The Tinguian: Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe

by Fay-Cooper Cole

Social Organization. Government. The Village

The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the Igorot town, made up of several ato[1] but there is no indication that they have ever had such an institution.

The head of the village is known as lakay. He is usually a man past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, but this is by no means certain.

The lakay is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is actually very great. Should a lakay deal unjustly with the people, or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely through the esteem in which he is held by his people.

In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been established in many towns. The contest for office and government recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system and to concentrate the power in the presidente or mayor.

It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one Page 358or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.

These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal institutions.

Families of means attain a social standing above that of their less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest, neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent, solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.

The concubines, known as pota (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their children may become leaders in Tinguian society.

The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other members of the community.

On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about them. In Plate [XXXVI] is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.

It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo.[2] It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that Page 359at least a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act as priests, Roth states that they are unsexed before assuming their roles.

Laws.—Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The lakay and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking, they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions of the people, within a group, toward one another.

Rules governing the family.—A man may have only one wife, but he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold the Nagkakalonan or “trial of affection” (cf. p. 282), and if their charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense falls on the accusers.

The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine and a decree of divorce.

A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a pota, must give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as an heir to his estate.

Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the village; no one would associate with them, and their children would be disinherited.

A widow may remarry after the Layog ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all the property of her first husband goes to his children.

If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos to his family. Page 360

Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.

Inheritance.—Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.

Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them, but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest child the largest share, “since he has helped his parents longest.”

Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a pota receive a share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide for her, because of sickness or infirmity.

Transfer and sharing of property.—Land and houses are seldom transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain before the lakay and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.

If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to his charges.

Murder and Theft.—The relatives of a murdered man may kill his assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, the Page 361guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject to a small fine.

The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic, they will not be repeated here.

Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette.—Falling outside the realm of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that you are the smarter man.

It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to every one present, especially the elders.

Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never eat with the wife of another during his absence.

Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.

The Village (Plate [XXXVIII]).—A village generally consists of two or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority of a single lakay or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.

The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate [XXXIX]). The second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and Page 362oftentimes windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.

In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the other is the family sleeping-room.

The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates [XL]–[XLI]. A number of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground, crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate [XL] shows the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of cogon grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering is provided.

Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below, thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.

For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used (Plate [LXXVIII]). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes, or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of the people than the structures just described, but its possession is a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him as a man of affairs in his town.

The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept Page 363through the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits, and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the planked floor is a recent introduction.

Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.

Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.

The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for the spirits of the deceased.

With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,[3] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring Igorot.[4] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by La Gironière[5] at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times.[6]