā Gīlānī, the head of the goldsmiths, discovered it in this clever hemistich:—
“The palace[15] of S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr” (1024).
I ordered them to put a stone with this carved upon it on the top of the portico of the building.
In the beginning of the month of Day, merchants came from Persia and brought pomegranates of Yazd and melons from Kārīz, which are the best of Khurasan melons, so many that all the servants of the Court and the Amirs of the frontiers obtained a portion of them and were very grateful to the True Giver (God) for them. I had never had such melons and pomegranates. It seemed as if I had never had a pomegranate or a melon before. Every year I had had melons from Badakhshan and pomegranates from Kabul, but they bore no comparison with the Yazd pomegranates and the Kārīz melons. As my revered father (may God’s light be his witness!) had a great liking for fruit, I was very grieved that such fruits had not come to Hindustan from Persia in his victorious time, that he might have enjoyed and profited by them. I have the same regret for the Jahāngīrī ʿit̤r (so-called otto of roses), that his nostrils were not gratified with such essences. This ʿit̤r is a discovery which was made during my reign through the efforts of the mother of Nūr-Jahān Begam. When she was making rose-water a scum formed on the surface of the dishes into which the hot rose-water was poured from the jugs. She collected this scum little by little; when much rose-water was obtained a sensible portion of the scum was collected. It is of such strength in perfume that if one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand it scents a whole assembly, and it appears as if many red rosebuds had bloomed at once. There is no other scent of equal excellence to it. It restores hearts that have gone and brings back withered souls. In reward for that invention I presented a string of pearls to the inventress. Salīma[16] Sult̤ān Begam (may the lights of God be on her tomb) was present, and she gave this oil the name of ‘ʿit̤r-i-Jahāngīrī.’
Great difference appeared in the climates of India. In this month of Day, in Lahore, which is between Persia and Hindustan, the mulberry-tree bore fruit of as much sweetness and fine flavour as in its ordinary season. For some days people were delighted by eating it. The news-writers of that place wrote this. In the same days Bak͟htar K͟hān Kalāwant, who was closely connected with ʿĀdil K͟hān, inasmuch as he (ʿĀdil) married his own brother’s daughter to him, and made him his preceptor in singing and durpat[17] guftan, appeared in the habit of a dervish. Summoning him and enquiring into his circumstances, I endeavoured to honour him. In the first assembly I gave him 10,000 rupees in cash and 50 pieces of cloth of all sorts and a string of pearls, and having made him a guest of Āṣaf K͟hān, ordered him to enquire into his circumstances. It did not appear whether he had come without ʿĀdil K͟hān’s permission, or the latter had sent him in this guise in order that he might find out the designs of this Court and bring him news about them. Considering his relationship to ʿĀdil K͟hān, it is most probable that he has not come without ʿĀdil K͟hān’s knowledge. A report by Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who at this time was (our) ambassador at Bijapur, corroborates this idea, for he writes that ʿĀdil K͟hān has, on account of the kindness which has been shown by H.M. (Jahāngīr) to Bak͟htar K͟hān, been very gracious to him (Jamālu-d-dīn). Every day he has shown him more and more favour, keeps him beside him at nights, and recites to him durpats, which he (ʿĀdil K͟hān) has composed, and which he calls nauras[18] (Juvenilia). “The remainder of the facts will be written on the day when I get my dismissal.”
In these days they brought a bird from the country of Zīrbād (Sumatra, etc., Blochmann, p. 616) which was coloured like a parrot, but had a smaller body. One of its peculiarities is that it lays hold with its feet of the branch or perch on which they may have placed it and then makes a somersault, and remains in this position all night and whispers to itself. When day comes it seats itself on the top of the branch. Though they say that animals also have worship, yet it is most likely that this practice is instinctive. It never drinks water, and water acts like poison upon it, though other birds subsist on water.
In the month[19] of Bahman there came pieces of good news one after the other. The first was that the Rānā Amar Singh had elected for obedience and service to the Court. The circumstances of this affair are these. My son of lofty fortune, Sult̤ān K͟hurram, by dint of placing a great many posts, especially in some places where most people said it was impossible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or excessive rain, and making prisoners of the families of the inhabitants of that region, brought matters with the Rānā to such a pass that it became clear to him that if this should happen to him again he must either fly the country or be made prisoner. Being without remedy, he chose obedience and loyalty, and sent to my fortunate son his maternal uncle, Subh Karan, with Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the men in his confidence, and petitioned that if that fortunate son would ask forgiveness for his offences and tranquillise his mind, and obtain for him the auspicious sign-manual,[20] he would himself come and wait on my son, and would send his son and successor Karan to Court, or he, after the manner of other Rajas, would be enrolled amongst the servants of the Court and do service. He also begged that he himself might be excused from coming to Court on account of his old age. Accordingly my son sent them in company with his own Diwan Mullā S͟hukru-llah, whom after the conclusion of this business I dignified with the title of Afẓal K͟hān, and Sundar Dās, his major-domo, who, after this matter was settled, was honoured with the title of Rāy Rāyān, to the exalted Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty mind was always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old families. The real point was that as Rānā Amar Singh and his fathers, proud in the strength of their hilly country and their abodes, had never seen or obeyed any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be brought about in my reign. At the request of my son I forgave the Rānā’s offences, and gave a gracious farman that should satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of my auspicious palm.[21] I also wrote a farman of kindness to my son that if he could arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son also sent them[22] with Mullā S͟hukru-llah and Sundar Dās to the Rānā to console him and make him hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him the gracious farman with the sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it was settled that on Sunday, the 26th of the month of Bahman, he and his sons should come and pay their respects to my son. The second piece of good news was the death of Bahādur, who was descended from the rulers of Gujarat, and was the leaven of disturbance and mischief (there). Almighty God had annihilated him in His mercy: he died of a natural illness. The third piece of news was the defeat of the Warzā (Portuguese Viceroy), who had done his best to take the castle and port of Surat. In the roadstead[23] of the port of Surat a fight took place between the English, who had taken shelter there, and the Viceroy. Most of his ships were burnt by the English fire. Being helpless he had not the power to fight any more, and took to flight. He sent some one to Muqarrab K͟hān, who was the governor of the ports of Gujarat, and knocked at the door of peace, and said that he had come to make peace and not to make war. It was the English who had stirred up the war. Another piece of news was that some of the Rajputs, who had determined to attack and kill ʿAmbar (misprinted G͟hīr), had made an ambush, and finding a good opportunity had gained access to him, when a slight wound had been inflicted on him by one of them. The men who were round ʿAmbar (again misprinted G͟hīr) had killed the Rajputs and taken ʿAmbar to his quarters. A very little[24] more would have made an end of him. In the end of this month, when I was employed in hunting in the environs of Ajmir, Muḥammad Beg,[25] an attendant on my fortunate son Sult̤ān K͟hurram, came and brought a report from that son, and stated that the Rānā had come with his sons and paid his respects to the prince; “the details would be made known by the report.” I immediately turned the face of supplication to the Divine Court, and prostrated myself in thanksgiving. I presented a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to the aforesaid Muḥammad Beg, and honoured him with the title of Ẕū-l-faqār K͟hān.[25] From the report it appeared that on Sunday, the 26th Bahman, the Rānā paid his respects to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual that servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings a famous large ruby that was in his house, with some decorated articles and seven elephants, some of them fit for the private stud, and which had not fallen into our hands and were the only ones left him, and nine horses.
My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. When the Rānā clasped his feet and asked forgiveness for his faults, he took his head and placed it on his breast, and consoled him in such a manner as to comfort him. He presented him with a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and a private elephant with silver housings, and, as there were not more than 100 men with him who were worthy of complete robes of honour (sar u pā), he gave 100 sarupa and 50 horses and 12 jewelled khapwa (daggers). As it is the custom of the Zamindars that the son who is the heir-apparent should not go with his father to pay his respects to a king or prince, the Rānā observed this custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who had received the ṭīkā. As the hour (fixed by astrology) of the departure of that son of lofty fortune from that place was the end of that same day, he gave him leave, so that, having himself gone, he might send Karan to pay his respects. After he had gone, Karan also came and did so. To him also he gave a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, a horse with a gold saddle, and a special elephant, and on the same day, taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded towards the illustrious Court. On the 3rd Isfandārmuẕ my return to Ajmir from hunting took place. From the 17th Bahman up to that date, during which I was hunting, one tigress with three cubs and thirteen nilgaw had been killed. The fortunate prince encamped on Saturday, the 10th of the same month, at the village of Devrānī, which is near the city of Ajmir, and an order was given that all the Amirs should go to meet him, and that each should present an offering according to his standing and condition, and on the next day, Sunday, the 11th he should have the good fortune to wait upon me. The next day the prince, with great magnificence, with all the victorious forces that had been appointed to accompany him on that service, entered the public palace. The hour for him to wait on me was when two watches and two gharis of the day had passed, and he had the good fortune to pay his respects, and performed his prostrations and salutations. He presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees by way of offering, 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees by way of charity. I called that son forward and embraced him, and having kissed his head and face, favoured him with special kindnesses and greetings. When he had finished the dues of service and had presented his offerings and charities, he petitioned that Karan might be exalted with the good fortune of prostrating himself and paying his respects. I ordered them to bring him, and the Bakhshis with the usual ceremonies of respect produced him. After prostration and salutation were completed, at the request of my son K͟hurram, I ordered them to place him in front on the right hand of the circle. After this I ordered K͟hurram to go and wait on his mothers, and gave him a special dress of honour, consisting of a jewelled chārqab (sleeveless vest), a coat of gold brocade, and a rosary of pearls. After he had made his salutation, there were presented to him a special dress of honour, a special horse with a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant. I also honoured Karan with a superb robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and the Amirs and mansabdars had the honour of prostrating themselves and paying their respects, and presented their offerings. Each of these, according to his service and rank, was honoured with favours. As it was necessary to win the heart of Karan, who was of a wild nature and had never seen assemblies and had lived among the hills, I every day showed him some fresh favour, so that on the second day of his attendance a jewelled dagger, and on the next day a special Iraqi horse with jewelled saddle, were given to him. On the day when he went to the darbar in the female apartments, there were given to him on the part of Nūr-Jahān Begam a rich dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse and saddle, and an elephant. After this I presented him with a rosary of pearls of great value. On the next day a special elephant with trappings (talāyir) were given. As it was in my mind to give him something of every kind, I presented him with three hawks and three falcons, a special sword, a coat of mail, a special cuirass, and two rings, one with a ruby and one with an emerald. At the end of the month I ordered that all sorts of cloth stuffs, with carpets and cushions (named takiya) and all kinds of perfumes, with vessels of gold, two Gujrati carts, and cloths, should be placed in a hundred trays. The Ahadis carried them in their arms and on their shoulders to the public audience hall, where they were bestowed on him.
S̤ābit K͟hān[26] at the paradise-resembling assemblies was always addressing unbecoming speeches and making palpable allusions to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and his son Āṣaf K͟hān. Once or twice, showing my dislike of this, I had forbidden him to do so, but this was not enough for him. As I held very dear Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s good-will towards me, and was very closely connected with his family, this matter became very irksome to me. As one night without reason and without motive he began to speak unpleasant words to him, and said them to such an extent that signs of vexation and annoyance became evident in Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s face, I sent him next morning, in the custody of a servant of the Court, to Āṣaf K͟hān to say that as on the previous evening he had spoken unpleasant words to his father I handed him over to him, and he might shut him up either there or in the fort of Gwalior, as he pleased; until he made amends to his father I would never forgive his fault. According to the order Āṣaf K͟hān sent him to Gwalior fort. In the same month Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was promoted to an increased mansab, and was given that of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who is one of the old retainers of the State, committed some faults on the journey to the Subah of Kabul, and Qilīj K͟hān, who was the commander of the army, had repeatedly complained of his making himself disagreeable. Necessarily I summoned him to Court, and in order to punish him handed him over to Mahābat K͟hān to confine him in the fort of Ranṭambhor. Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, had sent two rubies as an offering, and they were laid before me. As I had made a rule that they should bring before me after two watches of the night had passed the dervishes and necessitous people who had collected in the illustrious palace, this year also after the same manner I bestowed on the dervishes with my own hand and in my own presence 55,000 rupees and 190,000 bighas of land, with fourteen entire villages, and twenty-six ploughs,[27] and 11,000 k͟harwār[28] (ass-loads) of rice; I presented as well 732 pearls, of the value of 36,000 rupees, to the servants who by way of loyalty had bored their ears.
At the end of the aforesaid month news came that when four and a half gharis of night had passed on Sunday the 11th of the month, in the city of Burhanpur, God Almighty had bestowed on Sultān Parwīz a son by the daughter of Prince Murād. I gave him the name of Sultān Dūr-andīsh[29] (long-thoughted).
[1] The “Arrogant of the Earth” (Tod). [↑]
[2] Perhaps this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilīj was there when he died. [↑]
[3] According to the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 486, in the biography of ʿĪsā K͟hān, Rustam was sent to put down the Tark͟hāns, and succeeded in doing so. See also ibid., p. 438, in the biography of Rustam, where it is said that Jahāngīr told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the passage in Maʾās̤ir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314, means that Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he intrigued with them but oppressed the peasantry. [↑]
[4] Though the text has Pūlam, the real word seems to be Īlam or Ailam. Ailam Guẕar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may, however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also known as the S͟hāh ʿĀlam, and there is a ferry on it of that name. The text speaks of Kot Tīrāh as 8 kos from Jalalabad, but Tīrāh is much further away. The B.M. MSS. have Kotal-i-Tīrāh, ‘the Tīrāh defile.’ [↑]
[5] Compare Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 94. It appears from that account that Muʿtaqid alias Las͟hkar K͟hān was originally called Abū-l-ḥusain. According to the account there, the prisoners were brought to Jahāngīr with the decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended from their necks! [↑]
[6] She was a daughter of Mīr Maḥmūd, Akbar’s secretary (Blochmann, p. 449). [↑]
[7] Mān Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the month of June. [↑]
[8] Text pidar by mistake for pisar. [↑]
[9] Garha, described as Bāndhū in Maʾās̤ir, ii, 175. It is Garha-Katanga, i.e. Jabalpur. [↑]
[10] Perhaps the meaning is that there was an eruption. [↑]
[11] Buzurgān, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the harem. [↑]
[12] This is Tās͟h Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has Patna. [↑]
[13] Jahāngīr was born in this month, which then corresponded to Rajab. [↑]
[14] Is this an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas Roe? Sir Thomas did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but Jahāngīr is here apparently writing of what happened a year after his visit to Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl. The chronogram was 1024 (1615). [↑]
[15] Maḥall-i-S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr, 1024 (1615). See Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp. 159–60. [↑]
[16] Salīma died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have occurred some time before this mention of it. [↑]
[17] Hindustani, dhurpad, “petit poëme ordinairement composé de cinq hémistiches sur une même rime.” “It was invented by Rāja Mān of Gwalior” (Garçin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12). [↑]
[18] See Rieu, 741b, who calls the nauras a treatise on music composed by Ibrāhīm ʿĀdil S͟hāh II. This ʿĀdil S͟hāh was Firis͟hta’s patron, and reigned till 1626. Jamālu-d-dīn is the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder of the facts seems to be an extract from his report. Muḥammad Wāris̤, in his continuation of the Pāds͟hāh-nāma, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438, mentions, with reprobation, that ʿĀdil S͟hāh had given his niece in marriage to a singer. [↑]
[19] Translated Elliot, vi, 339. [↑]
[20] Lit. procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five fingers). The sign-manual was that of Jahāngīr. See below. See also Tod’s Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the panja; also p. 383, note id. [↑]
[21] Panja mubārak (Tod’s Rajasthan, i, 383 and 411). [↑]
[22] Perhaps the uncle and Haridās, or the īnhā, ‘them’ may mean the farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has ‘my letters.’ Tod has translated this part of the Tūzuk, i, 382. [↑]
[23] The text has k͟haurmiyān, and I. O. 181 has k͟haur-i-bandar. K͟haur means a bay or gulf in Arabic. The battle is that between Captain Downton and the Portuguese, which took place in January, 1615, and is described in Orme’s Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers’ “Portuguese in India,” ii. 170. The engagement was in the Swally channel. [↑]
[24] Elliot, vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not easily intelligible. Probably the translation should be, “No one remained (all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off Malik ʿAmbar.” [↑]
[25] Probably the father or grandfather of the Muḥammad Beg Ẕū-l-faqār who was a servant of Aurangzīb (Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 89). [↑]
[26] R.A.S. MS. has Dayānat K͟hān, and so has I.O. MS. 181. [↑]
[27] Qulba. It does not appear that this is a land-measure. [↑]
[28] K͟harwār. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where a kharwar is said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds. [↑]
[29] Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tūzuk, p. 282). [↑]