Figure 2.
Diagram of a Game.
From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty, neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his place Page 276in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children; or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual, or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.
It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.
Engagement and Marriage.—Since there are no clans or other groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.
Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made when they are six or eight years of age.
The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly, but through an intermediary, generally a relative, “who can talk much and well.” He carries with him three beads—one red, one yellow, and one agate,[39] which he offers “as an evidence of affection,” and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the pakálon[40] or price fixing. Page 277
On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable, it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time (cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle, and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao, jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted, especially by people in poor circumstances.
A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally interested in the successful termination of the match; for should it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time, and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be made until the marriage agreement is settled in full.
The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor circulates freely, the men sing daleng (cf. p. 440), and tadek (cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.
In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars are placed one above the other, “to serve as a table for the spirits who always attend.” A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its side is a spear decorated with a man's belt.
These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year, and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the groom is absent.
Following their engagement the children live with their parents until such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate [XIII]).
When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier writer[41] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride as Page 278a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.
The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should he do so, “he will have boils and the first child will be insane.”
The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water and a wooden dish[42] containing cooked rice. These are placed between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate [XIV]). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids them drink; for, “as the two beads always go together at the bottom, so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep you from becoming angry.”
Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits, but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally results in the annulling of the agreement.[43] Should anything in the dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once; to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However, it may be undertaken again a few days later.
The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration.[44] Page 279
That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them,[45] and under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the couple have drawn smoke;[46] she adds leaves of bamboo and agiwas, and washes their faces with the liquid, “to show that they now have all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from becoming insane; that the agiwas will keep them in health; and the bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it has many sprouts.” On their way home, the boy cuts a dangla shrub (Vitex negundo L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the door of their home, “so that they may have many children.”
Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed; for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse, they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or crossed eyes.
The next morning is known as sipsīpot (“the watching”). Accompanied by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, “so that the ground will yield good harvests” for them, and they will become rich.[47] Page 280
Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate[48] that in former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning, as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads, or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind; neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars, until other beads have been presented to her.
If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder, and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are brought in.[49]
A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the expense involved, and will be less likely to separate.
If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known as nagkakaló-nan. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess the Page 281whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets and dishes.
Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.
Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However, the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry at any time.
The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many concubines (pota), as he can secure. The pota lives in a house of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever to have won two or three women.
The pota is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or wife, or even a pota is almost certain to cause serious trouble, and is likely to end in a murder.
The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens that an unbetrothed girl, not a pota, is found to be pregnant. In such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the pota of her child's father.
Death and Burial.—Sickness and death are usually caused by unfriendly spirits;[50] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes those Page 282who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized as coming from human agency.
The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295 et seq.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.
A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, “so that his spirit[51] may be clean,” and is placed in a bamboo seat at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as sangádel, is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the floor in front.
The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets, belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of basi,—an offering to the spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.
The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.
Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings to be guarded against is Kadongáyan,[52] who in former times used to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the Page 283corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly instruction of Kabonīyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling.[53]
The spirit Ībwa is also much feared.[54] Long ago he used to mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the “lard” to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Sᴇlday, who demands blood or the corpse.
Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow (Plate [XVI]). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart.[55] According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head a Page 284large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial.[56] Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse, and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead.[57] Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.
According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the taboo.[58] During the first two days that the body is in the house, the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; but there is neither music, singing, or dancing.[59]
On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the yard, and after drinking basi they select one of their number and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod (Plate [XVII]). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes[60] to each man Page 285present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The avowed purpose of this whipping is “to make all the people feel as sorry as the relatives of the dead man.”
Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, “as it is much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave is also protected against the rain.” In Manabo and many mountain villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.
Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.