Verse.
Alas, a hundred times for the love passing thought!
“By the arrival of your loving letter apologizing for the ‘spectacle and shooting’ (sair u s͟hikār) of Qandahar, which came with the honourable Ḥaidar Beg and Walī Beg, I became apprised of the bodily health of your angelic personality, and the flowers of joy were scattered over the world. Let it not be hidden from the world-adorning mind of my exalted and prosperous brother that until the arrival of the letter and messages brought by Zambīl Beg no mention had been made by you in letters or verbal messages of your wish for Qandahar. At the time when we were engaged in visiting the delightful land of Kashmir, the Deccan lords, in their shortsightedness, extended their feet beyond the limits of obedience, and trod the path of rebellion. Accordingly it became necessary for me to chastise them. I moved my standards to Lahore, and appointed my worthy[26] son S͟hāh Jahān to proceed against them with a victorious army. I myself was proceeding to Agra when Zambīl Beg arrived, and produced your loving letter. I took it as a good omen, and went off to Agra to put down the enemies and the rebels. In the jewelled and pearl-dropping letter there was no mention of a wish for Qandahar. It was mentioned verbally by Zambīl Beg. In reply, I said to him that I made no difficulty with regard to anything that my brother wished. Please God, after settling the Deccan affair, I would send him back in a manner suitable to my sovereignty. I also said that as he had made long marches he should repose for some days in Lahore, and that I would afterwards send for him. After coming to Agra, I sent for him and gave him leave to depart. As the favour of God attaches to this suppliant, I withdrew my mind from victories and proceeded to the Panjab. My intention was to send him away, but after disposing of some necessary matters I went to Kashmir on account of the hot weather. After coming there I sent for Zambīl Beg in order to give him his leave. I also wished to show him something of that delightful country. Meanwhile news came that my prosperous brother had come to take Qandahar. This idea had never entered my mind, and I was entirely astonished. What could there be in a petty village that he should set out to take it, and that he should shut his eyes to so much friendship and brotherly feeling? Though truthful reporters sent the news, I could not credit it! When it became certain I immediately gave orders to ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. not to transgress in any way the good pleasure of that prosperous brother. Up to now the relationship of brotherhood stands firm, and I do not value the world in comparison therewith, nor do I consider any gift equal to it. But it would have been right and brotherly that he should have waited till the arrival of the ambassador. Perhaps he would be successful in the object[27] and claim for which he had come. When he (ʿAbbās) takes such steps before the return of the ambassador, to whom will mankind ascribe the merit of keeping compacts and of preserving the capital of humanity and liberality! May God preserve you at all times!”
After I had given leave to the ambassadors, I devoted all my energy to urging on the Qandahar force, and presented my son K͟hān Jahān, who had been sent for for certain matters, with an elephant, a special horse, a jewelled sword and dagger, and a dress of honour. I sent him on as an advance guard, and directed him to remain in Multan until the arrival of Prince S͟hahriyār with the victorious army. Bāqir K., who was faujdār of Multan, was summoned to Court, and I appointed ʿAlī-qulī Beg Darman to assist him (K͟hān Jahān), and raised him to the mansab of 1,500. In the same manner, having raised M. Rustam to the mansab of 5,000, I appointed him to the duty of assisting that son with the (Qandahar) army. Las͟hkar K. came from the Deccan, and waited on me, and was also attached to that army. Allah-dād K. Afg͟hān, M. ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, Mukarram K., Ikrām K., and other Amirs, who had come from the Deccan and from their fiefs, after being presented with horses and dresses of honour, were sent with K͟hān Jahān. ʿUmdatu-s-salṭana Āṣaf K. was sent to Agra to bring to Court the whole of the treasure in muhrs and rupees which had accumulated from the beginning of the reign of my father. Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. Muḥammad S͟hafīʿā, Bakhshi of Multan, had the title of K͟hān conferred on him. I gave leave to S͟harīf, Vakil of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, to go with all possible haste, and bring my son to wait on me with the army of Behar, and writing a gracious farman with my own hand I urged him to come.
On this day Mīr Mīrān, the grandson of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, died suddenly. I hope that he will be among the pardoned. A raging elephant threw down the huntsman Mīrzā Beg and killed him: I assigned his duties to Imām-wirdī.
As in consequence of the weakness that came over me two years ago and still continues, heart and brain do not accord. I cannot[28] make notes of events and occurrences. Now that Muʿtamid K. has come from the Deccan, and has had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, as he is a servant who knows my temperament and understands my words, and was also formerly entrusted with this duty, I gave an order that from the date which I have written he shall hereafter write them with his own hand, and attach them to my Memoranda. Whatever events may occur hereafter he should note after the manner of a diary, and submit them for my verification, and then they should be copied into a book.
From This Place the Notes Are Written by Muʿtamid K͟hān.[29]
As the whole of my world-opening mind was taken up with the preparation of the Qandahar army, and the remedy for that business, the unpleasant news that reached me of a change in the condition of K͟hurram, and his want of moderation, became a cause for aversion and dissension. I accordingly sent Mūsawī K., who is one of the sincere servants who knows my temperament, to that wretch (bī-daulat) to lay before him the threatening messages and my wishes, and to give admonitions that might sharpen his intelligence, so that by the guidance of good fortune he might awake from the dream of carelessness and pride, and that he (Mūsawī) having gained a (true) knowledge of his futile ideas and aims might hasten to my presence, and carry out whatever appeared to be necessary. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman the feast of my lunar weighing took place. At this auspicious ceremony Mahābat K., having come from Kabul, paid his respects, and was the recipient of special favours. I appointed Yaʿqūb K. Badak͟hs͟hī to Kabul, exalting him with the gift of drums. About this time report came from Iʿtibār K. from Agra that K͟hurram, with the army of adversity, had left Māndū and started in that direction. He had evidently heard the news that the treasure had been sent for, and fire had fallen into his mind, and having let fall from his hand the reins of self-control, had started (with the idea) that on the road he might lay hold of the treasure. Accordingly I thought it best to proceed for a tour, and in order to hunt to the bank of the river of Sult̤ān-pūr (the Beas). If that wretch by the guidance of error should place his foot in the desert of audacity, I might hasten farther forward and place the punishment of his unbecoming behaviour in the skirt of his fortune. If matters turned out in any other way I might take steps accordingly. With this purpose, on the 17th of the same month, at an auspicious hour, I marched. Mahābat K. was dignified with a dress of honour. Rs. 1,00,000 were ordered to be given to Mīrzā Rustam and Rs. 2,00,000 to ʿAbdu-llah K. by way of advance of pay. I sent Mīrzā K͟hān, s. Zain K., with a gracious farman to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, and renewed my urgency for his attendance. Rāja Sārang Deo had gone to summon Rāja Bīr Singh Deo: he came, and having paid his respects, reported that the Rāja, with a proper force and an equipped army, would join me at Thanesar. At this time constant reports[30] came from Iʿtibār K. and other servants of the State from Agra that K͟hurram in revolt and disloyalty (bī-daulatī) had changed what was due by him for rearing into undutifulnesses,[31] and having placed the foot of ruin in the valley of ignorance and error, had started in that direction. They therefore did not consider it advisable to bring the treasure, and were engaged in strengthening the towers and gates, and providing things necessary for the defence of the fort. Similarly a report came from Āṣaf K. that the wretch had torn off the veil of respect, and turned his face towards the valley of ruin, and that the odour of good came not from the manner of his approach. As it was not for the advantage of the State to bring the treasure, he had entrusted it to God, and was himself on the way to wait on me. Accordingly, having crossed the river at Sult̤ānpūr, by successive marches I proceeded to punish that one of dark fortune, and gave an order that henceforth they should call him Bī-daulat (wretch). Wherever in this record of fortune “Bī-daulat” is mentioned it will refer to him. From the kindnesses and favours bestowed upon him I can say that up till the present time no king has conferred such on his son. What my reverend father did for my brothers I have done for his servants, giving them titles, standards, and drums, as has been recorded in the preceding pages. It will not be hidden from the readers of this record of prosperity what affection and interest I have bestowed on him. My pen’s tongue fails in ability to set them forth. What shall I say of my own sufferings? In pain and weakness, in a warm atmosphere that is extremely unsuited to my health, I must still ride and be active, and in this state must proceed against such an undutiful son. Many servants cherished by me for long years and raised to the dignity of nobility, whom I ought to employ to-day in war against the Uzbeg or the Persian, I must punish[32] for his vileness and destroy with my own hand. Thank God that he has given me such capacity to bear my burdens that I can put up with all this, and go on in the same path, and reckon them as light. But that which weighs heavily on my heart, and places my eager temperament in sorrow is this, that at such a time when my prosperous sons and loyal officers should be vying with each other in the service against Qandahar and Khurasan, which would be to the renown of the Sultanate, this inauspicious one has struck with an axe the foot of his own dominion, and become a stumbling-block in the path of the enterprise. The momentous affair of Qandahar must now be postponed, but I trust that Almighty God will remove these griefs from my heart.
At this time it was reported to me that Muḥtarim K., the eunuch, K͟halīl Beg Ẕū-l-qadr, and Fidāʾī K., the Master of the Ceremonies, had allied themselves with Bī-daulat, and opened the gates of correspondence with him. As it was no time for mildness and winking at matters, I imprisoned all three, and as, after making inquiry into the circumstances, no doubt remained as to their falseness to their salt, and about the evil designs and malevolence of K͟halīl and Muḥtarim, and as Amirs like Mīrzā Rustam swore to the insincerity and malevolence of K͟halīl, having no remedy I punished them[33] capitally. Fidāʾī K., the dust of whose sincerity was free of suspicion and pure, I brought out of confinement and promoted. I sent Rāja Rūz-afzūn by post (dāk-chaukī) to my son S͟hāh Parwīz that he might bring him with all haste to wait on me; so that Bī-daulat might be brought to punishment for his improper conduct. Jawāhir K., the eunuch, was appointed to the post of Ihtimām-i-darbār-i-maḥall (superintendent of the harem).
On the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ the royal army arrived at Nūr-sarāy. On this day a report came from Iʿtibār K., that Bī-daulat had arrived in all haste in the neighbourhood of Agra, in the hope that before the fort was strengthened, the gates of strife and mischief might be opened, and he might attain his end. When he arrived at Fatḥpūr, he found the gates closed against him, and, being struck with the disgrace of ruin, he had halted. The K͟hān-k͟hānān and his son and many of the royal Amirs attached to the Deccan and Gujarat had come with him as companions on the road of rebellion and ingratitude. Mūsawī K. saw him at Fatḥpūr, and showed him the royal orders, and it was settled that he should send his servant Qāẓī ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz with him to Court to put his requests before me. He sent to Agra his servant Sundar,[34] who was the ringleader of the people of error and the chief of the seditious, to take possession of the treasures and hidden wealth of those servants of the State who were at Agra. Amongst[35] others he entered the house of Las͟hkar K., and seized Rs. 9,00,000. In the same manner, wherever he suspected there was property in the houses of other servants (of the Court), he stretched out his hand to seize it, and took possession of all that he found. When nobles like K͟hān-k͟hānān, who had been distinguished with the rank of Ātālīk and arrived at the age of seventy years, made their faces black with rebellion and ingratitude, how could one complain of others? It may be said that his very nature was seditious and ungrateful. His father (Bairam K.) at the end of his life behaved in the same unbecoming way towards my reverend father. He, following the example of his father, at his age made himself accursed and rejected to all eternity.
In the end a wolf’s cub becomes a wolf
Although he grow up with man. (Saʿdī.)
On this day Mūsawī K. arrived with ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, the envoy of Bī-daulat. As his requests were unreasonable, I did not allow him to speak, but handed him over to Mahābat to be kept in prison. On the 5th of the month I pitched on the bank of the river of Lūdiyāna (the Sutlej). I promoted K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the mansab of 7,000 with 5,000 horse. Rāja Bhārat, the Bandīla, from the Deccan, and Dayānat K. from Agra, came and waited on me. I pardoned the offences of Dayānat K., and gave him the same mansab that he had previously held. Rāja Bhārat was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and 1,000 horse, and Mūsawī K. to that of 1,000 and 300 horse. On Thursday, the 12th, in the pargana of Thānesar, Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, having waited on me, reviewed his army and elicited great praise. Rāja Sārang Deo was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 with 600 horse. In Karnāl Āṣaf K., coming from Agra, lifted up the head of honour in kissing my stirrup. His coming at this time was the herald of victory. Nawāzis͟h K., s. Saʿīd K., having arrived from Gujarat, paid his respects. When Bī-daulat was at Burhanpur, at his request I had appointed Bāqī K. to Jūnāgaṛh. He had been ordered to come to Court, and now came and shared in my service. As my march from Lahore took place without previous notice, and time did not admit of delay or reflection, I came with the few Amirs who were in attendance. Until I arrived at Sihrind only a few men had the good fortune to accompany me, but after passing beyond it, great numbers of the army came in from all sides and quarters. Before arrival at Delhi such a force had come together that in any direction in which one looked the whole plain was occupied by troops.
As it was reported that Bī-daulat had left Fatḥpūr and was coming in this direction, and making continuous marches towards Delhi, I gave the victorious army orders to put on their chiltas (quilted coats). In this disturbance the pivot of the management of affairs and the arrangement of the army were entrusted to Mahābat K. The command of the vanguard was given to ʿAbdu-llah K. Of the selected young men and experienced sipāhīs, whoever was asked for by him was enrolled in his corps. I ordered him to march a koss ahead of the other forces. He was also entrusted with the intelligence department and the control of the routes. I was ignorant of the fact that he was in league with Bī-daulat, and that the real object of that evil-natured one was to send news from my army to him. Previously to this he used to bring long written slips of true and false news, saying that his spies had sent them from that place. The purport was that they (the spies) suspected some of my servants of being in league with Bī-daulat, and of sending him news. Had I been led away by his intrigues and become alarmed at this time when the wind of disturbance was blowing strongly I would have been obliged to destroy many of my servants. Although some faithful servants suspected his evil intentions and untruthfulness, the time was not one for removing the veil openly from the face of his deeds. I guarded my eye and tongue from doing anything which might carry terror into his evil mind, and showed him more attention and favour than before, with the idea that possibly he would be struck with shame, and might turn away from his evil deeds, and give up his evil nature and sedition. That rejected one to all eternity, in whom a tendency to vileness and falsity was natural, did not fail to do what was in accordance with himself, as will be related hereafter.
The tree[36] that is bitter in its nature
If you plant it in the garden of Paradise,
And water it from the eternal stream thereof,
If you pour on its root pure honey,
In the end it shows its natural quality,
And it bears the same bitter fruit.
In fine, when I was near Delhi, Sayyid Bahwa Buk͟hārī, Ṣadr K., and Rāja Kis͟han Dās came out of the city, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Bāqir K., faujdār of Oudh, also on this day came to the victorious camp. On the 25th of the month, passing by Delhi, I pitched my camp on the bank of the Jumna. Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl Darbārī, having come from the Deccan, had the honour to pay his respects. He was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of Raja, and was clothed in a dress of honour. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies, was honoured with a standard.
[1] Date not given. The Iqbāl-nāma, 191, has “the 8th.” [↑]
[2] The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 192, speaks of a report of K͟hān Jahān that K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz Naqs͟hbandī, the governor of Qandahar, had a garrison of 3,000 men. [↑]
[3] Jahāngīr appears on this occasion to have forgotten the vow he made in the 13th year. See Elliot, VI. 362. Jahāngīr’s words are clear: “ba tīr u tufang andāk͟htam.” [↑]
[4] Apparently this is the Barahmūla Pass. It is mentioned in the Akbar-nāma, III. 480–81 and 558, but does not appear on modern maps. Jahāngīr refers to it in the account of the 15th year, p. 204, and says it is the last of the passes. [↑]
[6] The I.O. MS., No. 181, adds “and treasure.” [↑]
[7] “Wilson” Glossary, p. 60. Elliot, Supp. Glossary, I. 52. The word seems connected with barinj, “rice.” [↑]
[8] This is the poet Bābā T̤ālib Iṣfahānī of Blochmann, 607. [↑]
[10] Not that the question of the Deccan had been settled, but that S͟hāh Jahān had left Burhanpur and come to Māndū. See Iqbāl-nāma, 193. [↑]
[12] Tarkas͟h-bandān, literally quiver-holders. Apparently the meaning is that the archers who were footmen (see Blochmann, 254, about Dāk͟hilī troops) lost their vocation when guns came into use, and became cavalry soldiers. But the meaning in text may be that the archers took to practising with bows and arrows on horseback. It appears from a Dastūru-l-ʿamal in the I.O., No. 1,855 (E. 2736) that the tarkas͟h-bands were an inferior order of servants receiving 1,000 dams or less a year. They probably were not necessarily archers. [↑]
[13] The Achh Dal of the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 358. [↑]
[14] No. 181 has “at Vīrnāg.” [↑]
[15] Pāds͟hāh-nāma, I., Part II., p. 349. [↑]
[16] May also be read Uhar and Adhar. It is Adhar or Udhar in I.O. MSS. [↑]
[17] The Sind River of Kashmir is meant. Jarrett, II. 364. [↑]
[18] This seems a translation of Akbar’s word arīnās (enemy-destroying). [↑]
[19] Elliot, VI. 384, where Jhelam is a mistake. [↑]
[20] Pāds͟hāh-nāma, I., Part II., p. 339. His name was Mullā S͟hukru-llah, and he was from Shiraz. He is the Mirza Sorocolla of Roe. [↑]
[21] Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 194 and 196. It is stated there that Nūr Jahān would not allow Afẓal K. to have an audience, and that he was dismissed without gaining his object. [↑]
[22] See Iqbāl-nāma, 196, where it is said that these orders were not really given by Jahāngīr, but were Nūr Jahān’s. [↑]
[24] This alludes to the facts that Humāyūn promised S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp that he would restore the fort after he had conquered India, and that Akbar had acknowledged the justice of Persia’s claim. [↑]
[25] The clause is very obscure. Perhaps it is part of what Jahāngīr had said. [↑]
[26] Farzand-i-bark͟hūrdār. [↑]
[27] It is noteworthy that Jahāngīr does not attempt to controvert the statement of S͟hāh ʿAbbās that Qandahar rightfully belonged to Persia. There is a very long account in the ʿĀlam-ārāʾī of the claims of Persia to Qandahar, and of the various attempts made to realize them, until at last it was taken by S͟hāh ʿAbbās. See the account of the 35th year in the Teheran lithograph, p. 682, etc. The fort of Qandahar surrendered on 11 S͟haʿbān, 1031, or June 11, 1622. The Shah’s letter announcing the fact and explaining his procedure was presented by Ḥaidar Beg on 26 Ābān, 1031—i.e., early in November, 1622. He brought the officers of the garrison with him. See ʿĀlam-ārāʾī and the Tūzuk text, 348 (annals of the 17th year). [↑]
[29] These words do not appear in the I.O. MSS. And what is written in this chapter about the fates of K͟halīl and Muḥtarim, etc., does not agree with Muʿtamid’s writing in Iqbāl-nāma. [↑]
[31] Ḥuqūq ba-ʿuqūq, “rights into wrongs.” [↑]
[32] I rather think the meaning is “he by his baseness and illfatedness has capitally punished them, and has (as it were) slain them by his own hand,” the meaning being that they will fall in the civil war about to take place. [↑]
[33] Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 199. [↑]
[34] This is the man whom Jahāngīr had made Rāja Bikramājīt. [↑]
[36] The lines come from Firdūsī’s satire on Maḥmūd of Ghazni. [↑]