TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Introduction[page i]
Preface, containing some Account of F.Horneman; of the Preparations for his Voyage; and of Eventsprevious to his leaving Cairo[xvii]
CHAPTER I.
Section I.—ToUmmesogeir[1]
SectionII.—Observations on the Desert; passing from the Valley ofNatron to the Mountains of Ummesogeir[8]
SectionIII.—Ummesogeir, and further Journey to Siwah[11]
SectionIV.—Siwah[14]
SectionV.—Antiquities of Siwah[20]
SectionVI.—Departure from Siwah; Journey to Schiacha; and Danger whichthe Traveller there incurred[29]
SectionVII.—Departure from Schiacha; Arrival at Augila[36]
CHAPTER II.
SectionI.—Augila, and further Progress to the Confines ofTemissa[40]
SectionII.—Observations on the Region of the Harutsch[48]
SectionIII.—Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey[53]
Section IV.—OfZuila[56]
SectionV.—Farther Journey, and Arrival at Mourzouk, the Capital of theKingdom of Fezzan[59]
CHAPTER III.
Some Account of Mourzouk, and of theKingdom of Fezzan[62]
APPENDIX.
No. I.
Observations on F. Horneman’s Descriptionof the Country and Antiquities of Siwah; with Reference to ancientAccounts of the Oasis and Temple of Ammon. By Sir William Young,Bart. F. R. S.[75]
No. II.
Some Account of F. Horneman, after hisArrival at Mourzouk[97]
No. III.
A Memoir, containing various Informationsrespecting the Interior of Africa; transmitted from Mourzouk in1799, by F. Horneman[105]
No. IV.
Geographical Illustrations of the Travelsand Informations of F. Horneman, with Maps; by Major James Rennell,F. R. S.[121]
No. V.
Observations on the Language of Siwah; ina Letter to the Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Banks; by William Marsden, Esq.F. R. S.[189]
No. VI.
List of the Members of the Society,instituted for the Purpose of promoting a Discovery of the InteriorParts of Africa[193]
The Route of Mr. Frederick Hornemann, from Ægypt to Fezzan; with the Coasts & Countries adjacent, Compiled by J. Rennell, 1802.facing page[1]
A Map, shewing the Progress of DISCOVERY & IMPROVEMENT, in the Geography of North Africa: Compiled by J. Rennell, 1798. Corrected in 1802. [158]

ERRATA

Pag 6,Line 9,for roum, read rouin.
—14,—7,for monachie, read menschie.
—19,—10,for Logman, read Logmam.
———13,for fennel, read flesh or meat.
———14,for eyelid, read eyebrow.
—46,—9,after watering-place, insert called Ennaté.
—95,—6,for would, read wouldst.
———27,for rare, read sure.
—105,—9,for Ungila and Supah, read Augila and Siwah.
———15,after is, insert not.
—107,—17,for Burnû, read Burgû.
———22,for SSW, read SSE.
—112,—17,for the culture of their land, read their preparation of leather.

INTRODUCTION.

The Society, instituted in the year 1788, for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, in pursuing their great design, adopted wise and certain principles of procedure: they inquired, and then examined; they sought intelligence, and then directed research: their progress has been answerable to the just system of their pursuits and perseverance; and the Society, from the epoch of 1798, have been enabled to direct their efforts for further discovery, on data from actual visitation and experiment.

A volume of the transactions of the Society, printed in the years 1790—92, sets forth in detail, such communications respecting the Interior of Africa, as might be collected on inquiry from British Consuls; from the recital of Negro, or Moorish traders; or from that of Shereefs and others, who had passed with the caravans on religious pilgrimage, in different directions between Mecca and the various and remote stations of Mahomedans in Africa.

Those communications were, at the time, most interesting and useful; they afforded at once the incentive and the direction to farther inquiry; they opened new objects to commercial enterprize, and new matter for scientific speculation, on the productions of nature, and the manners and conditions of society, in a quarter of the globe hitherto unexplored: further, they pointed out the road, and facilitated the means, of ascertaining the truth of each account, and of estimating its importance and advantages by actual visitation and experiment.

Be it allowed, that the narrators spoke of what they had heard, as well as of what they had seen; let it be granted that they were mostly ignorant, credulous, or partially informed; and that, distinctively and in detail, the accuracy of their representations was little to be depended on; yet on points wherein their accounts agreed, they merited attention and regard; they together opened a general view of the society, and of the country; and afforded matter of such reasonable conjecture and inference, as might warrant and direct the course of further investigation. Reflecting on these and other relations made by unenlightened men, it appears, that as the great continent of Africa, amidst its seas of sand, occasionally shews its Oasis, or fertile isle, rising in each desert; so, in analogy to the face of the country, does the blank and torpid mind of its people, display occasionally notes of intelligence and philanthropy; rich spots of genius, and partial scenes of improved social establishment. Having passed whole regions sterilized by apathy and ignorance, the result of superstitions, prejudice, and oppression, the enlightened traveller comes to a sudden view of some rich field of character, and contemplates with delight the free-born spirit and sagacity of the Tuarick of Hagara, and the ingenuity and benevolence of the Houssan. To unfold and disseminate these germs of civilization, is surely a noble task! What description of men and country can be more interesting? whither could the refinement of arts? whither could enlightened philosophy better tend, to humanize and improve? whither could the spirit of trade better direct its course? As we speculate on the projected intercourse, the noblest views open to the mind, anticipating reciprocal advantages: in the dispensation of intelligence and the arts of peace, carrying therewith complacent manners to rude and ferocious nations; and in a full compensation to the enlightened adventurers, from new materials of ingenuity and of commerce, and from new subjects of scientific inference, extending the advancement of human knowledge in all its branches.

The communications in question, operating on the minds of intelligent Members of the African Society, and giving a spur to the curiosity and enterprize of the agents they might employ, formed a suitable and necessary Preface to the undertaking and efforts for practical discovery, and for ensuring the advantages thence to be derived.

The compilation of various informations respecting Africa, had thus an intrinsic value, as affording premises of inquiry, and as giving encouragement and direction to adventure.

But further, and even immediately, wisdom and sagacity will extract truth from accounts, however contradictory, and useful and certain inference, from documents the most ambiguous or incomplete.

Efforts of rude ingenuity often suggest not only improvement but discovery; the rustic forms a lever to raise the mass, and the sagacity of the mechanic applies it to ascertain the weight.

Science often works with effect on the loose and disjointed materials which ignorance has heaped together; compares, arranges, and connects their substances and forms; shews in their matter, construction, or decomposition, new uses; derives new informations, and adds to the stock of human inventions and knowledge.

Were it necessary to illustrate such position by example, the writer would refer, as a special instance, to the elucidations of Major Rennell on the communications in question: to that most accurate and acute philosopher and geographer, the details have afforded matter of enquiry and deduction of the highest import to science. By analysis, and a comparative view of accounts given of journies and places, in reference to the plans of D’Anville, and other geographers; to modern travels; to ancient expeditions; to descriptions of ancient writers; and above all, to those of the father of history, Herodotus; Major Rennell hath corrected the map of Africa, with a learning and sagacity which hath converted conjecture into knowledge; and on experience of those who have explored parts of that great continent, given confidence to each future traveller who may visit its remotest regions.

Had the proceedings of the Society stopped here, and its work been confined to the compilation above alluded to, and to the comments of Major Rennell, the usefulness of its institution would have been acknowledged by posterity.

But happily the Journal of Mr. Park’s travels to the Niger, and that of Mr. Horneman’s journey from Cairo to Mourzouk, will fully shew, that the attainments of the Society are no longer narrowed to the mere rudiments of discovery, which tradition and ingenious inference, alone before supplied.

Even under the inauspicious circumstances of wars and revolutions which from nearly the date of the establishment of the Society, have spread desolation far and wide, and in the year 1798, reached to the very capital of Africa; their chosen emissaries have surmounted all the dangers and difficulties, which these events superadded to the ordinary risk of enterprise.

It should not be omitted, that the traveller, (whose work is now submitted to the public,) was further indebted to the liberal and enlightened spirit, which directs the genius of truly great men to foster useful arts and sciences amidst the horrors of war; and give orders to the armies under their command, to forbear all molestation of the emissary from even an hostile country, whose intentions and pursuits are directed to objects of common value and concern, to the nations of the world at large.

Under such patronage and protection from the General Bonaparte, and with his special passport and safeguard, Frederick Horneman safely reached the caravan passing from Mecca, and pursued, and accomplished his journey from Cairo to the kingdom of Fezzan; which from the general resort of caravans to its capital, Mourzouk, may be considered as the proper post of direction and outfit, for his further travels to the remotest regions of Africa.

In planning the routes of Park and of Horneman, the Society availed itself of former communications, sagaciously discriminated the proper path of research, and have to exult in the success of each adventure. These emissaries have explored roads which shortly mercantile adventure will, and must enter. In this new race of commerce, shame indeed would it be to our national councils, could it possibly be supposed that from the default of patronage and support of Government, our commercial people may lose the start for a priority of factories and establishments of trade, and permit other nations to usurp the vantage ground which British enterprise, under the auspices of a patriotic and enlightened, but private institution, shall have explored, marked out, and prepared for them.

By Mr. Park’s discoveries, a gate is opened to every commercial nation to enter and trade from the west to the eastern extremity of Africa. The navigable parts of the rivers Gambia and Niger are not so far distant, but that great facilities of trade may thence be derived, aided by the establishment of intermediate stations and points of intercourse. A considerable traffic is carried on by the natives for ostrich feathers, drugs, ivory, and gold, even without such advantage. On due direction and exertions of British credit and enterprise, it is difficult to imagine the possible extent to which the demand for our country’s manufactures might arrive, from such vast and populous countries in the bosom of which gold, the great medium of commerce, is readily found; and which would be sought for and brought into circulation with new avidity and success, in proportion as objects for the exchange, became known, desirable, and necessary to the people.

This subject has already been recommended by the Society, to the attention of Government; and on the return of peace, it is not doubted, but it will be treated with a consideration and regard, suitable to the important interests which it involves.

When the thorny track of a Park or a Horneman is become the beaten road of the merchant, advantages of another sort will quickly follow; and the intercourse extend to the instruction of the naturalist and philosopher, to the promotion of civilization, and to the increase of the general stock of human knowledge and happiness.

Contemplating such accomplishment of the wise and benevolent purposes of their Institution, the patriotic members of this Society cannot but look back with exultation to the hour of its establishment, and they will with satisfaction recapitulate its means and progress, towards such happy termination of their labours.

Of those who transmitted accounts which they had received, concerning the people and country of Africa, Mr. Ledyard and Mr. Lucas were specially employed, with the further intent of progress into the heart of the country; for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of these recitals, the correcting them on personal information, and the elucidating, on actual survey, any future plan for turning the knowledge thence derived to account.

Mr. Ledyard died at Cairo, ere his eager and enterprising spirit could even start towards its object: Mr. Lucas, deterred by impending difficulties and dangers, proceeded not further than to Mesurata, seven days journey S. E. of Tripoly; there collected informations from the Shereef Imhammed, and traders of Fezzan, and then measured his road back to Tripoly; and shortly after returned to England.

The Society, with that persevering spirit which ever distinguishes manly minds, engaged on sound principles, and for noble purposes, were not appalled by the death of one emissary, or the failure of another.

They sought out and appointed a new traveller, and to take a new road. Mr. Ledyard was to have penetrated from the east, Mr. Lucas from the north; Major Houghton was appointed in the year 1790, to sail for the mouth of the Gambia, and to traverse the country from west to east: Major Houghton arrived on the coast of Africa November 10, of that year, immediately commenced his journey, ascended the Gambia to Medina, 900 miles (by the water-course) distant from the mouth of the river, and thence proceeded to Bambouk and to the adjoining kingdom of Kasson; where, in September 1791, he unfortunately terminated his travels with his life, near to the town of Jarra. Mr. Park, who was engaged in the service of the Society, in 1795, more successfully followed the route of Major Houghton, and further explored to the banks of the Niger, to Sego, and to Silla, the first of that great line of populous and commercial cities, dividing the southern from the northern deserts of Africa; and the very existence of which, for centuries past, hath been rather matter of rumour than of information; and been made the subject of philosophic romance,[1] in default of authentic account and description.

The informations of Mr. Park were communicated to the Society at their annual Meeting in May 1798.

The year 1798 will ever be noted, as the memorable epoch, when the researches of this Society announced to the world the course of the Niger, from west to east; and, after the distance of 2300 years, corroborated the testimony of the Nasamones, and accounts of Herodotus, contested during that long period by ancient and later writers, and ultimately rejected within the century past, by the learned D’Anville. But further, the settlements on its fertile shores, are by the informations of Park, derived from inquiries so near to the source, as now greatly to be depended on; at least so far, as to give assurance of objects of commerce and learned inquiry, that will amply repay further research. The just motto of the Society is, “quod non peractum, pro non inchoato est;” its exertions and perseverance answer to it, and it is to be congratulated that the task is now easy, its accomplishment assured.

The writer of this Essay, not presuming to graft addition or observation on the intelligent and authentic Journal of Mungo Park, ventures a single comment, of import to the Society, and in justice to its agent.

Mr. Park has not only designated the route of country but of men. He hath marked the districts of population covering the great belt of land intersecting Africa from west to east, and at the same time hath noted the distinctions of Moor and Negro, in manners, prejudices, and government. He hath thereby given to the Society information of the viaticum of character and accomplishments proper and necessary to ensure the success of their future agents: he hath pointed out the roads to districts and cities of the greatest interest, and at the same time hath shewn the means of securing entrance and hospitable reception.

The Society hath availed itself of the intelligence; and a new emissary, Mr. Horneman, hath given his lesson full effect in an expedition which is the subject of the present Volume.

Of the further progress of this accomplished traveller, the Editor forbears to intimate design or suggestion.

The season of mere expectation and conjecture is gone by. It were idle indeed at this period of actual discovery, to hazard surmise for future correction on experiment.

At outset of the Society instituted for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, it might have been proper to set forth, in glowing colours, all that was rumoured, and all that might be expected; well were general reports and ingenious inferences suited to rouze curiosity, to excite adventurous spirit, and to give a spring to the first movements and purposes of the Institution.

Such incentives are no longer necessary; and knowledge actually acquired, demands, in the future display, merely accuracy and precision, as the guides to further success.

The Society is confirmed in its purpose, and assured of its objects and of the means of attainment.

Its travellers will not in future rush on with zealous but unadvised curiosity; or hesitate as in the dark, and on unfounded apprehensions; but, disciplined and educated, proceed with a spirit corrected and confirmed by knowledge and precaution, towards certain purposes and ends.

An adventurer may yet fail; but it is presumed the adventure cannot, unless from failure of the funds and resources of the Society; which, in this great and opulent country, it would be a calumny on the generosity and patriotism of its people, for one moment to anticipate as possible.

Yet let it be remembered, that the extent of our undertakings can only be commensurate with our means.

Expense and charge attend our present inquiries; and even a more advantageous extension of our researches apart, demands of much beyond what our actual numbers and contributions can furnish, will be necessary to ensure the effect of national advantage, and turn to public account the successful experiment of an enlightened and patriotic, but not numerous, Association.

The Society cannot condescend to solicitation; nor is it necessary: it will suffice, that, emboldened by success, they suggest to their countrymen, that, under proper patronage, and with the means of extending their researches, the conclusion will be of advantage, to Great Britain—to Africa—and to the World.

W. YOUNG,

SECRETARY TO THE AFRICAN SOCIETY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]By Bishop Berkeley.

PREFACE TO THE JOURNAL, &c.

GIVING SOME ACCOUNT OF MR. FREDERICK HORNEMAN; OF THE PREPARATIONS FOR HIS VOYAGE; AND OF EVENTS PREVIOUS TO HIS LEAVING CAIRO.

At the time that Mr. Mungo Park, engaged in the service of the Society instituted for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, was prosecuting discoveries eastward from the river Gambia, it was thought proper to extend their researches in another line of direction, and engage an emissary to explore that great continent, proceeding westward from the city of Cairo.

Early in the year 1796, Mr. F. Horneman offered himself to the Committee of the Society for this service; he appeared to be young, robust, and, in point of constitution and health, suited to a struggle with different climates and fatigues: in his manner and conversations he displayed temper, acuteness, and prudence: he was well apprized of the dangers and difficulties of the enterprize he was to engage in, and shewed a spirit and zeal for the undertaking, which strongly recommended him as a proper person to be employed for the carrying it into effect.

The Committee accordingly engaged his services; and observing in him such foundation of good ordinary education, as further attainments might readily be engrafted upon, they sent him, at the expense of the Society, to Gottingen; there to study the rudiments and writing of the Arabic language, and, generally, such sciences as (in the result of due application of the knowledge acquired), might render any account of his future travels more interesting and useful to his employers, and to the public.

F. Horneman pursued the requisite studies for several months with great assiduity, under the tuition of Professors Blumenbach, Heeren, Hoffman, Tyschen, and Heyne; and in May, 1797, returned to England, properly instructed for his intended voyage. He was then introduced to a general meeting of the Society, when his engagement was approved of, and he was directed to proceed to Egypt with all convenient dispatch.

Passports from Paris were applied for, and granted, permitting him to pass through France; and in July, 1797, he left London on his way to Paris.

He was furnished with letters of introduction to several persons of literary distinction in that capital; and, on arrival, his reception was liberal and friendly, and proportionate to the lively interest which was every where taken in his scheme of enterprize, and in the means of promoting its success. He was invited to a meeting of the National Institute. The first members of that learned society tendered their patronage, encouragement, and assistance: Mr. Lalande furnished him with copies of his “Memoire sur L’Afrique.” Mr. Broussonet recommended him to Mr. Laroche, appointed Consul for Mogadore; and by this latter gentleman’s means he made a further and most useful acquaintance with a Turk of distinction (a native of Tripoly), then resident at Paris. This Mussulman entered into the motives and plan of his travels with a liberal approbation, and a zealous interest in the success; which was little to have been expected from one of such persuasion and character. He gave Mr. Horneman letters of introduction, strongly recommending him to the friendship and protection of several leading Mahommedan merchants at Cairo, who were in the habits of trade with people of the remotest regions of Africa; and he added his own advice, and instructions for the journey.

Thus provided, Mr. Horneman, in August, left Paris for Marseilles, where he embarked the end of the month, and arrived at Alexandria the middle of September: he staid at Alexandria but a few days, and then went to Cairo, where he purposed residing some time, to study the language and manners of the Mograbins, or western Arabs, with whom he was to associate in his future travels. His own letter will best describe his further progress.

(Translation.)

“Sir,Cairo, August 31, 1798.

“In my last letter I mentioned my intentions of leaving Cairo about the end of May. The plague beginning to rage in the month of April, it became a proper and necessary precaution not only to defer my journey, but absolutely to shut myself up in my house. My zeal for the undertaking I have engaged in, would have led me to break through this confinement and leave the city, with a view to join the merchants at their place of rendezvous, whence they were directly to depart for Fezzan, had not obstacles arising from the difficulty of procuring the necessary credits for my equipment prevented my immediate procedure.

“As soon as from abatement of the pestilence, I could safely go abroad, I met and renewed my acquaintance with several of the caravan, who remained in the city, expecting the return of others from Mecca. A French commercial house, on whom I had no letters of credit or other claim to confidence, than what arose from private friendship and esteem, having handsomely offered such advance of monies as I might require, I was enabled to prepare for my journey, and set out with this caravan, as soon as complete and ready for departure. All these designs were suddenly frustrated by the arrival of the French on the coast of Egypt. Those who formed the caravan at Cairo quickly dispersed; that from Mecca coming to join it was not yet arrived: myself and other Europeans were seized and confined in the castle, rather as a place of refuge from the indignation and fanaticism of the populace, than as a prison, and we remained there until the arrival of the French at Cairo.

“Soon after their coming, I made acquaintance with two of their learned men, Berthollet and Monge, they liberated and presented me to the Commander in Chief, and he received me with every mark of attention and goodness. His regard for science, and esteem of learned men are too well known to render it necessary for me to expatiate on these high qualities. He promised me protection, he offered me money or whatever was requisite to my undertaking, and he directed the necessary passports to be prepared for me.

“I lost no time in seeking out my friends, the merchants of Fezzan, and renewing my connections with them. Gradually as the public tranquillity became assured, they returned, one by one into the city, till the whole were again assembled; and fifteen days have now passed, since we have been making preparations for our final departure, actually fixed for the day after to-morrow.

“Commonly those who engage in an extraordinary enterprise, consider means yet more extraordinary, as requisite to the success of the undertaking: my opinion, and therewith procedure will be founded on directly the contrary proposition. The plan which I have chalked out for my journey will be simple and easy to pursue. You shall have it in a single line, “it is to travel as a Mahommedan merchant of the caravan.” I am assured that under such character, I can travel with the same surety as the natives of the country.

“Many of the caravan having been at Mecca, are aware that there are numbers of good Mussulmen from various countries who speak not Arabic, and who have different usages and customs; and thus simply attaining a knowledge of certain religious ceremonies and prayers, there is no difficulty in passing generally as a Mahommedan; for as to a certain less equivocal criterion of a personal nature, the delicacy of Mahommedan manners precludes any danger of inquiry.

“To travel as a Christian, will perhaps be impracticable for at least five years to come, for it is incredible how deep and strong an impression the expedition of the French has made on the minds of the pilgrims to and from Mecca: dispersed to their several homes they will carry an aggravated prejudice against Christians far and wide, and to the very heart of Africa.

“Should it be objected to me, that I risk a similar fate with that of Major Houghton, by travelling as a trader, my answer is, “that by travelling as a Mahommedan trader, I shall never travel alone; and with those too of the caravan, considered as one of the least of its merchants.

“In respect to my astronomical instruments, I shall take special care never to be discovered in the act of observation; should those instruments, however, attract notice, the answer is ready, “they are articles for sale;” nor is there fear that I should be deprived of them, whilst master of my price. My comrades know the value of gold at least better than myself. In a word, the merchants of our Fezzan caravan, are men of wealth, integrity, and enterprise; but Mahommedans, the most prejudiced and fanatic.

“I have not yet fixed or methodized my design, as to further journey into the interior of Africa; but I have made acquaintance with a man who has been at Bornou and Cashna, a place, from every account which I can collect, and particularly from the Jalabs, deserving my immediate attention after arrival at Fezzan.

“I expect to be at Fezzan by the beginning of November, and I should propose in the next year, setting out for the Agades and Cashna, residing in and exploring those countries during ten months, and then returning viâ Mecca or Senegambia. Should any necessity of the case oblige me to return to Tripoly, I should not consider my tour as complete, but (with permission of the Society,) hold myself in readiness for a further undertaking.

“I will write again from Fezzan, if I can do so without danger; the safest plan that occurs, is to pack up some bale of goods with an ordinary letter of advice in Arabic, making my real dispatch the package or covering of some article of trade.

“Pray write to and direct the English Consul at Tripoly, or elsewhere, never to make inquiry after me of the traders from Fezzan, and particularly when conveying any thing from me consigned to you. These people are of a very jealous and inquisitive temper, and any inquiries made after me by a Christian, might raise a thousand suspicions, and prove even of fatal consequence to me.

“Nay, should yourselves not hear of me these three years, make no inquiry. Under such precaution, my danger will not be that I travel as a trader and Mahommedan, but such only as results from climate and ordinary perils of voyage in these countries; which I trust successfully to oppose, with a good constitution and strength of body, and with courage and suitable temper of mind.

“It remains only for me to recommend to the Committee, the man whom I mentioned in a former letter. I met with the person in question, Joseph Frendenburgh, who was born in Germany, just on the eve of his intended departure from Cairo for his native country. I engaged and employed him as interpreter; and, pleased with the office, he offered to continue in my service, and attend me in my expedition. He had been ten or twelve years past forced to embrace the Mohammedan religion; had three times made the voyage to Mecca, and spoke perfectly both the Arabic and Turkish languages; in short, he was precisely the man that suited me. The connection with him will ensure me character and confidence from others, and indeed, without him, I should scarcely be able to pursue my journey, without actually embracing and professing Mahommedanism myself, I now well know him on ten months experience, and in just reliance on him, have no apprehension of the calamity incident to travellers, of being robbed by their servants.

“I shall consign to him the care of my camels and my horses, (for we merchants of the caravan all go armed, and on horseback,) he will further have the care of my merchandize, and altogether, I shall have leisure for my inquiries, and for attending to the general objects of my undertaking. The demands of this man are far from exorbitant, and I request of the Society, the attending to a just remuneration of his services, and specially, if in case of my death, he should faithfully preserve my journals and papers, and proceed with them to England.

“I have been in some doubt as to the means of sending this letter, but on my request, General Bonaparte has with great goodness, himself condescended to take charge of its safe conveyance.

“I hope my next will be from Fezzan, and that after three years, I shall be enabled to give account of the interior of Africa.

“I am, &c. &c. &c.

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

To Mr. Edwards, Secretary to the Society, instituted for exploring the interior of Africa.

The above letter was transmitted to the African Committee, under the seal of General Bonaparte, who in addition to other marks of favour and protection shewn to the enterprise of Horneman, took on himself the care of forwarding his dispatches, as above stated.

Mr. Horneman’s Journal of his Travels from Cairo to Fezzan commences five days after the date of this letter. It was by him written in German, and in that language transmitted to the Committee of the African Society. Under their direction, a translation of it was made by a native of Germany, sufficiently versed in the English language, to render the sense of the original with truth and perspicuity; and, on collating his version, it appears to have been executed with fidelity and care. Some correction of foreign idioms and style was yet required: the Secretary, in performing this duty of Editor, has been attentive to the preserving not only the genuine descriptions, remarks, and precise meaning of the traveller, but likewise the spirit, and (at the same time) simplicity of narrative which characterizes his Journal; and, it is presumed, that on reference to the original, the translation offered in its present form will yet appear to be as nearly literal, as the different idioms and context of the English and German languages will admit of.

To the Journal now printed is added an Appendix, containing,

1st. A Note, on Mr. Horneman’s Description of the Country and Antiquities of Siwah; with Reference to ancient Accounts of the Oasis and Temple of Ammon; by the Secretary, Sir William Young, Bart. F. R. S.

2d. A Memoir, containing various informations respecting the interior of Africa, transmitted from Mourzouk, in 1799, by F. Horneman.

3d. Geographical Elucidations of the Travels and of the Informations of F. Horneman, with Maps, by Major James Rennell, F. R. S.

4th. Remarks on the Language of Siwah, in a Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, P. R. S. by William Marsden, Esq. F. R. S.

The Route of Mr. Frederick Hornemann, from Ægypt to Fezzan; with the Coasts & Countries adjacent, Compiled by J. Rennell, 1802.

Published according to Act of Parliament by J. Rennell, April 5th. 1802.J. Walker Sculpt.

[(Large-size)]

TRAVELS
IN THE
INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

CHAPTER I.
VOYAGE FROM CAIRO TO AUGILA.

SECTION I.
To Ummesogeir.

The merchants of Augila had appointed their rendezvous to be held at Kardaffi, a village in the vicinity of Cairo; where I joined them on September the 5th, 1798, and leaving that place the same day, in about an hour we reached the great body of the caravan, which yearly returns from Mecca through Cairo and Fezzan, to the western countries of Africa. The caravan was waiting for us at a small village called Baruasch: we halted at some little distance from the pilgrims, and encamped until the next morning; when the monotonous kettle-drum of our Sheik awakened us before rise of the sun, with summons to proceed on our journey.

I had not under-rated the difficulties of the journey; I was aware that many must arise, especially affecting myself, never having before travelled with a caravan, and being little acquainted with the customs and manners of those who composed it. We had travelled from day-break till noon, and no indication appeared of halt or refreshment, when I observed the principal and richest merchants gnawing a dry biscuit and some onions, as they went on; and was then, for the first time, informed, that it was not customary to unload the camels for regular repast, or to stop during the day-time, but in cases of urgent necessity. This my first inconvenience, was soon remedied by the hospitality of some Arabs who were riding near me, and who invited me to partake of their provisions.

Soon after sun-set, our Sheik gave the signal for halting; and we pitched our tents.

My dragoman, or interpreter, might, even in Europe, have passed for a good cook; and from remains of the provision which our hospitable friends at Cairo had supplied, was preparing an excellent supper, when an old Arab of Augila, observing his preparations, and that myself was unemployed, addressed me nearly as follows: “Thou art young, and yet dost not assist in preparing the meal of which thou art to partake: such, perhaps, may be a custom in the land of infidels, but is not so with us, and especially on a journey: thanks to God, we are not, in this desert, dependent on others, as are those poor pilgrims, but eat and drink what we ourselves provide, and as we please. Thou oughtest to learn every thing that the meanest Arab performs, that thou mayest be enabled to assist others in cases of necessity; otherwise, thou wilt be less esteemed, as being of less value than a mere woman; and many will think they may justly deprive thee of every thing in thy possession, as being unworthy to possess any thing: (adding sarcastically,) perhaps thou art carrying a large sum of money, and payest those men well.” This remonstrance was not thrown away. I immediately assisted in every thing that was not beyond my force; and proportionally gained on the good opinion and esteem of my fellow-travellers, and was no longer considered as a weak and useless idler in their troop.

The next morning we set out early, and after a march of four hours, arrived at Wadey-el-Latron. The signal had been made to halt, for the purpose of collecting fresh water, when a troop of Bedouins appeared at some distance in front, and created great alarm in our caravan. Our Sheik, or leader, had acquired, and deserved, the veneration and confidence of his followers, as much from his known prudence and valour, as from his dignity of Iman. He immediately ordered us to occupy the spot affording water, and himself, with about twenty Arabs and Tuaricks, advanced to reconnoitre the ground where the Bedouins had appeared: they had now retreated wholly out of sight, and we had time to cook and fill our water bags. We could not, however, consider this as a proper or safe station for the night; accordingly at four o’clock we proceeded on our march; and about eight in the evening reached the foot of a sand-hill, and encamped in great disorder, created by the late alarm;—making no fires, and using every precaution to avoid notice or discovery of our retreat.

The next morning, September 8th, we entered the Desert, which may be considered as the boundary of Egypt; and after travelling thirteen hours, encamped on a tract of land by the Arabs called Muhabag.

The ensuing day, our journey was less fatiguing; in four hours and a half we reached Mogara, a watering-place on the verge of a fruitful valley.

The water collected for the use of the caravans is carried in bags made of goat-skins, unripped in the middle, and stripped from the animal as entire as possible; those made at Soudan are the strongest and best; water may be preserved in them for five days, without acquiring any bad taste: the bags of an inferior manufacture give an ill taste, and a smell of the leather, from the second day. To render the skins flexible and lasting, they are greased on the inside with butter, and by the Arabs sometimes with oil, which latter gives quickly a rancid taste, and to any but an Arab, renders the water scarcely fit for drinking.

The sixth day we had again a difficult and tiresome journey of twelve hours, without halting; towards the close of our march, the horse of an Arab near me falling sick, and being unable to proceed at the same pace as the caravan, I kept in the rear to attend him, and give such assistance as might be required. On our coming up with the caravan at its evening encampment, the Arab immediately sent by his slave, two pieces of dried camel’s flesh, with a proper compliment, requesting my acceptance of the present, as some return for the civility I had shewn. I was in an instant surrounded by a number of meaner Arabs, who eyed with avidity the meat I had received, and on my dividing it amongst them, seemed greatly surprised, that I should so readily part with what, in their estimation, was so great a dainty.

Circumstances light and trivial often delineate manners, and characterize nations: the method of equipment, and the means of sustenance which the Arab uses in journeying through these deserts, may furnish a subject of just curiosity, and certainly of special use to such as may undertake a similar expedition.

The Arab sets out on his journey with a provision of flour, kuskasa, onions, mutton suet, and oil or butter; and some of the richer class add to this store, a proportion of biscuit, and of dried flesh. As soon as the camels are halted and the baggage unladen, the drivers and slaves dig a small hole in the sands wherein to make a fire, and then proceed in search of wood, and of three stones to be placed round the cavity, for the purpose of confining the embers and supporting the cauldron. The cauldron, (which is of copper,) being set over, the time till the water begins to boil is employed first in discussing, and then in preparing, what the mess of the day shall consist of. The ordinary meal is of hasside, a stiff farinaceous pap, served up in a copper dish, which, in due economy of utensils and luggage, is at other times used for serving water to the camels: when this pap or pudding is thus served on table, it is diluted with a soup poured on it, enriched or seasoned with the monachie dried and finely pulverized. At other times, the dinner consists of flour kneaded into a strong dough, which being divided into small cakes and boiled, affords a species of hard dumplins called mijotta. A yet better repast is made of dried meat boiled together with mutton suet, onions sliced thin, crumbled biscuits, salt, and a good quantity of pepper. The meat is at dinner time taken out and reserved for the master, and the broth alone is the mess of his followers. The slaughtering of a camel affords a feast to the camel drivers and slaves. The friends of the owner of the beast have a preference in the purchase; and after dividing the carcase, every slave comes in for a share: no part of the animal capable of being gnawed by human tooth, is suffered to be lost; the very bones pass through various hands and mouths, before they are thrown away. They make sandals of the skin, and they weave the hair into twine.

It is not on every occasion that time can be allowed, or materials found, for dressing victuals: in the anticipation of such an exigency, the traveller provides a food called simitée: it consists of barley boiled until it swells, then dried in the sun, and then further dried over the fire; and lastly, being ground into a powder, it is mixed with salt, pepper, and carraway-seed, and put into a leather bag: when it is to be used, it is kneaded into a dough, with just water enough to give it consistency, and is served up with butter or oil. If further diluted with water, then dates are added to the meal, and it is called rouin. Such is the food of the traveller when there is a scarcity of fuel or of water; and none can be expended in boiling. I was often, for days together, without other food than this cold farinaceous pap, mixed with a few dates. Onions and red Spanish pepper are the general and the only seasonings of each meal, with the addition of salt.

On the seventh day, after a march of four hours, we reached Biljoradec, commonly called Jahudie, a term implying that the water is bad, or that other water is not to be found but at a considerable distance.

The three following days, travelling occasionally in the night, we were forty hours in actual journey. On the first of these, (being the ninth day since leaving the vicinity of Cairo,) we reached the chain of mountains which bounded the uniform desert through which we had passed. On the tenth, mounting these hills, I observed the plain on their summit to consist of a saline mass spread over so large a tract of surface, that in one direction no eye could reach its termination, and what might be called its width, I computed at several miles. The clods of salt discoloured with sand lay thick and close, and gave to this vast plain the appearance of a recently ploughed field.

On the summit of this eminence, and almost in the middle of this saline tract, (on computation of its width) I discovered a spring; and the passage of Herodotus[2] occurring to my mind, in which he mentions springs of fresh water on the salt hills, I eagerly made up to its brink. I found it edged with salt: some poor pilgrims attending me tasted the water, but it was so saturated with saline matter, as to be wholly unfit for drink.

On the eleventh day (September the 15th), we came to an inhabited spot; after five hours march arriving at the small village of Ummesogeir.

SECTION II.
Observations on the Desert, from the Valley of Natron to the Mountains of Ummesogier.

The Desert forms a natural boundary to Egypt, on the west extending from the Natron Valley to the mountains of Ummesogier; to the north, the dreary and barren plain is bounded by a chain of lofty hills, in view during the whole course of the caravan; and to the south, extends a journey, probably, of several days, by the ordinary mode of computation in these countries; but in this direction its limits are not defined, or are not known.

In this vast tract of sands, petrified wood is found, of various forms and size: sometimes are seen whole trunks of trees, of twelve feet circumference or more; sometimes only branches and twigs, scarcely of a quarter of an inch diameter; and sometimes merely pieces of bark of various kinds, and in particular of the oak, are to be found. Many of the great stems yet retain their side branches, and in many the natural timber has undergone so little change, that the circular ranges of the wood are discernible, and especially in those trunks which apparently were of oak. The interior of other bodies of timber was become a petrifaction, shewing no distinctions of grain or fibre, but bearing the appearance of mere stone; though the outward coat and form of the substance clearly denoted the tree.

Several Arabs informed me, that in travelling over this Desert, petrified trees were often found upright, and as if growing in the soil; but I presume, respecting those I did not see, from those I inspected, that they were merely trunks raised by hand, round the base of which the sand had quickly gathered before the winds, and formed a mound, as if heaved up by a root. The colour of the petrified wood is in general black, or nearly so; but in some instances it is of a light gray, and then so much resembling the wood in its natural state, that our slaves would often collect, and bring it in, for the purposes of firing.

These petrifactions are sometimes scattered in single pieces, but are oftener found in irregular layers, or strata, covering together a considerable space of ground.

If there yet remains any trace of a western branch of the Nile, as mentioned by ancient writers,[3] it is probably to be discovered in some part of this Desert. I observed no channel, or vestige of such course of river, on the route taken by the caravan. I would direct the researches of any future traveller specially to the tract of country round where we encamped on the nights when we halted at the foot of the sand hill west of Wadey-el-Latron, and in the district of Muhabag: these places we reached not till after sunset, and departing before day, I myself had no opportunity of examining the country. The term Bahr-bella-ma, commonly rendered river without water, by no means designates or points to any specific channel or tract in which any ancient channel may be more probably discovered: for if petrified trees fit for masts, or petrified timbers suited to other purposes of ship-building, said to be found in the Bahr-bella-ma, characterize and give the name (as we are told) to the tract of land throughout which they are to be found, then the appropriate translation is not river, but sea without water, for such petrifactions are scattered over the whole Desert. Indeed the general appearance of this vast and barren tract, well accords to the title of sea without water; its sandy surface resembling that of a leeshore, over which the waters streaming before the storm have, on their ebb, deposited timber, or what else was carried on by the tide. I say not wreck of vessels, for I saw no wood that had the least appearance of the tool, or of having been wrought for any purpose of man. Such as, by light observers, have been taken for fragments of masts, are merely trunks of trees of from thirty to forty feet in length, broken and shivered into large splinters, which lying near each other, shew in their forms and grain of timber, the mass they formerly belonged to and composed.

To the north of the Desert runs a chain of steep and bare calcareous mountains, which were in constant view of our caravan travelling at the distance of three to seven miles in like direction. At the foot of these, runs a flat tract of moorish swampy land, from one to six miles in breadth, abounding in springs, and to which we resorted every second or third day for a supply of water; but at the period of our journey, the springs throughout the whole valley were nearly dried up. The water which remained, and run or spread on the surface, was bitter;[4] yet digging wells near to these rivulets or marshes, we found water at the depth only of five or six feet, which was sweet and palatable.

SECTION III.
Ummesogeir, and further Journey to Siwah.

Ummesogeir is situated on a sandy plain stretching into the recess between two diverging branches of the mountain. In the valley thus formed, appear vast isolated masses of rock, on the largest of which the village is built; it is small, and contains few inhabitants, furnishing only thirty men capable of bearing arms. The houses are low, constructed of stones cemented with a calcareous earth, and thatched with the boughs of date trees. I was informed, that some of these buildings covered caves or chambers cut in the rock; probably ancient catacombs. Our camp was pitched at the foot of the rock, among date trees, through which the way leads up to the town. Its inhabitants, poor as they appeared, received us with hospitality; they came down, almost to a man, from their houses, and assisted us in watering our camels, or whatever service was required. Towards evening I walked up to the village by a path of very difficult access. Coming to a kind of market-place, in its centre I observed bargains making with such eagerness, noise, and altercation, that one should suppose the dealings to be of the first moment; but I soon perceived the sellers to be only a few poor pilgrims of our caravan, and their articles of trade to be merely henna hoechel, rings of lead or glass, and such like ornaments for women; which, with a little shot and gunpowder, they were bartering for dates: the merchandise on either side was not altogether worth a crown.

The people of Ummesogeir are indeed in every respect poor, depending wholly for subsistence on their dates, which they in part sell to the Arabs of the Desert, and in part carry to Alexandria, and exchange for corn, oil, or fat. Their manners are rude and simple, as might be expected, from a society so small, and separated from every other, by vast tracts of desert in every direction. Thus sequestered from the world, too weak in numbers for attack, and too poor to be attacked, these people derive, from their situation and habits of life, a simple and peaceful disposition. An old man told me, that the Bedouins once attempted to deprive them of their rock, and pittance which the date trees around furnished; and would have succeeded, had not a marabut (or holy man) who lies buried in the village, so dazzled the eyes of the invaders, that they could not find the place, though constantly roving round it. A like miracle was hoped for, and (in vain certainly) expected in favour of Cairo, when the French invaded Egypt. The idea of miraculous interposition of this kind appears to have been common to the Oriental nations.

During our stay at this place, the effects of a Twater, who died on the journey were sold by auction. Another man, during our route, was killed by a fall from his camel, pitching with his head on a pointed stone, and which caused his instant death. Two others, poor pilgrims from Mecca, fell victims to the fatigue and difficulties of so long a journey, and for which their scanty means were ill suited, either as to food or rest; and this completes our bill of mortality.

After some days of repose, we proceeded on our journey towards Siwah, distant from Ummesogeir a journey of twenty hours. We soon passed the skirts of the broad sandy plain, and reascended the mountains connected with, and stretching from, those which cover the vale of Ummesogeir to the west. A long and tedious passage over these hills led us finally to a green and fertile valley, towards which, as we descended from the mountain, we perceived people gathering provender for their cattle. Our train of heavy laden camels readily denoted that we were no troop of hostile Arabs; and the people leaving their work, ran to meet and congratulate us on our arrival. They told us that the whole neighbourhood was at peace, and that we might encamp safely and without apprehension. They mounted their asses and conducted us to a plain west of Siwah, and not far distant from that town, where we pitched our tents.

SECTION IV.
Siwah.

Siwah is a small independent state; it acknowledges, indeed, the grand Sultan paramount, but it pays him no tribute. Round its chief town called Siwah, are situated at one or two miles distance, the villages of Scharkie, (in Siwahian dialect termed Agrmie,) Msellem, Menschie, Sbocka, and Barischa. Siwah is built upon, and round, a mass of rock; in which, according to tradition, the ancient people had only caves for their habitation. Indeed the style of building is such, that the actual houses might be taken for caves; they are raised so close to each other, that many of the streets, even at noon, are dark, and so intricate, that a stranger cannot find his way into or out of the town, small as it is, without a guide. Many of the houses built on the declivity of the rock, and especially those terminating the descent towards the plain, are of more than ordinary height, and their walls particularly thick and strong, so as to form a circumvallation of defence to the town within.

The people of our caravan compared Siwah to a bee-hive, and the comparison is suitable, whether regarding the general appearance of the eminence thus covered with buildings, the swarm of its people crowded together, or the confused noise, or hum and buz from its narrow passages and streets, and which reach the ear to a considerable distance.

Round the foot of the eminence are erected stables for the camels, horses, and asses, which could not ascend to, or could not be accommodated in, the town above.

The territory of Siwah is of considerable extent;[5] its principal and most fruitful district is a well watered valley of about fifty miles in circuit, hemmed in by steep and barren rocks. Its soil is a sandy loam, in some places rather poached or fenny; but, assisted by no great industry of the natives, it produces corn, oil, and vegetables for the use of man or beast: its chief produce, however, consists in dates, which, from their great quantity and excellent flavour, render the place proverbial for fertility among the surrounding Arabs of the Desert. Each inhabitant possesses one or more gardens, making his relative wealth; and these it is his whole business to water and cultivate. A large garden yielding all such produce as is natural to the country, is valued at the price of from four to six hundred imperial dollars, there termed real-patuacks. The gardens round the towns or villages, are fenced with walls from four to six feet high, and sometimes with hedges; they are watered by many small streams of salt or sweet water, falling from the bordering rocks and mountains, or issuing from springs rising in the plain itself, and which, for the purposes of irrigation, being diverted into many small channels, expend themselves in the vale, and in no instance flow beyond the limits of this people’s territory. The dates produced are preserved in public magazines, of which the key is kept by the Sheik: to these storehouses the dates are brought in baskets closely rammed down, and a register of each deposit is kept.

North-west of Siwah, there is a stratum of salt extending a full mile, and near it salt is found on the surface, lying in clods or small lumps. On this spot rise numerous springs, and frequently a spring of water perfectly sweet is found within a few paces from one which is salt. North of Siwah, on the road leading to El-Mota, I found many of these salt springs quite close to others which were sweet.

It is not easy to ascertain the general population of a place, with so little police, and so little regularity of government as Siwah, unless opportunity occurred of seeing its people assembled at some general meeting or festival. The number of its warriors, however, is more easily known; and on such data, further estimate of its population may be made. According to the ancient constitution and laws of the state, the government should be vested in twelve Sheiks, two of whom were to administer its powers in rotation; but a few years past, twenty other wealthy citizens, forced themselves into a share of authority, assumed the title of Sheik, and enlarging the circle of aristocracy, increased the pretensions and disputes for power. On each matter of public concern, they now hold general councils. I attended several of these general meetings, held close to the town wall, where the chiefs were squatted in state; and I observed, that a strong voice, violent action, great gesticulation, abetted by party support and interest, gained the most applause, and carried the greatest influence: perhaps such result is not uncommon in most popular meetings. Whenever these councils cannot agree ultimately on any point, then the leaders and people fly to arms, and the strongest party carries the question. Justice is administered according to ancient usage, and general notions of equity. Fines, to be paid in dates, constitute the punishments: for instance, the man who strikes another, pays from ten to fifty kaftas or baskets of dates; these baskets, by which every thing in this place is estimated and appraised, are about three feet high, and four in circumference.

The dress of the men consists of a white cotton shirt and breeches, and a large calico cloth, striped white and blue, (manufactured at Cairo,) which is folded and thrown over the left shoulder, and is called melaye. On their heads they wear a cap of red worsted or cotton. These caps, chiefly made at Tunis, are a covering, characteristic of the Mussulman; and no Jew or Christian on the coasts of Barbary is permitted to wear them. At times of festival, the Siwahans dress themselves in kaftans and a benisch, such as the Arabs commonly wear when in towns.

The women of Siwah wear wide blue shifts, usually of cotton, which reach to the ankles, and a melaye (as above described), which they wrap round their head, from which it falls over the body in manner of a cloak.

They plait their hair into three tresses, one above the other; in the lowermost tress they insert various ornaments of glass, or false coral, or silver, and twist in long stripes of black leather, hanging down the back, and to the ends of which they fasten little bells. On the crown of their heads, they fix a piece of silk or woollen cloth, which floats behind. As ear-rings they wear two, and some women three, large silver rings, inserted as links of a chain: their necklace is glass imitating coral; those of the higher class wear round their necks a solid ring of silver, somewhat thicker than the collar usually worn by criminals in some parts of Europe; from this ring, by a chain of the same metal, hangs pendant a silver plate, engraved with flowers and other ornaments, in the Arabian taste. They further decorate their arms and legs, (just above the ancle,) with rings of silver, of copper, or of glass.

I can give no favourable account of the character of the people of Siwah, either from general repute, or from my own observation. I found them obtrusive and thievish. Our tents, and especially my own, were constantly surrounded and infested by this people; and our merchants were under the necessity of guarding their bales of goods, with more than ordinary attention, under apprehension not merely of pillage, but of general and hostile attack.

I was told much of the riches of this people, and should suppose there must be men of considerable property amongst them; as they have a very extensive traffic in dates with different and remote countries, pay no tribute, and have little opportunity of dissipating the money they receive. The policy of the Siwahans leads them to cultivate a strict and close amity with the Arabs to the north of their country, and who occasionally visit Siwah in small troops or parties, and carry on a trade of barter for the dates. Here our caravan disposed of part of its merchandize, receiving in exchange, dates, meat, and small baskets, in the weaving and context of which, the women of Siwah are remarkably neat and skilful, and in the making of which consists their chief employment. Diseases incident to the country and climate, and from which the natives most suffer, are the ague and fever, and opthalmic affections, or disorders of the eyes.

The language of Siwah, whatever words or expressions may have crept in, from various intercourse of people, is not fundamentally Arabic; and this has led me to various conjectures. At first I looked for the root or origin of this language to the East; but on maturer consideration, and from communications with one of the Tuaricks from Twat, with whom I was in habits of intimacy, I am now satisfied of my former error,[6] and that the language of Siwah is a dialect of that used throughout the great nation of Africa, to which my friend, the Tuarick, belonged, and which may be considered as the aboriginal.

The larger collection of Siwahan words, which I had first made, was lost with other papers, by an accident which I shall hereafter have occasion to mention.

The following list I had from a man of Siwah, whom I afterwards got acquainted with at Augila.

Sun,Itfuct. Horse,Achmar.
Clouds,Logmam. Horses,Ickmare.
Ear,Temmesocht. Have you a horse?Goreck Achmar.
Head,Achfé. Milk,Achi.
Eye,Taun. Flesh or Meat,Acksum.
Eyebrow,Temauin. Bread,Tagora.
Beard,Itmert. Oil,Tsemur.
Hand,Fuss. Water,Aman.
Penis,Achmum. Dates,Tena.
Camel,Lgum. House,Achbén.
Sheep,Jelibb. Houses,Gebeun.
Cow,Ftunest. Sand,Itjeda.
Mountain,Iddrarn. Cap,Tschatschet.
Sabre,Aus. Catacombs,Tum-megar.
Sword,Limscha.

SECTION V.
Antiquities of Siwah.

As we approached the spot destined for our encampment in the Vale of Siwah, I descried to the westward some ruins of an extensive building, a few miles distant from the road, and concluded them to be the same as noticed by a late English traveller, (Mr. Brown,) of whose discoveries I heard first in London, and afterwards, when in Egypt. Circumstances rendered it necessary for me to be particularly on my guard, and to defer any visit to, or actual inspection of, these antiquities, until I had retrieved the confidence of the natives, who, on my very first appearance, (as I was informed,) had taken me and my interpreter, for Christians; and to this supposition they were induced, from our fairer complexion, from our gait and manners, and from our Turkish dresses. When I took advantage of the disturbances at Cairo and its environs, to get introduced as a Mahomedan to the caravan, I could not indeed speak readily, either Turkish or Arabic; but in this, I flattered myself, the assumed character of a young Mameluke might be my excuse; and I further derived confidence from the experience and abilities of my interpreter, who (a German by birth,) had been forced, twelve years past, to embrace the Mahommedan religion at Constantinople, and whose address and knowledge, I hoped, might preclude, or extricate me from, any consequences of jealousy or suspicion.

Considering the importance of my mission, and the great purpose of exploring the whole of Northern Africa, with which I was entrusted, perhaps it had been more wise and prudent on my part, not to have exposed myself to general intercourse, until better qualified to sustain the character I had assumed; had I so done in the present instance, and abstained from visiting the curiosities of Siwah, and exposing myself in the novelty of the attempt, to examinations and suspicions, I might have avoided a danger which (as will appear in the sequel) nearly proved fatal to myself, and therewith to the object of my voyage.

Making such candid admission of not having the requisite forbearance, with objects of so just curiosity in view, I proceed to state the course of my inquiries, and the result.

I first visited the ruins of the extensive edifice before observed. I accosted some men working in the gardens near, and questioning them as to what they knew of this building, they answered, “that in former times Siwah was inhabited by infidels, most of whom lived in caves, but some inhabited these buildings.” One spokesman, pointing to a building in the centre, said, “tradition tells us, that edifice was the hall in which the divan used to assemble; at time of its construction men were stronger than I am; for those huge stones serving as a roof to the fabric, were lifted up and placed there by two men only: there is much gold buried under the walls.” When I then entered into the ruins, I was followed by all the people near, and thus prevented examining the place with any accuracy. On a second visit I was not more successful; and when, after a few days, I returned thither again, some Siwahans directly said to me, “thou undoubtedly art yet a Christian in thy heart, else why come so often to visit these works of Infidels.” In order to maintain the character I had assumed, I was thus necessitated to abandon any further project of nice examination or admeasurement, and restrict myself to general observations, such as I now submit in detail as they occurred.

Ummebeda (the name given to the site of those ruins by the natives) lies near a village called Scharkie or Agrmie, between that place and an isolated mountain, on which a copious spring of fresh water is said to rise. The buildings are in such a state of delapidation, that a plain observer, who forms an opinion only from what he sees, and does not accommodate the object in application and conjecture to preconceived notions of a particular structure which he is to look for, and trace out, could scarcely, (I think) from these rude heaps, and mouldered and disjointed walls, suggest the precise form or original purpose of the building when first raised. Its materials might suggest, that it was built in the rudest ages, and when the Troglodytæ[7] of these parts first left their caves, and in their first attempt of building, took their scheme and plan of architecture from their old mansions, heaping rock on rock, in imitation of the dwelling places which nature had before furnished.

I ascertained the general bearings of the building by my compass, and found the outward walls constructed with aspects facing the four cardinal points, the aberration being only of twelve degrees, and which might have occurred from variation of the needle. The total circumference may be several hundred yards, and is to be traced out and followed by the foundations of a wall, in most parts visible, and which, from the masses remaining, appears to have been very strong. The outward wall, in most places, has been thrown down, and the materials carried away, and the interior ground has been every where turned up, and dug, in search of treasure.

In the centre of this extensive area, are seen the remains of an edifice, which perhaps may be regarded as the principal building,[8] and to which all around may have been mere appendage, and subordinate.

The northern part of this building stands on a native calcareous rock, rising above the level of the general area, within the outer walls, about eight feet. The height of the edifice appears to be about twenty-seven feet; its width twenty-four, and its length ten or twelve paces. The walls are six feet in thickness, the exterior of which within and without is constructed of large free stones, filled up in the interstice with small stones and lime. The ceiling is formed by vast blocks of stone, wrought and fitted to stretch over and cover the entire building. The breadth of each such mass of stone is about four feet, and the depth or thickness three feet. One of these stones of the roof has fallen in, and is broken; the entire southern wall of the building hath likewise tumbled, and the materials have mostly been carried away. But the people have not been able to remove the large fragments fallen from the roof, which their ancestors were enabled to bring from the quarry, and to raise entire to the summit of the edifice. Such are the vicissitudes of art, of knowledge, and of human powers and means, as well as of human happiness and fortunes!

The stones that have fallen, lie sunk, with their surface lower than the base of the yet standing part of the building, and their bottom almost on a level with the area of the great inclosure. The appearance of these fallen stones of the southern wall, leads to a conjecture, that this extremity of the original edifice had its floor or base lower than that of the northern part. The entrances to this building are three, the principal one to the north, and the others to the east and west. The inside walls (beginning at half their height from the ground) are decorated with hieroglyphics sculptured in relief, but the figures seem not to have been sufficiently engraved in alt, or salient, to resist the ravages of time and weather; and in some places they are wholly mouldered and defaced, and especially on the ceiling.

On different parts of the wall appear marks of paint, and the colour seems to have been green. I could no where discover traces of the edifice having in any part been lined or inlaid with a finer stone or material. A few paces from the chief entrance, I observed two round stones, of about three feet diameter, each indented, as if to receive the base of some statue or other ornament. The general material of which the building is constructed, is a lime-stone, containing petrifactions of shells and small marine animals; and such stone is to be found and dug up in the vicinity.

On examining the country around these ruins, I found the soil contiguous to the foundations of the outward wall on the south to be marshy, and was informed that it contained salt springs. I asked if no considerable spring of fresh water was to be seen near; and was shewn a fine rivulet of sweet water, about half a mile from the ruins, which takes its rise in a grove of date trees, and in a most romantic and beautiful situation: it is not, however, its delightful scene that recommends it to the native of Siwah, but an opinion that it is a specific against certain diseases.

I am conscious that the above description of the remains of antiquity near Siwah, is by far too cursory and incomplete, for any purpose of just and accurate inference; and that it must yet remain a mere conjecture, whether these ruins are those of the famous Temple of Jupiter Ammon. It must be obvious, from many points I have adverted to in my description, that I had the site of this renowned temple in view, and that it was a principal object of my research. Circumstances I was under, and of which the reader is already apprised, prevented my pursuing this great subject of just and learned curiosity with the nicety of inspection, and care in the consideration, which I could have wished to employ. Supposing, on reference to ancient writers, the comparison of the buildings not to bear me out in the idea which I entertain; yet on many other grounds I should contend, that Siwah had been a residence of the ancient Ammonites. I draw my conclusion from the relative situation of the country; from the quality of the soil, from its fertility; from the information of its inhabitants, that no other such fruitful tract is to be found any where near; and, in addition to the certainty, at least, that some great and magnificent building once here stood, I derive a further conclusion from the numerous catacombs to be found in the vicinity, and which I shall have occasion more particularly to notice. In regard to the memorable Temple of Ammon, should even my own description of the existing vestiges of building not accurately agree with general accounts of that edifice, yet, notwithstanding, I must continue to hold an opinion, from the general appearance and from the situation of those ruins, that they may be remains of the Temple of Jupiter Ammon. A delineation and decipher of the hieroglyphic figures, which adorn the inner walls of the building, might be conclusive on this question.

I will further add on this subject, that on inquiry after Edrisi’s Santrich, no one knew it even by name; but I was told that at a distance of seven days journey from Siwah, six from Faiume, and two or three[9] from Biljoradec, there exists a country, similar to that of Siwah, its inhabitants less in number, and speaking the same language. That region I should take to be the Minor Oasis of the ancients. I speak of this place from mere report, and could gain no more accurate, or further account; perhaps it lies among the mountains which traverse the great Desert near Ummesogeir, extending towards the south.

I come now to the subject of the various catacombs, to be found in the territory of Siwah, and which I was enabled more fully to examine, as lying in more sequestered spots, and where I was less liable to observation.

If I well understood my companion, an inhabitant of Siwah, there are four principal places, where catacombs are found. The first, Belled-el-Kaffer; the second, Belled-el-Rumi; both these terms, denote one and the same thing, namely, “place or town of infidels;” the third is, El-Mota, or place of burial; the fourth, Belled-el-Chamis, or Gamis. My inquiries were in particular directed to El-Mota, situated at the distance of about one mile north-east from Siwah. It is a rocky hill, with a number of catacombs on the declivity, but the most remarkable, are on the summit. There is a separate entrance to each, and the descent inwards is gentle and gradual. The passage from the aperture, leads to a door-way, from which the space of the room is enlarged, and on each side, are smaller excavations for containing the mummies. The stones rising from the threshold are cut in a form that shews a door to have been formerly hung, and to have closed the entrance. The catacombs are of different extent, and each is wrought with great labour and neatness of work, and especially the uppermost, which contains no traces of any mummy. In others are found various remains. I long, but in vain, searched for an entire head: I found fragments, and especially of the occiput in abundance, but none with any investiture remaining; and even in the occiputs most entire I could not discover any stain or mark of their once having been filled with resin. The cloth still adhered to some ribs, but so decayed, that nothing could be further distinguished, than that the stuff in which the mummy had been wrapt, was of the coarsest kind.

The ground in all these catacombs has been dug and explored in search of treasure, and I was told, by my guide, that in every one of these sepulchres gold has been, and is yet sometimes, found.

There is every probability that entire mummies might be discovered in the catacombs at a greater distance to westward of Siwah. I was credibly informed, that besides the open catacombs on the mountains, there are others under ground, and the entrance of which is to be found at no great depth; and that Biut-el-Nazari, (houses of Christians, synonymous here to Infidels,) exist on both sides of a long subterraneous passage, forming a communication, between two catacomb-mountains. The catacombs met with on Gibel-el-belled, being the hill on which Siwah is built, are small, and consist of a little antichamber, leading generally to two caverns where the mummies were deposited. Of these the two most remarkable are two large and high caverns on the north side; the one is twenty, the other sixteen feet square, and both are open to the north.

There are likewise two other caverns, of similar dimensions, but not so lofty, to be seen westward of Siwah, and leading to Augila; their entrance is low and narrow, and the two excavations are so near, that the partition, as appears from a small perforation, is only ten inches thick.

Quitting the subject of antiquities in the territory of Siwah, I have only to add, that in the nearest plain west of the town, there are other massive remains of some building, but which bear no token or note of remote antiquity, such as may be attributed to the ruins I first described.

SECTION VI.
Departure from Siwah.—Journey to Schiacha, and Danger which the Traveller there incurred.

Having remained eight days at Siwah; on the 29th of September, at three in the afternoon, we broke up our encampment, and proceeded a three hours march, when we again pitched our tents at foot of a hill. The next day we began our journey late, being delayed till one o’clock, in search of a slave who belonged to a court-officer of the Sultan of Fezzan, and who had absconded from the caravan. Whilst the man was looking for, I set out with a view of inspecting some catacombs which I descried on the neighbouring hills, but was stopped at some distance by a lake of seven or eight miles in circumference, formed at the base of the mountain by the conflux of springs and small pools of water, which the rains at this season had swollen and brought together. Returning to the camp, I took my telescope to examine the appearances I was not enabled closely to inspect, when the first object on the mountain which presented itself to my view was the Negro after whom the search was making. I gave no notice of my discovery, the poor fellow having a good character, and having been driven to the attempt of flight by the extreme severity of his master. I am sorry to say there was little hope of his final escape, the Siwahans having promised to deliver him up. This day we travelled till half an hour after sun-set. The next day we marched at two hours before day-break, and halted at nine. The fourth day brought us to the fruitful valley of Schiacha.

The mountains by which we travelled from Siwah to this spot, are branches of those which I have mentioned as appearing, at all times, to north of our way through the Desert, and often at but little distance. They rise abruptly, and as precipices, from the level ground, and shew a face of mere rock, without the least covering of soil or even of sand. Their appearance, taken together with that of the sea-sand which covers the Desert, indicate this vast tract to have been flooded, and at a period later than the great deluge. In the sandy plain below these mountains is seen the surface of a vast calcareous rock, containing no substance of petrifaction, whereas the mountains near consist of limestone, crowded and filled with fragments of marine animals and shells. The strata of all these rocky hills lay horizontal.

Westward of Siwah, I found two banks or heaps of calcined shells, some of the size of two inches over. My interpreter told me, that taking his road at some distance from me, he saw a mountain standing singly and unconnected with others, composed entirely of shells. Many such vast isolated mounds are to be seen throughout the whole of this district, and the bed-joints or interstices of their strata of stone (always horizontal), being filled up with a reddish, friable, calcareous substance, they often resemble pyramids, and in so exact and illusive a manner, that more than once I was deceived into expectation of arrival at such building. The architecture of the ancient Egyptians was of the vast and gigantic kind; and builders of such ambitious temper and stupendous scheme, might readily entertain the idea of transforming a mountain into a pyramid, shaping the huge rock, already in form partly adapted, and casing it with wrought stones on the outside, as they might prefer. Some of the learned have given an opinion, that the Pyramids of Giza and of Saccara, were not originally erections from the base, but merely hills of earth or stone, shaped and covered by the labour of man. The idea is plausible, though certainly to be controverted, by reasons to be drawn from history, and from other the best sources of fact and argument.

I now proceed to the recital of an event in which I was personally and principally concerned. I shall give the recital in detail, as, in its consequences, being of the highest import to the future safety of myself, and therewith to the progress of discovery which I have engaged in; and, as it has afforded me self-confidence and new encouragement, ever favourable to the success of enterprize, so will it, I trust, give satisfaction to those who have employed me, inspiring just and well-founded hopes of my finally accomplishing the great purpose entrusted to my care.

The state of quiet and security usually attending our encampments was interrupted, whilst at Schiacha, by the arrival of some Siwahans, who, about eight o’clock in the evening, came with intelligence, that a numerous horde of Arabs from the vicinity of Faiume were hovering in the Desert, ready to fall upon our caravan. These messengers at the same time assured us, that the people of Siwah had resolved to come to our assistance, and to escort us to the next watering-place; adding, “that their little army would arrive in a few hours, determined to risk with us every thing in opposing the attack of the Bedouins, whose force they represented as consisting of from 800 to 1000 men. Our leader, the Sheik of the Twaters, immediately assembled the principal people of the caravan, when it was decided not to desert our post, but to await the enemy. Scarcely was our little council broke up, when we heard from afar the braying of some hundred asses, giving notice of the approach of the Siwahans. They use this animal on their military excursions, from the advantage it affords of more easily proceeding by narrow and rugged passes among the mountains, and evading or attacking any enemy, who from ignorance of the country, or from the nature of its cattle requiring safer roads, is obliged to confine its march to broader defiles or vallies. Some men were immediately dispatched from the caravan, requiring the Siwahans to halt at half a mile distance from our post. The night passed in disquietude and alarm: each got his arms in readiness, and prepared for a battle on the ensuing day. A little before sun-rise, the Siwahans advanced on foot, and gave apprehension of immediate attack. Some Augilans rode forward, to inquire their intentions, and were answered, “that the caravan had nothing to fear;” on reporting this to the Sheik, he sent the messengers back, to say he should consider and treat them as enemies, if they advanced a step further. On this message the Siwahans halted, formed a circle, and invited some Augilans to a conference. During all this time, I remained quiet with my baggage, having sent my interpreter to collect intelligence of what was passing. Seeing him return, and judging from his manner and haste, that he had something of importance to communicate, I ran to meet him. He immediately accosted me with, “cursed be the moment, when I determined upon this journey; we are both of us unavoidably lost men; they take us for Christians and spies, and will assuredly put us to death.” With these words he left me, and ran to the baggage, where he exchanged his single gun for my double barrelled one, and armed himself with two brace of pistols. I upbraided him with his want of firmness, told him “a steady and resolute conduct could alone preserve ourselves and friends, and reminded him that his present behaviour was precisely such as to give weight to the suspicions entertained:” I further urged, “that on his own account he had nothing to fear, having for twelve years been a Mahommedan, and perfectly acquainted with the religion and customs; that myself alone was in danger, and that I hoped to avert it, provided he did not intermeddle with my defence.” “Friend, (answered he,) you will never hear of danger: but this time you will pay for your temerity.”

Perceiving that terror had wholly deprived him of the necessary temper and recollection, I now left him to himself, and walked up unarmed, but with a firm and manly step, to this tumultuous assembly.

I entered the circle, and offered the Mahometan salutation, “Assulam Alckum,” but none of the Siwahans returned it. Some of them immediately exclaimed,—“You are of the new Christians from Cairo, and come to explore our country.” Had I at this time, been as well acquainted with Mahometan fanaticism, and the character of the Arabs, as I have been since, I should have deduced my defence from the very terms of the accusation, and stated that I was indeed from Cairo, having fled from the Infidels; as it was, I answered nothing to this general clamour, but sat down and directed my speech to one of the Chiefs, whose great influence I knew, and who had been often in my tent whilst at Siwah. “Tell me, brother, (said I,) hast thou ever before known 300 armed men take a journey of three days, in pursuit of two men, who dwelt in their midst for ten days, who had eaten and drank with them as friends, and whose tents were open to them all? Thyself hast found us praying and reading the Koran; and now thou sayest we are Infidels from Cairo; that is, one of those from whom we fly! Dost thou not know, that it is a great sin to tell one of the faithful that he is a Pagan?” I spoke this with an earnest and resolute tone, and many of the congregation seemed gained over by it, and disposed to be favourable to me: the man replied, “that he was convinced we were not Infidels, that he had persuaded no one to this pursuit, and as far as depended on him alone, he was ready to return to Siwah.” On this I turned to one of the vulgar, who was communicating some of the accusations against me to the people of our caravan. “Be thou silent, (said I,) would to God, that I were able to speak well the Arabic, I would then ask questions of thee, and of hundreds like thee, who are less instructed in the Islam than I am.” An old man on this observed, “This man is younger than the other, and yet more courageous!” I immediately continued, “My friend is not afraid of thee, but thou oughtest to have fears of my friend: dost thou know what it is to reproach a man, who lives with sultans and with princes, with being an Infidel?” I was then asked for what purpose we carried Christian papers. I now found that my interpreter had unwarily shewn a passport which I had obtained from General Bonaparte, with a view not to be detained at the French posts through which I was to pass to the caravan. My interpreter at this moment came up, and finding me alive, and the assembly less angry and violent, than when on being first questioned, he had exasperated them by inconsiderate and perplexed answers; he recovered himself, and stood sufficiently composed and collected, whilst I explained partly in German, partly in Arabic, what had passed. Knowing, however, that the paper in question would be demanded, and not choosing to trust to his prudence in the manner of producing it; I went myself for it to the tent, and returning, brought likewise a Koran with me. I immediately tendered the paper to a Chief of the Siwahans, who having unfolded it, asked, “if any by-stander could read it.” I could not help smiling at the question, perilous as was my situation. The same question was then put to us, when I answered, “that we did not understand what it contained, but were told, it would allow us to quit Cairo without being molested.” “This is the book, (interrupted my interpreter,) which I understand:” and immediately took the Koran from my hand. We were ordered, by reading in it, to give proof of our being truly of the religion. Our learning in this respect went far indeed beyond the simple ability of reading. My companion knew the entire Koran by heart, and as for me, I could even then write Arabic, and well too: which with these people, was an extraordinary proficiency in learning. We had scarcely given a sample of our respective talents, when the chiefs of our caravan, who to this moment had been silent, now took loudly our part; and many of the Siwahans too, interfered in our favour. In short, the inquiry ended to our complete advantage, though not without the murmuring of some in the multitude, who lost the hopes of plunder which the occasion might have afforded.

Thus the character of Mussulman which I assumed was firmly established, and I shall not be subjected in future, to like inquiries, on which, perhaps, more decisive proofs might be required, and which I could not give. The security of my future voyage is thus assured, and so great an advantage more than compensates for some losses attending the above incident, but which yet I must regret.

During the time I was first in conference with the people of Siwah, and those of the caravan, my baggage was left with my interpreter; who in the paroxysms of his fears, and indeed with no light apprehensions of our bales of goods being searched, took my remains of mummies, my specimens of mineralogy, my more detailed remarks, made on my way from Cairo to Schiacha, and generally my books, and gave them to a confidential slave of my Arab inmate, to bury them in a bog; this was done, and I never afterwards could retrieve them.

SECTION VII.
Departure from Schiacha—arrival at Augila.

On the fifth day (reckoning by our departure from Siwah,) we left Schiacha, and travelled about four hours, when we encamped. The next morning in two hours and a half, we came to a district called Torfaue, where we halted to collect fresh water: from this place we departed at four in the afternoon of the same day, and continued our march until eight the next morning, through a desert, the level of which was interrupted by numerous sand-hills; at eight o’clock we stopped to refresh, and rested till two o’clock, when we again pressed forward, and continued our march till eight in the morning, when we encamped till one. At one we again proceeded, travelled all night, and till three o’clock the next morning, when the party with whom I travelled, discovered, that during the night, we had wandered from the caravan; we resolved thereon to halt and await the return of day. We placed our baggage by the side of each camel, to be enabled on emergency, to load again with dispatch, and I laid me down to sleep on the sand, with the bridle in one hand, and my firelock in the other, and slept soundly till sunrise.

We now discovered our caravan; and at the same time, that we were not above half a mile from a spot, fruitful and abounding in water. We immediately made up to the place and encamped. The journey from Torfaue to this spot, was the most disagreeable and fatiguing that in the course of all my travels I had experienced. Both men and cattle were so wearied and exhausted, that as soon as the baggage was unladen, all resorted to sleep. We here reposed the whole day, and the next set forth for Augila, by short marches, (altogether not amounting to more than nine hours travel); we used no haste, as having nothing to apprehend, being now in the country of our friends.

Our entry into Mojabra, one of the three places belonging to the dominion of Augila, was solemn and affecting, as the greater part of the merchants of our caravan had here habitations and families. The Bey of Bengasi, Vicegerent for the Bashaw of Tripoly, and at that time resident at Augila, sent about twenty of his Arabs to note in writing the burden of the camels, and for which they demanded a small duty. These Arabs then ranged themselves, and formed a right wing to our caravan, drawn up for procession. The merchants who had horses formed the left, and the pilgrims and ordinary Arabs formed the centre, headed by the Sheik preceded by a green flag. The pilgrims marched on singing; and the Arabs made their horses prance and curvet, and so continued until we approached near to Mojabra; where a number of old men and children met us, to felicitate and get a first embrace of their sons and relations, whom, on hearing of the French invasion in Egypt, they had given over as lost.

We pitched our tents in a spot adjoining the town, and were most hospitably entertained. The following night I proceeded on my journey towards Augila, in company with two merchants, one of whom procured me a lodging on my arrival, it being the intention of the caravan to stop longer than usual at this place.

There are three towns within the territory of Augila; Augila, the capital, and Mojabra, and Meledila. The two last are near to each other, and both about four hours from Augila; Mojabra to the south, and Meledila to north of the road by which we passed. Mojabra and Meledila are occasionally comprehended in the general name of Fallo, designating the district.

Augila, a town well known in the time of Herodotus,[10] covers a space of about one mile in circumference. It is badly built, and the streets are narrow and not kept clean. The houses are built of a limestone, dug from the neighbouring hills, and consist only of one story or ground floor. The apartments are dark, there being no aperture for light but the door; and are generally ranged round a small court, to which the entrance of each room faces, for purpose of collecting the more light. The public buildings, comparatively, are yet more mean and wretched. Mojabra is of smaller extent, but appears proportionally more populous than Augila. The inhabitants of Meledila are chiefly employed in agriculture; those of Mojabra engage mostly in trade, and pass their lives in travelling betwixt Cairo and Fezzan. The people of Augila are of a more sedentary disposition; though some of these too, were with our caravan.

The men of the above places, who engage in the caravan trade, generally keep three houses; one at Kardaffi, near Cairo; one at Mojabra, and a third at Zuila, or sometimes at Mourzouk. Many have a wife and family establishment at each of these houses; and others take a wife for the time, if the stay of the caravan is longer than usual. The men from their very youth devote themselves to such traveller’s life. Boys from thirteen to fourteen years of age, accompanied our caravan the long and toilsome journey from Augila to Fezzan on foot, or at least seldom mounting a horse. In observing the general character of this people, I could not but remark a degradation, self-interestedness, and mean and shuffling disposition, derived from early habits of petty trade, and the manner in which it was conducted, as contra-distinguishing those engaged in this traffic, and those who remained at home.

The men of the country are engaged in gardening and agriculture; but in the last to no great extent. The women are very industrious in manufacturing coarse woollen cloths of five yards in length and a yard and a half wide, which are called Abbe, and are sent in considerable quantities to Fezzan. These constitute the chief clothing of this people; they wrap them about their bodies, and without even a shirt or shift under.

Round Augila the country is level and the soil sandy, yet, being well watered, is tolerably fertile. Corn is not cultivated in quantity sufficient for subsistence of the people. The Arabs of Bengasi, distant about thirteen days journey, import annually both wheat and barley; and this their corn caravan is generally accompanied by flocks of sheep for sale.

The inhabitants of this region can generally speak the Arabic but their vulgar language is a dialect similar to that of Siwah, above noticed.

FOOTNOTES:

[2]In hoc supercilio sunt frusta salis, ferè grumi grandes in collibus, et singulorum collium vertices è medio sale ejaculantur aquam dulcem pariter et gelidam. Herodot. ed. Wesseling. p. 181.

[3]Ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ Λιβύης ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην. Herodot. Euterpé, § 33. The Editor rather supposes that Herodotus using the term Lybia, comprised all Africa, west of Egypt and Ethiopia; and that the river, or branch of river, alluded to, is the great stream flowing from the west, described by the Nasamones, and supposed to be a part of the Nile, by Etearchus: in such case the traveller may in vain look for its channel in the country suggested by Mr. Horneman, it being undoubtedly far to the south,—the Joliba or Niger.

[4]So too Alexander, on his march to the Fane of Ammon, found the water bitter: κατήντησεν ἐπὶ ΠΙΚΡΑΝ καλουμένην λίμνην.

Did. Sic. Tom. I. p. 198, edit. Wesseling.

[5]Vide Note, [Appendix, No. I.]

[6]Vide [Appendix, No. IV.]

[7]Vide Herodot. edit. Wesseling, p. 284.

[8]Vide Note, [Appendix, No. I.]

[9]The distance from Biljoradec is not clearly expressed in the original.

[10]Herodotus places Augila at ten days journey from the city of the Ammonians. Melpom. 182. N. B. Mr. Horneman was nine days on journey from Augila to Siwah, partly by forced marches.