CHAPTER II.
SECTION I.
Augila, to the Confines of Temissa.
Soon after our arrival at Augila, a man was sent off by the chief of the caravan to examine the watering-places as far the borders of the kingdom of Fezzan. This precaution became necessary from the increased number of people and camels, now forming this great caravan, and the possibility that, from want of rain or other causes, the springs on the usual route might not afford sufficient water for so large a body. The messenger being ordered to use the utmost dispatch, returned on the twelfth day with the happy intelligence, that water was in plenty, and that he met with nothing to impede our journey.
Accordingly, the 27th of October was the day fixed for our departure from Augila, and myself and party quitted the town the preceding evening, and encamped in the open air, to be among the first at the breaking up and movement of the caravan. The next morning we set out before sunrise, and proceeded in a direction west by south. Our caravan was increased by companies of merchants from Bengasi, Merote, and Mojabra, in all about 120 men. Many of the inhabitants of Augila and Fallo, accompanied us part of the way, and, as a mark of honour and attention, pranced their horses and fired their muskets round us. This party had scarcely taken their leave, when an Arab riding to us in haste, gave information, that we were pursued by a large body of horse, and that they were even then close upon our rear. On this intelligence the camels were immediately driven by the slaves and boys to a rising ground, and those who had arms mustered to cover the retreat, and prevent the enemy’s irruption and pillage. At the moment we were preparing for action, we were happily undeceived. The horsemen were troops of the Bey of Bengasi (then resident at Augila as I before mentioned), and who, hearing the complimentary discharge of firelocks by the friends who had just left us, thought we might have been attacked, and came out to our assistance.
We now resumed our march, and continued it till sunset, each boasting of his prowess, and what feats of arms he had before done, and what he would have done had the Bey’s troops been hostile.
The evening we encamped in the open Desert, on a spot devoid of water, and so completely barren, that not even a single blade of herb for our camels was to be found, and we were obliged to feed them with what provender we had with us.
On the second day we advanced for twelve hours through the Desert, the plain consisting of soft limestone, sometimes bare, but more frequently covered with quicksand.
On the morning of the third day, the scene somewhat altered; detached hills rose here and there, taking from the uniformity of the before level desert. These mounds seemed to derive their origin from a base of calcareous rock, round, and on which the sands had gathered, and been heaped up by the winds, and on some to a considerable height. From this district of hillocks and hills, commences a range of mountains called Morai-je, stretching far to SSW, and seemingly also branching towards the north. This day we encamped two hours before sunset, for the purpose of awaiting the return of some Twaters, who separated from us about noon, to seek pasture for their camels. Our camp was pitched on the summit of a hill, at foot of which were spread a quantity of petrified shells and marine substances imbedded in a soft limestone.
On the fourth day we struck our tents very early in the morning, with the view of reaching a particular spot for our next encampment, where fresh water was to be found. The first part of our day’s journey we travelled on a continued plain on the heights of the mountain. The ascent from the east had been gentle, but coming to the western declivity, we found the way down most steep and difficult. It is noted by the name of Neddeek by the Arabs. The way down is not only steep, but so narrow that the whole caravan was obliged to travel in single file, camel after camel. The perpendicular height of this (almost) precipice was about eighty feet. From the verge of the summit the prospect was most beautiful. A narrow vale, extending far beyond the reach of the eye, was illumined at some distance by the rise of sun, whose beams slanted over the mountain we had to pass: in regarding the level and brightness of the distant scene, we looked over a fore-ground of craggy rocks, and abrupt and frightful chasms yet remaining in gloomy shade; and the contrast of bright and terrific scene made the stronger impression on our minds, whilst from this awful height we had to meditate on the difficulty and danger of our passage down to the plain. I followed not the narrow track of the caravan, but picked myself out a way down the mountain with some difficulty and risk. Coming to its base, I observed a piece of petrified wood, of about two feet long and eight inches broad; it was the only such fragment I saw in these parts. Forward in the plain to some distance, lay huge stones, or rather rocks. They probably have been there from the time of some great flood,[11] which, on every consideration of what I now and before saw, I must suppose to have inundated these countries, at some distant period, distinctively and subsequent to the deluge mentioned in Scripture. At some distance I cast a look back to the Neddeek; its appearance of wild forms of rock broken into or rent asunder, confirmed my idea of irruption of waters, and that the deluge had rushed from the west. Our march was now directed along the valley, skirted by mountains nearly of the same height and form as those we had passed; at length it expanded into a wider plain called Sultin, where, at one o’clock, and after ten hours journey we encamped, and with water in plenty to replenish our bags for the ensuing days.
The fifth and sixth days we journied on through this Desert; for so, from its barrenness and appearance, it may be justly termed, though throughout abounding in springs. The waters I should, however, suppose to be bitter, as the Arabs dig no wells in this district.
The seventh day our way lay between ranges of hills, and in the evening we came to a spot affording not only verdure but trees, and that to a considerable extent of country: under these trees we encamped, and continued travelling through a very grove the best part of the ensuing day, when our road opened to a desert checquered with hills, and scabeous calcareous rocks. From one of these eminences I first observed the mountainous region Harutsch, so known to and dreaded by travellers. The marvellous narratives of calamity therein suffered, and which had been recited to me on our way; and the black and dreary appearances which the face of the country offered to my view, roused my curiosity, and I pressed on before the caravan to examine a lower mountain, which, like a promontory jutted towards us before the rest. The soil of the desert near was stony, the stones consisting of calcareous limestone. The mountain presented the form of an imperfect cone: its strata I take to have lain originally horizontal, as those of the hills passed on our route, but from some convulsion, they are now broken, turned over, and promiscuously confused. The substance of which the mountain consists, on fracture, and as to colour, resembles the ferruginous basalt; and such I take it to be. Range upon range of dreary and black mountains succeed, and form the only prospect!
As the caravan was approaching, I dismounted, and sat me down close to a large stone which formed my table, whilst I partook of such frugal fare as the Arab carries with him on these occasions. When I rose up the caravan had passed the prominence of the mountain and disappeared. The ground, however, being firm, and thence the road to be easily traced, I was under no anxiety; though after half an hour’s march, somewhat surprised at not yet discovering my old companions, I took out my spy-glass, when I descried at a little distance four Moroccans, whom I rode up to and accosted: they told me that the caravan had already encamped at a short distance from the road, to pasture their camels, and that they themselves were in search of water to satisfy their thirst. I was inclined to be of their party, but was fearful of giving uneasiness to my people by longer absence from the caravan, which, from its fires now kindled, I easily discovered and rejoined.
The ninth day we travelled between black and dreary hills; our road meandering through narrow and dismal ravines, now and then spreading to some width, having some grass and even a tree, and sometimes opening to a space of valley, of which the herbage looked fresh, and even luxuriant, from the copious rains which fall in this mountainous region, fertilizing the soil after it is washed down.
Our watering-place consisted of pools of mere rain water from the hills, and was situate at the edge of a valley of about six miles circuit, shewing not only a rich verdure, but bearing shrubs and trees. Here we saw some gazelles, but so shy, that we could not get a shot at them.
We passed our tenth, eleventh, and twelfth days incessantly almost in march through this dreary solitude; yet we could not expedite our journey as we wished. Sometimes we were obliged to wander from our direct line with the windings of our only path; at other times we were forced to move on slowly and with difficulty, over layers of loose stone for half a mile together: in the course of one of those days, I ventured on a walk to the south, accompanied by my Arabian servant and some Twaters. We could easily, on foot, outstrip the caravan under all its impediments of march. Every where I found the mountains of like appearance as exhibited to the traveller on the common road, with the only difference that views even more dreary and terrific occasionally caught the eye: it having been matter of course to work and conduct the road along the least rugged vallies.
On the afternoon of the thirteenth day, we broke at length from this dark region into an extensive plain. Here we continued on march for some hours, when we came to ranges of low calcareous mountains, and about sunset encamped at the entrance of the defile which leads through them.
On the morning of the fifteenth I placed myself among the foremost of the caravan, consisting chiefly of poor pilgrims, hastening to precede the other company, with a view of first quenching their thirst at the spring, which on that day we were to arrive at. On coming to the watering-place called Ennaté I perceived a well already cleaned and in order, and several Twaters lying round. I placed myself near and prepared for breakfast. An old man had laboured a shorter cut across the sand to be sooner at the well; after mutual salutation, I offered him a handful of dates and some meat; these he thankfully accepted, kissing them and rubbing them on his forehead. Putting the provisions down on the ground, he got to the spring, and continued drinking for a considerable time, and recited his prayer Elham-Dulillah with great devotion. He told me, that for three days past he had been without his requisite portion of water. This man (as himself told me), was above sixty years old; and this was his third voyage from Fez to Mecca, without possessing the least means of accommodation for the journey; without preparation of food for his subsistence; nay, even without water, excepting what commiseration and the esteem in which his pilgrimage was held, might procure for him, from the charity and regard of travellers better provided in the caravan.
We reposed the rest of the day on this spot, distant from our last encampment four hours march, and our chief dispatched a messenger to Mourzouk, to give notice of arrival of the caravan on the frontier of the kingdom, and to bear a letter of respect to the sultan from each merchant individually.
And now, on the sixteenth, (dating by our departure from Augila), we came again to the society of men: a march of nine hours bringing us to Temissa, situated within the territory of Fezzan.
SECTION II.
Observations on the Region of the Harutsch.
The mountainous desert of Harutsch is the most remarkable region that came within scope of my observation during this journey; its extent has been stated to me at seven days journey over, from north to south; and at five days from east to west: but in a subsequent voyage from Fezzan to Tripoly, I fell in again with a branch or tract of the Harutsch, and was there told, that it yet extended further to the west. At Mourzouk, too, I was informed of black mountains on the road leading southward to Bornou, on whose heights the climate was of very cold temperature, and whence the people of Mourzouk obtained their iron; and I conjecture that such mountainous tract may be a further branch of the Harutsch, though having indeed no positive information or proof of the immediate junction or connection of these regions.
The rugged, broken, and altogether wild and terrific scene which this desert tract affords, leads strongly to the supposition that its surface at some period took its present convulsed form and appearance from volcanic revolution. Its inequalities of ground are no where of great altitude. The general face of country shews continued ranges of hills, running in various directions, rising from eight to twelve feet only above the level of the intermediate ground; and between which branches, (on perfect flats, and without any gradual ascent of base or fore-ground,) rise up lofty insulated mountains, whose sides are exceeding steep from the very base. A mountain of this description, situated midway on journey over this desert, and north of our caravan road, is by the Arabs termed Stres; it has the appearance of being split from the top down to the middle. I was prevented from particular examination of it, but soon, on our caravan halting, had the opportunity of inspecting another of the same kind.
This mountain I perceived, from the foot to the summit, to be covered with detached stones, such as wholly constitute the lower hills. The small plain from which this mountain rose, was encompassed by rows of hills, such as above described, closely running into each other, and connected as a wall. The flat within was overspread with white quicksand, on which lay, irregularly scattered, large blocks of stone, of like nature and substance as that generally throughout this desert. With some trouble I procured a sample of the earthy stratum beneath the sand: it seemed to me, at the time, to have the appearance of ashes thrown out from a volcano; but I have since lost the paper which contained the specimen, and cannot further confirm the accuracy of my first observation. In the vicinity of this mountain, I found stones of smaller bulk and a reddish colour, resembling that of burnt bricks; some of these were one-half red, the other blackish; the red part had not the same weight or density, on fracture, as the black: the former is more porous and spongy, and bears a general resemblance to slags or scoriæ.
The stony substance, of which the mass of these mountains consists, varies in colour and density; in some parts heavy and compact, in others having small holes and cavities. These species of stone are intermingled, and I could not discover in either, any extraneous matter or substance.
The stratification or lay of these stones is perfectly horizontal, but often disturbed; parts of the first layer sinking into and mixing with the second below, and the second with the third. Sometimes the strata take an oblique direction; sometimes are promiscuously confused, and sometimes no strata appear at all; and a series of low hills is formed of one solid mass of rock, with fissures in direction to the north. The plain too shews occasionally level rock of the like nature and substance, in parts where bare of sand or soil. The whole of this region of hillocks, hills, rocks, and mountains, is, in parts, intersected by vales, occasionally having water; and though the soil is of white sand, yet it is so far fertile as to produce single trees, and pasturage for beasts; in these productive spots are frequently to be seen the tracks and slots of game. Often, when I thought I could so do without danger of losing my way, I struck into one of the narrow vales running apparently in the same direction as our caravan road; and occasionally led away to defiles becoming more narrow and rugged, I repented my indiscretion, whilst thus separated from my company, and exposed to attack from Bedouins, with dependence for safety on my single sabre and pistols. On regaining the caravan, it yet occurred that my danger had not been great, for what Arab robber could look for a traveller in such a tract, or suppose any hardy enough to wander therein from his troop, excepting, indeed, some wretched Moroccan pilgrim in search of water!
In the course of these excursions, on the side of one of these narrow vales, winding among the mountains, I observed a narrow branch or inlet, towards the termination of which the rocky heights from each side closed, and formed a cavern of about nine feet deep, and five feet wide; and, considering its appearance and situation in this desolate, obscure, and mournful region, I was inspired with feelings, as on viewing the entrance to the subterraneous world, and very passage, ad inferos.
My interpreter told me, that at some time when I had taken another path, and when the caravan was travelling about midway through the mountains, he saw a cavern in which the stones to a considerable depth were black, and that under these lay a stratum of white stones. On travelling afterwards from Fezzan to Tripoly, in continuation of the Harutsch, (as I supposed it), I myself observed ranges of basaltic hills, alternate with ranges of calcareous hills. My interpreter brought me a specimen of the white stone taken from the cave himself had seen, but I think was not happy in its selection, it consisting of a mere lump of indurated argillaceous earth, such as often adheres to limestone.
In respect to the many hills, and their curious ranges and direction, the Harutsch exhibits a similitude to the excrescences on the bordering mountains I refer to in a subsequent journey; it agrees too in the circumstance of single stones scattered on the surface, which, in the Harutsch, are distinguished as being only of one species or substance, peculiar to the district. There is too a further analogy in the plains formed of bare rock; and in the white quicksand covering other levels, and laying round the mountains, and up their base, though to no considerable height.
Contiguous to the Harutsch-el-assuat, or black Harutsch, lies the white Harutsch, or Harutsch-el-abiat. The country denoted by this appellation is a vast plain, interspersed with mounds or isolated hills, and spreads to the mountains rising towards Fezzan. The stones covering the surface of this plain have the appearance of being glazed, and so too every other substance, and even the rocks which occasionally rise or project from the level. Among the stones are found fragments of large petrified marine animals, but mostly shells closed up and insolidated. These shells struck or thrown forcibly on others, give a shrill sound, and the fracture presents a vitreous appearance.
The low, bare, calcareous hills which border the plain, are, by the Arabs, comprised in the Harutsch-el-abiat; but they are of a nature very different. Of all that I have seen, this range of hills contains the most petrifactions. These mountains rise immediately steep from the level, and the matter of which they are formed is alone friable limestone, in which the petrifactions are so loosely imbedded, that they may be taken out with ease; they consist of petrified conchs, snail-shells, fish, and other marine substances. I found heads of fish that would be a full burthen for one man to carry. In the adjacent vallies are shells in great number, and of the same kind as those found on the great plain, and which, as I before mentioned, have the appearance of being glazed.
SECTION III.
Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey.
We were yet an hour’s march distant from Temissa, when the inhabitants of that place greeted the caravan with welcome and congratulation on arrival. They put questions without number, concerning our health, intermingling wishes for peace in the Arabian stile and manner. The incessant repetition of the same words appeared to me extraordinary, but I was soon given to understand, that it denoted polite manners, according to usage of the country. The more noble and educated the man, the oftener did he repeat his questions. A well dressed young man attracted my particular attention, as an adept in the perseverance and redundancy of salutation. Accosting an Arab of Augila, he gave him his hand, and detained him a considerable time with his civilities, when the Arab being obliged to advance with greater speed to come up again with his companions, the youth of Fezzan thought he should appear deficient in good manners if he quitted him so soon: for near half a mile he kept running by his horse, whilst all his conversation was, How dost thou fare? Well, how art thou thyself? Praised be God thou art arrived in peace! God grant thee peace! How dost thou do, &c. &c.
On our approach to Temissa, the pilgrims arranged themselves with their kettle drum and green flag. The merchants formed a troop, at head of the caravan, and pranced and curvetted their horses as they led on, and in this manner we passed on to our place of encampment near the town, whilst the women assembled without the walls, welcomed us in their Arabian custom with reiterated and joyful exclamation, to which we answered by discharge of our fire-arms; and these compliments continued till we pitched our tents in a grove of date trees.
All was gladness and felicitation this day throughout the caravan, and especially amongst the merchants. Perhaps for years past the caravan had not left Cairo with so gloomy and fearful a prospect as on the present occasion, when an army of Infidels had so suddenly assailed and taken the principal city of Africa, destroyed the ruling power of the Mamelukes, and threatened immediate abolition to the trade for slaves, on which the caravan principally subsists. It was but a few days after our leaving Cairo, that the appearance of an horde of Bedouins gave alarm to our caravan; indeed it was extraordinary that we should reach Siwah without attack, as the Arabs had of late been so bold, as even to pass the French posts, and rob near to the very capital. Whilst at Siwah, we were apprised of the movements of different hordes of Bengasi and other Arabian tribes; and not far from our road between Augila and the frontiers of Fezzan, we descried numerous vestiges of their depredation, viewing some hundreds of dead camels and beasts of burthen which they had plundered and left, probably from deficiency of water for their support. They had robbed in the neighbourhood, and even made an attack on Temissa, and had waited for us in these parts for a considerable time, till they concluded that, from the conquest of Cairo, our caravan would not this year proceed. Being therefore now in no immediate danger, and our future route laying through the inhabited districts of the realm of Fezzan, our fears at once vanished.
Temissa is at present a place of little importance, containing not more than forty men bearing arms. It is built on a hill, and surrounded by a high wall, capable of securing it against hostile incursion if in due repair, but in many parts the wall is decayed and fallen. I was told there were inscriptions to be discovered on some of the buildings, but I found none, and rather suppose none such ever existed, the ruins consisting of mere dilapidated houses, built with limestone, and cemented with a reddish mortar. These remains, however, shew that the ancient inhabitants of Temissa were more expert in the art of building than the present, who have patched up dwelling places in and among the ruins scarcely so comfortable as our sheds for cattle in Europe.
These people have many sheep and goats. Their only beast of burden is the ass. The place is surrounded with groves of date trees, which furnish the chief subsistence; corn is produced, but in very small quantity.
Having visited the town; on my return to camp, I found there a number of the natives, bartering sheep, fowls and dates, for tobacco, butter, female ornaments, and the coarse woollen stuffs with which the Arabs are generally cloathed. The evening closed in mutual congratulation and festivity, and the younger slaves and boys of the camp made a bonfire.
Our journies from this place being intended to be short, we did not decamp the following morning till half an hour after sunrise, and moved on slowly between date trees, on a generally level ground, interspersed here and there with low hills formed by the wind, which had gathered and heaped a deep sand round some of the trees, so that only the top branches appeared. At two in the afternoon, we came in sight of Zuila, and proceeded towards the place destined for our encampment SW. of the town.
SECTION IV.
Of Zuila.
Zuila being a place of importance in the territory of Fezzan, and the place of residence, not only of many leading and wealthy men, but of relations to the family of the Sultan; we halted at some little distance from the town, and prepared to do the proper honours of our arrival.
The merchants, their pages and slaves dressed themselves in their best apparel; and the Sheik ordered his green flag to be borne before him, in honor to the Shereefs who live in this place. We had scarcely formed ourselves in procession, when we perceived twenty horsemen, mounted on white horses, with a green flag carried in their centre. It was the Shereef Hindy, the principal man of the town, who with his eight sons and other relations, was come out to meet us: at some distance followed a great number of men and boys on foot. They joined our caravan, and we passed together near the town, with huzzas and discharge of muskets, till we reached our place of encampment and pitched our tents.
Many other inhabitants then came out to us, some from curiosity, and some to barter their goods; all behaved with the greatest decorum and regularity; but the family of the Shereef was distinguished by its particular complacency and politeness of manners: they wore the Tripolitan dress, but over it a fine Soudan shirt or Tob. The dealings of the caravan, on this occasion, were considerable, and especially with the women, who purchased various articles of ornament, in exchange for garden-stuff, milk, and poultry.
Zuila has received the name of Belled-el-Shereef, or town of the Shereefs: in former times it was an important place, and its circumference appears to have been thrice the extent of what it is now. Some of the Shereef’s family told me, that some centuries past Zuila had been the residence of the sultans, and the general rendezvous of the caravans: and even yet the voyage to Fezzan is termed, the voyage to Seela, by the caravan from Bornou.
This little city stands on a space of about one mile in circuit; as in Augila, the houses have only a ground floor, and the rooms are lighted from the door. Near the centre of the town, are the ruins of a building several stories high, and of which the walls are very thick; and report says, this was formerly the palace. Without the town near the southern wall, stands an old mosque, little destroyed by time, serving as a sample of the ancient magnificence of Zuila; it contains in the middle a spacious hall or saloon, encompassed by a lofty colonnade, behind which runs a broad passage, with entrances to various apartments belonging to the establishment of the mosque. At some little distance further from the city, appear ancient and very lofty edifices, which are the tombs of shereefs, who fell in battle, at time the country was attacked by Infidels.
The environs of Zuila are level, supplied with water, and fertile. The groves of date trees are of great extent; and its inhabitants appear to pay more attention to agriculture than those of adjoining places.
In the evening we had further proof of the Arab hospitality of yore. A slave of the Shereef’s, brought to each tent a dish of meat and broth, and ten small loaves; this most ancient custom the Sheik of the Sultan keeps up and strictly adheres to on arrival of each caravan; soon after, he sent to each of us three small loaves for the morrow’s breakfast.
SECTION V.
Further journey—and arrival at Mourzouk.
We left the hospitable Zuila the ensuing morning, and having passed through a grove of date trees, came to an extensive and open plain over which we marched seven hours, and then arrived at Hemara; a small village, thin in people, and wretched in appearance, though the country round is most fertile. Here for the first time I was regaled with the great Fezzan dainty of locusts or grass-hoppers, and a drink called lugibi. The latter is composed of the juice of date trees, and when fresh is sweet and agreeable enough to the taste, but is apt to produce flatulencies and diarrhœa. At first I did not relish the dried locusts, but when accustomed, grew fond of them: when eaten, the legs and wings are broken off and the inner part is scooped out, and what remains has a flavour similar to that of red herrings, but more delicious.
The succeeding day we were on march before sunrise; our road crossed a plain, with date trees to the south, among which I descried several small villages. I was till noon separated from my usual party, the Sultan’s Sheik of Zuila being pleased to select me as his particular companion. His ordinary clothes were very much worn, and even ragged; he had a cloak, the badge of his high office; he chose to ride with me (as he said) because he deemed it dishonour to ride with the merchants. When permitted to quit him and rejoin my old comrades, I found them in great glee and spirits, at being so near the place where they had houses and families; their gladness, however, soon received alloy, for the officers of the Sultan met us to take account of the bales and merchandize, which had not being usually done till arrival at the gates of Mourzouk; and the merchants had been in the habit of previously disposing of at least a third of their goods, in order to evade the duties. Some however, had contrived to intermingle their baggage with that of the pilgrims, who pay no duties. Rather out of humour with what had passed, our traders of the caravan agreed with a proposal of the Sheik to make a forced march to Tragen, where we arrived at sunset.
At this place we reposed the whole of the ensuing day, employed in preparation for honourable appearance before the Sultan, who usually rides out to meet the caravan, in pious respect to the pilgrims returning from Mecca. The Sultan sent forward some camels laden with meat and bread, which were here distributed. The next morning we proceeded, and after eight hours march, pitched our camp near to the chapel and tomb of Sidibischir, a holy man of great renown in ancient times, and from whom the village near is likewise named Sidibischir. The following day was to be that of our interview with the Sultan. On that day, the 17th of November, we finished our long and perilous journey, arriving, after a three hours march, in the immediate vicinities of Mourzouk.
The Sultan had posted himself on a rising ground, attended by a numerous court, and a multitude of his subjects.
Our caravan halted, and every person of the caravan, of any importance, dismounted to salute him. With others I approached, and found the sultan seated on an old-fashioned elbow chair, covered with a cloth striped red and green, and placed at extremity of an oval area, round which soldiers were drawn up, of but mean appearance. The sultan himself wore the Tripolitan vest, and over it a shirt or frock, embroidered with silver, in the Soudan manner. Close to him, on each side, were white Mamelukes and Negro slaves, with drawn sabres; behind these were six banners, and black and half-naked slaves, holding lances and halberds, of a fashion as old perhaps, as the times of Saladin. We entered the circle by an opening left facing the sultan, and about the middle of the area: according to the ceremonial of his court, we pulled off our slippers, and approached barefoot to kiss his imperial hand. Each having paid his compliment, alternately passed to right or left, and seated himself behind the sultan: the merchants being thus ranged in two equal groups on either side the throne; lastly entered the Sheik of the pilgrims, with his sabre drawn, and kettle-drum, and green flag of Mecca borne before him. The pilgrims followed, chaunting praises to God, who had so far conducted them in safety; and continued their hymns until the Sultan was pleased to dismiss their leader, with a gracious promise of sending his royal present of dates and meat to every tent. This ceremony of audience being over, the Sultan remounted his horse and rode back to the city of Mourzouk, preceded by kettle-drums and banners, and amidst his lance-men and halberdiers; whilst his courtiers, joined by the Arabs of our caravan, pranced and curvetted their horses on each flank of the procession.
FOOTNOTES:
[11]Vide Strabo, p. 49, 50; edit. Casaub.
CHAPTER III.
Some Account of Fezzan.
The greatest length of the cultivated part of the kingdom of Fezzan, is about 300 English miles from north to south, and the greatest width 200 miles from east to west; but the mountainous region of Harutsch to the east, and other deserts to the south and west, are reckoned within its territory.
The borderers on the north are Arabs, nominally dependant on Tripoly, but their obedience is merely nominal, and they take each opportunity of public weakness or commotion to throw off the yoke. Fezzan to the east is bounded by the Harutsch, and line of deserts. To the south and south-east is the country of the Tibboes. To the south-west that of the Nomadic Tuaricks. On the west are Arabs.
The kingdom contains a hundred and one towns and villages, of which Mourzouk is the capital. The principal towns next in order to the imperial residence are Sockna, Sibha, Hun, and Wadon to the north; Gatron to the south; Yerma to the west; and Zuila to the east.
The climate of Fezzan is at no season temperate or agreeable. During the summer the heat is intense; and when the wind blows from the south is scarcely supportable, even by the natives. The winter might be moderate were it not for the prevalence of a bleak and penetrating north wind during that season of the year, and which chilled and drove to the fire not only the people of the place, but even myself, the native of a northern country.
It rains at Fezzan seldom, and then but little in quantity. From November 1798 to June 1799, there was not a single thunder storm; the 31st of January, 1799, there were some faint lightnings without thunder. Tempests of wind are however frequent, both from the north and the south, whirling up the sand and dust, so as to tinge the very atmosphere yellow. There is no river, nor indeed a rivulet deserving note throughout the whole country. The soil is a deep sand covering calcareous rock or earth, and sometimes a stratum of argillaceous substance.
Dates may be termed the natural and staple produce of Fezzan. In the western parts of the kingdom some senna is grown, and of a quality superior to that imported from the country of the Tibboes. Pot-herbs, and generally vegetables of the garden, are plentiful. Wheat and barley are suited to the soil and climate, but from inexpertness or difficulties attending the mode of tillage, and generally from indolence of the people and oppressions of the government, corn is not raised sufficient for the inhabitants, and they rely for subsistence on importations from the Arab countries bordering Fezzan to the north.
Very little attention is bestowed on the rearing of beasts. Horned cattle are to be found only in the most fertile districts; and are even there but few in number; they are employed in drawing water from the wells, and are slaughtered only in cases of extreme necessity. The ordinary domestic animal is the goat. Sheep are bred in the southern parts of the kingdom; but the general supply is furnished by the bordering Arabs. The wool is manufactured into abbes, or coarse woollen cloths, the general clothing throughout the country; with the meat the very skins are roasted, whilst fresh, and eaten. The horses are but few: asses are the beasts of general use, whether for burthen, draught, or carriage. Camels are excessively dear, and only kept by the chief people, or richer merchants. All these animals are fed with dates or date kernels.
The commerce of Fezzan is considerable, but consists merely of foreign merchandize. From October to February, Mourzouk is the great market and place of resort for various caravans from Cairo, Bengasi, Tripoly, Gadames, Twat, and Soudan, and for other smaller troops of traders, such as Tibboes of Rschade, Tuaricks, and Arabs. The trade from Cairo is carried on by the merchants of Augila; that from Tripoly, chiefly by the inhabitants of Sockna, and but by few either of Fezzan or Tripoly. The commerce with Soudan, is conducted by way of the Tuarick Kolluvi, by the native Agades; the trade with Bornou is managed by the Tibboes of Bilma. The caravans coming to Mourzouk from the south or west, bring, as articles of commerce, slaves of both sexes, ostrich feathers, zibette, tiger skins, and gold, partly in dust, partly in native grains, to be manufactured into rings and other ornaments, for the people of interior Africa. From Bornou copper is imported in great quantity. Cairo sends silks, melayes (striped blue and white calicoes), woollen cloths, glass, imitations of coral, beads for bracelets, and likewise an assortment of East India goods. The merchants of Bengasi, who, usually join the caravan from Cairo at Augila, import tobacco manufactured for chewing, or snuff, and sundry wares fabricated in Turkey.
The caravan from Tripoly, chiefly deals in paper, false corals, fire-arms, sabres, knives, and the cloths called abbes, and in red worsted caps. Those trading from Gadames, bring nearly the same articles. The smaller caravans of Tuaricks and Arabs, import butter, oil, fat, and corn; and those coming from the more southern districts, bring senna, ostrich feathers, and camels for the slaughterhouse.
Fezzan is governed by a sultan, descendant from the family of the Shereefs. The tradition is, that the ancestors of the reigning prince, coming from western Africa, invaded and conquered Fezzan about 500 years past. The sultan reigns over his dominions with unlimited power, but he holds them tributary to the Bashaw of Tripoly: the amount of tribute was formerly 6000 dollars, it is now reduced to 4000; and an officer of the bashaw comes annually to Mourzouk, to receive this sum, or its value in gold, senna, or slaves. This officer, whilst in commission, is called Bey-el-nobe. On his departure from Tripoly, which is every year in November, he takes all travelling merchants under his protection; and returning from Tripoly to Mourzouk, I shall avail myself of the opportunity.
The present sultan assumes the title “Sultan Muhammed-ben Sultan Mansur;” and this title is engraved on a large seal, which he applies to acts of authority or correspondence within his realm, but when writing to the bashaw of Tripoly, he uses a smaller seal, on which, instead of the name Sultan, that of Sheik only, is engraved.
The throne of Fezzan is hereditary: the crown, however, descends not in all cases, directly from father to son: it is the eldest prince of the royal family, who succeeds; and such may be a nephew, in preference to a son who is younger. This custom frequently occasions bloodshed: the son of the deceased sultan may be of sufficient age to govern, though younger than the collateral heir; and having interest and adherents formed by his past high connections and situation, will often be ready to controvert the law of succession, as inapplicable in principle to the case of himself and competitor, equally arrived at the age of manhood and discretion: the question of right is then decided by the sword.
The Sultan’s palace (or house) is situate within the circumvallation of the castle or fortress of Mourzouk: he lives there retired, and with no other inmate but the eunuchs, who wait upon him. His Harem is contiguous; he never enters it, but the female whom he at any time wishes to see, is conducted to his apartment. The Harem consists of a Sultana, who, by rules of the empire, must be of the family of the Shereefs of Wadan or Zuila, and of about forty slaves. These last are often sold and replaced by others, if they do not bear children to the sultan, or do not otherwise endear themselves to him by superior charms and accomplishments.
There is a place set apart within the precincts of the castle, for those who attend on public business, from which a long narrow vestibule leads to a door which opens into the principal apartment of the sultan. The opening of that door is announced by the beating of kettle-drums, as a signal of audience. The door of audience is opened three times in each day. Those who on account of respect or business, attend for introduction, are conducted by the long narrow passage between slaves, who incessantly repeat, “May God prolong the life of the sultan!” On coming to the door, the sultan appears opposite, seated on an old fashioned elbow chair raised some steps, and forming his throne. The person introduced, approaches, kisses the hand of the sultan, raises it so as to touch his forehead, then quits it, and kneels before him. He is permitted to state his case, and address the sultan in ordinary and plain language, but particular attention must be given, that the expressions, “God prolong thy life;” “God protect thy country, &c.” be frequently intermingled; and at each presentation, it is customary to offer a small present. It is only on Fridays, or on some solemn festival, that the sultan appears without the castle walls, and then he is attended by his whole court. He goes on Fridays to the great mosque, on horseback: on other days of solemnity or public occasion, he rides on a plain without the town, where his courtiers prance and run their horses round him, and exhibit their skill in equestrian exercises, and in the art of shooting.
The sultan’s court or official attendants are, the kaledyma, or first minister; the keijumma, or second minister, and the general of his forces; a number of black slaves, and a few white slaves, who are by the Mahometans termed Mamelukes. The kaledyma and keijumma must both be free-born men; whatever their nominal rank, they at present have but little influence. All the interest and power rests with the Mamelukes, who are mostly Europeans, Greeks, Genoese, or their immediate descendants. The black slaves, are purchased whilst yet boys, and are educated for the court according to their dispositions and talents; some of these too have gained great ascendancy with the sultan.
The apparel of the sultan, on days of state and ceremony, consists of a large white frock or shirt, made in the Soudan manner, of stuff, and brocaded with silver and gold, or of satin interwoven with silver. Under this frock, he wears the ordinary dress of the Tripolitans; but the most remarkable appearance is that of his turban, which, from the fore to the hinder part, extends a full yard, and is not less than two thirds of a yard in breadth.
The revenues of the sultan are produced from certain assessments of tax on all gardens and cultivated lands, and from arbitrary fines and requisitions. The slaves employed in collecting these imposts, are most exorbitant and oppressive, if not bribed. The sultan derives further income from duties on foreign trade, paid by the several caravans. That from Cairo pays from six to eight dollars for each camel load. The caravans from Bornou and Soudan pay two matkals, for each slave on sale. He further possesses a territorial revenue, collected from domains of the crown; from salt-pools; from the natron lakes; and from the royal gardens and woods. The present sultan has made great addition to his treasures by predatory expeditions, which he occasionally directs against the Tibboes of the tribe of Burgu.
The public expenditure consists chiefly in maintenance of the sultan, his court, and palace. The cadi and department of justice, those of the religious order, and the great officers of government, are severally supported from the produce of date-tree woods and gardens, granted as usufruct to those holding the respective offices. The princes of the royal family are supported from the proceeds of appropriate territory, and by certain proportions of corn delivered weekly from the sultan’s stores, and from occasional exactions on the people, levied by their personal authority, and by means of their slaves. Such oppression is a natural result of the powers of collection, and means of enforcement, and adjudication of right, being vested in each occasional lord of the domain.
Justice is administered by an officer, termed the cadi: his decisions are directed by the Mahometan law, old customs, and established practice; with exception to criminal cases, in which judgment is arbitrary, or referred to the sultan. In the absence of the cadi, his secretary or scribe, performs the office.
The dignity of a cadi, or chief judge, is hereditary in a certain family, ever since the present race of sultans was established on the throne. The sultan, in each instance of demise or vacancy, selects from this family, such individual to fill the office of cadi, as is noted for learning; or in other words, who can best read and write.
Besides the cadi, all the princes of the sultan’s family, claim a right of jurisdiction, and even of imposing corporal punishments.
The cadi is, at the same time, chief of the clergy, and possesses great influence and authority with the people; the next to him in rank, is the iman kbir, or great Iman.
The population of Fezzan is not easily determined. On loose estimate, I should state the inhabitants throughout, at about 70, or 75,000 souls. All of them, without exception, profess the Mahometan religion. The colour or complexion of the people varies; those of the northern parts of the country, for the most part, have a complexion and features, similar to those of the Arabs. In the southern districts, they have mixed with the natives of the great nations bordering on that quarter, and bear a resemblance to the Tibboes and to the Tuaricks. The genuine or indigenous race of Fezzans, may be described as a people of but ordinary stature, and their limbs by no means muscular or strong, their colour a deep brown, their hair black and short, their form of face such as, in Europe, we should term regular, and their nose less flattened than that of the negro.
The mein, the walk, and every motion and gesture of the people of Fezzan, denote a want of energy, either of mind or body. The tyrannic government, the general poverty of the country, and their only food consisting of dates, or a kind of farinaceous pap, with no meat, and rarely with even a little rancid oil or fat, contribute at once to weakness of frame, and dejection of spirit. Even in those parts, where the race may be supposed to be ameliorated by a mixture with the Arabs, there is no energy of character, no industry. Arts and manufactures, will of course supply but a poor and scanty chapter, exhibiting few articles, and no ingenuity: throughout Mourzouk, I could not find one single skilful artificer in any trade or work; indeed, there are no other tradesmen, but shoemakers and smiths. The latter work every metal without distinction; and the same man who forges shoes for the sultan’s horse, makes rings for his princesses. The women, indeed, fabricate coarse woollen cloths, called abbes; but for the goodness or value of their manufacture the reader may form his own estimate, when told, that the weaver’s shuttle is unknown, and that the woof is inserted into the warp thread by thread, and the whole worked solely by hand.
The dress of the people of Fezzan consists of a shirt or frock, made of a coarse linen or cotton cloth, brought from Cairo, and the abbe so often mentioned. The middling classes wear frocks made at Soudan, of dyed blue cloth. The richer people and the Mamelukes of the sultan are clothed in the Tripolitan habit, over which they wear a Soudan shirt of variegated pattern and colours, and likewise the abbe. The ornamental distinctions of dress are chiefly confined to the head-dress, and to rings on the arms and legs. The lady of a chief or wealthy man of Fezzan divides her hair into seven long curls or tresses; one of these is interbraided with long slips of gilt leather, terminating in a bow; the other six tresses are bound round by a gilt leather strop, and at the end of each is a trinket, which a sketch will best describe.
| No. | 1. | A long stick of coral. |
| 2, 2. | Small pieces of amber. | |
| 3, 3, 3. | Little silver bells. | |
| 4, 4. | Silver or brass wire. |
In addition to these ornaments, the Fezzan woman fastens to the top of her head silken cords, on which are strung a number of silver rings, and which hang on each side pendant to her shoulder. The ears of ladies of rank are bored in two places, and in each hole is fixed a thick silver ring. In ordinary dress they wear nine or ten rings of horn or glass on each arm, four or five of which are taken off on all great occasions, to make room for a silver armillary of four inches breadth. They wear at the same time strong rings of brass or silver just above the ankle bones. The necklace consists of a silk riband, to which are fixed ten or twelve pieces of agate, and in front a round silver plate. The meaner women wear merely a string of glass beads, and curl their hair above the forehead into large ringlets, into which severally is stuffed a paste made of lavender, carraway-seeds, cloves, pepper, mastick, and laurel leaves, mixed up with oil.
The women of Fezzan generally have a great fondness for dancing and every amusement, and the wanton manners and public freedoms which, although Mahometans, they are permitted, astonishes the Mahometan traveller. They dance publicly in the open places of the town, not only in the day-time, but even after sunset. Two or three men stand together with their tambourines; the women immediately form a circle round; the men beat a tune, and those in the circle accompany it with singing and clapping of hands; a girl then advances dancing towards the drummers; the men, as she approaches near, join in the dance and press towards her; on which she makes some steps backwards, and then falls on her back with her body and limbs stiff and perfectly straight, when the women behind catch her in the fall, a few spans from the ground, and toss her in the air, whence she descends on her feet. The men then resume their station in the centre, and a second female dancer repeats the sport, which is successively engaged in by each brisk damsel of the circle.
The men of Fezzan are much addicted to drunkenness. Their beverage is the fresh juice of the date tree, called lugibi, or a drink called busa, which is prepared from the dates, and is very intoxicating. When friends assemble in the evening, the ordinary amusement is mere drinking; but sometimes a singing girl, or kadanka, is sent for: kadanka is a Soudan word, and answers to the term almé used at Cairo.
The song of these Fezzan girls is Soudanic. Their musical instrument is called rhababe: it is an excavated hemisphere, made from a shell of the gourd kind, and covered with leather; to this a long handle is fixed, on which is stretched a string of horse hairs longitudinally closed and compact as one cord, about the thickness of a quill. This is played upon with a bow. I was once of a party with Sidi Mintesser, the brother of the sultan, at a small house, some distance from the palace, when he ordered a Kadanka to be brought, and with whom he soon after withdrew. On her return to the company, she was asked with a significant smile where she had been. She immediately took up her instrument, played upon it, and sung, in the Arabian language, “Sweet is Sidi Mintesser, as the waters of the Nile, but yet sweeter is he in his embraces; how could I resist?” As a natural consequence of the great freedoms allowed to the sex in Mourzouk, there are more women of a certain description to be found in that capital, than in any other of the same extent and population; and the general character of improvidence, and consequent misery and distress, belong as fully to the frail sisterhood of this place, as of any other.
There are various sorts of venereal disorders prevalent in Fezzan; that imported from Soudan is the worst. The common lues venerea brought from Tripoly and Cairo, is called franzi, or the frank evil. For the cure of either species they use salts, and the fruit handal, (colycinth), as powerful cathartics; and the sores, if any, are at the same time washed with natron water, or dissolved soda. These remedies seldom fail, unless the disease has taken a very deep root.
The other maladies prevalent here are hæmorrhoides, no doubt greatly increased by the immoderate use of red pepper; and a fever and ague, which is particularly dangerous to foreigners. In these disorders there is no remedy whatever known or used but amulets, consisting of certain sentences, transcribed from the Koran, on a slip of paper, which the patient wears about his neck, and in bad cases is made to swallow. Phlebotomy is unknown; but blood is occasionally drawn by means of cupping. As to surgery, I heard there were people at Mourzouk who had sufficient ability to cure a simple fracture.
The houses of the Fezzans are miserably built; they are constructed with stones or bricks made of a calcareous earth mixed with clay, and dried in the sun. No other tools are used in the building but the hands of the labourer. When the walls are completely raised, the friends of the proprietor assemble, and assist him to incrust and cover them with a mortar made with a white calcareous earth. This work too is done only by the hand. The houses are all extremely low, and the light enters by the door only.
As to diet, I never knew a more abstemious people than those of Fezzan. Meat indeed is a food they can at no time abstain from when set before them; but meat is not an article of food with the people in general: to indicate a rich man, at Mourzouk, the usual expression is, “that he eats bread and meat every day.”
POSTSCRIPT.
The particulars above communicated may give some general idea of Mourzouk, and of the people and kingdom of Fezzan. Proposing shortly to return into that country, I may have an opportunity of gaining more satisfactory intelligence, and of enlarging on some points, and of rectifying any mistake in others; I will then draw up for the Society a more full and amended account, having in view the means of conveyance through one of my country-friends, who is going with the caravan to Mourzouk, and proposes returning to Tripoly in May or June 1800, when he will consign my papers to the care of the British Consul.
| (Signed) | FREDERICK HORNEMAN. |
APPENDIX. No. I.
Observations on F. Horneman’s Description of the Country and Antiquities of Siwah, with Reference to ancient Accounts of the Oasis, and Temple of Ammon. By Sir William Young, Bart. Secretary.
The papers alluded to in Mr. Horneman’s Postscript have never been received; and nearly two years having elapsed since the date from which our expectation was referred, the above more summary account of his Travels (as probably the only one extant) is offered for perusal. Opportunities of correspondence from the interior of Africa can rarely occur, but by the caravans passing at certain, but distant, periods of time; and even by such conveyance, any communication from an European and Christian traveller, must be conducted with so particular a caution in avoidance of offence to the bigotry and prejudices of the people, that Mr. Horneman’s intentions of again writing may not only have been delayed, but wholly precluded, by the circumstances of his situation. The necessity of sustaining the character of a Mussulman unconnected with those termed “the Infidels of Christendom,” is strongly impressed in his letters from Cairo, Aug. 31, 1798, wherein he earnestly deprecates even inquiry concerning him, as liable to awaken jealousies and suspicions in the natives who may be so questioned; and any farther communications at present, from himself, may be matter of similar apprehension.
Under these considerations, it is become a duty to his public-spirited employers, that such curious intelligence as their traveller has already given, should no longer be withheld, even in its present state, and for which they will make a just and candid allowance.
It is however presumed, that the Reader will not have found in perusal of this Journal, that there is much which may require his favour or excuse: yet some details appear to need explanation, and which (if a reference to the traveller himself were possible) might be given in a manner the most clear and satisfactory.
In default of such advantage, the Editor offers an annotation or comment on two subjects of peculiar interest, treated of in this Journal, and in a manner apparently incorrect, or contradictory to accounts given by other writers.
[Page 15;] the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, (as represented by Mr. Horneman) differs widely from that stated by every other writer ancient or modern.
[Page 23;] the admeasurements of the sacred Egyptian building appear to vary in every proportion from those given by a late traveller of allowed accuracy, Mr. Brown.
In the first instance, it is the purpose of the Annotator to ascertain the error, and to shew whence it has arisen.
In the second case, he will have to place the subject in a point of view, by which an apparent variation in the two accounts may not only be reconciled, but even matter of new and just inference, as to the ancient construction and purpose of the building in question, be shewn to arise, from the very elucidation which corrects and compares these differences.
[Page 15;] Mr. Horneman states “the principal and fertile territory of Siwah to be fifty miles in circuit:” in this he disagrees with every account given by the writers cited by Mr. Rennell, and with that latterly given by Mr. Brown, who, in conformity with the descriptions by other authors, states the extent of the Oasis, or fertile spot, to be six miles in length, and four miles and a half in breadth; not exceeding eighteen miles in circumference at the utmost. It will further appear that, in this respect, Horneman is not only at variance with the writings of others, but with his own, and that his own journal furnishes the strongest internal evidence in refutation of the fact he asserts.
Horneman names all the towns within the territory of Siwah,—Scharkie, Msellem, Menschie, Sbocka, and Barischa, and he places all these villages, or towns, within one or two miles of Siwah the capital, which proximity could not be the case, if the rich and fertile land extended each way sixteen miles in traverse, as a circle of fifty miles implies. On a small and most fertile tract of country, surrounded on all sides by barren and sandy deserts, the rich and productive soil infers a population commensurate with, and in proportion to, its extent. Diodorus Siculus tells us, that the ancient Ammonians dwelt κωμηδὸν, i. e. vicatìm. (Ed. Wesseling, Tom. II. p. 198.) And so too the people at present (on grounds probably of convenience and defence against the Arabs of the Desert) appear to live chiefly in towns; and hence those towns must have been more distant, as more widely diffused over so great a space of country from its very character and description, to be supposed in every part occupied and appropriate. Society must have gathered and increased till it fully covered a country of such exclusive fertility and means of subsistence. Generally, increase of population is to be measured by the means of subsistence; and in converse of the proposition, whatever of country was productive and habitable situated as the Oasis of Siwah, must be considered as inhabited and turned to account: the general reasoning and estimate of increase of people is further strengthened by the special argument of probable resort, from the barren yet partially inhabited districts which encompassed it.
Horneman’s description of the territory of Siwah tallies with, and confirms, the speculation: he represents the country as consisting of so many gardens walled or fenced on every side, and cultivated with so nice attention and labour, and with such care in irrigation, that the water directed in various cuts and channels from each spring, was in no case suffered to flow beyond the territory; but was made to lose and expend itself in the cultivated grounds of the Siwahans: and he describes the people as a swarm, and their residence as a crowded hive.
Let us now advert to his more particular enumeration of these Siwahans, and to the practicability of such number (as under any computation can be supposed labourers in the field) being competent to work the ground of fifty miles in circuit, with the nice agriculture he describes.
Horneman states 1500 warriors, or men bearing arms, as the data for estimating the population of the country: he must mean to say, men capable of bearing arms, or there are no data, and he means nothing. Calculate a population on the widest latitude from such data, and apply it to a well-cultivated district of 127,360 square acres, and there will not be more than one cultivator to at least 50 cultivated acres: for the women, our journalist has otherwise engaged. They (as he tells us,) are employed in manufacture, and chiefly in that of wicker-work and baskets, which they work with great neatness and ingenuity. These statements carry self-contradiction. These lands cannot be so extensive, or cannot be so cultivated.
Thus from Mr. Horneman’s own account, we may infer, that the rich spot of country termed the Oasis of Siwah, must be of much less extent indeed, than that which he directly states.
Observing particular expressions in the Journal relative to this subject, the cause of error may possibly appear. The traveller says, “the territory of Siwah is of considerable extent; its principal and most fertile district is a well watered valley of about fifty miles in circuit, hemmed in by steep and barren rocks.”
Now, referring to other descriptions of the fertile district or Oasis of Siwah, it is to be remarked, that such rich and productive spot of country is no where described, as immediately bounded and hemmed in by steep rocks and mountains. Diodorus, lib. xvii. speaking of the Oasis of Ammon, says, it was surrounded on all sides by barren and arid sands: so too, Mr. Brown mentions the fertile soil or Oasis, of from four miles and an half in breadth, to six in length, as bordered and encompassed by “desert land;” intimating plain. In truth, it is such desert border of plain, which further on is bounded by rocky mountains. Mr. Horneman appears to have made no excursions from the town of Siwah, further than of a mile and a half to the ruins, and of one mile to the catacombs of El-Mota. From all these considerations, it may be surmised, that our traveller looking from Siwah, or its adjacencies, to the hills or rocks surrounding him at a distance, comprized in his estimate of rich country, the whole intermediate plain, not having directed due inquiry or consideration in the ascertaining of, to what extent within the area of that plain, the rich and cultivated soil might reach? Or, perhaps, he did make enquiries; but of some patriotic Siwahan, who thought proper to exaggerate the richness and extent of his petty commonwealth, and confirm his hyperbole, by pointing to the lofty boundary in view: or, perhaps, from not sufficiently understanding the dialect of Siwah, (as the traveller himself allows,) he may have confounded the ideas of country occupied, and of territory claimed.
Be these surmises and explanations founded or not, our journalist’s representation of the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, is not only at variance with every other account, but with the internal evidence to be extracted from his own account, and must be rejected as erroneous.
Page 23, of the Journal, to which this note refers, a further subject of inquiry and explanation occurs, where Mr. Horneman, describing the ruins of an ancient edifice in the vicinity of Siwah, gives us dimensions and proportions, in every respect differing from those before stated by Mr. Brown, in description of the same building.
| The length in feet. | The width. | The height. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| By Mr. Brown, | 32 | 15 | 18 |
| By Mr. Horneman, | 30 to 36 | 24 | 27 |
Mr. Horneman informs us, that he was successively interrupted on entrance into the area of these ruins, and was altogether prevented by the jealousy of the natives, from pursuing any plan of accurate examination or admeasurement. The dimensions which he gives us, are therefore to be taken as the result of computation on mere view; and from these and other circumstances, it is further to be presumed, that such computation by view, was made from without; whilst Mr. Brown expressly tells us, that he took his measurements in the clear, or inside of the building.
In this case, a deduction equal to the thickness of the walls, is to be made from the length and the breadth of the building, as described by Mr. Horneman.
The thickness of the end walls may be supposed to be much less than that of the side walls, which being constructed to support the vast and ponderous blocks of stone which formed the roof, must have been built with a proportionate strength and solidity, not necessary, and probably therefore not used, at the entrance or end of the building. Mr. Horneman, indeed, when stating the thickness of the walls to be six feet, makes no such discrimination; but it may be fairly presumed, that adverting particularly (as he does,) to the massive roof, he meant to note exclusively, the strength of that part of the fabric by which it was supported.
Under such probable conjecture, the length and breadth of the building given by Mr. Brown from the inside, and by Mr. Horneman from the outside, may so far agree, as fully to exculpate our Journalist from any charge of inattention in his survey, or inaccuracy in his representations; making those allowances which his situation and circumstances, and (above all,) his own declarations of want of precision, fully intitle him to.
The comparative height of the building is a part of the subject, which suggests matter of new and interesting investigation.
Page 23, Mr. Horneman informs us, “that the northern part of the building is erected on a native calcareous rock, rising about eight feet above the level of the area, within a circumvallation,” which he particularly and exclusively describes, and which will be a subject of further dissertation. He then mentions, “that two vast stones of the roof have fallen in from the southern part of the building, and lay with their bottom nearly on a level with the plain of the outward enclosure;” and he was thence led to conjecture, that the base or floor of the southern division, was originally lower than that of the northern end.
The difference in measurement or estimate of height stated by the two travellers, strongly corroborates the fact.
It may be premised, that when an object is of no great altitude, an estimate of height may be made on mere inspection or view, with much more accuracy than any other line of dimension. A comparison with known objects, the stature of any human figure near, nay, the very person of the observer himself, will furnish a sort of scale for reference, by which he may compute from four to five times his own height with considerable precision.
A difference so great as that of from eighteen to twenty-seven feet in estimating the altitude of the building at Siwah, could not occur between two the most hasty and inaccurate observers, in noting the height of the same object. The object itself, therefore, must be considered as different; and in the one case, to be that of the wall within, and in the other case, that of the temple from without.
Mr. Brown taking his measurements in the clear, would ascertain the perpendicular of the wall from a part of the pediment or floor, the most clear and perfect; and this was, at the northern end. The dilapidations in the southern part of the building, do not appear to have attracted his notice in any other consideration, than as mere ruins: and merely as such, the unequal and broken surface would not be preferred for placing a rod in measurement to the summit, or from whence to look up and make a calculation of height. Mr. Brown accordingly measured the height from a proper base at the northern end, and found it to be eighteen feet. It has been already cited from the journal of Mr. Horneman, that the northern end was built on an isolated rock, rising eight feet above the plain of the general enclosure. The top of the wall from north to south, must have run on a level, and in a direct line: and the actual building of the southern part must have been eight feet higher than that of the northern end; and the entire building from without must have appeared, and in truth, have been, twenty-six feet high, even to conform with Mr. Brown’s description from within.
The two travellers in other points agree, as to the architecture of the building, and sculpture on the walls, concurring in proof, that it was of the highest antiquity, and of Egyptian origin.
The division of the edifice exclusively noticed by Mr. Horneman, may give some further indication of its use and purpose, and perhaps may be found to strengthen the conjecture, “that these are the very ruins of the once famous oracular temple consecrated by the Egyptian Danaus, to the divinity of Ammon.”
The writer of this note will on no account, and in no degree, discuss the position of country, within which the renowned temple of Ammon was erected. He considers that question as concluded, and for ever set at rest, in the acute and learned comment on the Geography of Herodotus, by Mr. Rennell. The facts, the arguments, and the inferences stated in that admirable work, indisputably shew the Oasis of Siwah, to have been the Oasis of Ammon. The precincts are thus narrowed, within which our researches are to be directed, for ascertaining the locality, and even the very remains of the temple itself: and this concurrent circumstance will be held in mind, whilst certain details in the description given us of the ruins discovered at Siwah, are examined and brought to the test, by reference to such few particulars as are recorded by ancient writers concerning the temple of Ammon.
The general description of the materials, of the architecture, and of the sculptures, may render it unnecessary to prolong this essay, by discussing the question of when, and by whom was the building erected? Those who may yet entertain a doubt, that it was a most ancient Egyptian edifice, are referred to the writings of Norden, of Pocock, of Lucas, and above all, to the treatise of Major Rennell above cited. The annotator ventures to assume the fact; and merely add, τὸ μὲν τέμενος φασὶν ἰδρύσασθαι Δαναὸν τον Αιγύπτιον. Diod. Sic. Tom. II. Ed. Wesseling. page 198.
So much as to the building and its antiquity being taken for granted; the following comment will advert to circumstances exclusively noticed by Mr. Horneman, and which may lead to further inferences, as to its original purpose and designation.
First, In ascertaining the supposed remains of an oracular temple, vestiges of the adytum, would be an object of particular research: and perhaps such may be discovered in that part of Mr. Horneman’s description, where he mentions the different levels of the basement or floor of the ancient edifice at Siwah.
Hen. Steph. in Thesaur. art. “Adytum,” ἄδυτον, locus secretior templi, ad quem non nisi sacerdotibus dabatur accessus, nam ex eo oracula reddebantur.
The adytum, was not only a recess, rendered secret by the reverential awe which forbad approach of the vulgar; but was actually a kind of crypt, or place of concealment: among the prodigies forerunning the victories of Cæsar in Asia, “Pergami in occultis ac remotis templi, quæ Græci ἄδυτα appellant, tympana sonuêre. Bell. Civil. lib. iii. cap. 105.
In the itinerary of Pausanias, the ἄδυτα of the oracular temples appear to have been sunk beneath, and under the basement or floor of the building. This was so generally the case, that in Bœoticis, the word adytum is used as synonymous for the cave of Trophonius. In Corinthracis, cap. i. the entrance and passage to the adytum of Palæmon at Chronium, is represented as subterraneous; ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλο ἄδυτον καλούμενον, κάθοδος δὲ ἐς ἀυτὸ ὑπὸ γεως. edit. Kuhn. p. 113, and in the Achaicis, the entrance of the adytum of the temple of Minerva, at Pellené, is from under the base of the statue of the goddess, and the recess is hyperbolically represented, as penetrating to the very centre of the earth.
The purposes of these crypts, or concealed recesses in the oracular temples, may readily be surmised: and to conduct their oracle with proper mystery and imposition of respect, was a necessary policy in the priesthood, to prevent any visit or examination of these hallowed places: the hand of the deity was denounced as punishing the trespasser with instant death. Of the many examples that offer, we will take one from Egypt: Pausanias in Phocicis, mentions, “That a Roman Prefect having from impious curiosity, sent a person to inspect the adytum of Isis at Coptos, the unhallowed intruder was struck dead on the spot.
The oracle was given ex adyto.
· · · · isque adytis hæc tristia dicta reportat.
Virg. Æn. l. ii. v. 115.
It was given too imo adyto, or as others express it, from the depth of the adytum.
Nec dum etiam responsa Deûm monitusque vetusti
Exciderant, voxque ex adytis accepta profundis
Prima,—“Lycurge dabis Dircæo funera bello.”
Stat. Theb. l. v. 645.
Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. says, that when Alexander required an oracle from Ammon, the chief priest retired back to the sanctuary or holy place, and gave the answer, ex adyto; so the Latin version of Wesselingius expresses it: in truth, there is no Greek word in the original, immediately corresponding with ex adyto; yet the priest retiring εις σήκον, i. e. to the fane or secret recess of the temple; his giving the oracle from such secret recess may be implied.
Applying the accounts of the adytum to the building under consideration, it may be observed, that to form such recess, the rock rising in the centre of the enclosure described at Siwah, offered a peculiar accommodation to the architect. The soil around is represented as wet and marshy, and not therefore suited to excavation. The erecting the Προνὰος, or forepart of the temple, on the elevation of the rock, admitted of the interior end or penetrale being built over a crypt, or artificial cave of eight feet deep, suitable to the purpose and mysteries of an oracular temple.
The entrance to the ancient edifice described by Mr. Horneman was to the north; and from the northern end or division of the building there was a descent of eight feet, in coming to the southern or interior extremity.
Whether anciently the pavement was level and continued, “covering the adytum as a cave;” or whether it was an open vault or recess, from which the priest (as mentioned by Diodorus) might utter the predictions of the oracle unseen by the vulgar; in either case the construction may agree with the ideas to be derived from ancient authority, of the oracular Fane of Ammon; and more strongly warrant a conjecture, that the ruins described by Horneman, may be those of that renowned temple.
Secondly, Mr. Horneman, observing on the rude and stupendous architecture of the building at Siwah, says, “that he could in no part discover any mark or trace on the walls, of their having been incrusted or lined with marbles, or of any ornament having been once affixed.” Indeed the building appears not to have been large, and could little admit of such.
Niches, or pedestals were not required; the most ancient Egyptian temples had no statues: Lucian says,—τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν καὶ παρὰ Αἰγυπτίοισι αξόανοι νηοὶ ἔσαν· edit. Bourdelot. p. 1057. The sole interior decoration of the ancient Egyptian temple at Heliopolis, described by Strabo, was a rude sculpture on the walls in the old Tuscan taste, apparently similar to that observed by Mr. Horneman on the walls at Siwah. Strabo’s words are,—ἀναγλυφὰς δ᾿ ἔχουσιν οἱ τοῖχοι οὗτοι μεγάλων ειδώλων ομοίων τοῖς Τυῤῥενικοῖς, καὶ τοῖς αρχαίοις σφόδρα των παρὰ τοῖς Ελλησὶ δημιουργημάτων· edit. Casaub. p. 806. This, and the indications of rude simplicity observable in the remains of the ancient building at Siwah, may thus strengthen the conjecture that it was the one sacred to Ammon. Diodorus, Arrian, and Curtius, all indeed talk of gold and ornaments, and even of a statue in procession, displayed on the visit of Alexander: but Strabo directly taxes Callisthenes (and therewith those writers who followed him) with exaggerations and additions, introduced to do honour to their hero. Edit. Casaub. p. 813.
The poet Lucan, in his description of the Temple (and its being a fiction will be taken in aid of the argument), states the people of Lybia to be “beati,” i. e. rich; and he had all the gold of Africa before him, if the general account and actual knowledge of this temple at the time he wrote, could have bore him out in a luxuriant description of its splendour and magnificence. From this he appears to have abstained, in deference to fact and to what was generally known, of the rudeness and simplicity of this holy place. His being a poet thus strengthens his authority, whilst he foregoes the splendour of description specially suited to his genius; and gives up matter too of fine poetical contrast, with the simple and pure morals and religion of his Cato. He had no other inducement but truth when he says,
“Non illic Libycæ posuerunt ditia gentes
Templa, nec Eöis splendent donaria gemmis
Quamvis Æthiopum populis Arabumque Beatis
Gentibus, atque Indis, unus sit Jupiter Ammon:
Pauper adhuc deus est; nullis violata per ævum
Divitiis delubra tenens, morumque priorum
Numen Romano templum defendit ab auro.”
Lucan, lib. ix.
The Temple of Ammon further may be presumed, to have been of small dimension. When Alexander alone enters the building, it is mentioned by his historians, that such exclusive permission was a mark of high respect; but Strabo further informs us, that all who attended on Alexander, “heard the Oracle from without:” ἔξωθὲν τε τῆς θεμεστείας ΑΚΡΟΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πάντας πλὴν Αλεξάνδρου, Τουτον δ᾿ ἔνδοθὲν εἶναι. edit. Casaub. p. 814. The Oracle given from the extreme recess of the interior, (to which the priest retired for the purpose, as before cited from Diodorus), could be heard and distinguished from without, only under supposition, that the entrance was at no great distance from the adytum, and the temple, of course, not large.
Thirdly, It is exclusively stated by Mr. Horneman, that the building at Siwah is situated in the centre of an inclosure, surrounded at some distance by ancient foundations of a strong and massive wall. Not to lengthen this note by unnecessary citations, it may be sufficient to refer generally to the Itinerary of Pausanias, wherein scarcely a temple is mentioned throughout Greece, without noticing, at the same time its inclosure and circumvallation: and even the sacred grove, distinctively from the temple, was often surrounded by a wall, as was that of Venus in Eliacis, cap. xxv.
These walls may be considered, in one respect, as marking the boundary of the holy ground; but further, they were built with a view to protecting not only the sanctity, but the wealth too of the temple.
The statues were often of gold and ivory; and the offerings of golden shields and goblets, and other votive presents, given by those who consulted the oracles, formed a treasure considerable in proportion to the character and renown of the sacred place. Cicero, in his accusation of Verres, notices that the treasures of a state were often deposited too in sanctuaries, not only as protected by the abhorrence of sacrilege, but by the strength of the place: thus the general subsidies collected by the Athenians, at the close of the Persian wars, were kept in the Parthenon; and the wealth pillaged from the temple at Phocis, by Philomelus, and which occasioned the holy war, was immense. On these accounts the greater temples were often placed in actual fortresses. The Temple of Minerva at Syracuse, was in the Ortygia; the Parthenon of Athens, in the Acropolis; the Roman Temple of Jupiter, in the Capitol; and the Editor, when in Sicily, remarked the circumvallations inclosing the temples at Selinunté, and the almost impregnable situations of those at Agrigentum and Segesté.
The foundations of ancient circumvallation at Siwah may thus be considered, in some degree, as indications of the origin and purpose of the building within the inclosure.
The Ammonian temple was certainly surrounded by a strong wall; “triplici muro circumdatum,” as Diodorus, lib. xvii. and Q. Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 7, both inform us. Curtius uses the word munitio, and the Ἀκρόπολις, or arx of Diodorus, answers in description to the mount of Siwah itself; and the temple of Ammon being represented as being erected within the third or more distant inclosure of wall, its distance from the citadel may well correspond with that of the ruins in question, from the town of Siwah.
Horneman further informs us, that the ancient building which he describes, stood in the centre of the area, and partly on a rock; and at the same time observes, that the ground generally throughout the area was broken and dug up in search of treasure; from which may be inferred that formerly there were other buildings within the inclosure. On this head it is almost unnecessary to cite ancient authorities; it will appear from a view of the well known ruins in Greece, Sicily, and the Magna Græcia, &c. that the ancients often availed themselves of one and the same circumvallation, and erected different temples within the general inclosure; so, in the Achaicis of Pausanias, cap. cxx. the temples of Minerva and of Diana Laphia are within the same boundary of wall, without enumerating the many other instances in that curious journal; or to the three temples actually remaining at Pæstum, &c. within the inclosure of one and the same wall. In reference to the subject more immediately under consideration, the Ammonian temples of Juno and Mercury were in high repute with the Greeks, as mentioned in the Eliacis, p. 416, edit. Kuhn: and these temples were probably within the same inclosure as that of Ammon. The temple of Ammon being the principal, might be supposed to be erected in the centre and on the rock, which strong foundation may have in part yet preserved it, whilst the foundations of the others more easily dug and broken up, have brought those edifices low to the ground; and hence the very materials (as we are told) have been carried away, and no vestiges remain but of the area of the earth having been disturbed and heaped, as the work of search, dilapidation, and pillage was carried on.
Fourthly, Mr. Horneman was shewn, at the distance of half a mile from the ruins, “a spring of fresh water, which takes its rise in a grove of date trees, and in a most romantic and beautiful situation.”
This description precisely answers to that of the Fountain of the Sun, mentioned by ancient writers: and the distance from the chief temple too, seems to agree. “Haud procul arce extrinsecùs alterum Hammonis fanum jacet, quod multæ arbores proceræ inumbrant, et fons proximus est, ὀνομαζομένη Ἠλίου κρήνη·” Diod. Sic. Tom. II. p. 199. So too Curtius, “Est etiam aliud Hammonis nemus; in medio habet fontem; Aquam Solis vocant.” Lib. iv. cap. 7.
Thus far the merely descriptive accounts agree. If a further point can be ascertained, it will be conclusive, and the beautiful spot visited by our traveller, be identified as that of the Fountain of the Sun, situated extrinsecùs, or without the inclosure, in which stood the principal temple of Ammon.
The water of the Fountain of the Sun was, at different periods of each twenty-four hours, successively hot and cold: “Aquam enim habet, cum horis diei miris subinde vicibus re variantem. Nam sub lucis ortum tepidam emittit. Die hinc progrediente pro horarum succedentium ratione, frigescit. Sub æstum vero meridianum frigedo ejus summa est. Quæ rursùs parili modo remittit usque ad vesperam. Tunc appetente nocte rursùs incalescit, ad mediam usque noctem, ubi exæstuat. Exinde calor sensìm deficit: donec unà cum exortâ luce pristinam teporis vicem recuperârit.” Diod. Sic. Tom. II. edit. Wesseling, p. 199.
Mr. Horneman appears to have made no inquiries on this curious subject; but tells us, that having asked, “if there was any spring of fresh water near?” he was shewn to the one he describes, undoubtedly the nearest, and probably the same as seen by Mr. Brown, who says, (p. 24 of his Volume of Travels), “that one of the springs which rise near the ruins described, is observed by the natives, to be sometimes cold and sometimes warm.” Mr. Brown does not appear to have considered the Oasis of Siwah as that of Ammon. He had no favourite discovery to set forth and confirm by particular remarks and circumstances: he had not an interest in his account of the changeable temperature of this spring, but that of truth. The periodical variation from hot to cold, and from cold to heat, may rather, therefore on his relation, be assumed as fact; and be taken as a matter of proof concurrent with the grove, the spring itself, the distance from the ruins, and the beauty of the situation, all answering to the descriptions of the Fountain of the Sun, given by ancient writers, and, in reference to the ruins, rendering the conjecture more probable, that they are those of the Temple of Ammon.
Fifthly, Mr. Horneman says, “that the material of which the building is constructed, is a limestone, containing petrifactions of shells and small marine animals; and that such stone is to be found and dug up in the neighbourhood:” so too Strabo tells us, p. 49, that sea fossils and shells were spread on the Oasis of Ammon; κατὰτὴν μεσόγαιαν ὁρᾷται πολλαχου κόχλων καὶ ὀστρέων καὶ χηραμίδων πληθος, καὶ λιμνοθάλαττοι καθάπερ φησὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερον τοῦ Ἄμμωνος. Strabo, p. 50, further noticing the marine substances scattered on the Oasis of Ammon, cites Eratosthenes, supposing that the sea once reached to that interior spot of Africa, and supporting his conjecture by observing, that the oracle could not anciently, and in the first instance, have been so renowned and visited, if difficult of access, by being far inland. Casaubon’s version expresses it, “fortassis etiam Ammonis templum, aliquando in mari jacuisse, quod nunc maris effluxu sit in mediâ terrâ; ac conjicere se, oraculum illud optimâ ratione tam illustre ac celebre factum, esse quòd in mari esset situm, neque ejus gloriam probabile esse tantam potuisse existere, quanta nunc est, si tam longè fuisset a mari dissitum.” P. 50. The poet follows the geographer’s idea, and derives a fine sentiment for the mouth of Cato.
Numen · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·
· · · · · · · · · · steriles nec legit arenas,
Ut caneret paucis, mersitque hoc pulvere verum.
Pharsal. lib. ix. v. 576.
Now, taking the simple fact, the stones with which the Temple of Ammon was built, might be supposed to contain fragments of marine animals and shells, such as those mentioned by Horneman. For the rest, Strabo’s (or rather Eratosthene’s) conjecture is scarcely admissible.
The Libyan Ammon had long been venerated in Greece, and throughout the then civilized world. A subordinate temple was consecrated to Ammon in Laconia, and the god was yet more anciently worshipped by the Aphytæi. Paus. Kuhn, p. 293. Another temple was raised to Ammon in Bœotia, and in which Pindar dedicated a statue of the god; and the same great poet wrote a hymn to the Lybian deity, and sent the copy to its priesthood in Africa. Bœotica, p. 741. So anciently and so highly as the oracle of Ammon was revered, and so much as it was resorted to by the most enlightened nations of Greece, Asia, and Egypt, the circumstance of its once having been situated on the coasts of the sea, could not have escaped tradition or direct historical account, if such had ever been the fact.
The above remarks are with deference submitted to the reader, as adding probability to the conjecture, that the ruins seen by Mr. Horneman, in the vicinity of Siwah, may be the actual remains of the ancient oracular temple of Ammon.
Having in the above comment cited a passage from the Pharsalia, not as authority, but for purpose of inference; and having further adverted to a sentiment attributed to the philosophic hero of the poem, in reference to the inland and sequestered situation of the temple of Ammon; the annotator is induced to close this essay with a version of the admirable speech of Cato at length, as deriving a peculiar interest from connection with the subject under discussion, appearing to terminate, (and leave as it were, in ruins,) the superstitions of the oracle, with the fabric of its temple.
Lucan tells us, that Cato approaching the Fane of Jupiter Ammon in Lybia, was requested by Labienus to demand of the oracle,—“What was to be the fate of Cæsar?—whether Rome was to be enslaved or free?—and in what consisted virtue, &c. &c.”
Cato, (his spirit flaming high, as e’er
From Ammon’s fane burst forth in prophecy)—
Spoke from his heart,—the sacred shrine of truth!—
“What wouldst thou, Labienus?—should I ask,
If being free, that freedom I’d resign?
If I would die,—before I’d be a slave?
If life is nought,—when measur’d but by years?
If evil can affect the good;—or whether
The threat of Fortune’s lost upon the brave?
If to deserve well is enough?—or if,
Desert is yet dependant on success?
All this I know:—Ammon can’t tell me more!
We all depend on God:—(his priest and oracle
Silent) His will is known, nor does he need
A voice, but that within the breast of man:
Our duties are implanted on our births!
The God of Nature ne’er confin’d his lessons
Here, to the few;—or buried his great truths
In Afric’s sands.—Is not his holy place,—
At once all earth, sea, air, and heav’n, and virtue?—
God is, whate’er we see,—where’er we move!
Let those who doubt, go ask at yonder fane
Their lot?—not knowing how they’d act, or feel.
No oracle confirms, or moves, my thoughts;
—Makes nought more sure:—I know I am to die,
And this doth make me sure,—of how to live!
The coward and the brave, the bad and good
Alike must die!—and God declaring this,
Made known to man, all man requires to know!”
Thus Cato spoke,—turn’d from the hallow’d fane
In faith and virtue satisfied; and left
Ammon, to Ammon’s votaries,—the people.
W. Y.
Ille Deo plenus, tacitâ quem mente gerebat,
Effudit dignas adytis è pectore voces:
“Quid quæri, Labiene, jubes?—an liber in armis
Occubuisse velim potiùs, quàm regna videre?
An sit vita nihil, sed longam differat ætas?
An noceat vis ulla bono?—Fortunaque perdat
Oppositâ virtute minas,—laudandaque velle
Sit satis, et nunquam successu crescat honestum?
Scimus; et hoc nobis non altiùs inseret Ammon.
Hæremus cuncti Superis, temploque tacente,
Nil facimus non sponte Dei: nec vocibus ullis
Numen egit: dixitque semel nascentibus auctor
Quicquid scire licet; steriles nec legit arenas
Ut caneret paucis, mersitque hoc pulvere verum.
Estne Dei sedes, nisi terra, et pontus, et aër,
Et cœlum, et virtus? Superos quid quærimus ultrà?
Juppiter est quodcunque vides, quocumque moveris!
Sortilegis egeant dubii, semperque futuris
Casibus ancipites: me non oracula certum,
Sed mors certa facit: pavido, fortique cadendum est.
Hoc satis est dixisse Jovem.” Sic ille profatur
Servatâque fide, templi discedit ab aris,
Non exploratum populis Ammona relinquens.
Lucan, lib. ix. v. 564.
POSTSCRIPT.
POSTSCRIPT.
It may be satisfactory to his Employers and to the Public, to receive some further account of Mr. Horneman, on termination of the travels more immediately the subject of his Journal.
By a letter from Mr. Horneman, dated at Tripoly, August 19, 1799, it appears, that on coming to Mourzouk, the end of October, 1798, he was informed that a caravan was preparing to set out for Soudan in three divisions, of which the first was to depart in three days after his arrival. The period fixed for departure of the last division, allowed time for the necessary preparations, and Mr. Horneman had intended to proceed with it on a journey to the Agades and Cashna; but informations he afterwards received induced him to alter his purpose. He was told that the caravan was likely to meet with obstruction or attack in passing through a country of the Tuaricks, then at war with Fezzan; and he observed that the caravan consisted wholly of black traders, from whose intercourse or connection he was not likely to derive either useful consequence or patronage, which might facilitate his friendly reception with the Moors of interior Africa. These and other circumstances induced him to forego the present opportunity, and with the less regret, as, at no distant period, a great caravan was expected from Bornou, with which, on its return, he might travel to the greatest advantage. Whilst remaining at Mourzouk, himself and his servant Frendenburgh were seized with the country fevers: Horneman recovered, but his servant died.
On the re-establishment of his health, Horneman found that some months yet must elapse before the caravan could be expected from Bornou: and in the interval of public resort from the arrival or passage of the caravans, Mourzouk affording no further objects of curiosity or interest, he determined to proceed to Tripoly, for the purpose of transmitting to the Committee of the African Association, such intelligence as he had hitherto collected in their service. He arrived at Tripoly, after a journey of two months, about the middle of August; transacted the business he had in view, and on the 1st of December, 1799, set out on his return to Mourzouk, where he arrived January 20th, 1800.
Two letters from Mourzouk have been since received, and at date of writing the last, Mr. Horneman was on the eve of setting out with the caravan for Bornou; and with intention from that remote kingdom to prosecute further discoveries to the westward, and in the heart of Africa.
The letters from Mourzouk are as follow:
| “Sir, | “Mourzouk, February 20, 1800. |
“I left Tripoly the 1st of December, 1799, and arrived here (the capital of Fezzan) January 20th, 1800, after a safe and good journey, though protracted and slow. I am in the best health, and with fair probability of its continuance.
“The route from hence to Soudan, is not yet secure enough for me to undertake proceeding by way of the Agades.
“There is now at this place, a Shereef of Bornou, a man of sense, and very much considered by the Sultan of that country. I have made him my friend, and it is in his company I shall depart from this place about the 15th of March for Bornou, whence in the months of August or September, I think to reach Cashna, distant from Bornou about fifteen days journey.
“I shall write as often as opportunity offers, that at least some letters may arrive for your information, and the tranquillity of my family.
“I remain, with great esteem,
“Sir,
“Your most obedient,
“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”
Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, K. B. President of the Royal Society, &c.
| “Sir, | “Mourzouk, April 6, 1800. |
“Our caravan is on the point of setting off for Bornou, myself shall join it in the evening.
“Being in an excellent state of health, perfectly inured to the climate, sufficiently acquainted with the manners of my fellow-travellers, speaking the Arabic language, and somewhat of the Bornou tongue, and being well armed and not without courage, and under protection of two great Shereefs, I have the best hopes of success in my undertaking.
“The Soudan caravan left this place about a month ago; I did well not to join it, as some time past a number of Tibbo were seen hovering, with an intention of attacking that caravan.
“Being the first European traveller undertaking so long a journey in this part of the world, I will not put my discoveries to the hazard, by exposing myself to the casualties of long and unnecessary residence and delays in any one place, and propose staying no longer at Bornou than till the month of September, when I shall proceed to Cashna with the great caravan, which always about that time of the year sets out from Bornou for Soudan.
“I cannot yet decide on my further procedure on leaving Soudan, or Cashna, but you may depend on my best intentions and wishes to give full satisfaction to the Society.
“Consider this letter as the last for this year, or perhaps as the last before my arrival at some port on the coast of Africa. March the 24th I sent a long letter from Tripoly, and being by a good opportunity, have no doubt of its arriving safe.[12]
“In addition to what I stated in my letter of the 24th of March, I have to observe, that in the small-pox, the application used here to preserve the eyes of children, consists of what they term samsuc, (tamarinds,) and zurenbula zigollan, (onions,) and this with good effect, as I am told.
“I have more particularly made inquiry respecting venereal disorders, and can confirm what I before wrote, that salts and coloquintida, (in Arabic handal) are specific remedies for that disease in this country, and used in the manner I described.
“From every information I can collect, the natives of Fezzan are not susceptible of venereal infection more than once in their lives. It is singular, that notwithstanding there is a great difference as to the nature of this disease, between poxes brought here by the caravan from Soudan, and by those from Tripoly and Cairo, yet never (or at least very seldom,) can a man get these two sorts one after the other in the course of his life.
“Some days past I spoke to a man who had seen Mr. Brown in Darfoor; he gave me some information respecting the countries he travelled through, and told me, that the communication of the Niger with the Nile was not to be doubted, but that this communication before the rainy season was very little in those parts; the Niger being at the dry period reposing, or non fluens.
“Not long ago, the same custom was observed at Bornou as in ancient times at Cairo, ‘a girl very richly dressed, was thrown into the river Niger.’
“Comparing my enquiries as to Soudan, and its communication with the western and south-western coasts of Africa, it must lay generally by the way of Nyffé and Jerba, and be twelve times greater than that between Fezzan and Soudan.
“I recommend myself to your remembrance, and assuring you of my great esteem, am
“Sir,
“Your most obedient,
“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”
Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, K. B. President of the Royal Society, &c.
Mr. Horneman, previous to setting out for Bornou, had availed himself of the intimacies he had formed with intelligent pilgrims and merchants of the Egyptian caravan, and with others at Mourzouk, who were natives of, or had traded to, different regions of Africa, to collect every possible information respecting the countries he was about to visit; and, together with his Journal, transmitted the following result of his enquiries.
FOOTNOTES:
[12]It never came to hand.