FOOTNOTES:
[1] This, in its turn, is only a small part of a very extensive work, the general title of which is, Geschichte der Künst und Wissenschaften seit der Wiederherstellung derselben bis an das Ende des achtzenten Jahrhunderts, von einer Gesellschaft gelehrter männer ausgearbeitet. (History of Arts and Learning from their restoration to the end of the eighteenth century, by a society of learned men.) Different authors have each taken a part in this great literary enterprize, which may be said to form an Encyclopedia, though not on the usual plan of a dictionary.
[2] There is also a French translation of Bouterwek’s volume on Spanish literature, which, as far as it goes, is correct and well executed in point of style; but notwithstanding that the translator appears to have been capable of doing justice to the work, it is greatly mutilated. The Portuguese volume, which is in some respects the more valuable of the two, is not touched by the French translator.
[3] Letters from an English Traveller in Spain, in 1778, on the Origin and Progress of Poetry in that kingdom, London 1781.—This book was written by Mr. Dillon, author of “Travels through Spain,” “History of Peter the Cruel,” &c.
[4] Fought in the year 712.
[5] This remark, from the Indiculo luminoso of Bishop Alvaro of Cordova, is noticed in the preface to Du Cange’s Glossary, and is repeated by Velasquez in his History of Spanish Poetry, Dieze’s edition, page 33.—See also Eichhorn’s Allgemeine Geschichte der Cultur und Litteratur, vol. i. p. 121. The details of the history of Arabic poetry in Spain cannot be comprehended in a history of Spanish and Portuguese poetry. The bibliographic erudition on the subject of Arabic poetry, which Dieze has displayed in his remarks on Velasquez, does not belong to the subject of this work.
[6] Velasquez, Dieze, and other authors, furnish information on the history of the Biscayan language and poetry. This language, with the poetry to which it may have given birth, has had no influence on literature beyond its own territory, and appears to have had very little even there.
[7] How sensibly the neglect of the Catalonian or Valencian tongue, after the union of the kingdoms of Arragon and Castile, was felt in the provinces which belonged to the former, may be seen from the passage quoted by Eichhorn, in his Allg. Gesch. der Cul. u. Litt. vol. i. page 129, from Scuolano’s History of Valencia. But the pleasing language of the Troubadours was doubtless very defective. It would otherwise have been difficult to have made the Catalonian poets so soon proselytes to the Castilian dialect, especially as, besides the difference of language, the natural jealousy between the Arragonian and Castilian provinces was strong enough to manifest itself by political effects even in the eighteenth century. The imperfection of the Troubadour phraseology may have been partly owing to its fluctuations, and the various forms it assumed, in the several dialects. The difference of the dialects appears particularly evident on comparing the real Provençal of the French Troubadours with the Valencian, called Lengua Vallenciana. The dialect of the Provençal Troubadours may, without much difficulty, be translated by conjecture, if the reader be acquainted with French and Italian; but the meaning of the Valencian cannot be so easily guessed at, even with the additional knowledge of Castilian. As a proof of this, it will be sufficient to peruse a passage of the Libre de los Dones, of Mosen, [that is, Monsieur, instead of the Castilian Don] Jaume [James] Roig, reprinted in Valencia, 1735, in 4to. The author is one of the last poets who wrote in the Valencian dialect, and the whole didactic poem, if so it may be called, is composed in short verses of the following description:
Yo com absent
Del mon vivint,
Aquell linquint
Aconortat,
Del apartat
Dant hi del peu,
Vell jubileu
Mort civilment,
Ja per la gent
Desconegut,
Per tots tengut
Con hom selvatge
Tenint ostatge, &c. &c.
Owing to the difference of the dialects, a foreigner might, by a short residence in Madrid, learn to express himself in Castilian with more fluency than it is spoken by a great part of the inhabitants of the Arragonian provinces.
[8] At least such is the opinion of Gregorio Mayans y Ziscar, given in his work, known under the title of Origenes de la Lengua Española, part i. page 8.
[9] An old prejudice attributes the forcible aspiration which the Spanish shares in common with the German and Arabic, solely to the mixture of the latter with the Castilian. This prejudice is pardonable in the Spaniards, who are not aware of the influence which the German guttural must have had over their language; but the Germans, who know the nature of their mother tongue, ought to recollect that the same Arabic words which are strongly aspirated by the Spaniards, are pronounced by the Portuguese, though equally naturalized among them, with a hissing sound. Besides, how does it happen that the G before E and I, which is a guttural with the Germans, has nearly the same sound with the Castilians, though it is never so pronounced by any other people whose language appears to have risen on the ruins of that of ancient Rome? The Germanic pronunciation of the Visigoths, which was doubtless preserved in the mountains of Castile, would afterwards be easily confounded with the Arabic. The Castilian conversion of O into UE, also resembles the change which takes place in German of O into OE. Let, for instance, the Spanish Cuerpo and Pueblo be compared with the German Körper and Pöbel.
[10] The Portuguese language would perhaps be less depreciated by the Spaniards, if it did not remind them of the vulgar idiom spoken by the Galician water-carriers in Madrid. On the contrary, the Portuguese think the Castilian language inflated, and at the same time rough and also affected. Both nations are as little disposed to come to an agreement on the merits of their respective languages as the Danes and Swedes are regarding theirs; for the Castilian and Portuguese are, like the Danish and Swedish, only two conflicting dialects of the same tongue. The Swedes admit that the Danish language exceeds their own in softness, though they consider that softness disagreeable, and the harsher Swedish more sonorous on account of the greater abundance and fulness of its vowel sounds; thus, precisely in the same manner, do the Spaniards condemn the softness of the Portuguese tongue. The elision of the letter L in a great number of Portuguese words, as in COR, PAÇO, for color, palacio, and the remarkable change of L into R, as in branco, brando, for blanco, blando, are peculiarities of that language to which foreigners do not easily reconcile themselves.
[11] The first essay towards a history of the Portuguese language, and an introduction to Portuguese orthography, were published in Lisbon at the time when Portugal was a Spanish province.—Duarte Nunez de Liaõ, the author of both works, was a statesman and magistrate. (Desembargador da Camara da Supplicaçaõ.) The former is entitled Origem da Lingoa Portugueza, Lisb. 1606, in 8vo. It is dedicated to Philip III. king of Spain, who is, however, on this occasion merely addressed as Dom Phelipe II. de Portugal. In the preface the author states his other, but older work, (Orthographia da Lingoa Portugueza, Lisb. 1576, in 8vo.) to be the first of the kind. The Portuguese have, however, for two centuries laboured with as little success as the Germans, to introduce uniformity of orthography into their language. The convertible M and AÕ appear to have been so early selected to denote the French nasal tone which occurs in numerous final syllables, that Nunez de Liaõ found it necessary to acquiesce in the custom, according to which the same word might be very differently written, as naçaõ or naçam, naõ or nam, pronounced nearly as nassaong and naong, with the French sound of on, bon. But it surely could not have been very difficult to dispossess the totally unnecessary and barbarous H in hum and huma (from the latin unus and una) of the place it had assumed, as it is now banished from elegant Portuguese orthography. Trifles of this kind present more materials for reflection than a first view gives reason to expect. When the orthography of a country continues to be an object of reform, that nation is deficient in a certain degree of refinement, the attainment of which has either been missed, or the right pursuit of which is but just commenced. Indeed what necessity is there for the French, Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese, writing the same sound, occurring in the same word, in four different ways, as for example, bataille, battaglia, batalla, batalha?
[12] Nothing could be more improper than to follow Du Cange, (Glossar. praef. § 34, sq.) in dividing the vulgare idioma of the present inhabitants of the Pyrenean Peninsula into the Castellanum, Limosinum, and Vasconicum.
[13] A particular account of the Limosin poetry, even in its last period, which is late enough to come into the division of time called the latter ages, does not belong to the history of modern poetry. It ought to be treated as the last part of the chivalrous poetry of the middle ages.—See the notices in Velasquez and Dieze, p. 45, and the still more instructive sketch of the history of Limosin poetry, in Eichhorn’s Gesch. der Cult. u. Litt. vol. i. p. 123.
[14] That the Portuguese and the Galician were originally not to be distinguished from each other, is expressly stated by that attentive observer of the forms of his native language, Nunez de Liaõ, who says, As quaes ambas, (namely, the Portuguese and the Galician tongues) eraõ antigamente quasi huma mesma nas palavras, e diphthongos, e pronunciação, que as outras partes de Hespanha naõ tem. Origem da Lingoa Portugueza, cap. VI.
[15] Velasquez, who felt this, thought fit when he read the Lusiade de Camões, to pay a particular compliment to the author, at the expense of the Portuguese language; for, after delivering the same opinion on that language, which is entertained by most Spaniards, he very elegantly adds: “the muses thought otherwise when they spoke through the mouth of Camoens.”
[16] Cada fuente de Portugal y cada monte son Hippocrenes y Parnassos, says Manuel de Faria y Sousa, in his Epitome de las Historias Portugueses. Father Sarmiento, a Spanish author, whom national prejudice does not prevent from doing justice to the Portuguese, mentions this observation in his instructive Memorias para la Poesia Española.
[17] The word is used in this extensive sense by Sarmiento in his Memorias, or as the book is sometimes called, Obras posthumas, parte i. p. 168. Authors are far from being agreed respecting the origin of the term redondillas, (according to the Portuguese orthography redondilhas.) But is not the word more naturally derived from redondo (round), than from a small town called Redondo? Instead of redondillas, these compositions are sometimes named redondillos, the word versos being understood. In German they might be called ringelverse (circular verses.)
[18] Shall it be said that there is, in the German language, no kind of verse which unites to so much grace, a character so truly popular! Let Burger’s Nachtfeier der Venus be considered, before this be determined. Even the Esthonian Serfs, on the coast of the Baltic, chaunt their simple ballads in the same measure. Proof of this may be seen on reference to Petri’s Nachrichten von den Esthen, vol. ii. p. 69.
[19] Among others, Sarmiento, who in support of this opinion, quotes some verses from Virgil, for example: Inter viburna cupressi—Tondenti barba cadebat, &c. These verses have, it is true, eight syllables, but not four trochaic feet.
[20] How does it happen that none of the Spanish authors have taken notice of the ancient songs sung by the Roman soldiers, though they are evidently redondillas? Suetonius has preserved some remarkable examples of these songs; and the same measure occurs after the decline of latin poetry, particularly in some pious verses of Prudentius, which are quoted by Sarmiento.
[21] After examining Arabic verses, written in the European manner, it cannot be difficult, even for persons unacquainted with the language, to form a sufficient idea of the influence which the monotonic rhymes of the Moors had on the old Castilian romances. See, for example, the following passage of the Koran:
Va sciamsi, va dhohàha,
Val Kamari eda talàha,
Van nahari, eda giallàha,
Val Laïli eda jagsciàha.
But the Spanish ear required some variety, and accordingly preferred a predominant to a single unchanging rhyme. Thus in the romance:—
Media noche era por hilo;
Los gallos querian cantar
Donde Claros con amores
No podia reposar,
Quanto muy grandes sospiros
Que el amor se hazia dar, &c. &c.
[22] Such rimas asonantes as occur in the words noble and pone, dolor and corazon, are easily recognized. But from some old Spanish romances, it appears that the return of the same consonants sometimes supplies the place of an assonant rhyme; for example, when the words baxo, crucifixo, enojo, &c. follow each other at short intervals.
[23] See what is stated by Sarmiento, p. 191, from an old letter of the Marquis of Santillana, of which more particular notice must soon be taken in this work.
[24] The Spanish and Portuguese versos de arte mayor very much resemble some of the English popular ballads, with regard to their measure. There is, however, in the rudest of the Spanish and Portuguese strophes of this kind, more real rhythmus, than even in the modern popular songs of the English. An old political song, by Juan de Mena, commences thus:—
Como, el, que duerme con la pesada,
Que quiere y no puede jamas acordar,
Mas si lo puede á la fin desechar,
Queda la mente con el desvelada, &c.
[25] Sarmiento has written at sufficient length on the origin of the Castilian romances, but the information he gives is more copious than satisfactory. It would require the most laborious investigation, joined to the highest critical sagacity, to penetrate the obscurity in which this part of the history of literature is involved. How indeed can it be ascertained to what age a ballad belongs, the author of which is unknown, and which, in the progressive improvement of the language and the national taste, has been, without scruple, altered by the singers?
[26] These monuments of old Castilian rhyme were little known until rescued from oblivion in 1775 by the publication of D. Thomas Antonio Sanchez’s Coleccion de Poesias Castellanas Anteriores al siglo XV. a work which in respect to philology is certainly very meritorious. The collection, however, appears to terminate with the third volume, (Madrid, 1782), which contains the Poema de Alexandra Magno. The first volume contains the celebrated letter of the Marquis de Santillana on the ancient Spanish poetry, which, for the first time, is printed in that volume, with a commentary by the publisher, full of philological learning.
[27] For example, in the following passage which Sarmiento has also quoted; the language, too, differs less from the present Spanish in this, than in many other parts of the work.
De los sus ojos tan fuertemente llorando,
Tornaba la cabeça, e estavalos catando.
Vio puertas abiertas, e uzos sin canados,
Alcandaras vacìas sin pieles e sin mantos
E sin falcones, e sin azores, mudados.
Sospirò mio Zid; ca mucho aviè grandes cuidados.
Fablò mio Zid bien, e tan mejorado:
Grado á ti, Señor Padre, que estas en alto.
Esto me han envuelto mìs enemigos malos, &c.
[28] He states at the beginning of the work the importance he placed on the labour of the rhyme, which he seems to have particularly valued, because he made four lines always rhyme together in succession:—
Mester trago fremoso, no es de juglaria,
Mester es sen pecado, ca es de clerecia.
Fablar curso rimado por la quaderna via
Per silabas cantadas, ca es grant maestria.
El padre a vii. años metiole a leer,
Diole a maestros ornados de seso e de saber,
Los megores que pudo in Grecia escoger,
Que lo sopiessen en las vii. artes emponer
Aprend de las vii. artes cada dia licion
De todas cada dia facia disputacion, &c.
[30] Sarmiento and Sanchez may be consulted respecting those enquiries. Some notices on the same topics are also to be found in Velasquez. Had Berceo composed verses on temporal subjects, it is probable that the Spanish writers would not have disputed with so much zeal on the merits of his life. It is curious, that the pious author himself calls his verse prose. The passage runs thus:—
Quiero far una prosa in Roman paladino,
En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su vecino,
Ca non so tan letrado a far otro latino.
Bien valdra, como ereo, un vaso de bon vino.
[31] Having stated that he learnt his art from an Egyptian, whom he invited from Alexandria, Alphonso adds:—
La piedra que llaman philosophal
Sabia facer, e me la enseñó,
Fizimoslo juntos, despues solo yo;
Con que muchas veces creció mi caudal.
The chemical prescriptions have a very quaint effect, as delivered in the dancing measure of these verses, viz.
Tomad el mercurio assi como sale
De minas de tierra con limpia pureza.
Purgadlo con cueros par la su maleza,
Porque mas limpieza en esto mi cale.
E porque su peso tan solo se iguale,
Con doze onzas del dicho compuesto,
En vaso de vidro despues de ser puesto.
Otra materia en esto non vale.
This extract may also serve as an example of the rhythmical facility displayed in the verses of Alphonso.
[32] Histoire générale des Troubadours, tom. ii. pag. 255, tom. iii. pag. 329, &c.
[33] Sarmiento refers the oldest Castilian romances to the thirteenth century, but only hypothetically, and with the explicit declaration, that certainly none were to be found in the form in which they then existed. Respecting the Nicolas and the Antonio de los Romances, see the notes of Dieze on Velasquez, p. 146.
[34] See the Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus of Nicolas Antonio, under the head of Alphonso XI. and Sarmiento, p. 305.
[35] A sensible and well digested biography of this prince, by Gonzalo de Argote y Molina, a writer of the sixteenth century, is prefixed to El Conde Lucanor, the first edition of which Argote superintended. The work is not easily procured even in Spain. No es de los mas communes, says Sarmiento. In the library of the university of Göttingen there is a copy of the edition: Madrid, 1642, 4to.
Si algun bien fizieres, que chico assaz fuere,
Fazlo granado; que el bien nunca muere.
Quien te conseja encobrir de tus amigos,
Engañar te quiere assaz, y sin testigos.
No aventures mucho tu riqueza
Por consejo de ome que ha pobreza.
Quien bien see, non se lieve.
Quien te alabare con lo que non has en ti,
Sabe, que quiere relever lo que has de ti.
[41] As this work is as scarce as it is curious, to extract the whole of the first tale will perhaps be agreeable to the reader. Fablava un dia el Conde Lucanor con Patronio su Consejero, en esta manera. Patronio, vos sabedes que yo soy muy caçador, y he fecho muchas caças nuevas, que nunca fizo otro ome, y aun he fecho y añadido en los capillos y en las piguelas algunas cosas muy aprovechosas, que nunca fueron fechas, y aora los que quieren dezir mal de mi fablan en escarnio en alguna manera, y quando loan al Cid Ruydias, o al Conde Ferrand Gonzalez, de quantas lides que fizieron, o al santo y bienaventurado Rey don Ferrando, quantas buenas conquistas fizo, loan a mi, diziendo que fiz muy buen fecho, porque añadi aquello en los capillos y en las piguelas. Y porque yo entiendo, que este alabamiento mas se me torna en denuesto, que en alabamiento, ruego vos que me a consejedes en que manera faré, porque no me escarnezcan por la buena obra que fiz. Señor Conde, dixo Patronio, para que vos sepades lo que vos cumple de fazer en esto, plazeme ya que sopiessedes lo que contescio a un moro, que fue Rey de Cordova. El Conde la preguntó como fuera aquello; Patronio le dixo assi.
Huvo en Cordova un Rey Moro, que huvo nombre Alhaquime, y como quier que mantenia bien assaz su Reyno, no se trabajó de fazer otra cosa honrada, nin de gran fama, de las que suelen y deven fazer los Reyes. Ca non tan solamente son los Reyes tenudos de guardar sus Reynos, mas los que buenos quieren ser, conviene que tales obras fagan, porque con derecho acrecienten sus Reynos, y fagan en guisa, que en su vida sean muy mas loados de las gentes, y despues de su muerte finqueen buenas fazañas de las obras que ellos ovieren fecho. E este Rey non se trabajava de esto, si non de comer, y de folgar, y de estar en su casa vicioso; y acaescio, que estando un dia que tañian ante el un estormento de que se pagavan mucho los moros, que há nombre Albogon, e el Rey paró mientes, y entendio que non fazia tan buen son como era menester, y tomó el Albogon, y añadio en el un forado a la parte de yuso, en derecho de los otros forados, y dende en adelante fazia el Albogon muy mejor son que fasta entonces fazia. E comoquiera que aquello era bien fecho para en aquella cosa, pero que non era tan gran fecho como convenia de fazer al Rey. E las gentes en manera de escarnio començaron a loar aquel fecho, y dezian quando llamavan a alguno en Arabigo, Vahedezut Alhaquime, que quiere dezir: este es el añadimiento del Rey Alhaquime. Esta palabra fue sonada tanto por la tierra, fasta que lo ovo de oir el Rey, y preguntó, porque dezian las gentes aqueste palabra. E conaquier que ge lo quisieran negar y encubrir, tanto los afincó, que ge lo ovieron a dezir. E desque esto oyó tomó ende gran peçar, pero como era muy buen Rey, non quiso fazer mal a los que dezian aquesta palabra, mas puso en su coraçon de facer otro añadimiento, de que por fuerza oviessen las gentes a loar el su fecho. E entonce porque la su mezquita de Cordova non era acabada, añadio en ella aquel Rey toda la labor que hi menguava, y acabóla. Y esto fue la mejor, y mas complida, y mas noble mesquita que los moros avian en España. E loado Dios es aora Iglesia, y llamanla Santa Maria de Cordova, y ofresciola el santo Rey don Fernando a Santa Maria quando ganó a Cordova de los Moros. E desque aquel Rey ovo acabado la mesquita, y fecho aquel tan buen añadimiento, dixo, que pues fasta entonces lo avian a escarnio, retrayendole del añadimiento que fiziera en el Albogon, que tenia que de alli adelante le avrian a loar con razon del añadimiento que fiziera en la mezquita de Cordova, y fue despues muy loado: y el loamiento que fasta entonces le fazian escarnesciendole, fincò despues por loa, y oy dia dizen los Moros quando quieren loar algun buen hecho:—Este es el añadimiento del Rey Alhaquime. E vos, Señor Conde, si tomades pesar, o cuidades que vos loan por escarnescer del añadimiento, que fezistes en los capillos, y en las piguelas, y en las otras cosas de caça que vos fezistes, guisad de fazer algunos fechos granados e nobles que les pertenesce de facer a los grandes omes. E por fuerça las gentes avran de loar los vuestros buenos fechos, assi como loan aora por escarnio en el añadimiento que fezistes de la caça. E el Conde tovo este por buen consejo y fizolo assí, e fallose dello muy bien. E porque don Juan entendio que esta era buen exemplo, fizolo escrivir en este libro, y fizo estos versos, que dizen assi:
Si algun bien fizieres, que chico asaz fuere,
Fazlo granado, que el bien nunca muere.
[42] Thus in the first stories the old word ome stands for hombre; but in those towards the end of the collection it is changed to hombre.
[43] Argote y Molina enumerates the prose works of this prince in the before-mentioned biography. He notices the poems in an appendix to his edition of El Conde Lucanor, entitled Discurso sobre la poesia Española. Though the appendix occupies only a few pages, it contains many interesting observations.
[44] The following romance, which is inserted without interpunctuation, as it appears in the original, may serve for a specimen of those to which the name of Don Juan Manuel is attached. It is certainly not the worst of its kind; and must have found its way by some lucky accident into the Cancionero general, which contains scarcely any narrative romances. It is also found in another Cancionero de Romances, under the title of Romance de Don Juan Manuel.
Gritando va el cavallero
publicando su gran mal
vestidas ropas de luto
aforrados en sayal
por los montes sin camino
con dolor y sospirar
llorando a pie descalço
jurando de no tornar
adonde viesse mugeres
por nunca se consolar
con otro nuevo cuydado
que le hiziesse olividar
la memoria de sua amiga
que murio sin la gozar
va buscar las tierras solas
para en ellas habitar
en una montaña espesa
no cercana de lugar
hizo casa de tristura
qu’es dolor de la nombrar
d’una madera amarilla
que llaman desesperar
paredes de canto negro
y tambien negra la cal
las tejas puso leonadas
sobre tablas de besar
el suelo hizo de plomo
porque es pardillo metal
las puertas chapadas dello
por su trabajo mostrar
y sembro por cima el suelo
secas hojas deparral
cado no se esperan bienes
esperança no ha destar
en aquesta casa escura
que hizo para penar
haze mas estrecha vida
que los frayles del paular
que duermen sobre sarmientos
y aquellos son su maniar
lo que llora es lo que beve
aquello torna a llorar
no mas d’una vez al dia
por mas se debilitar
del color de la madera
mando una pared pintar
un dosel de blanca seda
en ella mando parar
y de muy blanco alabastro
hizo labrar un altar
con canfora betumado
de raso blanco el frontal
puso el bulto de su amiga
en el para le adorar
el cuerpo de plata fina
el rostro era de cristal
un brial vestido blanco
de damasco singular
mongil de blanco brocado
forrado en blanco cendal
sembrado de lunas llenas
señal de casta final
en la cabeça le puso
una corona real
guarnecida de castañas
cogidas del castañal
lo que dize la castaña
es cosa muy de notar
las cinco letras primeras
el nombre de la sin par
murio de veynte y dos años
por mas lastima dexar
la su gentil hermosura
quien quel sepa loar
qu’es mayor que la tristura
del que la mando pintar
en lo qu’ el passa su vida
es en la siempre mirar
cerro la puerta al plazer
abrio la puerta al pesar
abrio la para quedarse
pero no para tornar.
All the songs attributed to Don Juan Manuel in the Cancionera have a form and structure, which render it probable that they belong to the age in which El Conde Lucanor was written; one, for example, begins thus:
Quien por bien servir alcanza
Vivir triste y desamado,
Este tal
Deve tener confianza,
Que le traera este cuydado
A mayor mal.
Another which belongs to the class, called Villancios possesses more poetical merit. It commences thus:—
Muerto es ya, muerto, Señora,
El triste que en ley de Amor
Era vuestro servitor.
La muerte pudo matalle,
Pues le distes ocasion,
Pero no pudo quitalle
De teneros aficion.
O pena sin redemcion,
Que pena el triste amador
En los infiernos de Amor.
[45] Sarmiento only briefly notices this arch-priest, and Nicolas Antonio has entirely overlooked him. But Velasquez pays particular attention to him, and gives a long extract from his work.
[46] As a specimen by which justice will be done the author, it is sufficient to quote the following passage, which is printed by Velasquez. Don Amor says:—
Entrada de quaresma viume para Toledo;
Cuidé estar vicioso, plasentero e ledo.
Fallé y gran santiadad, e fisome estar quedo.
Pocos me recibieron, niu me ficieron del dedo.
Estaba en un palacio pintado de Almagra.
Vino a me mucho Dueña de mucho aguno magra
Con muchos paternostres e con oracion agra, &c.
[47] The celebrated letter of the Marquis de Santillana, which must be more particularly noticed hereafter, contributes its part in illustrating the history of this period. Much however is not to be learned from the letter itself. The commentary on it by Sanchez, in the first volume of the before-mentioned Coleccion, is far more instructive.
[48] Whoever wishes to become acquainted with the controversies on the early literature of knight-errantry, should resort to Nicolas Antonio, and compare what he says with Eichhorn’s learned view of the subject, including the necessary references, in his Allg. Gesch. der Cult. u. Litt. Theil I. p. 136, &c. Nunez de Liaõ, in his Origem de Lingoa Portugueza, also mentions Lobeira as the author of Amadis de Gaul.
[49] The merit of the Amadis was not overlooked by Cervantes. In the judgment passed on Don Quixote’s library, the Curate wishes to condemn this work first of all to the flames, because, being the parent of all the books of knight-errantry in Spain, it was therefore the great cause of Don Quixote’s malady; but the Barber, or rather Cervantes, speaking in that character, says, “No, friend; for I have heard it remarked that the Amadis is the best book of the kind ever written; it ought therefore to be spared as a peculiar specimen of art.” Whoever may be desirous of making the Amadis re-appear in a state capable of being relished in the present times, must, above all things, take care to preserve the ingenuous simplicity of the stile, or the work will be wholly disfigured.
[50] The titles of all the collections of romances need not be given here. A considerable part of them may be found in Velasquez, with additions by Dieze, (p. 442, &c.) and Blankenburg’s Zusätzen zu Sulzer’s Wörterbuche. I have before me several collections, which contain some of the oldest romances I am acquainted with. The best of these collections is entitled: Cancionero de Romances, en que estan recopilados la mayor parte de los Romances Castellanos, que hasta agora se han compuesto. Nuevamento corregido y añadido en muchos partes. Anvers 1555, 8vo. In the well known Romancero general none of the pieces which derive their materials from knight-errantry romances are to be found.
[51] The following romance, derived from that work, gives an artless description of the sufferings of Amadis on the barren rock.
En la selva esta Amadis
el leal enamorado
tal vida estava haziendo
qual nunca hizo Christiano
cilicio trae vestido
a sus carnes apretado
con diciplinas destruye
su cuerpo muy delicado
llagado de las heridas
y en su señora pensando
no ce canoce en su gesto
segun lo trae delgado
de ayunos y d’abstinencias
andava debilitado
la barva trae crecida
deste mundo se ha apartado
las rodillas tiene en tierra
y en su coraçon echado
con gran humildad os pide
perdon si avia errado
al alto dios poderoso
por testigo ha publicado
y acordado se le avia
del amor suyo passado
que assi le derribo
de su sentido y estado
con estas grandes passiones
amortecido ha quedado
el mas leal amador
que en el mundo fue hallado.
[52] According to Sarmiento (p. 228,) it is usual to say, Este no vale las coplas de Calainos. But it is not therefore to be inferred, that the ancient romance of that name is the worst of the kind.
[53] It will be sufficient to cite, in support of this opinion, the romance of the Conde Alarcos, which is, besides, distinguished from most of the other romances by greater richness of composition. It opens in a very simple manner with a description of the sorrow of the Infante Solesa, who, after being secretly betrothed to Count Alarcos, has been abandoned by him.
Retraida està la Infanta
Bien assi como salia,
Viviendo muy descontenta
De la vida que tenia,
Vienda ya que se pasava
Toda la flor de su vida.
The fair Infanta midst the court
A look of sorrow wears,
Told by an aching heart how she
Is doom’d to pass her years;
For far from her is ever flown
The early bloom of life——
At length, after Count Alarcos has been long married, the forsaken princess discloses her seduction to her father. This scene is strongly painted, but not overcharged: the king is transported by rage and indignation; his honour appears to him so wounded, that nothing but the death of the Countess can be a sufficient satisfaction. He has an interview with the Count, addresses him courteously, represents the case to him with chivalrous dignity as a point of justice and honour, and concludes by categorically demanding the death of his lady. Thus the developement of the story commences in a manner, which, though most singular, is perhaps not unnatural, when the ideas of the age to which the composition belongs are considered. The Count conceives himself bound as a man of honour to give the king the satisfaction he desires. He promises to comply with his demand, and proceeds on his way home. There is a touching simplicity in the picture which is here drawn.
Llorando se parte el Conde,
Llorando, sin alegria,
Llorando a la Condessa,
Que mas que a sì la queria.
Lloraba tambien el Conde
Por tres hijos que tenia,
El una era de teta,
Que la Condessa lo cria,
Que no queria mamar
De tres amas, que tenia,
Sino era de su madre.
Weeping he homeward wends his way,
His grief nought can remove,
Because his tears are shed for her
He more than life doth love.
He weepeth too for his three sons,
In youth and beauty dear;
The youngest boy a suckling still,
The Countess’ self doth rear.
For, save his mother, none he lov’d,
Though he had nurses three,
Nor by the milk of other breasts
Would alimented be.
The pathetic interest now rises gradually to the highest pitch of tragic horror. The Countess, who receives her husband with the wonted marks of affection, in vain enquires the cause of his melancholy. He sits down to supper with his family, and again we have a situation painted with genuine feeling, though with little art.
Sentose el Conde a la mesa,
No cenava, ni podia,
Con sus hijos al costado,
Que muy mucho los queria.
Echo se sobre los hombros,
Hizo, como se dormia,
De lagrimas de sus ojos
Toda la mesa cubria.
The board is laid, he takes his place,
Where viands tempt in vain,
For near him his lov’d children are,
Now lov’d, alas! with pain.
In seeming sleep with head reclin’d,
He tries to hide his woe;
But from his eyes the big tears roll,
And o’er the table flow.
The apparent fatigue of the Count induces the Countess to accompany him to his apartment. When they enter, the Count fastens the door, relates what has passed, and desires his lady to prepare for death.
De morir aveis, Condessa,
Antes que amenesca el dia.
O Countess, thou art doom’d to die,
Before the morning’s dawn.
She begs him to spare her only for her children’s sake. The Count desires her to embrace for the last time the youngest, whom she has brought with her into the room asleep in her arms.
Abrazad este chiquito,
Que aquesto es el que os perdia.
Peso me de vos, Condessa,
Quanta pesar me podia.
Give to that babe one parting kiss,
That babe for whom thou’rt lost;
Beshrew me—but I pity thee—
I who need pity most.
She submits to her hard fate, and only asks for time to say an ave maria. The Count desires her to be quick. She falls on her knees, and pours forth a brief but fervent prayer; she then requests a few moments more delay, that she may once more give suck to her infant son. What modern poet would have thought of introducing so exquisite a touch of nature? The Count forbids her to wake the child. The unfortunate lady forgives her husband, but predicts that, within thirty days, the king and his daughter will be summoned before the tribunal of the Almighty. The Count strangles her.
Echole por la garganta
Una toca que tenia,
Apreto con los dos manos,
Con la fuerza que podia.
No le afloxo la garganta,
Mentre que vida tenia.
In the conclusion, the fulfilment of the unfortunate Countess’s prophecy is briefly related. On the twelfth day the princess died, on the twentieth the king, and on the thirtieth the Count himself expired.
[54] Those in the Cancionero de Romances are of this kind. (See the remark, p. 35.)
[55] Sarmiento counted one hundred and two romances relative to the Cid, in one collection. Only some of them are inserted in the Romancero general, interspersed among others.
[56] In the following romance, for instance, the assonance is very skilfully managed.
Fizo hazer al Rey Alfonso
el Cid un solene juro,
delante de muchos Grandes,
que se hallaron en Burgos.
Mandò que con el viniessen
doze cavalleros juntos,
para que con el jurassen,
cada qual uno por uno.
Por la muerte de su Rey,
que le mataron seguro,
en el cerco de Zamora,
a traycion junto del muro.
Y quando en el templo santo
estuvieron todos juntos
levantose de su escaño,
y el Cid aquesto propuso.
Por aquesta santa casa
donde estamos en de ayuso,
que fabledes la verdad,
de aquesto que aqui os pregunto.
Si fuystes vos Rey la causa,
o de los vuestros alguno,
en la muerte de don Sancho
tengays la muerto que tuvo!
Todos responden Amen,
mas el Rey quedò confuso,
pero por cumplir el voto,
respondio, la mismo juro.
Y con la rodilla en tierra
por fazer su cortes uso,
el Cid delante del Rey,
assi le fablò sañudo.
Si ayer no os besa la mano,
sabed Rey que non me plugo,
y si aora os la besare
será de mí grado, y gusto.
Aquesto que aqui he fablado
no ha fecho agravio a ninguno,
porque lo devo a don Sancho
como buen vassallo suyo.
Pero sino lo fiziera
que dara yo por injusto,
y no por buen cavallero,
me tuvieran en el mundo.
Y si ha parecido mal
a los de vuesso consulto,
en el campo los aguardo,
con mi espada, y lança en puño.
[57] Of this kind is the following romance, in which the Cid takes leave of Ximena. It is obviously one of the more modern.
Al arma, al arma sonavan
los pifaros y atambores,
guerra, fuego, sangre dizen
sus espantosos clamores:
el Cid apresta su gente,
todos se ponen en orden
quando llorosa y humilde,
le dize Ximena Gomez:
Rey de mi alma, y desta tierra Conde,
porque me dexas? donde vas, a donde?
Que sì eres marte en la guerra,
eres Apolo en la Corte,
donde matas bellas damas,
como alla Moros feroces.
Ante tus ojos se postran,
y de rodillas se ponen
los Reyes Moros, y hijas,
de Reyes Christianos nobles,
Rey de mi alma, &c.
Ya truecan todos los guerras,
por luzidos morriones,
por arneses de Milan,
los blandos pechos de Londres,
las calças por duras grevas,
por mallas guantas de flores:
mas nos otros trocaremos
las almas y coraçones.
Rey de mi alma, &c.
Viendo las duras querellas,
de su querida consorte,
no puede sufrir el Cid,
que no la consuele y llore.
Enxugad señora, dize,
los ojos hasta que torne:
ella mirando los suyos,
supena publica a vozes.
Rey de mi alma, &c.
[58] A zealous orthodox author speaks with much warmth on this subject in a romance which commences, “Tanta Zayda, y Adalifa.” Among other things he says:
Renegaron a su ley
Los romancistes de España,
Y ofrecieron a Mahoma
Los primicios de sus gracias.
Cabelleros Granadinos,
Aunque moros, hijos d’álgo.
Las huestes de don Rodrigo
desmayavan y huyan,
quando en la octava batalla
sus enemigos vencian,
Rodrigo dexa sus tierras
y del real se salia,
solo va el desventurado
que non lleva compañia
el cavallo de cansado
ya mudar no se podia,
camina por donde quiere
que no le estorva la via
el rey va tan desmayado
que sentido no tenía,
muerto va de sed y hambre
que de vella era manzilla
yva tan tinto de sangre
que una brasa parecia
las armas lleva abolladas
que eran de gran pedreria,
la espada lleva hecha sierra
de los golpos que tenia.
el almete de abollado
en la cabeça se hundia
la cara llevava hinchada
del trabajo que sufria,
subiose encima de un cerro
al mas alto que veya,
dende alli mira su gente
como yva de vencida
d’alli mira sus vanderas
y estandartes que tenia,
como estan todos pisados
que la tierra los cubria,
mira por los capitanes
que ninguno parescia,
mira el campo tinto en sangre
la qual arroyos corria
el triste de ver aquesto
gran manzilla en si tenia
llorando de los sus ojos
desta manera dezia,
Ayer era Rey d’España
oy no lo soy de una villa,
ayer villas y castillos
oy ninguno posseya,
ayer tenia criados
y gente que me servia
oy no tengo una almena
que pueda dezir que es mia,
desdichada fue la hora
desdichado fue aquel dia
en que naci y herede
la tan grande señoria
pues lo avia de perder
todo junto y en un dia
o muerte porque no vienes
y llevas esta alma mia
de aqueste cuerpo mezquino
pues se te agradeceria?
[61] This is one of the best pieces of the kind.
Vitorioso buelve el Cid
a san Pedro de Cardeña,
de las guerras que ha tenido
con los Moros de Valencia.
Las trompetas van sonando,
por dar aviso que llega,
y entre todos se señalan
los relinchos de Babieca.
El Abad, y monjes salen
a recebirlo a la puerta,
dando alabanças a Dios,
y al Cid mil enorabuenas.
Apeose del calvallo,
y antes de entrar en la Iglesia,
tomò el pendon en sus manos,
y dize desta manera.
Sali de ti templo santo
desterrado de mi tierra,
mas ya buelvo a visitarte
acogido en las agenas.
Desterrome el Rey Alphonso,
porque alla en Santagadea
le tomè el juramento
con mas rigor que el quisiera.
Las leyes eran del pueblo,
que no excedi un punto dellas,
pues como leal vassallo
saquè a mi rey desospecha.
O embidiosos Castellanos,
quan mal pagays la defensa
que tuvistes en mi espada,
ensanchando vuestra cerca.
Veys aqui os traygo ganado
otro reyno, y mil fronteras,
que os quiero dar tierras mias
aunque me echeys de las vuestras.
Pudiera dezirlo a estraños,
mas para cosas tan feas
soy Rodrigo de Bivar
Castellano a las derechas.
The concluding line:—Castellano a las derechas, (the Castilian as he ought to be) is a description of the Cid, which was well adapted to produce an impression on the hearts of the people to whom it was addressed.
[62] The following is the commencement of this romance:—
De los trofeos de amor
ya coronadas sus sienes,
muy gallardo entra Ganzul
a jugar cañas a Gelves,
en un hovero furioso,
que al ayre en su curso excede,
y en su pujança y rigor
un leve freno detiene.
La librea de los pajes
es roxa, morada, y verde,
divisa cierta y colores
de la que en su alma tiene:
todos con lanças leonadas
en corredores ginetes,
adornados de penachos,
y de costosos jaezes:
el mismo se trae la adarga,
en quien un fenix parece,
que en vivas llamas se abrasa,
y en ceniza se resuelve;
la letra si bien me acuerdo,
dize: Es inconveniente
poderse dissimular
el fuego que amor enciende, &c.
El que poblò las masmorras
De Christianos Caballeros.
[64] The subjoined passage forms the latter part of this romance.
La hermosissima Balaja,
que llorosa en su aposento
las sinrazones del Rey
le pagavan sus cabellos
como tanto estruendo oyò
a un valcon salio corriendo,
y enmudecida le dixo,
dando vozes con silencio:
Vete en paz, que no vas solo,
y en mi ausencia ten consuelo,
que quien te echò de Xerez,
vno te echara de mi pecho:
El con la vista responde,
yo me voy, y no te dexo.
De las agravios de Rey
para tu firmeza a pelo,
Con esto passò la calle,
los ojos atras bolviendo
dos mil vezes: y de Andujar
tomò el camino derecho.
[65] Such, for example, is the following ludicrous description of Hector’s funeral.
En las obsequias de Hector
esta la reyna Troyana
con la linda Policena
y con otras muchas damas
tambien estavan los Griegos
sino Achiles que faltava
que fue a la postre de todos
y en el tempo se assentava
frontero la reyna Elena
que por Hector lamentava
mirando su hermosura
con gran cuydado pensava
si Menelao no fuera
rey Griego la conquistara
para casarse con ella
segun era muy loçana
y assí triste y pensativo
no podia echar la habla
quando miro a Policena
en la coraçon le pesara, &c.
Con ravia esta el rey David
rasgando su coraçon
sabiendo que alli en la lid
le mataron a Absalon
cubriose la su cabeça
y subiose a un mirador
con lagrimas de sus ojos
sus canas regadas son
hablando de la su boca
dize esta lamentacion
o fili mi fili mi
o fili mi Absalon
que es de la tu hermosura
tu estremada perficion
los tus cabellos dorados
parecian rayos de sol
tus ojos lindos azules
que jacinta de Sion
o manos que tal hizieron
enemigos de razon, &c.
Any person who in those times was capable of making redondilla verses, must have found it very easy to produce such romances as this.
[67] No vale las coplas de la Sarabanda, is a proverb of precisely the same signification as—No vale las coplas de Calainos, according to Sarmiento. See the remark, page 55. The two proverbs have probably been confounded, for the romance of Calainos is not in coplas.
[68] The following is one of those pieces which may be regarded as untranslatable.
Rosafresca Rosafresca
tan garrida y con amor
quando y’os tuve en mis braços
no os sabia servir no
y agora que os servira
no os puedo yo averno.
Vuestra fue la culpa amigo
vuestra fue que mia no
embiastes me una carta
con un vuestro servidor
y en lugar de recaudar
el dixera otra razon
qu’erades casado amigo
alla en tierras de Leon
que teneys muger hermosa
y hijos como una flor.
Quien os lo dixo señora
no os dixera verdad no
que yo nunca entre en Castilla
ni alla en tierras de Leon
sino quando era pequeño
que no sabio de amor.
A piece, which is a companion to the above, commences thus:
Frontefrida, Frontefrida,
Frontefrida, y con amor,
Do todas las avecicas
Van tomar consolacion, &c.
The fiction on which this second song is founded must, notwithstanding its native beauty, appear a very absurd fancy to the naturalist, as it describes a nightingale wooing a turtle dove.
[69] “Fizo assaz buenas canciones,” says the Marquis of Santillana, in his antiquated Spanish, speaking of his grandfather. The remaining notices which he gives of the origin of Spanish poetry communicate nothing, in addition to what has been already mentioned, on those things respecting which it is most desirable to be informed.
[70] See Velasquez, according to Dieze, page 302.
[71] See Sarmiento, page 345.
[72] See the observations of Sarmiento, page 352.
[73] An extract made from this treatise of the Marquis of Villena by Gregorio Mayans, may be found in the Origines de la lengua Española, tom. ii. pag. 321. The whole work probably exists in manuscript in Spanish libraries.
[74] Tanto es el provecho, que viene desta dotrina a la vida civil, quitando ocio y ocupando los generosos ingenios en tan honesta investigacion, que las otras naciones desearon y procuraron haver entre si escuela desta dotrina, y por esso fue ampliada por el mundo en diversas partes.—The measure of this sonorous period will not be overlooked.
[75] Temporum iniquitate sublimi virtute superata, honorem vitæ ac bonum nomen fallacibus delinimentis omnibus, quæ magnam quamque fortunam velut pedissequi comitantur, præferebat, says, in allusion to him, Nicolas Antonio, who at the same time refers to the Chronicles, from which he had drawn his information respecting the Marquis of Santillana.
[76] This elegy is inserted along with other poems by the Marquis in all the editions of the Cancionero general, immediately after the spiritual poems. No complete collection of the works of this celebrated man has yet been printed.
[77] That the Marquis had read Dante can scarcely be doubted, for he quotes him in this poem:—
Assi conseguimos de aquella manera,
Hasta que llegamos en somo del monte,
No menos cansados que Dante Acheronte.
[78] Thus the two following stanzas are crowded with the names of authors, ancient and modern, with the view of shewing the loss which Spanish literature had sustained by the death of Villena.
Perdimos a Homero que mucho honorana
este sacro monte do nos habitamos
perdimos a Ovidio el que coronamos
del arbol laureo que muchos amava
Perdimos Horacio que nos invocava
en todos exordios de su poesia
assi disminuye la nuestra valia
que antiguos tiempos tanto prosperava.
Perdimos a Livio y a Mantuano
Macrobio, Valerio, Salustio, Magneo
pues no olvidemos al moral Agneo
de quien se loava el pueblo Romano
Perdimos a Julio y a Casaliano
Alano, Boecio, Petrarcha, Fulgencio
Perdimos a Dante, Gaufre, Terencio
Juvenal, Estacio, y Quintiliano.
[79] Stanzas, like the following, deserve to be extracted from this work, as they are calculated to shew what might have been expected of the Marquis of Santillana, had he cultivated his talent for poetry under more favourable circumstances.
Mas yo a ti sola me plaze llamar,
o cithara dulce, mas que la d’Orfeo;
que tu sola ayuda, no dudo, mas creo
mi rustica mano podra ministrar.
O Biblioteca de mortal cantar,
fuente meliflua de magna eloquencia,
infunde tu grande y sacra prudencia
en mi, porque yo pueda tu planto esplicar.
A tiempo a la hora suso memorado,
assi como niño que sacan de cuna,
no se falsamente, o si por fortuna,
me vi todo solo al pie de un collado,
Salvatico espesso lexano a poblado
agreste desierto y tan espantable,
que temo verguenza, no siendo culpable,
quando por extenso lo aure recontado.
No vi la carrera de gentes cursada,
ni rastro exercido por do me guiasse,
ni persona alguna a quien demandasse
consejo a mi cuyta tan desmesurada;
Mas sola una senda poco visitada
al medio de aquella tan gran espessura,
bien como adarmento subiente a l’altura
de rayo Dianeo me fue demostrada.
[80] Don Alvaro de Luna begins to speak in the first stanzas:—
Vi tesoros ayuntados
por gran daño de su dueño.
Assi como sombra o sueño
son nuestros dias contados:—
Y si fueron prorogados
por sus lagrimas algunos
desto no vemos ningunos
por nuestros negros pecados.
Abrid abrid vuestros ojos,
gentios, mirad a mi,
quanto vistes, quanto vi,
fantasmas fueron y antojos.
Con trabajos con enojos
usurpe tal señoria,
que si fue no era mia
mas endevidos despojos.
Casa, casa, guay de mi!
campo a campo alleguè
casa agena no dexè,
tanto quise quanto vi.
Agora pues ved aqui,
quanto valen mis riquezas
tierras villas fortalezas
tras quien mi tiempo perdi.
[81] There is a singular pedantry, with a happy turn of versification, in a song which commences thus:—
Antes el rodante cielo
tornara manso y quieto,
y sera piadoso Aleto,
y pavoroso Metello.
Que yo jamas olvidasse
tu virtud,
vida mia y mi salud,
ni te dexasse.
Cesar afortunado
cessara de combatir,
y harian desdezir
al Priamides armado—
Quando yo te dexarè,
ydola mia,
ni la tu philosomia
olvidarè; &c.
[82] It commences thus:
Gozate, gozosa, madre,
gozo de la humanidad,
templo de la Trinidad,
elegida por dios padre,
Virgen que por el oydo
concebiste,
gaude, virgen, mater Christi,
y nuestro gozo infinido!
Gozate, luz reverida,
segun el Evangelista
por la madre del Baptista
anunciado la venida,
de nuestro gozo Señora
que trayas
vaso de nuestro mexias
gozate pulchra y decora, &c.
In this way the Gozate is repeated through a series of stanzas.
[83] Dieze, in his remarks on Velasquez, erroneously refers to the publication of Gregorio Mayans, for the proverbs in verse; but only the original proverbs, without versification, (refranes que dicen las viejas tras el huego) as collected by the Marquis, are given in the second volume of that work, p. 179. The greater part deserve to be better known, but many of them are unintelligible to foreigners.
[84] See the note, page 24.
[85] E que cosa es la poesia, que en nuestra vulgar (there is something equivocal here, for this term was not vernacular in the Castilian language) llamamos gaya sciencia, sino un fingimiento de cosas utiles, è veladas con muy fermosa cobertura, compuestas, distinguidas, escondidas, por certo cuento, peso, è medida.
[86] He appeals to St. Isidore, whom he cites as a guarantee for this origin of poetry:—Isidro Cartaginès, santo Arzobispo Hispalense, assi lo pruebra y testifica, e quiere, que el primero que fizo rythmos y cantó en metro hay sido Moysen, y despues Joshue, David, Salomon, y Job.
[87] Honestæ conditionis, says Nicolas Antonio, speaking of his family.
[88] Only the supplement to this poem is contained in the Cancionero general. The poem itself was probably too long to be included in that collection. However, in the editions of the collected works of Mena (for instance, that which I have now before me, intitled—Todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de Mena, &c. Anveres, 1552, 8º) which Dieze notices, it fills the greater portion of the volume, and is accompanied by a copious commentary by Fernan Nuñez.
[89] The emphatic praise bestowed on this poem in Dieze’s observations on Velasquez, (page 168), according to which Juan de Mena “maintains to his advantage a comparison with all the poets of all ages,” is sufficient to prove Dieze’s deficiency in sound criticism.
[90] The second stanza contains the theme, but it is very imperfectly expressed:—
Tus casos fallaces, Fortuna, cantamos
Estados de gentes que giras y trocas,
Tus muchas mudanzas, tus firmezas pocas,
Y las que en tu rueda quexosos hallamos.
[91] Mena, politely enough, solicits permission of Fortune to read her a lesson:
Dame licencia, mudable Fortuna,
Porque yo blasme de ti lo que devo.
Then, in well turned antitheses, he allows her a sort of regularity which contradicts itself:—
Que tu firmeza es, no ser constante,
Tu temperamento es destemplanza,
Tu mas cierto orden es desordenanza, &c.
[92] Providence appears as a most beautiful young woman:—
Una donzella tan mucho hermosa,
Que ante su gesto es loco quien osa
Otras beldades loar de mayores.
[93] In the fourth stanza a patriotic flight seems to promise the recurrence of similar passages:
Como que creo, que fossen menores,
Que los Africanos, los hechos del Cid?
Ni que feroces menos en la lid
Entrassen los nuestros que los Agenores? &c.
On another occasion the author addresses an invocation to his native city Cordova:
O flor de saber y cabelleria,
Cordova madre, tu hijo perdona,
Si en los cantares, que agora pregona,
No divulgarè tu sabiduria, &c.
[94] From the following stanzas the degree of talent possessed by Juan de Mena for the poetical description of natural objects, without allegory, may be fairly estimated.
Bien como medico mucho famoso
Que trae el estilo por mano seguido
En cuerpo de golpes diversos herido
Luego socorre alo mas peligroso,
Assi aquel pueblo maldito sañoso
Sintiendo mas daño de parte del Conde
Con todas sus fuerças juntando responde
Alli do el peligro mas era dañoso.
Alli disparavan bombardas y truenos
Y los trabucos tiravan ya luego
Piedras y dardos y hachas de fuego
Con que los nuestros hazian ser menos.
de Moros tenidos por buenos
Lançan temblando las sus azagayas,
Passan las lindes palenques y rayas,
Doblan sus fuerças con miedos agenos.
Mientra morian y mientra matavan
De parte del agua ya crecen las ondas
Y cobran las mares sobervias y hondas
Los campos que ante los muros estavan,
Tanto que los que de alli peleavan
A los navios si se retrayan,
Las aguas crescidas les ya defendian
Tornar a las fustas que dentro dexavan.
[95] When the poet, in his ideal world, sees Don Alvaro, by a singular fancy he pretends not to know him, in order that he may question his guide (Providence) respecting him, in imitation of a similar passage in Homer:—
Tu, Providencia, declara de nuevo,
Quien es aquel Caballero, que veo,
Que mucho en el cuerpo parece a Tydeo,
E en consejo a Nestor el longevo.
Among other things Providence replies:—
Este cavalga sobre la Fortuna
Y doma su cuello con asperas riendas,
Y aunque del tenga tan muchas deprendas,
Ella no le osa tocar de ninguna.
Miralo, miralo en platica alguna,
Con humildes, no tanto feroces!
Como, indiscreto, y tu no conoces
Al Condojos estable Alvaro de Luna?
[96] For instance, the word longevo in the verses quoted above.
[97] The opening stanzas may be regarded as a poetic preface or dedication; but they gain nothing by that.
Al muy prepotente Don Juan el Segundo,
Aquel, con quien Jupiter tuvo tal zelo,
Que tanta de parte le haze del mundo,
Quanta a si misme se haze en el cielo;
Al gran d’España, al Cesar novelo,
Al que es con fortuna bien afortunado
Aquel, con quien cabe virtud y reynado,
A el las rodillas hincadas por suelo.
[98] This poem is not to be found in the Cancionero general, but it is included in the Obras, mentioned in the note, page 92. Juan de Mena gave it the absurd title of Calamicleos, compounded from the latin calamitas and the Greek κλεος. It was afterwards called, simply, La Coronacion.
[99] Most of these questions were not very difficult to answer; for instance, the following, which is preceded by three introductory stanzas in a very courtly style:—
Mostradme qual es aquel animal,
que luego se mueve en los quatro pies,
despues se sostiene en solos los tres,
despues en los dos va muy mas ygual.
Sin ser del especie quadrupedal
el curso que hizo despues reytera
assi que en los quatro d’aquesta manera
fenece el que nace de su natural.
Del hombre se halla ser gran enemigo,
porque lo hiere do nunca sospecha,
y donde mas plaze menos aprovecha
tanta ponçoña derrama consigo.
Dad vos Señor pues un tal castigo,
o de virtudes tal arma que vista,
porque alomenos punando resista
contra quien tiene tal guerra comigo.
[100] The poem commences thus:—
Canta tu, Christiana musa,
La mas que civil batalla,
Que entre voluntad se halla
Y Razon, que nos accusa.
[101] Nicolas Antonio, whom Dieze follows in his remarks on Velasquez, is the authority for these notices.
[102] In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spanish books were printed in Seville by German printers. At the end of an edition, probably the first, of the proverbs collected by the Marquis of Santillana, ([see page 88],) are the following words, which Mayans y Siscar has reprinted:—Aqui se acaben los refranes—imprimidos en la muy noble y leal civdad de Sevilla por Jacobo Comberger, Aleman, año 1508.
[103] On this subject Nicolas Antonio’s Bib. Hisp. vet. lib. x. cap. 6. may be compared with Velasquez and Dieze, page 165.
[104] To this number they amount in the old folio edition, printed with gothic characters, which forms one of the literary curiosities of the library of Gottingen. Dieze, in his observations on Velasquez, page 177, gives a particular account of this, as well as of the succeeding editions of the Cancionero general.
[105] With this spiritual composition, the Cancionero general commences. The reader will have enough in the first stanza:—
Enantes, que culpa fuesso cansada,
Tu, Virgen benigna, ya yves delante,
Tan lexos del crimen y del semejante,
Que sola quedaste daquel libertada, &c.
[106] This silly conceit, which consists only of eight lines, commences thus:—
La M madre te muestra,
La A te manda adorar, &c.
[107] The Ave begins thus:—
Ave, preciosa Maria,
Que se deve interpretar
Trasmontana de la mar,
Que los mareantes guia.
[108] In the third strophe he thus addresses king Ferdinand:—
Gran señor, los, que creyeron
Estas consejeros tales,
De sus culmines reales
En lo mas hondo cayeron.
Si esto contradiran
Algunos con ambicion,
Testigos se les daran.
Uno sera Roboan,
Hijo del rey Solomon.
[109] A new edition of Jorge Manrique’s Coplas, with glosses or poetic paraphrases by various authors, appeared at Madrid in 1779.
The following are the two first strophes, and the rhythmic structure of the rest is not less beautiful.
Recuerde el alma dormida,
avive el seso y despierte
contemplando
come se pasa la vida,
come se viene la muerte
tan callando:
quan presto se va el placer,
como despues de acordado
da dolor,
como a nuestro parescer
qualquiera tiempo pasado
fue mejor.
Pues que vemos lo presente
quan en un punto se es ido
y acabado,
si juzgamos sabiamente,
daremos lo no venido
por pasado
No se engañe nadie, no,
pensando que ha de durar
lo que espera,
mas que duro lo que viò
pues que todo ha de pasar
por tal manera.
[110] For instance, the following passage from a song by Juan de Mena:—
Ya dolor del dolorido,
Que con olvido cuydado,
Pues que antes olvidado
Me veo, que fallecido.
Ya fallece mi sentido &c.
Or:—
Cuydar me hace cuydado
Lo que cuydar no devria,
Y cuydando en lo passado
Por mi no passa alegria.
Such plays of words are to be found throughout the whole Cancionero.
[111] The commencement of one of his songs, the two first strophes of which are subjoined, is exceedingly beautiful; but in the sequel the lyric spark is extinguished by pedantry.
Muy mas clara que la luna
sola una
en el mundo vos nacistes,
tan gentil, que no vecistes
ni tuvistes
competidora ninguna,
Desde niñez en la cuna
cobrastes fama, beldad,
con tanta graciosidad,
que vos doto la fortuna.
Que assi vos organizo
y formò
la composicion humana,
que vos soys la mas loçana,
soberana
que la natura criò.
Quien sino vos mereciò
de virtudes ser monarcha?
Quanto bien dixo Petrarcha,
por vos lo profetizo.
It would be absurd to attempt the translation of many of the specimens which are necessary to the illustration of this work; and with respect to these lines the tender breathing of the poetry would be entirely lost in a literal version.
[112] Reason, like a talkative person, commences the dialogue, and has also the last word; she thus addresses her opponent:—
Pensamiento, pues mostrays
en vos misma claro el daño,
pregunt’os, que me digays
camino de tanto engaño,
do venis o donde vays
a tierra, que desconoce
muy presto la gente della
donde nace una querella,
y quien bien no le conoce
vive en ella.
Porque en ella ay una suerte,
d’una engañosa esparança
que el plazer nos da muerte,
por do el fin de su holgura
en trabajo se convierte.
Do sus glorias alcançadas,
puesto ya que sean seguras,
o con quantas amarguras
hallaras que son mezcladas
sus dulçuras!
[113] He is particularly successful in expressing with old Spanish plainness the emotions of passion; as for instance in the following concluding strophes of a farewell song.
De vos me parto, quexando,
y de mi, muy descontento
de mi triste pensamiento.
Mi vivir lo va llorando
vuestro mal conocimiento.
Assi que por sola vos
yo de todos vo enemigo,
pues me parto, como digo,
mal con vos y mal con Dios,
y mal comigo.
Aunque desto en la verdad
poca culpa tengo yo,
que mi fé no se mudò,
vuesta mala voluntad
m’a traido en lo qu’ estò.
Por do mis cuytas agora
vuestras seran desde aqui,
pues por vos a vos perdi,
y por vos a Dios, señora,
y mas a mi.
[114] What a picturesque storm of passion appears under the antiquated garb of the following stanzas! and with what a fantastic play of words are they interspersed!
La fuerça del fuego, que alumbra, que ciega
mi cuerpo, mi alma, mi muerte, mi vida,
do entrado hiere, do toca, do llega,
mata y no muere su llama encendida.
Pues que harè, triste, que todo me ofende?
Lo bueno y lo malo me causan congoxa,
quemandome el fuego que mata, qu’ enciende,
su fuerça que fuerça que ata, que prende,
que prende, que suelta, que tira, que afloxa.
Aso yre triste, que alegre me halle
pues tantos peligros me tienen en medio,
que llore, que ria, que grite, que calle,
ni tengo, ni quiero, ni espero remedio?
Ni quiero que quiera, ni quiero querer,
pues tanto me quiere tan raviosa plaga,
ni ser yo vencido, ni quiero vencer,
ni quiero pesar, ni quiero plazer,
ni se que me diga, ni se que me haga.
[115] The following are the first and second strophes of this song. Love is here a hell, in which the thoughts burn.
Que tu beldad fue querer!
Mas a ti que a mi me quiero.
Tu beldad fue mensagero
de morir en tu poder.
Tu nubloso disfavor
me cerco sin fin eterno
d’unos fuegos qu’es amor
cuyo nombre es el infierno.
Qu’en su encendida casa
se queman mis pensamientos,
alli montan los tormentos
mis entrañas hazen brasa.
Alli sospiro los dias,
que morir no puede luego
alli las lagrimas mias
fortalezen mas en fuego.
[116] This curious composition begins like a testamentary arrangement, and then immediately takes a poetic turn:—
Pues Amor quiere que muera,
y de tan penada muerte,
en tal edad,
pues que yo en tiempo tan fuerte,
quiero ordenar mi postrera
voluntad.
Pero ya que tal me siento,
que no lo podre hazer,
la que causa mi tormento
pues que tiene mi poder
ordene mi testamento.
Y pues mi ventura quiso
mis pensamientos tornar
ciegos, vanos,
no quiero otro paraiso,
sino mi alma dexar
en sus manos.
Pero que lleve de claro
la misma forma y tenor,
d’aquel que hizo d’amor
don Diego Lopez de Haro,
pues que yo muero amador.
[117] The following is by a poet named Tapia.
Gran congoxa es esperar,
quando tarda el esperança,
mas quien tiene confiança
por tardar,
no deve desesperar.
Assi que vos, pensamiento,
que passays pena esperando,
galardon se va negando,
bien lo siento,
mas tened vos sufrimiento.
Y quiça podreys ganar
con firmeza sin dudança
lo cierto del esparança
que el tardar
no lo puede desviar.
[118] The author of the following Villancico is named Escriva.
Que sentis, coraçon mio,
no dezis,
que mal es el que sentis.
Que sentistes aquel dia,
quando mi señora vistes,
que perdistes alegria,
y descando despedistes,
como a mi nunca bolvistes.
no dezis,
donde estays que no venis.
Qu’ es de vos, qu’ en mi nos fallo,
coraçon, quien os agena?
Qu’ es de vos, que aunque callo,
vuestro mal tambien me pena?
Quien os atò tal cadena.
no dezis,
que mal es el que sentis.
[119] These glosses, which certainly belong to the fifteenth century, prove the still higher antiquity of the glossed romances. As a proof of this, we may quote the commencement of a gloss of the Rosa fresca, (see p. 74), though it is not one of the most successful productions of this class.