Quatrain.
“A speck of dust sprinkled on thee from thy skirt
Becomes Solomon’s collyrium; from the moisture of thy face[69]
Were the earth at thy door examined,
The sweat of kings’ brows would exude.”
At this time Muʿtamid K. repeated a quatrain which greatly pleased me, and which I entered in my common-place book:
Quatrain.[70]
“You give me the poison of parting to taste, (and say) ‘What matters it?’
You shed my blood and expel me (and say), ‘What matters it?’
O, heedless of what your dividing sword can do,
Sift my dust and then you’ll know.”
T̤ālib (i.e., Bābā T̤ālib) is by family an Iṣfahānī. In his early youth he went to Kashmir clothed as an ascetic and calendar, and from the beauty of the place and the pleasantness of the climate set his heart on the country and settled there. After the conquest of Kashmir he joined the service of the late king (Akbar), and became enrolled among the servants of the Presence. His age is now nearly 100 years, and he is now with his sons and dependants in Kashmir, engaged in praying for the everlasting State.
As it was reported to me that in Lahore one Miyān S͟haik͟h Muḥammad Mīr by name, who was a Darvish, a Sindī by origin, very eloquent, virtuous, austere, of auspicious temperament, a lord of ecstasy, had seated himself in the corner of reliance upon God and retirement, and was rich in his poverty and independent of the world, my truth-seeking mind was not at rest without meeting him, and my desire to see him increased. As it was impossible to go to Lahore, I wrote a note to him, and explained to him the desire of my heart, and that saint, notwithstanding his great age and weakness, took the trouble to come. I sate with him for a long time alone, and enjoyed a thorough interview with him. Truly he is a noble personage, and in this Age he is a great gain and a delightful existence. This suppliant for Grace was taken out of himself by companionship with him,[71] and heard from him sublime words of truth and religious knowledge. Although I desired to make him some gift, I found that his spirit was too high for this, and so did not express my wish. I left him the skin of a white antelope to pray upon, and he immediately bade me farewell and went back to Lahore.
On Wednesday, the 23rd, I pitched my camp at Daulatābād. A daughter of a gardener was brought before me who had a moustache and a thick beard as big as the hilt of a sword. Her appearance was like that of a man. There was hair in the middle of her chest as well, but she had no breasts.[72] I discovered by her appearance that she ought not to have children. I told some women to take her aside and examine her, as perhaps she might be a hermaphrodite. They found she was in no way different from other women. I have recorded this in this volume on account of its strangeness.
On Thursday, the 24th, Bāqir K., having come from Multan, had the good fortune to pay his respects. In the preceding pages it has been recorded that Allāh-dād, s. Jalālā Tārīkī, had deserted from the victorious army and taken the road to ruin. He now repented, and through Bāqir K. petitioned Iʿtimādu-d-daula for pardon. At the latter’s request I ordered that if he repented of what he had done, and turned his face in hope towards the Court, his crimes would be forgiven. On this day Bāqir K. brought him to Court, and at the intercession of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, the traces of disgrace and the dust of sorrow were washed off his forehead with the pure water of pardon. Sangrām, Zamindar of Jammu, was honoured with the title of Raja and the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and was exalted with the gift of an elephant and a dress of honour. G͟hairat K., faujdār of the Dū-āb, was promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 500 horse. K͟hwāja Qāsim received the rank of 700 and 250 horse, and Taham-tan Beg, s. Qāsim Koka, received that of 500 personal and 300 horse. I gave K͟hān ʿĀlam a private elephant with trappings. From this stage, having given Bāqir K. the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, I dismissed him again to his Subadarship.
On Monday, the 28th, I pitched in the pargana of Karohī, which is on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). As this hilly country is one of the established hunting-places, the huntsmen, according to order, had come on in advance and prepared a jarga (ring in which game is enclosed). On Wednesday, the 1st of the Divine month of Isfandārmuẕ, they drove in the game from six koss. On Thursday, the 2nd, they brought them into the enclosure, where 101 head of mountain sheep and gazelles were taken. As Mahābat K. had been prevented from the good fortune of coming before me for a long time, I ordered, at his request, that if he was satisfied with the order of affairs, and was not troubled with regard to any occurrence, he should leave his forces at their posts (thānas), and come to Court unattended. On this day he had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented 100 muhars as nazar. K͟hān ʿĀlam was promoted to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 3,000 horse. About this time a written report came from Nūru-d-dīn Qulī that he had repaired the Pūnch road, and levelled the defiles as far as possible, but that snow fell for some days and nights, and lay on the kotāls to the depth of three cubits. It was still falling, and if I would delay outside the hills for a month, I could cross by that route, otherwise it appeared difficult. As my intention in this undertaking was to see the spring and the sprouting of bloom, my chance of seeing this was lost by this delay, and I necessarily turned my rein, and the royal standards proceeded by the way of Paklī and Damtūr. On Friday, the 3rd, I crossed the River Bihat (Jhelam), although the water was waist-deep. As it was running very fast, and men crossed with great trouble, I ordered them to take 200 elephants to the fords, and cross the effects of the people over, and take across as well those who were weak and feeble, so that there might be no loss of life or goods.
On this day news arrived of the death of K͟hwāja Jahān. He was one of the old servants, and from the time when I was prince. Although at last he left my service, and was for some time in that of my father, yet as he had not gone to any strange place, this did not weigh heavily on my mind. Accordingly, after my accession, I did him such kindness as he had never conceived possible, and gave him the mansab of 5,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I take this opportunity to record in this volume an account of his idiosyncrasy. He became practised in great affairs and acquired a wonderful skill in business. His capabilities were the result of labour, and he was void of natural ability, and of the other qualities which are the adornment of men’s nature. On this journey he suffered from heart-failure, but for some days, in spite of illness and breakdown, he kept up with the march. When his weakness increased, he was allowed to go back at Kalānaur, and went to Lahore, and there died a natural death.[73]
On Saturday, the 4th of the aforesaid month, the camp was pitched at the Fort of Rohtās (in the Panjab). I favoured Qāsim K. with a horse, a sword, and a special shawl (parm-narm, literally very soft, and Akbar’s name for a shawl, see Blochmann, 90). I gave him leave to go to Lahore. There was a small garden by the roadside, and I inspected the blossoms.
At this stage tīhū[74] were obtained. The flesh of the tīhū is better than that of the partridge (kabak).
On Sunday, the 5th, M. Ḥasan s. Mīrzā Rustam, was promoted to the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and was appointed to the Deccan. K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, the chief fowler, also received the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. At this place I saw a flower, white inside, and red outside, while some of them were red inside and yellow outside. In Persian they call it Laʿla-i-bīgāna, and in Hindī thal kanal. Thal means land, and as the lotus (kanal) is an aquatic plant, they have called this land-lotus.[75]
On Thursday, the 9th, a report came from Dilāwar K., Governor of Kashmir, containing the good news of the conquest of Kis͟htwār. Details will be recorded by the pen of the newswriter after he (Dilāwar) comes to the foot of the throne. I sent him a gracious farman with a special dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, and granted him the revenue of the conquered province for a year, as a reward for this acceptable service. On Tuesday, the 14th, I halted at Ḥasan Abdāl. As the occurrences on this road and particulars of the stages have been related in detail in the account of the expedition to Kabul, I shall not repeat them. From this place as far as Kashmir, they will be written stage by stage, please Almighty God. From the date on which, disembarking from a boat, I reached Akbarpur in safety and prosperity, up to Ḥasan Abdāl, a distance of 178 koss, I took 69 days in 48 marches and 21 halts.[76] As at this place there is a spring full of water, and a cascade, and a very beautiful reservoir, I halted here two days, and on Thursday, the 16th (Isfandārmuẕ), the feast of my lunar weighing took place. The 53rd year, according to lunar calculation, of this suppliant at the throne commenced auspiciously. As beyond this stage, hills, passes, and many ups and downs were before us, the passage of the camp appeared a difficult matter, and it was settled that H. M. Maryamu-z-zamānī and the other Begams should delay for some days, and come on at leisure. Madāru-l-mulk Iʿtimādu-d-daula al-K͟hāqānī, Ṣādiq K. Bak͟hs͟hī, and Irādat K. Mīr-Sāmān, with the directors of the buildings and other offices, should attend to their transit. At the same time Rustam Mīrzā Ṣafawī, K͟hān-Aʿz̤am, and a number of other servants, obtained leave to go by the Pūnch road, while the royal retinue went on with some privileged courtiers (manz̤ūrān-i-bisāt̤-i-qarb) and the necessary servants. On Friday, the 17th, we marched 3½ koss, and halted at the village of Sultanpur.[77] On this day came the news of the death of Rānā Amar Singh, who had died a natural death at Udaipur (become a traveller on the road of non-existence). Jagat Singh, his grandson, and Bhīm,[78] his son, who were in attendance on me, were presented with dresses of honour, and an order was given that Rāja Kis͟han Dās should proceed with a gracious farman conferring the title of Rānā, a dress of honour, a horse, and a private elephant for Kunār Karan, to perform the dues of condolence and congratulation. I heard[79] from people of this country that when it is not the rainy season, and there is no sign of a cloud or lightning, a noise like the voice of the clouds comes from this hill, which they called Garj (thunder). This noise is heard every year or at least every two years. I had repeatedly heard of this also when I was in attendance on the late king. I have written this as it is not devoid of strangeness,[80] but wisdom is from Allah. On Saturday, the 18th, marching 4½ koss, I halted at the village of Sanjī. From this stage I entered the pargana of Hazāra Qārlug͟h.[81] On Sunday, the 19th, marching 3¾ koss, I halted at the village of Naus͟hahra.[82] From this place we entered Dhantūr. As far as the eye could reach there were green meadows[83] interspersed with the thal-kanwal (hibiscus) and other flowers in bloom. It was a very beautiful sight. On Monday, the 20th, marching 3½ koss, the camp was pitched at the village of Salhar.[84] Mahābat K. presented as offerings jewels and inlaid vessels to the value of Rs. 60,000. In this country I saw a flower of the redness of fire, of the shape of gul-i-k͟hatmī,[85] but smaller, and several flowers blooming together in one place, looked from a distance as if they were one flower. Its stem is of the size of the apricot-tree. On the hill-slopes here there are many wild violets,[86] with a very sweet scent, but paler than the violet. On Tuesday, the 21st, marching 3 koss, I halted at the village of Mālgallī.[87] On this day I dismissed Mahābat K. to his duty in Bangash, and conferred on him a special elephant and dress of honour with a pūstīn (sheepskin coat). This day there was a drizzling rain till the end of the march. On the eve of Wednesday, the 22nd, also there was rain. In the morning snow fell, and as most of the roads had become very slippery, the weak animals fell in every place, and could not rise again, and 25 of my own elephants were lent to assist[88] them. I halted for two days on account of the snow. On Thursday, the 23rd, Sult̤ān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Pakli, had the good fortune to pay his respects: this is the entrance to the Pakli country. It is a strange thing that when H. M. Akbar came here it snowed at this stage, and it has now snowed as well. For many years no snow has fallen, and there has even been little rain. On Friday, the 24th, I marched 4 koss and pitched at the village of Sawādnagar.[89] On this road, too there was much mud.[90] Apricot and peach trees were blooming on all sides, and fir-trees like cypresses rejoiced the eye. On Saturday, the 25th, having marched nearly 3½ koss, the camp was pitched near Pakli. On Sunday, the 26th, I rode out to hunt partridges (kabak), and at the end of the day, at the request of Sult̤ān Ḥusain, went to his house, and increased his dignity among his equals and neighbours. H. M. Akbar had also gone to his house. He offered several kinds of horses, daggers, hawks, and falcons. I presented him with the horses and daggers. I ordered the hawks and falcons to be got ready[91] (kamar bar basta), and shown everything that might fly up. The Sarkar of Pakli is 35 koss in length and 25 in breadth. On the east, on two sides, is the hill country of Kashmir; on the west, Atak Benares (Atak); on the north, Kator; and on the south, the Gakkar country. At the time when Timur, after conquering Hindustan, turned his rein backwards towards the capital of Tūrān, they say that he placed in these regions this body of people, who were in attendance on the victorious stirrup. They say themselves that they are Qārlughs, but do not know for certain who was their leader at that time. In fact, they are pure Lāhaurīs, and speak the same language. The people of Dhantūr think the same thing. In the time of my father, one of the name of S͟hāhruk͟h was Zamindar of Dhantūr; now it is Bahādur, his son. Although they are all related to one another, there are always disputes, as is usual with Zamindars, about boundaries. They have always been loyal. Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, the father of Sult̤ān Ḥusain and S͟hāhruk͟h, both came to wait on me when I was prince. Although Sult̤ān Ḥusain is seventy years old, to all outward appearance there is no diminution in his powers, and he can still ride and be as active as possible. In this country they make būza (a beverage) from bread and rice, which they call sar.[92] It is much stronger than būza, and the older it is the better. This sar is their chief sustenance. They put this sar into a jar, and fastening it up, keep it for two or three years in the house. Then they take off the scum and call the liquor āchhī. The āchhī can be kept for ten years, and according to them, the older it is the better, and the shortest time in which they use it is a year. Sult̤ān Maḥmūd used to take cup after cup of this sar; nay! he would drink a jar of it. Sult̤ān Ḥusain is also addicted to it, and brought me some of his choicest quality. I took some in order to try it. I had also drunk it before. Its intoxicating effects are aphrodisiac, but its taste is harsh. It appeared that they mix some bhāng (bang) with it, which increases its intoxicating power. If there were no wine, it could in case of necessity be used as a substitute. The fruits are apricots, peaches, and pears (?) (amrūd). As they do not cultivate them, but they spring up of themselves, they are harsh-flavoured and unpleasant. Their blossoms are a joy. Their houses are of wood, and are built after the Kashmiri fashion. They have hawks, and horses, camels, cattle, and buffaloes, and many goats and fowls. Their mules are small and are not fit for heavy loads. As it was represented to me that some stages farther on the cultivation was not such as to provide sufficient grain for the royal camp, I gave an order that they should only take a small advanced camp, sufficient for our needs and the necessary establishments, and diminish the number of elephants, and take with them provisions for three or four days; that they should take with them only some of the immediate attendants on the royal stirrup, and that the rest of the men should come on some stages behind under the command of K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, the Bakhshi. In spite of precautions and injunctions, it was found necessary to have 700 elephants for the advanced camp and the establishments.
The mansab of Sult̤ān Ḥusain was 400 personal and 300 horse; I now promoted him to 600 personal and 350 horse, and conferred on him a robe of honour, a jewelled dagger, and an elephant. Bahādur Dhantūrī was an auxiliary of the army of Bangash. An order was given that he should hold the mansab, original and increased, of 200 personal and 100 horse. On Wednesday, the 27th, having marched 5¼ koss, and crossing by bridges the Nainsukh,[93] I chose a halting-place. This Nainsukh (repose of the eyes) flows from the North, and comes down from the hills of Dārd[94] (?), which is between the country of Badakhshan and Tibet. As at this place it forms two branches, they had, according to order, prepared two wooden bridges for the crossing of the victorious army, one 18 cubits and the other 14 cubits in length, with a breadth each of 5 cubits. The way in which they make bridges in this country is to throw pine-trees[95] on the surface of the water, and fasten the two ends strongly to rocks, and having thrown on to these thick planks of wood, make them firm with pegs and ropes, and these, with a little repair, last for years. Briefly, they made the elephants ford, whilst the horsemen and foot passed over by the bridge. Sult̤ān Maḥmūd called this river Nainsukh—that is, “Repose of the eye.” On Thursday, the 30th, having marched about 3½ koss, a halt was made on the bank of the Kis͟han Gangā. On this road there is a kotal of great height, the ascent being 1 koss, and the descent 1½ koss, which they call Pīm darang. The reason for this name is that in the language of Kashmir they call cotton (pamba) pīm. As the rulers of Kashmir had placed a superintendent there, who took duties from loads of cotton, and delay takes place here for the collection of the duty, it has become known as the Pīm darang[96] (cotton delay). After traversing the pass, there is a very fine and clear waterfall. Having drunk my usual cups on the edge of the water in the shade of the trees, I went on to my halting-place in the evening. There was an old bridge over this river, 54 yards long and 1½ yards wide, which footmen crossed by. According to orders, another bridge was prepared parallel to this, in length 53 yards and breadth 3 yards. As the water was deep and swift, they took the elephants across without loads, and the footmen and horses crossed by the bridge. By order of my father, a very strong saray of stone and lime was erected on the top of the ridge overlooking the river. One day before New Year’s Day we had sent Muʿtamid K. forward to select a spot for the placing of the throne and preparing the New Year’s entertainment. This had to be lofty and choice. By chance, as he crossed the bridge, there was a ridge overlooking the water, green and pleasant. On the top of this was a flat place of 50 cubits which one might say the rulers of fate had specially prepared for such a day. The aforesaid officer had made ready everything necessary for the New Year’s feast on the top of that ridge, which was much approved. Muʿtamid K. was much applauded for this. The river Kis͟han Gangā comes from the south[97] and flows northwards. The Bihat (Jhelam) comes from the East, and joining the Kis͟han Gangā, flows to the North.
[1] Egyptian. Hitherto this has been read Qut̤bī, but it really is, I think, Qibt̤ī, “Egyptian.” Chardin, IV. 70, ed. 1723, says that the Persians state that the ruby of the East comes from Egypt. The etymology, however, is doubtful. [↑]
[2] Possibly the praise of S͟hāh-Jahān’s inventive powers refers to his arrangements for the orchestra. The kuwarga is defined in the Ain, Blochmann, 50, as a damāma—i.e., a large drum. See illustration in Plate VIII. to Blochmann’s Ain. The karanā and surnā are wind-instruments, and are also represented in Plate VIII. With regard to the mursal, Blochmann, p. 51, has: “The mursalī, which is the name of a tune played by the mursil.” Apparently the mursal is the overture, or some introductory strain, and played only by a portion of the band. [↑]
[3] MS. No. 181 has ten instead of two as the number of elephants presented by Qut̤bu-l-mulk, and this seems likely to be correct, else where do the six now mentioned come from? But six should probably be eight. [↑]
[4] Kurkarāqs. See Blochmann, 87, n. 2, and p. 616. Kurk means fur, and kurkarāqān may be translated furriers. [↑]
[5] So in text, but it should be Tatta—i.e., Sind. See Blochmann, 378, n. 2, and also the Tūzuk, infra, p. 275. [↑]
[6] Suwārān-i-k͟hūd-maḥalla. I do not know the exact force of the last two words. Possibly they are pleonastic. The word maḥalla is explained in Irvine A. of M. 46. [↑]
[7] The Iqbāl-nāma, 127, mentions that Parwīz came from Allahabad to pay his respects. See infra, Tūzuk, 268, and 273. [↑]
[8] Probably this is the friend of Father Jerome Xavier and the abridger of the Z̤afar-nāma. See Rieu, 177b and 1077a. [↑]
[9] He was of the royal house of Khandesh. [↑]
[10] See Blochmann, 252, and n. 1. Jahāngīr himself saw 700 antelope taken, and Rāy Mān afterwards made a drive of 800 more. [↑]
[11] This was Jodh Bāʾī, d. the Mota (fat) Rāja. See Blochmann, 619. [↑]
[12] Qulba, ploughs. Here apparently used as a measure of land. But the expression is obscure. In Wilson’s Glossary ḳulba is stated to be a measure of land in Sylhet, and equal to 1,008 cubits by 144. The corresponding Sanskrit word Sīr (“a plough”) is used to mean land held by the landholder in his own possession. [↑]
[13] Maḥalla. Here used apparently for musters. [↑]
[14] Mr. Rogers corrects this to Mīrān on the authority of R.A.S., MS. It is, however, Bīz͟han in I.O. MS., 181, and as Blochmann points out, Bīzan or Bīz͟han is twice referred to in the Tūzuk, pp. 307, 309. He was son of Nād ʿAlī Maidānī. [↑]
[15] I.O. MS. has “by favour of my rearing” (tarbiyat) and probably the words in text rather mean that he was promoted by virtue of Jahāngīr’s liking for him, than that he was of good disposition. His real name was ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm. He was the son of Qāʾim K., and his sister Ṣāliḥa Bānū was one of Jahāngīr’s wives, and had the title of Pādis͟hāh-Maḥall. Blochmann, 371. Before Nūr-Jahān she was the chief wife. [↑]
[16] Mihtar K. was a very old servant, and died in the third year of Jahāngīr. Blochmann, 417. [↑]
[17] Text wrongly has S͟hāh Nūr. [↑]
[18] This is the ancient Dhafur or Dofar on the south coast of Arabia now known as Mirbāt̤. The proper spelling was Z̤afṛ. See Redhouse’s Annotations to the History of Yemen, published by the Gibb Trust, Nos. 349, 578, and 836. See also d’Herbelot, 269, and Jarrett, III, 51. [↑]
[19] The description is rather obscure. Apparently Jahāngīr regards bamand (dun- or bay-coloured) as equal to red (surk͟h). [↑]
[21] Dū manzil kis͟htī must surely mean “tray” here; or perhaps they were models. Koshā is a well-known Bengali name for a swift boat. [↑]
[22] Apparently K͟hwāja Ḥasan died in Badakhshān. Maʾās̤ir, III., 459. [↑]
[23] This S. Aḥmad is a well-known man. He is mentioned in Beale as Aḥmad Sirhindī (S͟haik͟h), and as having had the title of Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-S̤ānī, because he believed that he was the man of the second millenium. In other words, he claimed to be a Mahdī. He was s. ʿAbdu-l-Wāḥid Fārūqī, and born in 1503. He died 29 November, 1624, and is buried at Sirhind. The I.G. new edition, XXIII. 21., says there are two tombs in Sirhind known as those of the Master and the Disciple, and it may be that one of them is S. Aḥmad’s, although the Gazetteer says they probably belong to the fourteenth century. There is also a reference to him in Rieu’s Catalogue, III. 1058a., fol. 16. He belonged to the Naqs͟hbandī order, and one of his writings is called Majmūʿatu-t-taṣawwuf. There is a very long account of him, and of his interviews with Jahāngīr in the K͟hazīnatu-l-Auliyā, I. 607, etc. It is said there that he was imprisoned for two years, and then released, and that he died on the last day of Ṣafar, 1035, November 20, 1625, at the age of sixty-three. Jahāngīr afterwards pardoned S. Aḥmad. See Tūzuk, 308, account of fifteenth year. [↑]
[24] Dandān-i-māhī, explained in dictionary as the canine tooth of the Walrus (Trichechus rosmarus). But there is nothing black or piebald about walrus-teeth, and Jahāngīr would surely not admire greatly a kind of ivory which was inferior to that of the elephant. I incline to think that what is here meant is tortoise-shell. Jauhar-dār has two meanings—it may mean jewelled and also “striated.” See Vullers, 542a. [↑]
[25] Apparently Mīrān is a mistake for Bīz͟han. See ante and Blochmann, 508, and Tūzuk, 307. It is Bīzan in I.O. MS., 181. [↑]
[26] The buildings referred to are the garden-houses made by K͟hwāja Jahān in the Nūr-manzil garden. [↑]
[27] See Jarrett, II. 323; it was near the Jhelam. See also I.G., new edition, XV. 297. It is in the S͟hāhpūr district. The land-revenue of it was 24 lakhs of rupees in 1903–1904. 30 lakhs of dāms would be equal to Rs. 75,000. K͟hān Daurān’s name was S͟hāh Beg K. The Maʾās̤ir says his resignation was not altogether voluntary. See Blochmann, 378. [↑]
[28] In the MSS. the name is written Nardānī. [↑]
[29] The route from the South. See Jarrett, II. 347, n. 3. [↑]
[30] I.O. MSS. have Monday. [↑]
[31] The word in text is s͟has͟hsat. S͟hast is a thumbstall, but it may also mean a ring. See Blochmann, 166 and n. 1. [↑]
[32] K͟hātam-bandī. It also means “inlaying.” [↑]
[33] Bandu bān. In I.O. MSS. it is bandu bārān. Perhaps “skilful painter” should be “the Painter of Creation.” [↑]
[34] Should be Karā. See Herklots Qānūn-i-Islām, Appendix XXIV. [↑]
[35] Nabīra here cannot mean grandson, for Sūraj Singh, commonly called Sūr Singh, was fifth in descent from Māldeo (Blochmann, 359). Sūraj or Sūr was s. Rāy Rāy Singh of Bikaner. See Tod, who says Sūr Singh passed nearly all his life as an alien. [↑]
[36] Tod has much to say about Gaj Singh, but the account seems hardly trustworthy. [↑]
[37] The text, p. 277, has a representation of one of these milestones which was outside Delhi. [↑]
[38] Perhaps sīb-i-k͟hūb is the name of a kind of apple. [↑]
[39] I.O. MS. 181 has S͟hukr-darā and the name of the village as S͟hin-warān. The printed text has Sīwarān. [↑]
[40] Mr. Rogers here refers to the R.A.S. MS. The I.O. MSS. are not clear. Apparently what Jahāngīr says is: “On this occasion fresh items of expenditure occurred to me, and the former outlay was greatly increased.” The word taṣarrufāt (“expenditure”) is omitted in the printed copy. [↑]
[41] The village must be Hilalabad, near Rankatta (Blochmann, 332). [↑]
[42] Jahāngīr says nothing about the permission that he gave to Bīr Singh Deo—as a reward for murdering Abū-l-Faẓl—to build a very splendid temple at Mathura. It was destroyed by Aurangzīb. See Growse’s “Mathura.” [↑]
[43] Text ḥalal, which means “weakness,” or ḥulal (“striped garments”). But according to the MSS., the true reading is k͟halal, which means “a crack” and also “corruption.” [↑]
[44] The Iqbāl-nāma, 128, calls him Achadrūp, and says that the K͟hān Aʿz̤am went privately to him and begged him to use his influence with Jahāngīr for the release of K͟husrau. Achadrūp spoke accordingly, and K͟husrau was released and allowed to pay his respects. See infra for account of his release. After Jadrūp removed to Mathura, he was cruelly beaten by Ḥakīm Beg. See Maʾās̤iru-l-Umarā, I. 576. [↑]
[46] Luqmān is the Eastern Æsop, and there is much about him in D’Herbelot. In the second line the word translated “hollow” is gulūgāh, literally “throat place,” and the word for bosom is sīna, the whole expression being sīna-i-chang. Chang is a harp or lyre, and apparently the expression refers to the narrowness of the space between the horns of a lyre (chang, which appears to be the Jew’s harp), or the sides of a harp. The fourth line is obscure, and the version in text seems corrupt. The words s͟has͟h bidast dū pāy seem unintelligible. They, however, occur in I.O. MS. 181, f. 161a, and in I.O. MS. 305, f. 225a. The only difference is that they have a conjunction after bidast. On the other hand, the Iqbāl-nāma, which inserts the lines into the record of the eleventh year, has, at p. 95, a different reading for the fourth line. The words there are k͟hāna yak bidast u sih pay. Bidast is given in Richardson, and the Farhang-i-Ras͟hīdī as meaning a span, so the line as given in the Iqbāl-nāma may mean 3 feet and 1 span. The author of the Iqbāl-nāma was so struck with the verse of Ḥakīm Sanāʾī and the appearance of Jadrūp’s dwelling, that he composed a mas̤navī on the subject, which he gives at pp. 95, 96. There is a third version in Daulat S͟hāh’s anthology, p. 97 of Professor Browne’s edition. There, in the second line we have ḥalqa (“ring”), or perhaps “plectrum” instead of sīna. We have also two lines not given in the Tūzuk or the Iqbāl-nāma, and the line containing the noodle’s question is given thus: “Kīn chih jāyast yak pūst u dū pay.”
“What place is this, one skin (?) and two feet.”
As if the meaning was that Luqmān lived in a tent propped up by two sticks. In the first line, also, we have wis̤āqī instead of kurīchī.
The lines may be versified thus:
“Luqmān’s cell was small and narrow to boot,
Like the throat of a pipe, or the breast of a lute.
A foolish one said to the grand old man—
‘What house is this—three feet and six span?’
With tears and emotion the sage made reply—
‘Ample for him whose task is to die.’”
In the Nawalkishor edition of Ḥakīm Sanāʾī’s poem the lines are entered as in the seventh book of the Ḥadīqa, but in two B.M. MSS. (Add. 25,329, f. 145a, and Or. 358, f. 172b), they are placed in the fifth book. Both of these MSS. have bidast, apparently, and Add. 25,329, has s͟has͟h (“six”), but Or. 358 has s͟hass. There is such a word, meaning hard ground. Both MSS. have sih (“three”). Bidast may properly be bad-pus͟ht (“bad-backed”), or it may be bad-past (“bad and mean”). The reference in verse may be rather to the curvature of the chang (Arabic, ṣanj) than to its narrowness, for Jamī speaks of the back “being bent like a harp.” [↑]
[48] Ba dustūrī kih dar Bangāla dās͟ht.
I think this must mean that his men were allowed the Bengal batta, or exceptional allowance, which used to be 50 p.c. of pay elsewhere. See A.N., III. 293, the eighth reason for the rebellion. [↑]
[49] This passage has been translated by Colonel Phillott in the A.S.B.J. for February, 1907, p. 113. There is something wrong in the text. K͟hān ʿĀlam certainly did not die on the road (see Blochmann, 513), for he waited upon Jahāngīr at Kalān ūr (Tūzuk, 284); nor did the Mīr S͟hikār, for Jahāngīr says he gave him a present and dismissed him. I presume, therefore, that the word “aforesaid” refers to K͟hān ʿĀlam’s hawk. [↑]
[50] Nigāh-dārad. Perhaps this means that the painter was afterwards to stuff the bird. [↑]
[51] This is an obscure passage, and Jadrūp’s reference to the mention of dāms in the Vedas is curious, for dām is said to be derived from the Greek drachma. However, it appears from the Āyīn (Blochmann, 31), that the dam, though in value only the fortieth part of a rupee, weighed 5 tānks or 1 tolā, 8 mās͟has, 7 surk͟hs. The rupee, we are told there, weighed 11½ mashas—i.e., half a masha less than a tola. Consequently the dam weighed over 20 mashas, and so was not far from being equal in weight to 2 rupees. The weight of a seer varied, and it may be 30 or 36 copper dams were reckoned as equal to a seer. By dam Jahāngīr probably meant paisā, or double paisā. According to Gladwin, 3½ tanks are by jeweller’s weights = one tolā, and a tank is 70·112 grs. Troy. [↑]
[52] As stated below, the antelope which were caught all eventually died. [↑]
[53] Text gul-rang, which seems unintelligible. No. 181 MS. has kalānak (“somewhat grown-up”). The child was presumably the Sultan Dūr-andīs͟h, born at the end of the ninth year (Tūzuk, 137), and so was now about five years old. Gul-rang occurs in B.M. MS., and may mean “ruddy.” [↑]
[54] Text has Āg͟hā-i-Āg͟hāmān. The MSS. have Āqā Āqāyān (“Agha of Aghas”). [↑]
[55] Akbar was born in October, 1542, so she was now seventy-seven years old. [↑]
[56] Sayyid Bahwa is commonly known as Dīn-dār K. Buk͟hārī, and is described under that name in the Maʾās̤ir, II. 23. [↑]
[57] Elliot, VI. 366, and Rieu, I. 14 and 355. The book is called Ak͟hbāru-l-Ak͟hyār, id. [↑]
[58] In Sarkār Sahāranpur. Elliot, Supp. Gloss., II. 129. I.G. new edition, XIV. 287. [↑]
[59] The child was born at Sirhind on Wednesday, 11 Muḥarram, 1029 (December 8, 1619), and died at Burhānpur in Rabīʿu-s̤-s̤anī, 1031 (February–March), 1622. Pādis͟hāh-nāma, I. 392. [↑]
[60] See Erskine’s Bābur, p. 321. [↑]
[61] Perhaps this is Birūʾī in Sambhal, Jarrett, II. 200. Or it may be the Mīyānī Nūriya of Jarrett, II. 317. [↑]
[62] To clear the roots? Or is it to let the sap flow? Or is ʿirāq-bandī right, meaning footpaths? Jahāngīr’s order then would be to clear out the brick footpaths. [↑]
[63] Yak-āwīz. Defined in Vullers as a short, broad sword, and also as a two-edged knife. See Vullers, 1519a. The weapon is described in text as s͟hams͟hīr-i-nīmcha-i-yak-āwīz. [↑]
[64] Az nīlam-i-farang-tarās͟h. It is difficult to suppose that the hilt was a sapphire. Possibly “nīlam” is the European artist’s name, or nīlam-i-farang may be some kind of European work or material. Query niello? [↑]
[65] Būy-i-k͟hwīs͟h (“my own scent”). The scent (otto of roses) was invented by Jahāngīr’s mother-in-law (the mother of Nūr-Jahān). She called it after Jahāngīr’s name. [↑]
[66] The meaning of the clause is obscure. [↑]
[67] The first line is obscure and the MSS. do not help. Possibly the meaning is Spring thanks thee for robbing his garden, or it may be, Spring is exhorted to rob thy garden. The quatrain is also given in the Iqbāl-nāma, 132. [↑]
[68] Meaning that the lips were so closed that the mouth looked like a thin scar. [↑]
[69] The collyrium of Solomon was something which enabled one to see hidden treasures. [↑]
[70] This quatrain is stated in the Iqbāl-nāma, 133, to be by Bābā T̤ālib Iṣfahānī. He is a quite different person from T̤ālib Āmulī. The same quatrain is given by Abū-l-Faẓl, and I am indebted to Mr. Blochmann, p. 607, for being able to understand it. Bābā
[71] A Muḥammad S͟haik͟h is mentioned in Beale as the author of two books (see p. 273, col. 2). One of them was the Jām-i-Jahān-numā, and is perhaps the work mentioned in Rieu, II. 866a, V. [↑]
[72] Some unnecessary details have been omitted here. [↑]
[73] K͟hwāja Jahān’s real name was Dūst Muḥ., and he was from Kabul. See Blochmann, 424. Jahāngīr’s characterization of him is rather obscure, and I am not sure if my translation is correct. Jahāngīr had married his daughter. Blochmann, 477, n. 2. [↑]
[74] This is the seesee partridge or Ammoperdrix Bonhami of Jerdon, p. 567 of first edition. Jerdon states that in Afghanistan it is called the teehoo, and that its flesh is said to be delicious. [↑]
[75] Apparently this is the Hibiscus mutabilis, for which the Bengali name is thal padma (“land lotus”). [↑]
[76] The word for twenty is omitted in text, and also in Elliot, VI. 367. [↑]
[77] “On the southern bank of the Harroh River,” Elliot, VI. 367. [↑]
[78] Bhīm was the younger brother of Karan (Tod). The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 367. [↑]
[79] Elliot, VI. 368 and n. 1. [↑]
[80] Elliot, VI. 368, and note. [↑]
[81] Elliot has Hazāra Fārig͟h. [↑]
[82] On the eastern bank of the Dhor. Elliot, loc. cit. [↑]
[83] Elliot has: “As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of the thal kanwal, and other flowers were glowing between the green foliage. It was a beautiful scene.” [↑]
[84] Salhar in text, but Sālhar in Elliot. [↑]
[85] Marsh-mallow of Steingass and Elliot. Query Hollyhock? [↑]
[86] The word violets occurs in MS. 181 and also in Elliot. [↑]
[87] The Bib. Ind. edition, Iqbāl-nāma, p. 135, changes this into Pakli. MS. 181 has Bankli (?) apparently. Pakli is probably not right, for the entrance to it is mentioned lower down. [↑]
[88] Taṣadduq s͟hud. This is how Mr. Rogers has translated the passage, and this seems to me to be right. Elliot has “lost,” but surely Jahāngīr would not pass over so lightly the loss of 25 elephants. Taṣadduq is often used in the sense of almsgiving, or of granting a favour. The text 290, line 2, has aks̤ar-i-rāh basta būd. The word basta seems unintelligible, and in the corresponding passage of the Iqbāl-nāma, 135, the words are aks̤ar-i-rāh ajama būd. This word perhaps means “muddy,” and this would fit the sense. [↑]
[90] Achamba. But MS. 305 has ajamat, and this may mean forest, or woods. Perhaps Elliot’s “mud” is a clerical error for wood, but ajamat means pools as well as woods. Perhaps this is the same word as occurs in the Iqbāl-nāma, 135, and means “muddy.” [↑]
[91] So in text, but the MSS. ba garaz basta (“loosely tied”), so that they could be thrown off if any game appeared. [↑]
[93] Now known as the Kunhār. It rises in Lake Lohusur at the head of the Kāgān glen. See I.G., old edition, VIII. 365, and ditto new edition, XIV. 272, for Kāgān Valley. [↑]
[94] Text Wārū. Iqbāl-nāma 136 has Kūh-i-Wāzūh. MS. 181 seems to have Dārd. [↑]
[95] Text shāk͟hdār (“with branches”), but the true reading seems to be nāj (“pine”). Elliot has “sāl.” [↑]
[96] This is a fanciful derivation. The word is not darang, but drang, which means a watch-station. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 84. The Pamba-drang, however, was near the Kis͟han Gangā, and so is not the drang mentioned by Stein. [↑]