The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir (Volume 2 of 2)

by Emperor of Hindustan Jahangir

The Eighteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession

On the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumādā-l-awwal, A.H. 1032 (March 10, 1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bī-daulat, having gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted with ruin in the pargana of S͟hāhpūr, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Rāja Jay Singh, grandson[1] of Rāja Mān Singh, came from his native country, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jogrāj to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was reported to me that Bī-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna, the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmis͟h, the t̤araḥ (reserve), the chandāwul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close upon this came the news that Bī-daulat, with the wretch K͟hān-k͟hānān, had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar, who was his guide to the desert of error, with Dārāb, s. K͟hān-k͟hānān, and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., S͟harza K. ʿĀbid K., Jādo Rāy, Ūday Rām, Ātas͟h K., Manṣūr K., and other mansabdars, who were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Rāja Bhīm, s. Rānā, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Daryā, Taqī, and others whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five[2] armies (corps?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of the wretch (bar-gas͟hta-i-rūzgār) Dārāb, yet in reality the leader and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Balūchpūr to their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabūlpūr. On this day the turn to take the rear fell upon Bāqir K. We had left him behind all the rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched out the hand of plunder. Bāqir planted firmly the foot of courage, and succeeded in beating them back. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan got news of this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the K͟hwāja the rebels (mardūdān), not being able to stand, had taken to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated 25,000 horse under the leadership of Āṣaf K., K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, and ʿAbdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look to the end of things. Qāsim K., Las͟hkar K., Irādat K., Fidāʾī K., and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to Āṣaf K.’s force. Bāqir K., Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support Abū-l-Ḥasan. Nawāzis͟h K., ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., ʿAzīzu-llah, and many of the Bārha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany ʿAbdu-llah. In this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to ʿAbdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., the son of the K͟hān Daurān, God knows whether knowingly or not, went off with him. Nawāzis͟h K., Zabar-dast K., and S͟hīr-ḥamla, who were in the corps of that shameless one (ʿAbdu-llah K.), planted firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis, when a leader of the army such as ʿAbdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Āṣaf K., when Bāqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the affair, and a victory which might be the t̤ug͟hrā (sign manual) of the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden world. Zabar-dast K., S͟hīr-ḥamla, S͟hīr-bacha, his son, and the son of Asad K., the architect, and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟hwāja Jahān, and a number of the Sayyids of Bārha who were in the corps of the black-faced ʿAbdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. ʿAzīzu-llah, grandson of Ḥusain K. (Tukrīya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help, yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people by the title of Laʿnatu-llah (God’s curse), and as he had received this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter, wherever the expression Laʿnatu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly, after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could not reassemble, Laʿnatu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his rein till he reached Bī-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss.

When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift, which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners, everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to K͟hān Aʿz̤am, as it occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction, Bī-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more and more favours, each according to his degree. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan was raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawāzis͟h K. to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Bāqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse, with drums, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, ʿAzīzu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nūru-d-dīn Qulī to that of 2,000 and 700 horse, Rāja Rām Dās to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Lut̤fu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwaris͟h K. to that of 1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day and marched on the next. K͟hān ʿĀlam, having marched from Allahabad, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month I encamped at the village of Jhānsa (?).

On this day Sar-buland Rāy came from the Deccan and waited on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a phūl katāra. ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. and some of those who had gone with Laʿnatu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bī-daulat, and paid their respects, and represented that when Laʿnatu-llah charged, they thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had taken 2,000 muhrs from Bī-daulat for their expenses, as the times were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted[3] their statement.

On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours conferred on them.

Mīr ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a vocabulary[4] of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science.

Rāja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse, and a special elephant was presented to my son S͟hahriyār. The post of ʿArẓ-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Mūsawī K. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was given the title of K͟hān-zād K͟hān, was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was honoured with a flag and drums.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdībihis͟ht I pitched on the bank of the lake at Fatḥpūr. Iʿtibār K. came from Agra and waited on me, and was graciously received. Muz̤affar K., Mukarram K., and his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait on me. As Iʿtibār K. had done approved service in the charge of the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtāz K., and I gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. to that of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and K͟hwāja Qāsim to that of 1,000 with 400 horse. On the 4th Manṣūr K. Farangī, whose circumstances have been recorded[5] in the preceding pages (?), with his brother[6] and Naubat[7] K. Dakhanī, by the guidance of good fortune separated themselves from Bī-daulat, and came into my service. I sent K͟hawāṣṣ K. to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, having come from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special sword was given to Mahābat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the pargana of Hindaun. Manṣūr K. (the Farangī) was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat[8] K. to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this day a meeting with my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz had been arranged, I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more and more favours. At this time news came that Bī-daulat, when he was passing through the township (ḥawālī) of the pargana of Amber, which was the hereditary abode of Rāja Mān Singh, had sent a band of scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot.

On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sārwalī. I had previously sent Ḥabas͟h K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I promoted my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz to the high mansab of 40,000 and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bī-daulat had sent off Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, to his own country to raise disturbances in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Ṣādiq K., chief Bakhshi, to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him, giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tūgh) and drums.

At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of Mīrzā Badīʿu-z-zamān, s. Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who was known as Fatḥpūrī, had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son’s blood, and (so) proceedings[9] could not be taken according to law. Although his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol, and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the 21st Rāja Gaj Singh and Rāy Sūraj Singh arrived from their jagirs, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Muʿizzu-l-mulk, whom I had sent to Multan to summon my son K͟hān Jahān, came and waited on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and weakness. He had sent his son Aṣālat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me, and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th my fortunate son Prince Parwīz, with the victorious army, was sent in pursuit to overthrow Bī-daulat. The reins of authority over the powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious army, were given into the hand of Muʾtaminu-d-daula Mahābat K. Of the illustrious Amīrs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail.

K͟hān ʿĀlam, Mahārāja[10] Gaj Singh, Fāẓil K., Ras͟hīd K., Rāja Girdhar, Rāja Rām Dās Kachhwāha, K͟hwāja Mīr ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, ʿAzīzu-llah, Asad K., Parwaris͟h K., Ikrām K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Lut̤fu-llah, Rāy Narāyan Dās, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much artillery. Rs. 20,00,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle to bridle with victory. Fāẓil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on the Prince, with a nādirī of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten[11] female elephants, a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nūr Jahān Begam also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the custom. To Mahābat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this day Muz̤affar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of K͟hurdād Prince Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h, s. K͟husrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the high dignity of tutor to him. I conferred on the prince a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard (tūgh), and drums. K͟hān Aʿz̤am, Nawāzis͟h K. and other servants were honoured with presents according to their standing. Irādat K. was appointed Bakhshi in place of Fāẓil K. Ruknu-s-salt̤ana Āṣaf K. exalted his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on him. Abū T̤ālib (i.e., S͟haista K.), his son, was appointed to accompany him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday, the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623), the camp was pitched at the Anā-Sāgar lake outside Ajmir. Prince Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000 horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to K͟hān Aʿz̤am. Allah-yār, s. Iftik͟hār Beg, who was in the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, was at his request granted a standard. Tātār K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Rāja Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse.

On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (ḥaẓrat) Maryamu-z-zamānī,[12] by the decree of God, had died. I trust that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, having come from his native place, had the good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, governor of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and they were submitted to me. Bāqir K. was appointed faujdār of Oudh, and Sādāt K. to the Dū-āb. The Mīr Mus͟hrif was made Dīwān-i-buyūtāt.

On the 12th of the Divine month of Tīr a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bī-daulat as a reward for his victory over the Rānā, as has been fully related in the preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and perversity, along with Himmat K., S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., and many of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar’s brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and Bī-daulat retreated after his defeat to Māndū, the province of Gujarat was put in the charge of Laʿnatu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent for along with Ṣafī K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala (belt) on which two lakhs had been spent—and which things had been prepared as a present for myself—were also sent for. Ṣafī K. was the brother’s son (text says “brother”) of Jaʿfar Beg, who received in my father’s service the title of Āṣaf K., and was married to a daughter of Nūr Jahān’s brother, who by my favour had received the title of Āṣaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bī-daulat. Both daughters were by one mother, and Bī-daulat expected that on account of this connection Ṣafī K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had gone forth for Ṣafī K.’s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the faithless (bī-wafā) Laʿnatu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafā-dār to be governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bī-sar-u-pā) entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Ṣafī K. had made up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before Kunhar came out of the city he (Ṣafī) encamped on the bank of the Kankariyā lake, and thence hastened to Maḥmūdābād, giving out openly that he was going to Bī-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication and made arrangements to be loyal with Nāhir K., Sayyid Dilīr K., Nānū[13] K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Ṣāliḥ, a servant of Bī-daulat, who was faujdār of the Sarkar of Pitlād, and had a good force with him, heard rumours that Ṣafī K. entertained other ideas. Kunhar[14] had also discovered this, but as Ṣafī K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct, they could not move hand or foot. Ṣāliḥ, for fear lest Ṣafī K., abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure, exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bī-daulat at Māndū. Kunhar (or the younger brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Ṣafī K., knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Maḥmūdābād to the pargana of Karang,[15] which is to the left of the usual road, where Nānū K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with Nāhir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise, which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Ṣafī) left his women in the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nānū (Bābū?) K., came at dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the S͟haʿbān[16] garden until it had become light and friend could be distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open, though he could see no trace of Nāhir K. and the other loyalists, yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the gates of the fort he placed his confidence in God who gives victory, and entered the city by the Sārangpūr gate. About this time Nāhir K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The eunuch of Laʿnatu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune of (Jahāngīr), took refuge in the house of S͟haik͟h Ḥaidar, grandson of Niz̤ām Wajīhu-d-dīn. The royal servants of approved service, having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of Muḥammad Taqī, Bī-daulat’s diwan, and of Ḥasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and seized them. S͟haik͟h Ḥaidar himself came and informed Ṣafī K. that the eunuch of Laʿnatu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bī-daulat’s servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects of Bī-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When this news reached Bī-daulat, he sent off Laʿnatu-llah with Himmat K., S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., Qābil Beg, Rustam Bahādur, Ṣāliḥ Badak͟hs͟hī, and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Ṣafī K. and Nāhir K., becoming aware of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up, they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Rāja Kalyān, Zamindar of Īdar (printed wrongly “Andūr”), and the son of Lāl Gopī (?)[17], and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned into the city. A good number was thus assembled. Laʿnatu-llah did not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from Māndū to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage, and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank of the Kānkariyā Lake. It occurred to Laʿnatu-llah that if he came on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kānkariyā tank, encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qut̤b ʿĀlam. Laʿnatu-llah traversed a road of three days in two,[18] and arrived at Maḥmūdābād. As Sayyid Dilīr K. had seized the women of S͟harza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the women of Sar-afrāz K. were also in the city, Ṣafī K. sent a secret message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation; otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of indignities. Hearing this, Laʿnatu-llah sent for Sar-afrāz K. on some excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As S͟harza K., Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Badak͟hs͟hī were in league together, and had alighted at the same place, he could not get S͟harza K. into his hands. Briefly, on the 21st of S͟haʿbān, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, Laʿnatu-llah mounted and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to Laʿnatu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal, he could not screw up his courage (tāb nayāwarda), but turned his rein towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it—that it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej, and halted in the village of Nāranja. The loyal party arranged their forces in the village of Bālūd, which is nearly three koss off. At dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner, their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nāhir K., Rāja Kalyān, the Zamindar of Īdar, and other valiant men; on the left wing Sayyid Dilīr K., Sayyid Sīdū, and other loyal servants were stationed; and on the right wing Nānū K., Sayyid Yaʿqūb, Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in the centre were Ṣafī K., Kifāyat K. Bak͟hs͟hī, and some other servants of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place where Laʿnatu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahādur, and Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact with Nāhir K. and S͟hams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound, and a fight ensued between Ṣāliḥ Beg, and Nānū K., Sayyid Yaʿqūb, Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad, and other servants. In the height of the battle the elephant of Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad came and threw him (Ṣāliḥ) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane, on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilīr K. came fighting from the right wing. Laʿnatu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of Laʿnatu-llah, and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself, and Ṣafī K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just then Laʿnatu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ Beg, and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Ṣafī K., his courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat and disaster. Sayyid Dilīr K. pursued him for a koss, and made many of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qābil Beg, unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the claws of retribution. As Laʿnatu-llah was not sure about Sar-afrāz K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one of the elephants Bahādur, s. Sult̤ān Aḥmad, and gave permission to kill him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sult̤ān Aḥmad’s son put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afrāz K. threw himself down off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Ṣafī K., finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. Laʿnatu-llah did not turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of S͟harza K. were captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited upon Ṣafī K. Briefly, Laʿnatu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit him, yet they sent him 5,000 maḥmūdīs by way of maintenance. For three days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bī-daulat’s jagir, he took nearly 4 lakhs of maḥmūdīs from his officials there, and took possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars had been burnt, and betook himself to Bī-daulat at Burhanpur.

In fine, when this approved service performed by Ṣafī K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favours and kindnesses. Ṣafī K. held the mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahāngīr-s͟hāhī, and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nāhir K. had 1,000 with 200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, I bestowed on him the title of S͟hīr K., and raised his head of honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the (descendant?) grandson of (?)[19], the brother of Pūran Mal Lūlū (?), who was governor of Rāysīn and Chanderī. When S͟hīr K., the Afghan (i.e., S͟hīr S͟hāh), besieged the fort of Rāysīn, it is well known that he killed him (Pūran Mal) after promising him quarter, and that his women burnt themselves, committing “Johar,” according to the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His sons and caste fellows went off to various[20] places. The father of Nāhir K., whose title was K͟hān Jahān, having gone to Muḥammad K., governor of Āsīr and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muḥammad K. died, Ḥasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Rāja ʿAlī K., brother of Muḥammad K., put the child in confinement, and took possession of the government. After some time news reached Rāja ʿAlī K. that K͟hān Jahān and a body of the servants of Muḥammad K. had leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Ḥasan K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with them, and sent Ḥayāt K͟hān Ḥabas͟hī, with many brave men, to the house of K͟hān Jahān, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed life. At that time Nāhir K. was very young. Ḥayāt K͟hān Abyssinian, having asked ʿAlī K.’s permission, adopted him as his son, and made him a Musalman. After his death Rāja ʿAlī K. brought up Nāhir K., and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Āsīr, Nāhir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in jagir the pargana of Muḥammadpūr in Malwa. In my service he advanced more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.

Sayyid Dilīr K. is of the Sayyids of Bārha; formerly his name was Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bāra in Hindi. As in the Dū-āb there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Bārha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka always said the Sayyids of Bārha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case.

Nānū K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h in Gujarat, and I sent Nūru-d-dīn Qulī into the Subah to bring S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.

On this day it was reported to me that Minū-chihr, s. S͟hāh-nawāz K., had separated himself from Bī-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz. Iʿtiqād K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.

As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four, I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sult̤ān Masʿūd, s. Sult̤ān Maḥmūd (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded, especially in the history of Baihaqī,[21] who has kept a diary of what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one day he (Masʿūd) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood, and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (k͟his͟ht) and struck the tiger’s chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the elephant’s back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow with his sword that he cut off both the tiger’s fore-feet, and the tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant’s back, and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.

One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh[22] in the Nūh forest. A wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in my presence that powerful (jawānān) men, good shots with the bow, have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my pen from saying more.

On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sult̤ān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Paklī, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to S͟hādmān, his eldest son.

On the 7th of the month of Amurdād Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, a servant of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, came from the victorious army, and brought news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God’s grace alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chānḍā,[23] and entered the province of Malwa, Bī-daulat, with 20,000 horse, 300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Māndū in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargīs (Mahrattas) of the Deccan with Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām, Ālas͟h K., and other rebels to make a raid (qazzāqī) on the royal camp. Mahābat K. made proper arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the g͟haul (centre), and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargīs kept at a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One day it was Manṣūr K. Farangī’s turn to be with the rear-guard. At the time of pitching the camp Mahābat K., by way of caution, was standing with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might fence it in at their ease. As Manṣūr K. had been drinking on the road, he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men, he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargīs, and came to where Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām were standing with two or three thousand cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.

During these days Mahābat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity and confusion had accompanied Bī-daulat. When men read the lines of despair on the page of his (S͟hāh Jahān’s) condition, letters also came from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bī-daulat came out of the fort of Māndū, he in the first instance sent forward a body of Bargīs, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqī, and Barq-andāz K. with a body of musketeers. Then he sent Dārāb K., Bhīm, Bairam Beg, and his other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person, he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself unattended behind Dārāb and Bhīm, turning his face of ruin towards the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kāliyādaha, Bī-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed himself with K͟hān-k͟hānān and a few men at the distance of a koss in the rear. Barq-andāz K., who had made an agreement with Mahābat K., was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other, he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and joined the royal army, crying out, “Success to King Jahāngīr!” When he reached Mahābat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son Parwīz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the name of Bahāʾu-d-dīn, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter’s death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andāz K. When I sent Bī-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery, and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of his (S͟hāh Jahān’s) chief servants and on whom he had perfect reliance, when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact with Mahābat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, he, with Muḥammad Murād Badak͟hs͟hī and other mansabdars, left the ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bī-daulat’s hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda, a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahābat K. had written in answer to Zāhid’s K. letter, making him hopeful of the royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to Bī-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zāhid K., imprisoned him with his three sons. Zāhid K. is s. S͟hajāʿat K., who was one of the Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position as a house-born one (khāna-zād), and given him the title of K͟hān and the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bī-daulat for the conquest of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bī-daulat. After the defeat near Delhi, he turned back. Though[24] he had not a family, he had not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property, to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bī-daulat.

When[25] thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of calamities

For retribution is according to natural law.

Briefly, Bī-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of trustworthy men and a body of the Bargīs from the Deccan on the bank of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards the fort of Āsīr and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqī, his servant, caught the runner whom K͟hān-k͟hānān had sent to Mahābat K., and took him to Bī-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:

Hundreds are watching me

Otherwise I’d fly away from trouble.

Bī-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Dārāb and his other sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself drawn—viz., that hundreds were watching him—happened to him. At this time I gave Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, the servant of my prosperous son who had brought the report of the victory, the title of K͟hūs͟h-k͟habar K., with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman to the Prince and Mahābat K. by K͟hawāṣṣ K. I also sent with him a pahūnchī[26] (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwīz) and a jewelled sword to Mahābat K. As Mahābat K. had done approved service, I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse.

Sayyid Ṣalābat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those employed in the Deccan. When Bī-daulat, having been defeated near Delhi, went to the fort of Māndū, he placed his children in independent territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes to pay his respects (to me). Mīrzā Ḥasan, s. Mīrzā Rustam Ṣafawī, having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdār of Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Having sent Laʿl Beg, Superintendent of the Record Department, to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, I sent with him a special dress of honour and a nādirī for him, and a turban for Mahābat K. K͟hawāṣṣ K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned, waited upon me with good news (of him). K͟hāna-zād K., s. Mahābat K., was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nīlgāw. Whilst I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2½ yards, and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came out. They call this kind of snake chītal[27] in Hindustan, and it grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotāh-pācha) entire; but it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt I shot a female nīlgāw, and two fully formed young ones were found inside. As I heard that the flesh of nīlgāw fawns was delicate and delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a dū-piyāza[28] (a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour.

On the 15th of the Divine month of S͟hahrīwar Rustam K., Muḥammad Murād, and several other servants of Bī-daulat, who under the guidance of good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, according to orders came to Court, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muḥammad Murād to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badak͟hs͟hī. His name was Yūsuf Beg. He is connected with Muḥammad-qulī of Isfahan, who was agent for and prime minister of Mīrzā Sulaimān (of Badakhshan). He was first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bī-daulat, and entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the Rānā. Bī-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (S͟hāh Jahān), at his request I gave him the title of K͟hān, with a standard and drums. For some time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not manage badly. Muḥammad Murād is the son of Maqṣūd Mīr-āb (butler), who was one of the old servants of Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā S͟hāh-ruk͟h.

On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on me. Nūru-d-dīn Qulī brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. S͟harza K. and Qābil Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Ẕī-qaʿda, a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son S͟hahriyār by the granddaughter[29] of Iʿtimādu-d-daula. I hope that her advent[30] will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables, and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to S͟haik͟h Aḥmad[31] of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr Mīr Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 300 horse. Muqīm, the Bakhshi of Gujarat, was given the title of Kifāyat K. As the innocence of Sar-farāz K.[32] was established to my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his respects. At the request of my son S͟hahriyār, I went to his house. He had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings, and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants.

At this time a report came from my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz that Bī-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Taptī), and was wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the rebels, and withdrew towards Āsīr and Burhanpur. The K͟hān-k͟hānān and Dārāb he took with him under surveillance.

And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must be said about Āsīr. The said fort, in its great height and strength, is not in want of my praise. Before Bī-daulat went to the Deccan it was in the charge of K͟hwāja Naṣru-llah, s. K͟hwāja Fatḥu-llah, who was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards, at the request of Bī-daulat, it was handed over to Mīr Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, s. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain.[33] As the daughter of Nūr Jahān Begam’s maternal uncle (taghāʾī) was married[34] to him, when Bī-daulat, having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein towards Malwa and Māndū, Nūr Jahān Begam wrote to him and strictly urged him, saying: “Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow Bī-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid.” In truth, he strengthened it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort that Bī-daulat’s bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bī-daulat sent one of his attendants, of the name of S͟harīfā, to the above-mentioned, he (S͟harīfā) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it was settled (between S͟hāh Jahān and S͟harīfā) that when Ḥusāmu-d-dīn should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. That wretch, immediately S͟harīfā arrived, put away on the shelf of forgetfulness what he owed on account of his bringing up and the favours conferred on him, and without opposition or effort handed over the fort to S͟harīfā, and with his wife[35] and child went to Bī-daulat, who made him accursed of the Faith and in the world by bestowing on him the mansab of 4,000 personal, and a standard and drums, and the title of Murtaẓā K.—a disgraceful name to all eternity.

In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of the fort of Āsīr, he took with him K͟hān-k͟hānān, Dārāb, and all his evil-minded offspring up to the fort, and remaining there for three or four days, and having set his mind at ease about provisions, etc., handed it over to one Gopāl Dās, a Rajput, who had formerly been an attendant of Sar-buland Rāy, and entered his service when he went to the Deccan. He left the women and his superfluous baggage, and took with him his three wives with their children and some maid-servants. At first he proposed to imprison K͟hān-k͟hānān and Dārāb in the fort, but at last changed his mind, and bringing them down with him, hastened to Burhanpur. At this time Laʿnatu-llah, after suffering disgrace and contempt, came from Surat and joined him. In great perplexity, Bī-daulat employed Sar-buland Rāy, the son of Rāy Bhoj Hārā, who is one of the brave Rajput servants, and who is fed from the royal table (?), as his mediator, and by letters and messages made proposals of peace. Mahābat K. said that until K͟hān-k͟hānān came, peace was impossible. His (Mahābat’s) sole purpose was by these means to separate from him that head of deceivers who was the ring-leader of trouble and sedition. Being helpless, Bī-daulat brought him (K͟hān-k͟hānān) out of prison, and satisfied himself by taking an oath from him on the Qoran. In order to please him and strengthen his promises and oath, he took him inside the female apartment and made a confidant[36] of him, and brought his own wife and son to him, and made use of all kinds of entreaty and lamentation. The gist of his (S͟hāh Jahān’s) remarks was: “My times are hard, and my position difficult; I make myself over to you, and make you the guardian of my honour. You must act so that I no longer undergo contempt and confusion.” The K͟hān-k͟hānān, with a view to bring about peace, parted from Bī-daulat and proceeded to the royal army. It was settled that he should remain on the other side of the river, and arrange matters relating to peace in writing. According to fate, before K͟hān-k͟hānān arrived on the bank of the river, some of the brave warriors and victorious youths one night found an opportunity and crossed over at a place where the rebels were careless. On hearing this news the pillars of their courage trembled, and Bairam Beg could not keep firm the foot of error and ignorance, or engage in driving them back. Whilst he was in this agitation[37] many crossed the river, and on the same night the rebels of evil fortune were separated from each other like the Banātu-n-naʿās͟h,[38] and took to flight. By the unfailing good fortune (of Jahāngīr) the K͟hān-k͟hānān fell into perplexity (lit. fell into the s͟has͟h-dar[39] position), and could neither go nor stay where he was. At this time again letters arrived from my prosperous son mingling threats with promises. The K͟hān-k͟hānān, finding only despair and ruin in the page of Bī-daulat’s affairs, hastened, through the mediation of Mahābat K., to wait upon my fortunate son. Bī-daulat, on hearing of the departure of K͟hān-k͟hānān and the crossing of the Narbadda by the victorious army and the flight of Bairam Beg, lost courage, and, notwithstanding a flood in the river and the violence of the rain, crossed the Taptī in a state of wretchedness, and went off towards the Deccan. In this confusion many of the royal servants and his own attendants willingly or unwillingly separated, and did not accompany him. As the native country of Jādo Rāy and Ūday Rām and Ātas͟h K. was on the route, they thought it better for themselves to keep with him for some stages, but Jādo Rāy did not come into his camp, and followed him at the distance of one stage. He took possession of such property as the men in this confusion and fear for their lives abandoned. On the day he (S͟hāh Jahān) started from the other side of the river (the Taptī) he sent a message by one of his immediate attendants of the name of Ẕū-l-faqār K. Turkmān, summoning Sar-buland K. Afghan, with the message that it seemed to him contrary to courage and the due performance of his engagements that he had as yet not crossed the river. “Fidelity was the glory of men; the faithlessness of no one has touched me (S͟hāh Jahān) so much as yours.” He (Sar-buland) was standing on horseback on the river-bank when Ẕū-l-faqār[40] K. came and delivered the message. Sar-buland did not give a precise answer, and was undecided as to whether to stay or go. In his perplexity and by way of objection he told Ẕū-l-faqār to let go his bridle. Ẕū-l-faqār drew his sword, and struck at his waist. At this crisis an Afghan interposed a short spear which the people of India call a barchhā, and the blow of the sword caught the shaft, and the point of the sword did not reach Sar-buland’s waist. After swords were drawn, the Afghans attacked Ẕū-l-faqār and cut him in pieces. The son of Sult̤ān Muḥammad, the treasurer, who was Bī-daulat’s page, for friendship’s sake had come (with Ẕū-l-faqār) without Bī-daulat’s permission, and was also killed.

Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious army’s approaching that city reached me, I sent K͟hawāṣṣ K. on the wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he would throw himself by the road of Qut̤bu-l-mulk’s country into the provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler, I appointed Mīrzā Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as S͟hāh Jahān’s going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.

At this time my son (farzand) K͟hān Jahān came from Multan, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented 1,000 muhrs and a ruby of the value of Rs. 100,000, a pearl, and other jewels. I gave an elephant to Rustam K. On the 9th of the Divine month of Ābān K͟hawāṣṣ K. brought a report from the prince and Mahābat K. to the effect that when my son (Parwīz) reached Burhanpur, though many of his men had remained behind in consequence of the heavy rains, he, according to orders, without delay had crossed the river (Taptī), and gone in pursuit of Bī-daulat. Bī-daulat, on hearing this terrible news, was marching on. On account of the heaviness of the rain and the excessive quantity of mud and constant marching his beasts of burden had become exhausted. If any baggage was left behind no inquiries were made, and he (S͟hāh Jahān) and his children and dependents thought themselves lucky to save their lives and did not trouble about their goods. The army of good fortune having come down the pass of Bhangar, hastened after him as far as the pargana of Ankot,[41] about forty koss from Burhanpur. Bī-daulat in this state reached the fort of Māhūr, and when he knew that Jādo Rāy and Ūday Rām and the other Dakhanis would not go with him any farther, he did not disgrace them, but let them go. Leaving the heavy elephants with the goods and chattels with Ūday Rām in the fort, he himself started for Qut̤bu-l-mulk’s territory. When his departure from the royal territory was ascertained, my fortunate son, with the approval of Mahābat K. and other loyalists, turned rein from that pargana. On the first of the Divine month of Ābān he entered Burhanpur. Rāja Sārang Deo was sent to my son with a gracious farman.

Qāsim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Mīrak Muʿīn, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahābat K., was honoured with the title of K͟hān. Alf K. Qiyām-k͟hānī, having come from the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge of the fort of Kāngṛa. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of the Divine month of Āẕar Bāqī K. came from Jūnāgaṛh and waited on me.

As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bī-daulat, and the heat of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the month, corresponding with the 1st of Ṣafar[42] my camp started from Ajmir for a tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir. Before this I had appointed the chief of the state Āṣaf K. Subahdar of Bengal, and gave him leave. As I had taken a great liking to his society, and he was distinguished above all the other servants for ability and good disposition and tact, and is moreover unequalled in all kinds of propriety, and I regretted separation from him, I had broken through that purpose, and had sent for him to wait upon me. He came on this day, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, took leave on his return to his native country, and was given a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger. Rāja Sārang Deo brought a report from my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz and Mahābat K. Madāru-s-salt̤ana, and kissed the threshold. It was written that their minds were at ease with regard to the affair of Bī-daulat, and that the rulers of the Deccan, willingly or unwillingly, were performing the dues of obedience and submission. His Majesty (Jahāngīr) might make his mind at ease about that quarter and enjoy himself in hunting and travelling in whatever place in the royal dominions he might approve of and which was good for his health. On the 20th of the month Mīrzā Wālī, having come from Sironj, waited on me. Ḥakīm Mūminā was raised to the mansab of 1,000. Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, according to order, came from Gujarat, and had the good fortune to pay his respects.

At this time a report came from ʿAqīdat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan, containing the news of Rāja Girdhar’s having been killed. The particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid Kabīr Bārha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a cutler who had a shop close to the house of Rāja Girdhar. The next day, when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler some blows with a stick. The Raja’s people in supporting him used their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Bārha had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance, went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs, ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabīr, becoming aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at this time Rāja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people, according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabīr and the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door, forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Rāja Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Rāja Girdhar was killed, Sayyid Kabīr took the horses out of his stable to his own house and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Rāja Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all the Bārha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabīr. They assembled in the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahābat K., being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and went to the house of K͟hān ʿĀlam, which was near there. He soothed them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also went to the quarters of the K͟hān ʿĀlam, and soothed them with words appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their own houses. Next day Mahābat K. went to the house of Rāja Girdhar, condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get hold of Sayyid Kabīr put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he executed him.

On the 23rd I appointed Muḥammad Murād faujdār of Ajmir, and sent him off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day, while hunting, a tūyg͟hūn (albino) partridge, which till now I had never seen, came to my sight, and I caught it with a hawk. By chance the hawk that caught it was also a tūyg͟hūn. I ascertained by trial that the flesh of the black partridge was better than that of the white, and that the flesh of the large quail (būdana), which the people of India call ghāghar,[43] is better than that of the quail, which is a fighter. I compared the flesh of a fat kid with that of a lamb; the flesh of the fat kid is more delicious. By way of test I ordered them both to be cooked in the same way, so that I might discern the matter accurately. On this account I have recorded it.

On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Raḥīmābād,[44] the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I ordered Irādat K. and Fidāʾī K. to take with them some of the guards (ahl-i-yātis͟h) and surround the wood, and mounting (an elephant) I followed them and went towards the hunt. From the number of trees and thickness of the jungle it could not be well seen. Driving the elephant forward, the tiger’s flank came into view, and with one wound from my gun he fell and gave up his life. Of all the tigers I have shot from the time when I was a prince until now I never saw a tiger like this for size and majesty and the symmetry of its limbs. I ordered the artists to take its portrait according to its real form and body. He weighed 8½ Jahāngīrī maunds; his length, from the top of his head to the end of his tail, was 3½ cubits[45] and 2 t̤assū (​1⁄24​ of a yard).

On the 16th it was reported that Mumtāz[46] K., the governor of Agra, had died. At first he was in the service of Bahādur K., the brother of K͟hān Zamān. After they were killed he entered the service of my revered father. When I placed my foot in the world of existence that revered person favoured me with making him the Nāz̤ir (Superintendent) of my establishment. For a period of fifty-six years he served me sincerely and zealously and in a manner to please me, and at no time did a speck of dust from him settle on the fringe of my heart. What is due to him for the excellence of his service is more than a clerk could write. May God Almighty overwhelm him in the ocean of His forgiveness!

Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials,[47] the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his leave. In the neighbourhood of Fatḥpūr, Mukarram K. and his brother ʿAbdu-s-Salām had the good fortune to pay their respects. On the 22nd the entertainment for my lunar weighment took place in the town of Mathura, and the fifty-seventh year of my age began auspiciously and happily. At Mathura I went on by boat seeing what was to be seen, and hunting. On the way the huntsmen reported that a tigress with three cubs had appeared. Disembarking from the boat I engaged in the pleasure of sport. As the cubs were small I ordered them to be taken by hand, and killed the mother with my gun. At this time it was reported to me that the villagers[48] and cultivators on the other side of the river Jumna had not given up stealing and highway robbery, and, passing their time in the shelter of thick jungles and difficult strong places in stubbornness and fearlessness, would not pay their rents to the jagirdars. I gave an order to K͟hān Jahān to take a force of mansabdars with him and give them exemplary punishment, and having slaughtered, imprisoned, and plundered them, raze to the ground their strongholds and forts, and tear up from the root their thorn-brakes of mischief and disturbance. The next day the force crossed the river and made a hot attack on them. As they had no time for escape by flight they planted firmly the foot of folly, and showed fight. Many of them were slaughtered: their women and children were taken prisoners, and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army.

On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.

On the 2nd ʿAbdu-llah, s. Ḥakīm Nūru-d-dīn, of Teheran, was ordered to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief announcement is as follows: When the ruler of Persia, on suspicion of his having money and other property, tortured his father, the aforesaid fled from Persia, and with a hundred miseries and adversities threw himself into Hindustan, and by the patronage of Iʿtimādu-d-daula was enrolled among the servants of the Court. By the aid of good fortune, having in a short time become well known, he was included among those who were in immediate attendance, and obtained a mansab of 500 and a fertile jagir, but as his capacity was small (lit., his digestion was narrow) he could not stand such great good fortune, and assumed ingratitude and unthankfulness and constantly defiled his tongue with abuse[49] of his lord and master. At this time it was continually reported to me that as my kindness to him and observance of what was due to him increased, that ungrateful one blamed and abused me the more. When I considered the favours I had bestowed upon him, I could not believe these stories about him, but at last I heard from impartial and disinterested persons the disrespectful language which he had used with respect to me in assemblies and companies. The charge was thus confirmed, and accordingly I summoned him to my presence and had him executed.[50]

“A red[51] tongue gives the green head to the winds.” As the huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by the mischief caused by which the inhabitants were oppressed, I ordered Fidāʾī K. to take elephants with him and surround it. Mounting myself, I followed him into the forest. It soon came to view, and with one shot from my gun its affairs were finished. One day I was enjoying myself with sport, and caught a black partridge with a hawk. I ordered them to open its crop in my presence. A mouse it had swallowed whole came out of its crop, and which was not yet digested. I was greatly astonished that the pipe of its gullet, small as it was, should swallow a whole mouse and how it had done so. Without exaggeration, if anyone had told me the tale I should not have believed it. As I saw this myself I have recorded it on account of its strangeness. On the 6th of the month Delhi became the abode of good fortune.

As Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which is his hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Ṣādiq K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this time Mādho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for him to go to Ṣādiq K. and attack the rebels with him.

Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at Salīmgaṛh. As the house of Rāja Kis͟han Dās was on the road, and he had made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salīmgaṛh, I appointed Sayyid Bahwa Buk͟hārī to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had given him high rank.

At this time ʿAlī Muḥammad, s. ʿAlī Rāy,[52] ruler of Tibet, by his father’s order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. It was clear that ʿAlī Rāy had a great affection for and attachment to this son, and held him dearer than his other children. He wished to make him his successor, and he was consequently envied by his brothers, and disputes arose between them. Abdāl, s. ʿAlī Rāy, who was the eldest of his children, through this jealousy sought the patronage of the K͟hān of Kashghar and made him his protector, so that when ʿAlī Rāy, who was very old and decrepit, should die, he might, under the protection of the Wālī of Kashghar, become ruler of Tibet. ʿAlī Rāy, suspecting that the brothers might attack ʿAlī Muḥammad, and a disturbance might arise in his country, sent him to Court, his desire being that he might be attached to this Court, and his affairs might prosper by service to and kindness shown by the Court.

On the 1st of the Ilāhī month of Isfandārmuẕ I pitched in the pargana of Umbala. Las͟hkarī, s. Imām-wirdī, who had run away from Bī-daulat, and joined the service of my auspicious son S͟hāh Parwīz, having come on this date to Court, kissed the threshold. A report came from my son and Mahābat K. It contained the recommendation and the offer of service of ʿĀdil K., with a letter which he had sent to Mahābat, in which were set forth his submissiveness and loyalty. Las͟hkarī was sent back to Parwīz with a dress of honour, a nādirī with pearl buttons for the prince, and a dress of honour for K͟hān ʿĀlam and Mahābat K. At the request of my son I wrote a gracious farman to ʿĀdil K. showing great favour to him, and sent him a robe of honour with a special nādirī. I gave an order that if they thought fit they should send the above-mentioned[53] to ʿĀdil K.

On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the Beas Ṣādiq K., Muk͟htār K., Isfandiyār, Rāja Rūp Chand of Gwalior, and other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had taken to the hills above-mentioned, and engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear (i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Ṣādiq K. arrived. He brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes, and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted, and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged the protection of Nūr Jahān Begam, expressing shame and contrition, and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.

On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that Bī-daulat, with Laʿnatu-llah, Dārāb, and other wretched (with broken wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened faces, had gone from the borders of Qut̤bu-l-mulk’s territory towards Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to flight. Out of these one day Mīrzā Muḥammad, s. Afẓal K., his Diwan, with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when the news reached Bī-daulat, he sent Jaʿfar and K͟hān-qulī Uzbeg and some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this, he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there, and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions, planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihlā). Sayyid Jaʿfar K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him, but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent K͟hān-qulī and some others of Bī-daulat’s men to hell. Sayyid Jaʿfar also was wounded. Finally Mīrzā Muḥammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bī-daulat.

When Bī-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Māndū, he sent Afẓal K. to get assistance and support from ʿĀdil K. and others, forwarding with him an armlet (bāzū-band) for ʿĀdil K., and a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword for ʿAmbar. He first went to ʿAmbar. After delivering his message he produced what Bī-daulat had sent for him, but ʿAmbar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of ʿĀdil K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afẓal K. went to ʿĀdil K., who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights upon him, but secretly asked for what Bī-daulat had sent for him and ʿAmbar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afẓal K.) was there when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bī-daulat, in spite of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhlī Paṭan (Masulipaṭam), which belongs to Qut̤bu-l-mulk. Before reaching this place, he sent some of his men to Qut̤bu-l-mulk, and besought him for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Qut̤bu-l-mulk sent him a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory, and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all other necessaries to his camp.

On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I crossed a stream of water, the bed of which was very rocky and the water running violently. One of the servants of the s͟harbat-k͟hāna (wine-cellar) was conveying a huntsman’s relish. He had a gold tray, which contained a salver and five cups. There were covers to the cups, and the whole was in a cotton bag. When he was crossing, his foot slipped and the tray fell out of his hand. As the water was deep and running rapidly, however much they searched and beat their hands and feet (exerted themselves), no trace of it could be found. Next day the state of the case was reported to me, and I ordered a number of boatmen and huntsmen to go to the place and make a careful search, and it perhaps might appear. By chance, in the place where it had fallen it was found, and more strange still, it had not been turned upside down, and not a drop of water had got into the cups. This affair is similar to what happened when Hādī was seated on the throne of the Khalifate. A ruby ring had been inherited by Hārūn from his father. Hādī sent a slave to Hārūn and asked for it. It happened that at that time Hārūn was seated on the bank of the Tigris. The slave gave the message, and Hārūn, enraged, said: “I have allowed thee[54] to have the Khalifate, and thou dost not allow me one ring.” In his rage he threw the ring into the Tigris. After some months by the decree of fate Hādī died, and the turn of the Khalifate came to Hārūn. He ordered divers to look for the ring in the place where he had thrown it. By the chances of destiny, and the aid of good fortune, at the first dive the ring was found, and brought and given into Hārūn’s hand!

At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman Imām-wirdī brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg and not on the other. As the way to distinguish the female lies in the spur, by way of testing me he asked whether this was a male or a female. I said at once “A female.” When they opened it an egg appeared inside (pīs͟hīna) its belly. The people who were in attendance asked with surprise by what sign I had discovered this: I said that the head and beak of the female are shorter than the male’s. By investigation and often seeing (the birds) I had acquired this dexterity.[55] It is a strange thing that the windpipe in all animals (ḥaiwānāt), which the Turks call ḥalq,[56] is single from the top of the throat to the crop (chīna-dān), while in the case of the bustard (jarz) it is different. In the bustard it is for four finger-breadths from the top of the throat single and then it divides into two branches and in this form reaches the crop. Also at the place where it divides into two branches there is a stoppage (sar-band) and a knot (girih) is felt by the hand. In the kulang (crane) it is still stranger. In it the windpipe passes in a serpentine manner between the bones of the breast to the rump and then turns back from there and joins the throat. The jarz or charz (bustard) is of two kinds: one is a mottled black and the other būr (a kind of dun colour). I now[57] discovered that there are not two kinds, but that which is a mottled black is the male, and that which is dun-coloured is the female. The proof of it is this, that in the piebald there are testicles and in the dun one there are eggs; this has been repeatedly found on examination.

I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohū, and after that the barīn.[58] Both have scales, and in appearance and shape are like each other. Everyone cannot at once distinguish between them. The difference in their flesh also is very small, but the connoisseur discovers that the flesh of the rohū is rather more agreeable of the two.

---

[1] He was the great-grandson, being the son of Mahā Singh s. Jagat Singh s. Mān Singh. [↑]

[2] Panj fauj. But perhaps the word is binj, or bīk͟h, “root.” Or it may be pīchhā fauj, “the hinder army.” Apparently the reference is to the arrangement of the royal army into five divisions. [↑]

[3] “Bought it as if it were genuine.” [↑]

[4] The Farhang-i-Jahāngīrī, Rieu Cat., p. 496 b. [↑]

[5] Where is this account? He is mentioned later, p. 359 of text. Perhaps he is the Armenian mentioned in the 15th year as Zū-l-Qarnain. But an Armenian would hardly be called a Farangī. [↑]

[6] The MSS. have “his brother Mag͟hrūr.” [↑]

[7] The MSS. have a name that is not Naubat, and perhaps is Yūnas or Yūnas͟h K͟hān. [↑]

[8] Yūnas or Yūnas͟h in MSS. [↑]

[9] Perhaps it means that qiṣāṣ or retaliation could not be inflicted. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, III. 335, and Iqbāl-nāma, 204. Evidently the mother did not want to prosecute. It is probable that his murderers were only his half-brothers. [↑]

[10] The MSS. have Mahārāja Gaj Singh, and they also have the names Manṣūr K͟hān, Sar-buland Rāy and Las͟hkar K. [↑]

[11] “Two” in MSS. [↑]

[12] Jahāngīr’s mother. [↑]

[13] MS. 181 has Bābā K͟hān. [↑]

[14] MS. 181 has Kuhnar or Kunhar, and it seems that it is a name, and not merely “younger brother.” The Iqbāl-nāma, 205, has Kunhar Dās. [↑]

[15] Karīj in text. See Jarrett, II. 253. But perhaps it should be Kaira. [↑]

[16] It is S͟haʿbān in Nos. 181 and 305. The famous garden of Ahmadabad is the S͟hāhī, for which see the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. for Ahmadabad, p. 283. But besides being S͟haʿbān in the MSS. it is also S͟haʿbān in the Iqbāl-nāma, 207. The S͟hāhī garden lies to the north of Ahmadabad, and Ṣafī was at the south or south-east of the city. Perhaps the S͟haʿbān garden was near the Malik S͟haʿbān lake, which was east of the city, and is referred to in Bombay Gazetteer, p. 18. The Bāg͟h S͟haʿbān is also referred to in Bayley’s Gujarat, 236. [↑]

[17] Name very doubtful. MSS. seem to have Pīr Lāl Kolī, or it may be Bīr Lāl. [↑]

[18] The MSS. have “in ten.” [↑]

[19] Text, Nar Singh Deo. But the MSS. seem to have another name, Silhadi Deo (?). The name Lūlū is also doubtful. The MSS. seem to have Bulur. In Elliot, IV. 402, Pūran Mal is called Bhaia. [↑]

[20] Har kudām ba-t̤arafī aftādand. [↑]

[21] Rieu, Cat., I. 158 b. [↑]

[22] Text has Kūh-i-Kūl. But the I.O. MSS. show that the true reading is Kūl Nūh ban, and it appears from the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 186, that Nūh is a district in Kūl—i.e., Aligarh. Gurg is a wolf, and Kurag a rhinoceros, but probably a wolf is here meant. It is not likely that there were rhinoceros in Aligarh, though Abū-l-Faẓl says there were rhinoceros in Sambhal (Jarrett, II. 281). Tīr means an arrow as well as a bullet. The word mana, “face,” is not in text, but occurs in both the I.O. MSS. [↑]

[23] Chānḍā Ghāt between Ajmere and Malwa. [↑]

[24] Apparently the meaning is that he had no family with S͟hāh Jahān’s army, and so could not be deterred from leaving S͟hāh Jahān through fear of their fate. See below, the reference to S. Ṣalābat’s arrangements about his family. [↑]

[25] This couplet comes from Niz̤āmī’s K͟husrau u S͟hīrīn, and is quoted by Bābur. [↑]

[26] See Jaʿfar S͟harīf’s Qānūn-i-Islām. App., p. xxiv. [↑]

[27] Dhāmin, python (?). [↑]

[28] See Blochmann, 60. [↑]

[29] Daughter of Nūr Jahān. [↑]

[30] Blochmann, p. 311, calls her Arzānī Begam. The Iqbāl-nāma (306) calls her Lāṛdilī Begam. A MS. of the Iqbāl-nāma in my possession calls her Walī Begam. She was born on September 4, 1623. [↑]

[31] The holy man formerly mentioned. [↑]

[32] He had been captured in Gujarat when Ṣafī K. defeated ʿAbdu-llah. [↑]

[33] The author of the dictionary. [↑]

[34] See Maʾās̤iru-l-Umarā, III. 382. His wife was the sister of Aḥmad Beg, the brother’s son of Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang. But if so would she not be the daughter of S͟harīf and niece of Nūr Jahān? See Blochmann, 512. [↑]

[35] I.O. MS., 381, and the Iqbāl-nāma mention the wife. [↑]

[36] Maḥram sāk͟ht, “made him one who could enter the Harem.” [↑]

[37] The text wrongly has ba-chand instead of ba-jambīd. [↑]

[38] Daughters of the Bier—i.e., the constellation of the Plough. [↑]

[39] S͟has͟h-dar is the name of an impasse in the game of nard. [↑]

[40] The Muḥammad Beg of Roe? [↑]

[41] Jarrett, II. 239. [↑]

[42] 1 Ṣafar, 1033 = November 14, 1623. [↑]

[43] Jerdon states that the black partridge is called ghāghar about Benares. [↑]

[44] Probably Raḥīmābād in the Bārī Dū-āb. Jarrett, II. 332. [↑]

[45] Daraʿ or ẕaraʿ, yards? The text gives his weight as 20½, but bīst must be a mistake for has͟ht. [↑]

[46] He was a eunuch, and originally had the name of Iʿtibār K. He received the title of Mumtāz K. in this year. Tūzuk, 359. See Blochmann, 433. [↑]

[47] Az qadīmān u bābariyān (properly bairiyān). [↑]

[48] Ganwārān u muzāriʿān. [↑]

[49] Text ba s͟hukr u s͟hukūh, but the Iqbāl-nāma, 213, has ba-s͟hakwa, “with complaints,” and this must be correct. ʿAbdu-llah indulged in abuse of his lord and master, k͟hudā u k͟hudāwand-i-k͟hwīs͟h—i.e., Jahāngīr. [↑]

[50] Cf. Iqbāl-nāma, 213–214. [↑]

[51] A proverbial expression. It is quoted by Niz̤āmu-d-dīn in the T̤abaqāt. [↑]

[52] ʿAlī Rāy was ruler of Little Tibet (Baltistan). Jahāngīr had married his daughter. Blochmann, 310, and Akbar-nāma, III. 603. The marriage took place in A.H. 1000 (1592). [↑]

[53] That is, Las͟hkarī. [↑]

[54] Hādī was Hārūnu-r-Ras͟hīd’s elder brother. [↑]

[55] Text mulka. Perhaps the word may be malka-i-ān, “possession of it”—i.e., possession of such knowledge. The MSS. have ān after malka. [↑]

[56] Text hanaq. But the MSS. have merely ḥaqq, and it is said in the dictionaries that there is a bird called the ḥaqq. [↑]

[57] This corrects a previous statement to the effect that the black and red bustards were two species. [↑]

[58] The MSS. have either barīn or parīn. I cannot find the name in the dictionaries, but my friend Sir K. C. Gupta suggests that the word may be bāns (Labeo calbasa). This fish is also a carp, and resembles the rohū (L. rohita), but is smaller. It may also be the catla. [↑]