The Tenth New Year’s Festival after my auspicious Accession.
When 55 seconds had passed on Saturday, 1st Farwardīn, in my 10th year, corresponding with the 8th[1] of the month of Ṣafar (March, 1615), 1024 Hijra, the sun from the constellation of Pisces entered the house of honour of Aries. When three gharis had passed on the night of Sunday I seated myself on the throne of State. The New Year’s feast and ceremonials were prepared in the usual manner. The illustrious princes, the great K͟hāns, the chief officers and Ministers of State made their salutations of congratulation. On the 1st of the month the mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was increased from 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse by 1,000 personal and horse. Special horses were given to the Kunwar Karan, Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, and Rāja Bīr Singh Deo. On the 2nd the offering of Āṣaf K͟hān was laid before me; it was an approved offering of jewels and jewelled ornaments and things of gold, of cloth stuffs of all kinds and descriptions and was looked over in detail. That which I approved was worth 85,000 rupees. On this day a jewelled sword with a belt and band(?) (band u bār) was given to Karan, and an elephant to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. As I had made up my mind to proceed to the Deccan, I gave an order to ʿAbdu-l-Karīm Maʿmūrī, to go to Mandu and prepare a new building for my private residence and repair the buildings of the old kings. On the 3rd day the offerings of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo were laid before me and one ruby, some pearls, and one elephant had the honour of being accepted. On the 4th day the mansab of Mustafā K͟hān was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse to 2,000 personal and 250 horse. On the 5th I gave a standard and drums to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, and an order was given him to beat his drums. The mansab of Āṣaf K͟hān was increased by 1,000 personal and horse to 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and having increased the mansab of Rāja Bīr Singh Deo by 700 horse, I dismissed him to his own country, directing that he should present himself at Court at stated periods. On the same day the offering of Ibrāhīm K͟hān was laid before me. Some of all the kinds of things pleased me. Kishan Chand, of the sons of the Rajas of Nagarkot, was honoured with the title of Raja. On Thursday, the 6th, the offerings of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah were laid before me at Chas͟hma-i-Nūr; a large meeting had been arranged, and by way of favour the whole of his offerings were inspected. Of the jewels and jewelled things and choice cloth stuffs the value of 100,000 rupees was accepted, and the remainder given back. On the 7th day I increased by 1,000 personal the mansab of Kishan Singh, which had been 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. On this day a tiger was killed in the neighbourhood of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. On the 8th I gave Karan the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, and gave him a small rosary of pearls and emeralds with a ruby in the centre which in the language of the Hindus is called smaran (Sanskrit for ‘remembrance’). I increased the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 400 horse, so as to make it 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and increase. The mansab of Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg was increased by 300 horse, and that of Rāja S͟hyām Singh by 500 personal so as to make it 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. On Sunday, the 9th, there was an eclipse of the sun when twelve gharis of the day had passed. It began from the west, and four out of five parts of the sun were eclipsed in the knot of the dragon. From the commencement of the seizure until it became light eight gharis elapsed. Alms of all kinds, and things in the shape of metals, animals, and vegetables, were given to fakirs and the poor and people in need. On this day the offering of Rāja Sūraj Singh was laid before me; what was taken was of the value of 43,000 rupees. The offering of Bahādur K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, was also laid before me on this day; its total value came to 14,000 rupees. Two watches of the night had passed on the night of Monday, the 29th Ṣafar (30th March, 1615), in the ascension of Sagittarius, when a boy was born to Bābā K͟hurram by the daughter of Āṣaf K͟hān; I gave him the name of Dārā S͟hukūh. I hope that his coming will be propitious to this State conjoined with eternity, and to his fortunate father. The mansab of Sayyid ʿAlī Bārha was increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to bring it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 10th the offering of Iʿtibār K͟hān was laid before me, and what was of the value of 40,000 rupees was accepted. On this day the mansab of K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg was raised by 300 horse, and that of Manglī K͟hān by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 11th the offering of Murtaẓā K͟hān was laid before me. Of it seven rubies, one rosary of pearls, and 270 other pearls were accepted, and their value was 145,000 rupees. On the 12th the offerings of Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh and Rāwat S͟hankar were laid before me. On the 13th, out of the offering of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, one qutbī (Egyptian?) ruby, one diamond, one string of pearls, five rings, four pearls, and some cloths, altogether the value of 32,000 rupees, were accepted. On the 14th the mansab of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, which was 3,000 personal and 700 horse, was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and that of Wafādār K͟hān, of 750 personal and 200 horse, by 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On the same day Mustafā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, had the good fortune to wait upon me. After completing the matter of Gurjistan (Georgia), my exalted brother sent him with a letter consisting of expressions of friendship and assurances of sincerity, with several horses, camels, and some stuffs from Aleppo, which had come for that fortunate brother from the direction of Rūm. Nine large European hunting dogs, for which a request had gone, were also sent by him.
Murtaẓā K͟hān, on this day, obtained leave to go for the capture of the fort of Kāngra, the equal of which for strength they cannot point to in the hill country of the Panjab or even all the habitable world. From the time when the sound of Islam reached the country of Hindustan up to this auspicious time when the throne of rule has been adorned by this suppliant at the throne of Allah, none of the rulers or kings has obtained possession of it. Once in the time of my revered father, the army of the Panjab was sent against this fort, and besieged it for a long time. At length they came to the conclusion that the fort was not to be taken, and the army was sent off to some more necessary business. When he was dismissed, I gave Murtaẓā K͟hān a private elephant with trappings. Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, as his country was near that fort, was also appointed, and his previous mansab was increased by 500 personal and horse. Rāja Sūraj Singh also came from his place and jagir and waited on me, and presented an offering of 100 ashrafis. On the 17th the offering of Mīrzā Rustam was laid before me. Two jewelled daggers, one rosary of pearls, some pieces of cloth, an elephant, and four Iraq horses were accepted, and the rest returned; their value was 15,000 rupees. On the same date the offering of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, of the value of 18,000 rupees, was laid before me. On the 18th the offering of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was inspected. Of jewels and cloth stuffs the value of 15,000 rupees was accepted. The mansab of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, which was 700 personal and 200 horse, I increased by 800 personal and 300 horse, so that with original and increase it came to 1,500 personal and 500 horse. K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who was one of the distinguished soldiers, died of the disease of dysentery. On the 8th day, which was Thursday, after two watches and four and a half gharis had passed, the s͟haraf (highest point of the sun’s ascension) began. On this auspicious day I ascended the throne in happiness and prosperity, and the people saluted and congratulated me. When one watch of the day remained I went to the Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. According to agreement the offering of Mahābat K͟hān was laid before me at that place. He had arranged beautiful jewels and jewellery, with cloth stuff and articles of all kinds that were pleasing to me. Among these, a jewelled khapwa (dagger), which at his request the royal artificers had made, and the like of which in value there did not exist in my private treasury, was worth 100,000 rupees. In addition to this, jewels and other things of the value of 138,000 rupees were taken. Indeed, it was a splendid offering. To Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, I gave 20,000 darab, or 10,000 rupees. On the 21st I sent robes of honour by the hand of ʿAbdu-l-G͟hafūr to fifteen of the Amirs of the Deccan. Rāja Bikramājīt obtained leave to go to his jagir, and a special shawl (parm narm[2]) was given to him. On the same day I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador. I increased the mansab of Hūshang, the son of Islām K͟hān, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 23rd, Ibrāhīm K͟hān was promoted to the Subah of Behar. Zafar K͟hān was ordered to present himself at Court. To the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I added 500 personal and 1,000 horse. Saif K͟hān on the same day was dismissed to his jagir, as well as Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg, who was honoured with the title of Ūzbeg K͟hān. Bahāduru-l-mulk, who belonged to the army of the Deccan and held the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,100 horse received an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse. An increase of 200 was made in the mansab of K͟hwāja Taqī, which was 800 personal and 180 horse. On the 25th an increase of 200 horse was made in the rank of Salāmu-llah, the Arab, so that it became 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. I presented Mahābat K͟hān with the black piebald horse out of my special horses which the ruler of Iran had sent me. At the end of the day of Thursday I went to the house of Bābā K͟hurram and remained there till a watch of the night had passed. His second offering was laid before me on that day. On the first day he paid his respects he laid before me a celebrated ruby of the Rānā, which, on the day of his paying his respects, he had made an offering of to my son, and which the jewellers valued at 60,000 rupees. It was not worthy of the praise they had given it. The weight of this ruby was eight tānk,[3] and it was formerly in the possession of Rāy Maldeo, who was the chief of the tribe of the Rāṭhors and one of the chief rulers (or Rays) of Hindustan. From him it was transferred to his son Chandar Sen, who, in the days of his wretchedness and hopelessness, sold it to Rānā Ūday Singh. From him it went to Rānā Partāp, and afterwards to this Rānā Amar Singh. As they had no more valuable gift in their family, he presented it on the day that he paid his respects to my fortunate son Bābā K͟hurram, together with the whole of his stud of elephants, which, according to the Indian idiom, they call gheta chār.[4] I ordered them to engrave on the ruby that at the time of paying his respects Rānā Amar Singh had presented it as an offering to Sultān K͟hurram. On that day certain other things from among the offerings of Bābā K͟hurram were accepted. Among them was a little crystal box of Frank work, made with great taste, with some emeralds, three rings, four Iraq horses, and various other things, the value of which was 80,000 rupees. On the day on which I went to his house he had prepared a great offering, in fact there were laid before me things and rarities worth about four or five lakhs of rupees. Of these the equivalent of 100,000 rupees was taken away and the balance given to him.
On the 28th the mansab of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 3,000 personal and 1,800 horse, was increased by 500 personal and 400 horse. In the end of the month I presented Ibrāhīm K͟hān with a horse, a robe of honour, a jewelled dagger, a standard and drums, and dismissed him to the province of Behar. The office of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions), that belonged to K͟hwājagī Ḥājī Muhammad, as he had died, I gave to Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, who was in my confidence. Three hundred horse were increased in the mansab of Dilāwar K͟hān, who now had 1,000 personal and horse. As the hour of the leave-taking of Kunwar Karan was at hand, I was desirous of showing him my skill in shooting with a gun. Just at this time the qarāwulān (shikaris) brought in news of a tigress. Though it is an established custom of mine only to hunt male tigers, yet, in consideration that no other tiger might be obtained before his departure, I went for the tigress. I took with me Karan, and said to him that I would hit it wherever he wished me to do so. After this arrangement I went to the place where they had marked down the tiger. By chance there was a wind and disturbance in the air, and the female elephant on which I was mounted was terrified of the tigress and would not stand still. Notwithstanding these two great obstacles to shooting, I shot straight towards her eye. God Almighty did not allow me to be ashamed before that prince, and, as I had agreed, I shot her in the eye. On the same day Karan petitioned me for a special gun, and I gave him a special Turkish one.
As on the day for his departure I had not given Ibrāhīm K͟hān an elephant, I now gave him a special elephant, and I also sent an elephant to Bahāduru-l-mulk and one to Wafādār K͟hān. On the 8th Urdībihis͟ht the assemblage for my lunar weighing was held, and I weighed myself against silver and other things, distributing them amongst the deserving and needy. Nawāzis͟h K͟hān took leave to go to his jagir, which was in Malwa. On the same day I gave an elephant to K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan. On the 9th they brought K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who had come to Agra from the fort of Gwalior, and who had been sent for. Though he had been guilty of many offences, and in all that I had done to him I was right, yet when they brought him into my presence and my eye fell on him, I perceived more shame in myself than in him. Having pardoned all his offences, I gave him the shawl I had round my waist. I gave Kunwar Karan 100,000 darab. On the same day Rāja Sūraj Singh brought a large elephant of the name of Ran-rāwat, which was a celebrated elephant of his, as an offering. In fact, it was such a rare elephant that I put it into my private stud. On the 10th the offering of K͟hwāja Jahān, which he sent me from Agra by the hand of his son, was laid before me. It was of all kinds of things, of the value of 40,000 rupees. On the 12th the offering of K͟hān Daurān, which consisted of forty-five[5] horse two strings of camels, Arabian dogs (greyhounds), and hunting animals (hawks?), was brought before me. On the same day seven other elephants from Rāja Sūraj Singh were also brought to me as an offering, and were placed in my private stud. Taḥayyur K͟hān, after he had been in attendance on me for four months, to-day got leave to go. A message was sent to ʿĀdil K͟hān. I impressed on him the profit and loss of friendship and enmity, and made an agreement (with Taḥayyur K͟hān) that all these words should be repeated to ʿĀdil K͟hān, and he should bring him back to the path of loyalty and obedience. At the time of his taking leave I also bestowed on him certain things. On the whole, in this short time, what with the gifts bestowed on him by me privately, by the princes, and those given him by the Amirs according to order, the account mounted up to about 100,000 rupees that he had received. On the 14th the rank and reward of my son K͟hurram were fixed. His mansab had been one of 12,000 personal and 6,000 horse, and that of his brother (Parwīz) 15,000 personal and 8,000 horse. I ordered his mansab to be made equal with that of Parwīz, besides other rewards. I gave him a private elephant of the name of Panchī Gaj,[6] with accoutrements of the value of 12,000 rupees. On the 16th an elephant was given to Mahābat K͟hān. On the 17th the mansab of Rāja Sūraj Singh, which was 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, was increased by 1,000, and it was raised to 5,000. At the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān the mansab of K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, which was 500 personal and 200 horse, was raised by 200, and it was ordered to be 1,000 personal and 400 horse. ʿAbdu-llah, the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who was imprisoned in the fort of Ranṭambhor, was sent for at the request of his father. He came to the Court, and I took the chains off his legs and sent him to his father’s house. On the 24th, Rāja Sūraj Singh presented me with another elephant, called Fauj-sangār (‘ornament of the army’), by way of offering. Although this is also a good elephant, and has been placed in my private stud, it is not to be compared with the first elephant (he sent), which is one of the wonders of the age, and is worth 20,000 rupees. On the 26th, 200 personal were added to the mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h; it was 700 personal and 500 horse. On the same day K͟hwāja Zainu-d-dīn, who is of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas, came from Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and waited on me, bringing as an offering eighteen horses. Qizilbās͟h K͟hān, who was one of the auxiliaries of the province of Gujarat, had come to Court without the leave of the governor. I ordered that an ahadi should put him into confinement, and that he be sent back to the governor of Gujarat, so that others might not desire to do the same. The mansab of Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal I raised 500 personal, so that it should be 1,500 personal and 700 horse. On the 29th I gave K͟hān Aʿz̤am 100,000 rupees, and ordered that the parganahs of Dāsna[7] and Kāsna,[7] which are equivalent to 5,000 personal, should be made his jagir. At the end of the same month I gave leave to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, with his brothers and other relatives, to go to Allahabad, which had been appropriated to them as jagir. At this meeting twenty horse, a qabā (parm narm) of Cashmere cloth, twelve deer, and ten Arabian dogs were given to Karan. The next day, which was the 1st K͟hūrdād, forty horse, the next day forty-one horse, and the third day twenty, amounting in the space of three days to 101 head, were given as a present to Kunwar Karan. In return for the elephant Fauj-sangār, an elephant worth 10,000 rupees out of my private stud was presented to Rāja Sūraj Singh. On the 5th of the month ten turbans (chīra), ten coats (qaba), and ten waist-bands were given to Karan. On the 20th I gave him another elephant.
In these days the news-writer of Kashmir had written that a Mullā of the name of Gadāʾī, a disciplined dervish, who for forty years had lived in one of the monasteries of the city, had prayed the inheritors of that monastery two years[8] before he was to deliver over the pledge of his life that he might select a corner in that monastery as a place for his burial. They said, “Let it be so.” In short, he selected a place. When the time for his delivery came he informed his friends and relations and those who were dear to him that an order had reached him that, delivering over the pledge (of life) he had, he should turn towards the last world. Those who were present wondered at his words, and said that the prophets had no such information, and how could they believe such words? He said, “Such an order has been given to me.” He then turned to one of his confidants, who was of the sons of the Qāẓīs of the country, and said: “You will expend the price[9] of my Koran, which is worth 700 tankas, in carrying me (to the grave). When you hear the call to Friday’s prayer you will enquire for me.” This conversation took place on the Thursday, and he divided all the goods in his room among his acquaintance and disciples, and went, and at end of the day bathed at the baths. The Qāẓī-zāda aforesaid came before the call for prayer, and enquired as to the health of the Mullā. When he came to the door of the cell he found the door closed and a servant sitting there. He asked the slave what had happened, and the servant said, “The Mullā has enjoined me that until the door of the cell open of its own accord I must not go in.” Shortly after these words were said the door of the cell opened. The Qāẓī-zāda entered the cell with that servant and saw that the Mullā was on his knees with his face turned toward the qibla, and had given up his soul to God. Happy the state of the freed who can fly away from this place of the snares of dependence with such ease!
By the increase of 200 personal and 50 horse in the mansab of Karam Sen Rāṭhor, I raised it to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. On the 11th of this month the offering of Las͟hkar K͟hān, which consisted of three strings of Persian camels and twenty cups and plates from K͟hit̤ā (China) and twenty Arabian dogs, was brought before me. On the 12th a jewelled dagger was bestowed on Iʿtibār K͟hān, and to Karan I gave a plume (kalgī) worth 2,000 rupees. On the 14th I gave a dress of honour to Sar-[10]buland Rāy, and gave him leave to go to the Deccan.
On the night of Friday, the 15th, a strange affair occurred. By chance on that night I was at Pushkar. To be brief, Kis͟han, own brother to Rāja Sūraj Singh, was in great perturbation through Gobind Dās, the Vakil of the said Raja having some time ago killed his nephew, a youth of the name of Gopāl Dās. The cause of the quarrel it would take too long to tell. Kis͟han Singh expected that, as Gopāl Dās was also the nephew of the Raja (Sūraj Singh), the latter would kill Gobind Dās. But the Raja, on account of the experience and ability of Gobind Dās, relinquished the idea of seeking revenge for his nephew’s death. When Kis͟han saw this neglect on the part of the Raja, he resolved himself to take revenge for his nephew, and not allow his blood to pass away unnoticed. For a long time he kept this matter in his mind, until on that night he assembled his brothers, friends, and servants, and told them that he would go that night to take Gobind Dās’s life, whatever might happen, and that he did not care what injury might happen to the Raja. The Raja was in ignorance of what was happening, and when it was near dawn Kis͟han came with Karan, his brother’s son, and other companions. When he arrived at the gate of the Raja’s dwelling he sent some of the experienced men on foot to the house of Gobind Dās, which was near the Raja’s. He himself (Kis͟han) was on horseback, and stationed himself near the gate. The men on foot entered Gobind Dās’s house, and killed some of those who were there on guard. Whilst this fight was going on Gobind Dās awoke, and seizing his sword in a state of bewilderment was coming out from one side of the house to join the outside watchmen. When the men on foot had finished killing some of the people, they came out of the tent to endeavour to find out Gobind Dās, and, meeting him, they finished his affair (killed him). Before the news of the killing of Gobind Dās reached Kis͟han, he, unable to bear it any more, dismounted and came inside the dwelling. Although his men protested in a disturbed state that it was not right to be on foot, he would in no way listen to them. If he had remained a little longer and the news of his enemy having been killed had reached him, it is possible that he would have escaped safe and sound, mounted as he was. As the pen of destiny had gone forth after another fashion, as soon as he alighted and went in, the Raja, who was in his maḥall (female apartment), awoke at the uproar among the people, and stood at the gate of his house with his sword drawn. People from all sides were aroused and came in against the men who were on foot. They saw what the number of men on foot was, and came out in great numbers and faced Kis͟han Singh’s men, who were about ten in number. In short, Kis͟han Singh and his nephew Karan, when they reached the Raja’s house, were attacked by these men and both of them killed. Kis͟han Singh had seven and Karan nine wounds. Altogether in this fight 66 men on the two sides were killed, on the Raja’s side 30 and on Kis͟han Singh’s 36. When the sun rose and illumined the world with its light, this business was revealed, and the Raja saw that his brother, his nephew, and some of his servants, whom he considered dearer than himself, were killed, and the whole of the rest had dispersed to their own places. The news reached me in Pushkar, and I ordered them to burn those who were killed, according to their rites, and inform me of the true circumstances of the affair. In the end it became clear that the affair had happened in the manner in which it has been written here, and that no further enquiry was necessary.
On the 8th Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān came from his native place and waited on me with an offering of 100 muhrs. Rāy Sūraj Singh was dismissed to his duty in the Deccan. I presented him with a couple of pearls for his ears and a special Kashmir shawl (parm narm). A pair of pearls were also sent to K͟hān Jahān. On the 25th I increased the mansab of Iʿtibār K͟hān by 600 horse, so as to bring it to 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same day Karan obtained leave to go to his jagir. He received a present of a horse, a special elephant, a dress of honour, a string of pearls of the value of 50,000 rupees, and a jewelled dagger which had been completed for 2,000 rupees. From the time of his waiting on me till he obtained leave, what he had had in the shape of cash, jewellery, jewels, and jewelled things was of the value of 200,000 rupees, with 110 horses, five elephants, in addition to what my son K͟hurram bestowed on him at various times. I gave Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal a horse and an elephant, and appointed him to accompany him. I sent several verbal messages to the Rānā. Rāja Sūraj Singh also obtained leave to go to his native country, with a promise to return in two months. On the 27th, Pāyanda K͟hān Mog͟hul,[11] who was one of the old Amirs of the State, gave up the deposit of his life.
At the end of this month news came that the ruler of Iran had executed his eldest son Ṣafī Mīrzā. This was a cause of great bewilderment. When I enquired into it they said that at Daras͟h,[12] which is one of the noted cities of Gīlān, he ordered a slave of the name of Bihbūd to kill Ṣafī Mīrzā. The slave found an opportunity, early in the morning on the 5th of Muḥarram, in the year 1024 (25th January, 1615), when the Mīrzā was returning from the baths towards his house, and finished his affair for him with two wounds from a sword (sīk͟hakī).[13] After a great part of the day had passed, while his body lay between the water and the mud, S͟haik͟h Bahāʾu-d-dīn Muḥammad, who was the best known man in the country for learning and holiness, and on whom the Shah had full reliance, reported the affair, and, obtaining leave to lift him up, took his corpse and sent it to Ardabīl, where was the burial-ground of his ancestors. Although much enquiry was made of travellers from Iran, no one would say a word of this affair that satisfied my mind with regard to it. The killing of a son must have some powerful motive in order to do away with the disgrace of it.
On the 1st of the month of Tīr I gave an elephant of the name of Ranjīt with its trappings to Mīrzā Rustam and another to Sayyid Alī Bārha. Mīrak Ḥusain, a relation of K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn, was appointed bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of Behar, and took leave to go. I gave K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf Qūs͟h-begī (the falconer) an elephant and a dress of honour, and dismissed him to his jagir. On the 9th of the same month I gave a jewelled sword to K͟hān Dauran, and a jewelled dagger was sent for Allahdād, the son of Jalālā the Afghan, who had become loyal. On the 13th took place the meeting for the festival of the Āb-pās͟hān[14] (rose-water scattering), and the servants of the Court amused themselves with sprinkling rose-water over each other. On the 17th, Amānat K͟hān was appointed to the port of Cambay. As Muqarrab K͟hān proposed to come to Court, the (charge of the) aforesaid port was changed. On the same day I sent a jewelled waist-dagger to my son Parwīz. On the 18th the offering of K͟hānk͟hānān was laid before me. He had prepared all kinds of jewellery and other things, jewels with jewelled things, such as three rubies and 103 pearls, 100 rubies (yāqūt), two jewelled daggers and an aigrette adorned with rubies and pearls, a jewelled water-jar, a jewelled sword, a quiver bound with velvet, and a diamond ring, altogether of the value of about 100,000 rupees, in addition to jewels and jewelled things, cloth from the Deccan and Carnatic, and all kinds of gilt and plain things, with fifteen elephants and a horse whose mane reached the ground. The offering of S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān (his son) also, consisting of five elephants, 300 pieces of all kinds of cloth, was brought before me. On the 8th I honoured Hūs͟hang with the title of Ikrām K͟hān. Rūz-afzūn, who was one of the princes of the Subah of Behar and who had been from his youth one of the permanent servants of the Court, having been honoured by admission into Islam, was made Raja of the province of his father, Rāja Sangrām.[15] Though the latter had been killed in opposing the leaders of the State, I gave him an elephant and leave to go to his native place. An elephant was presented to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. On the 24th, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who was in his 12th year, came and waited on me, and presented petitions from his grandfather, the Rānā Amar Singh, and from his father. The signs of nobility and high birth were evident on his face. I pleased him with a dress of honour and kindness. To the mansab of Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān an addition of 200 personal was made, so that it attained to 1,200 personal and 300 horse. In the end of the month, having honoured S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Rohīla with the title of Mubāriz K͟hān, I dismissed him to his jagir. Ten thousand darabs (5,000 rupees) were given to the relations of Mīrzā S͟harafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, who at this time had come and had the honour of kissing the threshold. On the 5th Amurdād, to the mansab of Rāja Nathmal, which was 1,500 personal and 1,100 horse, an addition of 500 personal and 100 horse was made. On the 7th, Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, who had a jagir in the Sarkar of Orissa, and who had been sent for to Court on account of a complaint[16] against the governor of the Subah of that place, came and paid his respects. He produced as an offering four elephants. As I had a great desire to see my farzand (son) K͟hān Jahān (Lodī), and for the purpose of enquiring into important matters connected with the Deccan, it was necessary for him to come at once, I sent for him. On Tuesday, the 8th of the same month, he waited on me, and presented as an offering 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, 4 rubies, 20 pearls, 1 emerald, and a jewelled phūl kaṭāra, the total value being 50,000 rupees. On the night of Sunday, as it was the anniversary of the great K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn), I went to his revered mausoleum, and remained there till midnight. The attendants and Sufis exhibited ecstatic states, and I gave the fakirs and attendants money with my own hand; altogether there were expended 6,000 rupees in cash, 100 s̤aub-kurta (a robe down to the ankles), 70 rosaries of pearls,[17] coral and amber, etc. Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, was honoured with the title of Raja, and a standard and drums given him. On the 16th an Iraq horse out of my private stable and another horse were presented to Mahābat K͟hān. On the 19th an elephant was given to K͟hān Aʿz̤am. On the 20th, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and he was dignified with a dress of honour. An increase of 200 personal and horse was made to the mansab of K͟hwāja ʿĀqil, which was 1,200 personal and 600 horse. On the 22nd, Mirzā Rāja Bhāo Singh took leave to go to Amber, which was his ancient native place, and had given him a special Kashmir phūp (?) robe.[18] On the 25th, Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who was imprisoned at Ranṭambhor, paid his respects to me, and his offences were pardoned on account of his former services. On the 28th, Muqarrab K͟hān came from the Subah of Gujarat and waited on me, and offered an aigrette and a jewelled throne.[19] An increase of 500 personal and horse was made to the mansab of Salāamu-llah, the Arab, and it was brought to 2,000 personal and 1,100 horse. On the 1st of the month of S͟hahrīwar the following increases were made in the rank of a number of men who were going on service to the Deccan:—To Mubāriz K͟hān 300 horse, making 1,000 personal and horse. Nāhir K͟hān was also raised to 1,000 personal and horse. Dilāwar K͟hān was raised by 300 horse to 2,500 personal and horse. Manglī K͟hān’s rank was increased by 200 horse to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Girdhar, the son of Ray Sāl, had the rank of 800 personal and horse bestowed on him, and Ilf K͟hān Qiyām K͟hān the same mansab, original and increase. Yādgār Ḥusain was raised to 700 personal and 500 horse, and Kamālu-d-dīn, son of S͟hīr K͟hān, to the same mansab. One hundred and fifty horse were added to the rank of Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, which then came to 700 personal and 300 horse, original and increase. On the 8th of the said month I bestowed one Nūr-jahānī muhr, which is equal to 6,400 rupees, on Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and presented five cheetahs to Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal. Mīrzā Murād, eldest son of Mīrzā Rustam, on the 12th of the same month was honoured with the title of Iltifāt K͟hān. On the night of the 16th, corresponding with the S͟hab-i-barāt (consecrated to the memory of forefathers), I ordered them to light lamps on the hills round the Ānā Sāgar tank and on its banks, and went myself to look at them. The reflection of the lamps fell on the water and had a wonderful appearance. I passed the most of that night with the ladies of the mahall on the bank of that tank.
On the 17th, Mīrzā Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain,[20] who had gone as an ambassador to Bijapur, came and waited on me, and presented three rings, the stone of one of which was a cornelian from Yemen, of great beauty and pureness of water, the like of which is seldom seen among the cornelians of Yemen. ʿĀdil K͟hān sent a person of the name of Sayyid Kabīr K͟hān on his own part with the said Mir, and forwarded as offerings elephants with gold and silver fittings, Arab horses, jewels and jewelled things, and all kinds of cloth made in that country. On the 24th of this month they were brought before me with a letter he had brought. On the same day the assembly for my solar weighing was held. On the 26th, Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador, took his leave. In addition to what had been bestowed on him during the time of his attendance, I gave him 20,000 rupees more in cash and a dress of honour, and in answer to the letter he had brought sent a friendly letter written in the perfection of friendship. On the 4th of the month of Mihr the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, which was 2,000 personal and 500 horse, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 5th, Mahābat K͟hān, in company with K͟hān Jahān, who had been appointed to serve in the Deccan, at the hour that had been appointed for him, took his leave; he was honoured with a dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a phūl kaṭāra, a special sword, and an elephant. On the 8th, K͟hān Jahān took his leave, and I presented him with a dress of honour, and a special nādirī (a dress), and an ambling horse with a saddle, a special elephant, and a special sword. On the same date 1,700 horse of those under the command of Mahābat K͟hān were ordered to have assignments (tank͟hwāh) for two or three horses given them. The whole of the men who were at this time appointed for service in the Deccan were 330 mansabdars, 3,000 ahadis, 700 horse from the Ūymaqs, and 3,000 Dalazāk Afghans. Altogether there were 30,000[21] cavalry, and 3,000,000 rupees of treasure, and an efficient artillery, and war elephants. They proceeded on this duty. The mansab of Sarbuland Rāy was increased by 500 personal and 260 horse, and came to 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. Bāljū, nephew of Qilīj K͟hān, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700 horse, original and increase. I also increased Rāja Kis͟han Dās’s mansab by 500. At the request of K͟hān Jahān, the mansab of S͟hāhbāz K͟hān Lodī, who belonged to the Deccan force, was fixed, original and increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; and 200 horse were added to the mansab of Wazīr K͟hān. The mansab of Suhrāb K͟hān, son of Mīrzā Rustam, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 400 horse, original and increase. On the 14th of the same month 1,000 was added to the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and by increasing it also by 500 horse he was raised to the exalted rank of 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the 19th, Rāja Sūraj Singh, with his son Gaj Singh, who had gone home, came and paid their respects, and presented as offerings 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. I gave Sayyid Kabīr, who had been sent by ʿĀdil K͟hān, one Nūrjahānī muhr, which weighed 500 tūlcha. On the 23rd, ninety elephants of those which Qāsim K͟hān had acquired from the conquest of the country of Kūch (Behar), and the conquest of the Maghs and the zamindars of Orissa, were brought before me and placed in the special elephant houses. On the 26th, Irādat K͟hān was raised to the rank of Mīr-sāmānī (head butler), Muʿtamad K͟hān to that of Bakhshi of the Ahadis, Muḥammad Riẓā Jābirī to that of Bakhshi of the Subah of the Panjab and news writer of that place. Sayyid Kabīr, who had come on the part of ʿĀdil K͟hān to beg pardon for the offences of the rulers (dunyā-dārān) of the Deccan, and to promise the restoration of the fort of Ahmadnagar and the royal territory which had been taken out of the possession of the chiefs of the victorious State through the rebellion of certain rebels, came and waited on me, and obtained leave to go on this date; and, having received a dress of honour, an elephant, and a horse, started off. As Rāja Rāj Singh Kachhwāha had died in the Deccan, I promoted his son Rām Dās to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. On the 4th of Ābān, drums were given to Saif K͟hān Bārha and his mansab increased by 300 horse, so as to bring it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same date I released Rāja Mān, who was in confinement in the fort of Gwalior, on the security of Murtaẓā K͟hān, and, confirming his mansab, sent him to the said K͟hān for duty at the fort of Kāngra. At the request of K͟hān Daurān, an increase of 300 horse was ordered to the mansab of Ṣādiq K͟hān, raising it to 1,000 personal and horse. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān came from the province of Sambhal, which was his jagir, and waited on me, and offered 100 muhrs. On the 16th, Rāja Sūraj Singh obtained leave to go to his duty in the Deccan, and I increased his mansab by 300 horse, so as to make it 5,000 personal and 3,300 horse; he received a dress of honour and a horse, and started. On the 18th I confirmed the mansab of Mīrzā ʿĪsā, original and increase, at 1,500 personal and 800 horse, and gave him an elephant and a dress of honour, and he took leave to go to the Deccan.
On the same day the news of the death of the wretch Chīn Qilīj was received by a letter from Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. After the death of Qilīj K͟hān, who was one of the old servants of this State, I had made this inauspicious man an Amīr, and shown him great favour, and given him in jagir such a place as Jaunpur. I also sent his other brothers and relations with him and made them his deputies. He had one brother of the name of Lahorī,[22] of a very wicked disposition. It was reported to me that the servants of God (people) were greatly oppressed by his conduct. I sent an ahadi to bring him (Lahorī) from Jaunpur. At the coming of the ahadi, suspicion without any cause prevailed over Chīn Qilīj, and it came into his mind to run away, taking his misguided brother with him. Leaving his mansab, his government, place, and jagir, money, property, children, and people, he took a little money and gold and a few jewels and went with a small body among the zamindars. This news arrived a few days ago and caused great astonishment. In short, to whatever zamindar he went he took money[23] from him(?) and then let him go(?), until news came that he had entered the country of Johat.[24] When this news reached Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, he sent some of his men to take and bring that thoughtless one. They took him as soon as they arrived, and were intending to take him to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, when he at that very moment went to hell. Some of those who had accompanied him said that for some days previously he had contracted an illness and it had killed him. But this was heard of him as well, that he committed suicide, in order that they might not take him to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān in this state. In any case, they brought his body with his children and servants who were with him to Allahabad. They made away with most of the money that he had, and the zamindars took it from him. Alas, that salt (i.e. loyalty) should not have brought such black-faced wretches to condign punishment!
“Behind the duty that lies on all people is the duty to the sovereign and benefactor”(?).[25]
On the 22nd, at the request of K͟hān Daurān, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, one of the officers appointed to Bangas͟h, which brought it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse; 100 horse were also added to the mansab of Las͟hkar K͟hān, which was 2,000 personal and 900 horse. On the 24th I confirmed the mansab of Muqarrab K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and increased it to 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the same day I bestowed the title of K͟hān on Qiyām, son of S͟hāh Muḥammad Qandahārī, who was an Amīr-zāda, and was in service as a huntsman. On the 5th of the month of Āẕar a jewelled dagger was given to Dārāb K͟hān, and by the hand of Rāja Sārang Deo dresses of honour were bestowed on the Amirs of the Deccan. As some (evil) things had been heard about Ṣafdar K͟hān, governor of Kashmir, I dismissed him from the government, and favouring Aḥmad Beg K͟hān on account of his previous services, I promoted him to be Subadar of Kashmir, and confirmed his mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse, honoured him with a jewelled waist-dagger and a dress of honour, and gave him leave. By the hand of Ihtimām K͟hān I sent winter dresses of honour to Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, and the Amirs that were attached to that province. On the 15th of the month there was laid before me the offering of Makaʾī, son of Iftik͟hār K͟hān, consisting of an elephant, goṭ[26] horses, and pieces of cloth. He was honoured with the title of Muruwwat K͟hān. At the request of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, I had sent for Dayānat K͟hān, who was in the fort of Gwalior, and he had the good fortune to pay his respects; his property, which had been confiscated, was restored to him.
At this time K͟hwāja Hās͟him, of Dahbīd, who at this day vigorously maintains in Transoxiana the profession of a dervish, and in whom the people of that country have great belief, sent a letter by the hand of one of his disciples pointing out his old devotion (to the royal family) and connection and friendship of his ancestors with this illustrious family, together with a farjī[27] and a bow and a couplet which the late king Bābar had made for a saint of the name of K͟hwājagī, who also belonged to that sect of dervishes. The last hemistich is as follows:—
“We are bound to the K͟hwājagī and are servants to the K͟hwājagī.”
I also with my own pen wrote some lines in the style of that writing, and sent impromptu quatrains with 1,000 Jahāngīrī muhrs to the said K͟hwāja—
“O thou whose kindness to me is ever more and more,
The State has remembrance of thee, O Dervish,
As from good tidings our heart is rejoiced,
We are glad that thy kindness passes all bounds.”
As I ordered that whoever had the poetic temperament should recite (compose?) this quatrain,[28] Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-zamān said, and said very well—
“Although we have the business of kingship before us,
Every moment more and more we think on the dervishes.
If the heart of our Dervish be gladdened by us
We count that to be the profit of our kingship.”
I gave the Ḥakīm 1,000 muhrs for the composition of this quatrain. On the 7th of the month of Day, when I was coming back from Pushkar and returning to Ajmir, on the way forty-two wild pigs were taken.
On the 20th, Mīr Mīrān came and waited on me. A summary of his circumstances and of his family is now written. On the side of his father[29] he is the grandson of Mīr G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr Mīrān, son of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah Walī. During the reigns of the Ṣafawī kings the family had attained to great respect, so that S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp gave his own sister Jānish[30] K͟hānim to S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, and so on account of his being a great Shaikh and of his being an instructor he was made a relative and a son-in-law (of kings). On the side of his mother he was the daughter’s son of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl K͟hūnī (Ismaʿīl II, the Bloody). After the death of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, his son G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr Mīrān received great consideration, and the late S͟hāh (T̤ahmāsp) gave to his eldest son in marriage a daughter from the royal family. He gave the daughter of the above-mentioned S͟hāh Ismaʿīl to another son of his, K͟halīlu-llah, to whom Mīr Mīrān was born. The aforesaid Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, seven or eight years before this, had come from Persia and waited on me at Lahore. As he belonged to a high and saintly family, I was much interested in his affairs, and gave him a mansab and a jagir, and honoured and cherished him. After the seat of government was at Agra, in a short time he was attacked by bilious[31] diarrhœa from eating too many mangoes, and in ten or twelve days gave up his soul to the Creator. I was grieved at his going, and ordered what he had left in cash and jewels to be sent to his children in Persia. Meanwhile Mīr Mīrān, who was 22 years old, became a qalandar and dervish, and came to me at Ajmir in a way that nobody on the road could recognize him. I soothed all the troubles of his mind and the miseries of his inward and outward condition, and gave him a mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and presented him with 30,000 darabs in cash. He is now in waiting and attendance on me.
On the 12th, Z̤afar K͟hān, who had been removed from the Subah of Behar, came and waited on me, and made an offering of 100 muhrs, as well as three elephants. On the 15th of Day I increased the mansab of Qāsim K͟hān, the Subahdar of Bengal, by 1,000 personal and horse, so as to make it 4,000 personal and horse. As the diwan and bakhshi of Bengal, Ḥusain Beg and T̤āhir, had not done approved service, Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, who was one of the confidential servants of the Court, was nominated to these duties. I conferred on him a mansab of 2,000 personal and 700 horse, and also gave him a standard. The duty of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions) I ordered to be given to Dayānat K͟hān. On the 25th, Friday, the weighing of my son K͟hurram took place. Up to the present year, when he is 24 years old, and is married and has children, he has never defiled himself with drinking wine. On this day, when the assembly for his weighing was held, I said to him: “Bābā, thou hast become the father of children, and kings and kings’ sons have drunk wine. To-day, which is the day of thy being weighed, I will give thee wine to drink, and give thee leave to drink it on feast days and at the time of the New Year, and at all great festivals. But thou must observe the path of moderation, for wise men do not consider it right to drink to such an extent as to destroy the understanding, and it is necessary that from drinking only profit should be derived.” Bū ʿAlī (Avicenna), who is one of the most learned of hakims and physicians, has written this quatrain—
“Wine is a raging enemy, a prudent friend;
A little is an antidote, but much a snake’s poison.
In much there is no little injury,
In a little there is much profit.”
With much trouble wine was given to him. I had not drunk it till I was 15[32] years old, except when in the time of my infancy two or three times my mother and wet-nurses gave it by way of infantile remedy. They asked for a little spirit from my revered father, and gave it me to the extent of a tola mixed with water and rosewater to take away a cough, designating it as medicine. At the time when the camp of my revered father had been pitched in order to put down the disturbance of Yūsufzaʾe Afghans at the fort of Attock, which is on the bank of the Nīlāb (Indus) River, one day I had mounted to go out to hunt. When I had moved about a good deal and the signs of weariness had set in, a gunner of the name of Ustād S͟hāh-qulī, a wonderful gunner out of those under my revered uncle Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, said to me that if I would take a cup of wine it would drive away the feeling of being tired and heavy. It was in the time of my youth, and as I felt disposed towards it I ordered Mahmūd, the Āb-dār (person in charge of drinking water, etc.), to go to the house of Ḥakīm ʿAlī and bring me an intoxicating draught. He sent me[33] the amount of one and a half cups of yellow wine of a sweet taste in a little bottle. I drank it, and found its quality agreeable. After that I took to drinking wine, and increased it from day to day until wine made from grapes ceased to intoxicate me, and I took to drinking arrack (ʿaraq, spirits), and by degrees during nine years my potions rose to twenty cups of doubly distilled spirits, fourteen during the daytime and the remainder at night. The weight of this was six Hindustani sirs or one and a half maunds of Iran. The extent of my eating in those days was a fowl[34] with bread and vegetables (lit. radish).[35] In that state of matters no one had the power to forbid me, and matters went to such a length that in the crapulous state from the excessive trembling of my hand I could not drink from my own cup, but others had to give it me to drink, until I sent for Ḥakīm Humām, brother of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, who was of the most intimate with my revered father, and informed him of my state. He, with excessive sincerity and unfeigned burning of heart, said to me without hesitation, “Lord of the world, by the way in which you drink spirits, God forbid it, but in six months matters will come to such a pass that there will be no remedy for it.” As his words were said out of pure good-will, and sweet life was dear to me, they made an impression on me, and from that day I began to lessen my allowance and set myself to take filūnīyā.[36] In proportion as I diminished my liquor, I increased the amount of filuniya.
I also ordered that the arrack should be diluted with wine of the grape so that there should be two parts wine and one part arrack. Every day I diminished the quantity I took, and in the course of seven years I brought it down to six cups. The weight of each cupful was 18¼ misqals. It is now fifteen years that I have drunk at this rate, neither more nor less. And my drinking time is the night except on the day of Thursdays, as it is the day of the blessed accession. Also on the eve[37] of Friday, which is the most blessed eve of the week, and is the prelude to a blessed day (I do not drink). I drink at the end of each day with these two[38] exceptions, for it does not appear right that this eve (Thursday night) should be spent in neglect, and that there should be an omission (on Friday) of returning thanks to the True Benefactor. On the day of Thursday and on the day of Sunday I do not eat meat. Not on Thursday, because it is the day of my auspicious accession, and not on Sunday, because it is the birthday of my revered father, and he greatly honoured and held dear the day. After some time I substituted opium for filuniya. Now that my age has arrived at 46 solar years and 4 months, I eat eight surkhs (a red berry used as a weight) of opium when five gharis of day have passed, and six surkhs after one watch of night.
I gave a jewelled dagger to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān by the hand of Maqṣūd ʿAlī. S͟haik͟h Mūsā, a relation of Qāsim K͟hān, was dignified with the title of K͟hān, and promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse, and was allowed to go to Bengal. The mansab of Z̤afar K͟hān was increased to 500 personal and horse, and he was appointed to duty in Bangash. On the same day Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟hwāja Jahān, was given the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Ḥiṣṣār and dismissed, his mansab being increased by 200 horse to raise it to 500 personal and 400 horse, with the gift of an elephant. On the 5th Bahman an elephant was conferred on Mīr Mīrān. When the merchant ʿAbdu-l-Karīm left Iran for Hindustan, my exalted brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās sent me by his hand a rosary of cornelian from Yemen and a cup of Venetian workmanship, which was very fine and rare. On the 9th of the same month they were laid before me. On the 18th some offerings of many kinds of jewelled ornaments, etc., which Sult̤ān Parwīz had sent to me, were laid before me. On the 7th Isfandārmuẕ, Ṣādiq, nephew of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, who was permanently employed as Bakhshi, was honoured with the title of K͟hān. I had also conferred this title on K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz. According to what was right, I called him by the title of ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K͟hān and Ṣādiq by that of Ṣādiq K͟hān. On the 10th, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who had obtained leave to go to his native country, when he took leave was presented with 20,000 rupees, a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, and a special shawl. Five thousand rupees, a horse, and a dress of honour were also given to Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the confidants of the Rānā and tutor to Karan’s son. By his hand I also sent a mace of gold (s͟has͟hparī) for the Rānā.
On the 20th of the same month, Rāja Sūraj Singh, son of Rāja Bāso, who on account of the nearness of his dwelling-place to it had been sent with Murtaẓā K͟hān to capture the fort of Kāngra, came on my summons and waited on me. The aforesaid K͟hān had entertained certain suspicions with regard to him, and on this account, considering him an undesirable companion, had repeatedly sent petitions to the Court, and wrote things about him until an order was received to summon him.
On the 26th, Niz̤āmu-d-dīn K͟hān came from Multan and waited on me. In the end of this year news of victory and prosperity came in from all sides of my dominions. In the first place, this was with regard to the disturbance of Aḥdād, the Afghan, who for a long time past had been in rebellion in the hill country of Kabul, and round whom many of the Afghans of that neighbourhood had assembled, and against whom from the time of my revered father until now, which is the 10th year after my accession, armies have always been employed. He by degrees was defeated, and, falling into a wretched state, a part of his band was dispersed and a part killed. He took refuge for some time in Chark͟h, which was a place on which he relied, but K͟hān Daurān surrounded it and closed the road for entry and exit. When there remained no grass for his beasts or means of living for men in the fortress, he at night brought down his animals from the hills and grazed them on the skirts, and accompanied them himself, in order that he might set an example to his men. At last this intelligence reached K͟hān Daurān. He then appointed a body of his leaders and experienced men to go into ambush on an appointed night in the neighbourhood of Chark͟h. That band went and hid itself at night in places of refuge, and K͟hān Daurān rode on the same day in that direction. When those ill-fated ones brought out their cattle and let them loose to graze, and the ill-conditioned Aḥdād himself passed by the places of ambush with his own band, suddenly a dust rose in front of him. When they enquired it became known that it was K͟hān Daurān. In a state of bewilderment he endeavoured to turn back, and the scouts announced to the aforesaid K͟hān that it was Aḥdād. The K͟hān gave his horse the reins and went at Aḥdād; the men who were in ambush also blocked the road and attacked him. The fight lasted till midday in consequence of the broken nature of the ground and the thickness of the jungle; at last defeat fell on the Afghans and they betook themselves to the hill: about 300 fighting men went to hell and 100 were taken prisoners. Aḥdād could not regain the stronghold and hold on there. Necessarily he turned his face towards Qandahar. The victorious troops entering Chark͟h, burnt all the places and houses of those ill-fortuned ones, and destroyed and rooted them up from their foundations.
Another[39] piece of news was the defeat of the ill-starred ʿAmbar and the destruction of his unfortunate army. Briefly, a band of the influential leaders and a body of Bargīs (Mahrattas), who are a hardy lot and who are the centre of resistance in that country, becoming angry with ʿAmbar, showed an intention to be loyal, and begging for quarter from S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, who was in Bālāpūr with an army of royal troops, agreed to interview the said K͟hān, and being satisfied, Ādam K͟hān, Yāqūt K͟hān, and other leaders, and the Bargīs Jādo[40] Rāy and Bāpū Kāṭiyā, came and interviewed him. S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān gave each of them a horse, an elephant, money, and dress of honour, according to their quality and condition, made them hot in duty and loyalty, and marching from Balapur started against the rebel ʿAmbar in their company. On the road they fell in with an army of the Dakhanis, whose leaders were Maḥalldār,[41] Dānis͟h (Ātas͟h?), Dilāwar, Bijlī, Fīrūz, and others, and routed it.
“With broken arms and loosened loins,
No strength in their feet, no sense in their heads.”[42]
They reached the camp of that ill-starred one, and he from excessive pride determined to fight with the victorious troops. Having collected those rebels who were with him and ʿĀdil K͟hān’s army and that of Qut̤bu-l-mulk together, and preparing their artillery, he started to meet the royal troops until a space of not more than 5 or 6 kos remained between. On Sunday, the 25th Bahman, the armies of light and darkness approached each other and the scouts became visible. Three watches of day had passed when cannon and rocket firing began. In the end Dārāb K͟hān, who was in command of the vanguard, with other leaders and zealous men such as Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, Rāy Chand, ʿAlī K͟hān the Tatar, Jahāngīr Qulī Beg Turkmān, and other lions of the forest of bravery, drew their swords and charged the vanguard of the enemy. Performing the dues of manliness and bravery, they scattered this army like the Banātu-n-naʿs͟h (‘Daughters of the Bier,’ i.e. the Great Bear); and not stopping there they attacked the enemy’s centre. Turning on the army opposed to them, such a hand-to-hand struggle took place that the onlookers remained bewildered. For nearly two gharis this combat went on. Heaps of the dead lay there, and the ill-starred ʿAmbar, unable to offer further opposition, turned his face to flight. If darkness[43] and gloom had not come on at the cry of those black-fortuned ones, not one of them would have found the road to the valley of safety. The crocodiles of the river of conflict followed the fugitives for 2 or 3 kos. When horses and men could move no more and the defeated were scattered, they drew rein and returned to their places. The whole of the enemy’s artillery, with 300 laden camels that carried rockets, war elephants, Arab and Persian horses, weapons and armour beyond reckoning, fell into the hands of the servants of the State, and there was no counting the slain and the fallen. A great many of the leaders fell alive into their hands. The next day the victorious troops, marching from the place of victory, proceeded to Karkī, which was the nest of those owlish ones, and seeing no trace of them they encamped there, and obtained news that they during that night and day had fallen miserably in different places. For some days the victorious army, delayed at Karkī, levelled with the dark earth the buildings and houses of the enemy, and burnt that populous place. In consequence of the occurrence of certain events, to describe which in detail would take too long here, they returned from that place and descended by the Rohan Khanḍa Pass. In reward for this service I ordered increases to be made in the mansabs of a number who had shown zeal and bravery.
The third piece of news was the conquest of the province of Khokharā[44] and the acquisition of the diamond mines, which were taken by the excellent exertions of Ibrāhīm K͟hān. This province is one of the dependencies of the Subah of Behar and Patna. There is a river there from which they procure diamonds. At the season when there is little water, there are pools and water-holes, and it has become known by experience to those who are employed in this work that above every water-hole in which there are diamonds, there are crowds of flying animals of the nature of gnats, and which in the language of India they call jhīngā(?).[45] Keeping the bed of the stream in sight as far as it is accessible, they make a collection of stones (sangchīn) round the water-holes. After this they empty the water-holes with spades and shovels to the extent of a yard or 1½ yards and dig up the area. They find among the stones and sand large and small diamonds[46] and bring them out. It occasionally happens that they find a piece of diamond worth 100,000 rupees. Briefly, this province and this river were in possession of a Hindu Zamindar of the name of Durjan Sāl, and although the governors of the Subah frequently sent armies against him and went there themselves, in consequence of the difficult roads and thickness of the jungles they contented themselves with taking two or three diamonds and left him in his former condition. When the aforesaid Subah was transferred from Z̤afar K͟hān, and Ibrāhīm K͟hān was appointed in his place, at the time of his taking leave I ordered him to go and take the province out of the possession of that unknown and insignificant individual. As soon as he arrived in the province of Behar he assembled a force and went against that Zamindar. According to former custom he sent some of his men with a promise to give some diamonds and some elephants, but the K͟hān did not agree to this and entered impetuously into the province. Before the fellow could collect his men he found guides and invaded it. Just when the zamindar received this news, the hills and vales that are his abode were beleaguered. Ibrāhīm sent men about to find him and they got hold of him in a cave with several women, one of whom was his mother, while others were also his father’s wives. They arrested him, and also one of his brothers. They searched and took from them the diamonds they had with them. Twenty-three male and female elephants also fell into Ibrāhīm’s hands. In reward for this service the mansab of Ibrāhīm K͟hān original and increase, was made up to 4,000 personal and horse, and he was exalted with the title of Fatḥ-jang. Orders were also given for an increase in the mansabs of those who accompanied him on this service and had shown bravery. That province is now in possession of the imperial servants of the State. They carry on work in the bed of the stream, and bring to Court whatever diamonds are found. A large diamond, the value of which has been estimated at 50,000 rupees, has lately been brought from there. If a little pains are taken, it is probable that good diamonds will be found and be placed in the jewel-room.
[1] Should be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and this is probably correct, bīstam and has͟htam being often mistaken for one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has dūs͟hamba, Monday, instead of s͟hamba, Saturday. [↑]
[2] Akbar used the word parm narm, ‘very soft,’ as a substitute for ‘shawl’ (Blochmann, p. 90). [↑]
[3] According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make a tank, and a masha is about 18 grains troy. [↑]
[4] Text كهيته چار, kheta chār. But the two B.M. MSS. which I have consulted have no yā, and have khatta or ghatta chār. I think that the word must be घटा, ghaṭā, which in Sanskrit means a troop of elephants assembled for war. I am not sure what the word chār means, but perhaps it is only an affix. According to Abū-l-faẓl a herd of (wild) elephants is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122). [↑]
[5] Panj tuqūz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has تاقور, tāqūr. [↑]
[6] The B.M. MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, ‘five elephants,’ i.e. equal to five elephants(?). [↑]
[7] In Sarkār Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287). [↑]
[8] The text does not expressly say that the dervish foretold two years before his death the period of his death, but apparently Jahāngīr means this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned for his delivery. See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 81, where the dervish is called Ḥāfiz̤, and where it is added that the whole population of Srinagar followed the bier. [↑]
[9] Lit. give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold. [↑]
[10] Text pisar, ‘son of Buland Rāy.’ but from the B.M. MSS. it appears that pisar is a mistake for Sar. [↑]
[11] Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a translation of Bābar’s Commentaries. [↑]
[12] The name is wrong. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 84, has Ras͟ht (Ras͟hd), which is a well-known town on the Caspian. [↑]
[13] According to the Iqbāl-nāma the true reading is sanjakī (see p. 84). But Olearius, who gives a full account of the murder (p. 352 of English translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbūd gave him two stabs with a chentze, which is a kind of poniard. [↑]
[14] A Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th Tīr and put an end to a famine (Bahār-i-ʿajam). [↑]
[15] Sangrām was Raja of Khurkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle with Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān (Blochmann, p. 446, note). [↑]
[16] S͟hakwāʾi-ṣāḥib-i-Sūba. I presume it means a complaint against the governor, and perhaps one made by Kes͟ho. [↑]
[17] The pearls are omitted in the MSS. [↑]
[18] It is phūl in MS. No. 181. [↑]
[19] Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? No. 181 has a lāl tak͟htī. [↑]
[20] Sir Thomas Roe’s friend. [↑]
[21] Text wrongly has 3 instead of 30. [↑]
[22] Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p. 500). [↑]
[23] According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from Chīn Qilīj and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be the probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars plundered Chīn Qilīj. [↑]
[24] Tirhut. R.A.S. MS. has “It chanced that the zamindar of this place was with Jahāngīr Qulī, and the latter sent him with some people to seize Chīn Qilīj.” I.O. MS. has the same, and this seems correct. The text has “It chanced that the zamindar of that place was spending some days in that neighbourhood(?).” Perhaps a negative has been omitted before ‘spending.’ I.O. MS. seems to have Johirhat as the name of the zamindar’s estate. [↑]
[25] Apparently the verse is quoted with reference to Jahāngīr Qulī’s failure to exact retribution from the zamindars, There is an account of Chīn Qilīj in the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 351. [↑]
[26] Gūnṭh, a breed of small horses or ponies. [↑]
[27] A farjī is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89). [↑]
[28] Text īn rubāʿī, ‘this quatrain,’ which does not seem to make sense. Perhaps īn here should be āyīn-i-rubāʿī, ‘the rules or the custom of a quatrain.’ Similarly, īn kitābat five lines down may be āyīn-i-kitābat, ‘the rules of writing.’ [↑]
[29] His father was K͟halīlu-llah, previously mentioned in the Tūzuk, and who had lately died (Iqbāl-nāma, p, 84, and Tūzuk, pp. 62 and 69). T̤ahmāsp gave Niʿmatu-llah’s daughter in marriage to his own son Ismaʿīl. [↑]
[30] K͟hānis͟h K͟hānim in Maʾās̤ir, iii, 339. [↑]
[32] Two I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot has “up to my fourteenth” year. Jahāngīr was born in Rabīʿ, 977, or 31st August, 1569, and the beginning of wine-drinking to which he refers must have taken place at earliest in January, 1586. He tells us that it was after the death of Muḥammad Ḥakīm, and at the time when his father was at Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muḥarram, 994, according to Niz̤āmu-d-dīn, and on 12th Day, 994, according to Abū-l-faẓl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585, and at that time Jahāngīr was 17 years and 4 months of age, or in his 18th year. He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e. till he was 26 (17 + 9), then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till he was 33, and he kept to that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he was 48. These years were lunar years, and he tells that at the time of writing he was 47 years and 9 months old, according to the lunar calendar. It seems to follow that the MSS. are right, and that we should read 18. [↑]
[34] The two good I.O. MSS. have, not murg͟h or murg͟hī, but tughdarī or tūg͟hdarī, a ‘bustard,’ unless indeed the word be tag͟haddī, ‘breakfast.’ But probably the word is tughdarī, a bustard, and the reference is to the particular memorable day when he first drank wine. His food that day, he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish (turb). [↑]
[35] Blochmann. Calcutta Review, 1869, has ‘turnips.’ [↑]
[36] Filūnīyā. The word is not given in ordinary dictionaries, but it is explained in Dozy’s Supplement. It is stated there that it is a sedative electuary, and that the word is derived from the Greek, being φιλωνια, which is the name of an antidote or drug invented by Philon of Tarsus. There is an account of Philon and a reference to his drug in Smith’s Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or before the first century after Christ, and is referred to by Galen and others. The word as given there is φιλωνειον. We are not told what it was made of. In Price’s Jahāngīr, filuniya, misread there as Kelourica, is described by Jahāngīr as brother’s son to tiryāq, i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tiryāk or t̤iryāq is supposed to be a Greek word (see Lane), and means an antidote against poison, etc. It is so used in the verse from Avicenna quoted by Jahāngīr to his son S͟hāh Jahān. See D’Herbelot, s.v. Teriak. But it is also often used apparently as a synonym for opium. The mixing of wine with spirits was intended to dilute the potation, for hitherto Jahāngīr had been taking raw spirit. A mis̤qāl is said to be 63½ grains troy, and so 18 misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six cups would be about 1½ lb. troy. In Elliot, Jahāngīr is made to say that he does not drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the s͟hab-i-jumʿa, as Blochmann has pointed out elsewhere, Āyīn translation, p. 171, n. 3, means Thursday night or Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here, for Jahāngīr speaks of the eve’s being followed by a blessed day. It should be noted that there is no connection in Jahāngīr’s mind between abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not eat meat on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking life on these days, but he drank on both of them. [↑]
[37] Cf. Blochmann’s translation and Calcutta Review for 1869. [↑]
[38] I understand the two exceptions (dū chīz) to be that on Thursdays he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only drinking at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not drink. [↑]
[40] The MSS. have Jādūn Rāy and Bābā Chokanth (Jīū Kanth?). The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 646, has Mālūjī Kāntiya. The text has Bābū Kāntiya. [↑]
[41] The text is corrupt. The Maʾās̤ir, id., has Ātas͟h instead of Dānis͟h. [↑]
[42] The text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the text has guft, which seems meaningless, and two I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Add. 26,215 have jang, ‘battle.’ The R.A.S. MS. has pāy, ‘feet,’ which seems to me the best reading. Possibly guft should be read kift, ‘shoulder.’ [↑]
[43] It will be remembered that Jahāngīr has called ʿAmbar’s army the army of darkness, alluding perhaps to ʿAmbar’s being an Abyssinian. [↑]
[44] Elliot, vi, and Blochmann, p. 479, n. 3. [↑]
[45] Perhaps it should be phangā or feringha, a grasshopper, or it may be jhīngur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was covered with thick jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where water was. Erskine’s MS. has chika. B.M. Or. 3276 has chika or jika. Possibly the word is jhīngur, a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871, vol. xl). He quotes a Hindustani Dict., which says that the jhīngā is what in Arabic is called the jarādu-l-baḥr or water-locust. The river referred to by Jahāngīr is the Sankh of I.G., xii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. A.S.B. for 1881, p. 42, suggests that the jhīngā may be thunder-stones! [↑]
[46] Compare Tavernier’s account of the searching for diamonds in Sambhalpur (vol. ii, p. 311, of ed. of 1676). [↑]