A narrative of travels in northern Africa in the years 1818, 19, and 20; accompanied by geographical notices of Soudan and of the course of the Niger

by G. F. Lyon

of kashna and soudan in general.—from morzouk to kashna.

South-west by south.
Morzouk to Akraf	14	days.
Akraf to Felezlis	4
Felezlis to Tadent	4
Tadent to Assieu	6
Assieu to Trajeet	4
Trajeet to Seloofia	2
Seloofia to Āghades	2
Āghades to Begzam	3
Begzam to Ghrulghīwa	3
Ghrulghiwa to Tagama	7
Tagama to Kashna	7
	56	days, of 20 miles per diem.

Āghades is a large district, having a town of the same name; it is 36 days from Morzouk in summer, and in winter is sometimes 45. It is 15 or 20 days from Kashna; 20 from Bornou; 6 from Asouda; 3 or 4 from Begzam; 30 in summer, and 35 or 40 in winter, from Ghraat; and 40 from Tuat. The inhabitants are Tuarick of the tribe of Kellewi. It is a larger town than Morzouk; the houses are of mud, and are built in the same style, and of the same size, as in Fezzan: some have a kind of second story. It is surrounded by a wall of mud and stone, of sufficient strength to protect it. There is a very high Mouadden or Minaret to the principal mosque, which the Tuarick affect to consider higher than any in Egypt. The country is independent, and is governed by a Sheikh, who is a Mulatto, and of middle age, named Yusuffah. He is considered as great a man as the Sultan of Fezzan. Dome dates are in great plenty: the common ones are scarce, and never arrive at any degree of perfection. The soil of the country is earth, not sand, and is quite covered with grass. There are large trees, chiefly the Talhh. Corn and vegetables are in plenty, and animal food is very cheap. The people are rigid Moslems.

Kashna is 20 days from Noofy. I here give an account of the road, as we received it from a friend of Horneman’s, who is well acquainted with Soudan.

West	⎧ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎨ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎩	Kashna to Yandekka.
		Yandekka to Doogroomakee.
		Doogroomakee to Zurmee, a very large town.
		Zurmee to Faoushee, or Zanfara.
		Faoushee to Doofa Mafora.
		Doofa Mafora to Thalata noma.
		Thalata noma to Bacoora.
		Bacoora to Gandee.
		Gandee to Burnee dengāda.
		Burnee dengāda to Sakkatoo, a large Fellata town.
		Sakkatoo to Mifferadaati; from whence several small

towns are passed until Noofy, which is a country on the borders of the Nil. Its chief town is Bakkanee; and it was there that Horneman died, in the house of a man called Ali el Felatni. Our informant gave the following account of his having accompanied Horneman from Morzouk to that place. They first became acquainted in Fezzan, from whence they went together with a large Kafflé to Bornou, when they separated. After Horneman had resided three or four months there, they again met in a Kafflé going to Kashna, and associated much together. The people became greatly attached to Horneman, on account of his amiable deportment and skill in medicine; and he was generally considered as a Marāboot. After a short time they proceeded with another party of merchants to Noofy, living together in the house of a man named Ali, of the tribe Fellata. It was Horneman’s custom while on his journeys after quitting Fezzan, to note down the bearings of every tree, mountain, or village, he saw; by which means he might be more easily enabled to know his road again without a guide. His intention was to go on through Dagomba to Ashantee, which is forty days’ journey to the southward. When our merchant left Noofy, he was in good health and spirits, and had not experienced any difficulties; but this man, on arriving in Kashna, heard that Horneman had died of dysentery, a few days after their separation.

The clearest account I have yet heard of the rivers which flow near Kashna is from a person named Mustapha, a son of the old Mamluke who, with his two other sons, was strangled by Mukni. This man fled, and spent some years in Soudan. He has himself passed three rivers, all running from east to west, as he thinks; but will not be positive. One alone is very considerable; fish, alligators, and hippopotami, being found in it. It is very deep, and is passed in boats, and by rafts. He mentions the rivers in the following order:

Kashna to the river Ringhem is seven days east. This river is the smallest; it is deep, but narrow; water quite fresh. A town, called Sankara, is distant one day east.

From Kashna to the river Doodroo is six days nearly south. On this river are canoes, which are hollowed out of a single tree: they have sharp bottoms, not rounded. They are numerous, and serve equally well for fishing, and for ferry-boats from shore to shore.

From Kashna to Kattagum (which again appears east-north-east on the road to Bornou) south-east is ten days. This river is at all times large; but after the rains it overflows the country. During the inundation the natives use rafts floated on gourds, which grow to an extraordinary size. A quantity of these are scooped out, and lashed together; a deck is then formed of brushwood, or bundles of rushes.

The only palpable inaccuracy in his account (and which, indeed, is a great one) is that relating to the course of these rivers: he was by no means certain whether they flowed to or from the east, and always concluded by saying, that he never had thought it worth while to remember the circumstance.

From Kashna to Sakkatoo is nine days and a half west. This place is the residence of Bello, son of the celebrated Fellata chief Hatman Danfodio. It is a walled town of much consideration, three days east of Gooberr, which is also a Fellata town, and one day east of Kebbi (the Cabi of our maps.) The natives are now a settled people, but were once wanderers of the warlike tribe of Fellata, who, some years since, came from the west, and succeeded in overcoming the whole of Soudan, carrying their conquests as far as old Birnie, and causing the Sultan and his people to remove five days farther to the eastward. These conquests have, in the end, occasioned their ruin; for not having it in their power to continue a force in each subjugated country, they became scattered, and were easily driven back by the different tribes who had been subject to them. They now are not found (except in small parties) farther east than Kashna. Their complexion being of a much lighter hue than that of the other tribes, they call themselves white; their colour resembles that of our gipsies in England.

Many female slaves are brought to Morzouk from their nation, and are very handsome women. The men I have never seen, and I understand that in the late wars all the male prisoners were put to death. They walk very erect, and have rather a haughty expression of countenance. These people have been of late chiefly at war with the Tuarick, who are powerful enemies, and harass them continually.

Kashna is still in a great measure dependant on Bello, who appoints its Kaid or Governor. This man is named Mellona Amarroo Delagie, and assumes the title of Sultan in his master’s absence. He makes constant incursions on the countries round him, and is much dreaded; though he sometimes suffers severely from retaliations. His family consists of two hundred Negresses, and the same number of children, which they have borne him. I conceive from a vocabulary, which I subjoin, that the Fellata will be found to be the Foulah of Park: they call themselves Fellan.

From a young woman, who arrived direct from Sakkatoo, I obtained some trifling information. The account she gave of herself was, that as she was leading her cows out to feed, a party of Gooberr people (also Fellata, and subject to the same King), seized and brought her away; but meeting on their progress with some Tuarick, she was sold to them. Her complexion was fair, and she had an intelligent countenance; her legs were much swelled, and her form emaciated. She was called into her master’s presence to give me some words of her language, when I began by asking her how she named a man in her country: thinking I wished to know that of her husband, she looked up, and with tears in her eyes, answered, “Mohammed; but he is alone now;” and then added, “I had a little boy, too, called Mohammed; when I was stolen he had no teeth, and I know not who will suckle him.”

I here subjoin the words she taught me.

Man	Efillo.
Woman	Debbo.
Boy	Pipullo.
Girl	Bitadeppo.
Small	Toccochu.
Heavy	Teddoodoo.
Light	Oodumhaïneddi.
I understand	Andal.
Hand	Jungo.
Head	Hora.
Sun	Naanga.
Moon	Laighroo.
Stars	Caudie.
Meat	Niri.
Flesh	Taïoo.
Horse	Pootchio.
Cow	Nagga.
Ass	Babba.
Camel	Gailopa.
Goat	Baïa.
Sheep	Baloo.
Dog	Kootooroo.
Walk	Jiadoo.
Sleep	Fokadaan.
Come	Warr.
Go	Beadillo.
Good	Oodonwodi.
Bad	Kalloodoo.
Large	Maoodoo.
River	Lana.
Eat	Aniami.
Drink	Ghiarki.
Sweet	Oodomwaili.
Sour	Oodomlammi.
Heaven	Samaachi.
Father	Babama.
Mother	Imāma.
Elder brother	Maoona.
Younger brother	Minia.
Sister	Bānda.
Grandfather	Mamama.
Wife	Tirajumma.
Friend	Haigomo.
Foot	Koinka.
Leg	Korla.
I do not	Mianda.
Milk	Koossum.
Mat	Dago.
Carpet	Baïtookki.
Pillow	Ting ada.
I	Mahan.
You	Maan.
He	Damaitoo.
Shirt	Toggora.
Trowsers	Serla.
Gold	Laamdi.
Iron	Yamgoo.
Corn	Elcamarani.
Maize	Baïra.
Gussub	Gaouri.
Tree	Barkihi.
Wood	Leddi.
Water	Ghium.
Fire	Eeta.
God	Allah.
House	Oora.
Town	Gerri.
Bowl	Laa.
A well	Oondoo.
Water	Ghium.
Rope	Bogool.
Bucket	Kianga.
Book	Deftera.
To-day	Ilanda nundi.
To-morrow	Tiango.
Yesterday	Fadijiango.
Not yet	Towli.
I am ill	Tyawdoo.
I am well	Hairama.
Beads	Kaadeh.
Petticoat	Oodarra.
Aba	Godori.
Thigh	Asanga.
Arm	Kiauwall ghisingo.
Belly	Kraigoo.
Back	Baoo.
Breast	Barendi.
Neck	Daandi.
Nipples	Endoo.
Fingers	Honedoo.
Cap	Hoffanaïra.
Cat	Mussouroo.
Shoes	Paddi.
Beard	Wari.
Eye	Gitta.
Nose	Hinari.
Mouth	Kondookkoo.
Forehead	Teeda.
Ear	Leppi.
Turban	Maitello.
Blood	Eia.
Bones	Kial.
Burn	Awli.
Roast	Awoodi.
Hot	Odunwooli.
Cold	Dumfai.
Hungry	Ïam.
I am full	Mihāri.
Thirsty	Nanadumka.
This	Doondo.
Give	Okon.
Take	Gabboo.
Fat	Paidoo.
Thin	Fautdo.
Dirty	Toondi.
Clean	Loomram mitell.
Tired	Ensoomi.
Language	Bolli.
Sword	Kansakali.
Stone	Booddi.
Sand	Jearidi.
Earth	Laidi.
Red	Bodaijo.
White	Daraijiu.
Black	Balaijiu.
Green	Koraijiuna.
Yellow	Jianajiu.
Get up and go	Ummadillo.
Grass	Koodoo.
Hard	Uddumyori.
Soft	Oodum haihaitirri.
How are you	Mia Loodoo.
Well	Noobāndoo.
Whence come	Kai ooaidi.
Where going	Tingailta.
Is he within	Uden wodi.
He is not	Unwalla.
Garden	Engassa.
Run	Endogga.
Quick	Ommandillo.
Enough	Doodoo.
A little	Sedda.
To weave	Sansanbi.
Flour	Kiandi.
Pepper	Syasi.
Poor	Kolakomi.
Rich	Waidande.
Honey	Jumeri.
Bird	Soodoo.
Fowl	Gertooka.
Pigeon	Umfoodi sondo.
Set down	Jiaura.
Night	Ghem.
Morning	Dun waidi.
Day	Hansi.
Lion	Jagerri.
Arrow	Lebbo.
Glass	Karroo.
Spoon	Gerbal.
Pot	Footira.
Knife	Lab.
Spear	Ghembirri.
Dagger	Labijungo.
Gun	Bendiga.
Rain	Ghium ghiwondi.
Brass	Yamgo daikoo.
Tiger	Melaho.
Antelope	Lelwa.
Happy	Well well ti.
I am sad	Berna metti.
Sing	Ghimmoo.
Dance	Fidio.
Fear	Dooba.
Teeth	Nïa.
I thank you	Allah imoghni.

Bello, son, as I have said, of the celebrated Fellata Chief, is famed for many very noble actions, and is a man generally beloved. He is a great warrior, and the people about him are very well armed and appointed. He does not, like the other chiefs, seek out the gaudy dresses and toys brought by the Kafflés, but buys up arms of all descriptions. Reverence for his religion, and for those who are eminent in it, are amongst his virtues. I was acquainted with a man who passed himself off as a Shreef, which he was not, and who had been plundered by the Tuarick. Bello actually presented to this impostor one hundred Negresses, thinking that he only offered a slight testimony of respect to the memory of the Prophet in the person of his pretended descendant.

Cowries, or shells, are the current money of Kashna, and all the towns westward: 2000 is the exchange for a dollar. By way of showing their comparative value, it may be mentioned, that a fowl costs five shells, a sheep 600, and a bullock 2500. Corn, rice, and, indeed, all the necessaries of life, are very cheap in Soudan. Rice is purchased at one dollar for 3 cwt. Bullocks are used to carry burthens, and to bring the grain home from the fields. The asses are fine animals, the camels scarce, and dear in some parts.

The people are excellent workers in wood and leather, which they prepare equally well as Europeans, dying it of very fine colours, and sometimes glazing it. Pillows, bags, sandals, jars, and even boxes of leather are brought by the Kafflés, and sold very cheap. Bowls composed of wood, or gourds, are finely carved, and much sought after by the Fezzan traders.

The women make very fine cotton cloth of gay patterns (having generally a great proportion of blue), and of firm texture; but it is remarkable that they never exceed in breadth three inches. Shirts made of these cloths are so very neatly sewed, that it is impossible at first sight to discover the seams.

The natives of Soudan are very ignorant; the few among them who can read find it their interest to make a great display of their knowledge. A man who reads is always respected, and becomes a person of great consideration; his presence being frequently sought for at a high price at births or marriages, in order to prevent the attendance of the devil, who immediately flies from a man capable of reading from the Koran. The power of writing charms, or saffis, is a sure step to riches.

About half the population on the banks of the Nil are Mohammedans in outward forms, but are unacquainted with every part of their religion except the prayers; some, indeed, are quite ignorant even of these, and only acknowledge the unity of God and the excellence of the Prophet. The other half are Pagans. Some nations have no idea of worship, or of a Supreme Being; others pray to the devil; and many are idolaters, and pay homage to any striking object in nature.

All the nations south of the Waters are said to be unbelievers, and to live in a state of nature, resembling in their appearance, manners, and habitations, wild beasts rather than men.

The Moslems have a greater share of superstition and vices than those they call their blind neighbours, and seldom undertake any thing without being first fortified by charms. They are constantly fancying themselves bewitched, attribute every unpleasant occurrence to Iblis; and are so fearful of the “Evil Eye,” that they adopt many strange precautions to avert its baneful effects.

In justice to the poor unenlightened beings whom they make their prey, I must say that I never witnessed such innocence, tenderness, and mildness as most of them evince when brought to Morzouk, particularly at the death of any of their companions in adversity. On these occasions they do not, like their persecutors, scream and make an insincere wailing; but sit silent and in tears, and often refuse their little allowance of food. Should one of the females fall sick, the others nurse, feed, comfort, and very often give up the whole of their scanty meal to the sufferer. I speak merely of the women, for the men are not blessed with very kind hearts; and it would be considered by them as disgraceful to betray any soft and tender feeling. Should a woman have an infant belonging to her, each of her companions in turn will carry and endeavour to amuse it. The women very seldom become sullen, and are lively without being at all boisterous or noisy; they are clean in their persons, very fond of ornaments, tractable and easily taught; but in acquiring knowledge they unfortunately lose much of their native simplicity.

Kashna to Sakkatoo.
West.
Kashna to Zumma	1	day.
Zumma to Kalawa	3
Kalawa to Gadaya	½
Gadaya toKararee	2	days.
Kararee to Tekamoorāfa	2
Tekamoorāfa to Sakkatoo	1
Total	9½	days.

Two days farther west is Kebbi; half a day from which is a large town called Bodinga.

Kashna to Gooberr five or six days west by south. This is a principal Fellāta town, and was for some years the residence of their Sultan. The houses are built in streets, surrounded by a wall, and the adjacent country is very fine. Three days east-north-east of Kashna is Tessawa, a town.

From Kashna into Bornou.
East.
Kashna to Sabongaree	1	day.
Sabongaree to Roma	1
Roma to Beshi	1
Beshi to Kanno	1

Kanno is fourteen days from Birnie; it is governed by a Sultan, and is a town of note.

North.
Kashna to Gayzaa	1	day.
Gayzaa to Zakari	1
Zakari to Ringhem	1

Here is a river of the same name, which comes from the countries south of Kashna.

East.
Ringhem to Gongā	1	day.
Gongā to Mayga	1	producing many dome dates.
Mayga to Awyek	1
Awyek to Kattagum	1

Here the Nil, Goulbi, or Kattagum, passes from behind Kashna about thirteen days south. It runs north-east at this place, and must be crossed.

East.
Kattagum to Zoomawa	1	day.
Zoomawa to Gizzra	½
Gizzra to Ibrahim Zubbo	½

There is a tribe of Arabs here whose dwelling-place is called Bled Ibrahim Zubbo, from the Sheikh who first established them as a tribe. They are dark men without the negro features.

North.
Ibrahim Zubbo to Dowrā.	1	day.
Dowrā to Kalāwa	1
East.
Kalāwa to Shackow	1	day.
Shackow to Bayankalāwa	1
Bayankalāwa to Demetro	1

Kashna is four days east of Zanfara. To the north-east of Kashna three days is a country (not a town) called Daura. The natives are Kaffirs, very numerous, and constantly preyed on by the Fellata. Kebbi is three days north-east of Bakkanee, the chief town of Noofy. Kooka (the Cauga of the maps) is thirty days east by south of Kashna; it is much exposed to the incursions of the people of Waday. Kanno is four days east of Kashna, from which town Zegzeg is four or five days south-west. Yagooba is six days south of the latter place. Yemyem is the Lamlam of the maps. The inhabitants are reputed to be cannibals, and from a circumstance which came under my notice, I have no doubt they are so. A friend of mine had a male slave who came from that country, and who was about ten years of age. I desired a person, who spoke a language understood by the boy, to ask him, as if undesignedly, which part of a man was considered to taste best in his country. He immediately and readily answered, “The breast, which is eaten by the men; the other parts being given to the women and children.” But on further questioning him, it appeared he did not know whether the victims were prisoners or natives.

This country joins Zegzeg to the southward; it is of great extent, and the people are reported to live in a state of nature. Yagooba borders on Yemyem, six days south of Zegzeg. Marādi is a country lying half-way between Kashna and Gooberr, now nearly depopulated by the constant attacks of the Fellāta. The natives are Kaffirs, and go naked, with the exception of a leather wrapper round their loins. They are a very handsome race of people. Tirka in Soudan appears not to be known. There is a watering place of the Tibboo in Borgoo, called Tirki.

Tuat is mentioned in many maps as a town; but it is a large tract of country on the borders of Soudan, inhabited chiefly by Tuarick. It is situated on the Great Desert, and is not very fertile. Fine horses are bred there, and the flocks are numerous. The natives trade with Tembuctoo, Soudan, Ghadams, and Fezzan, but seldom go so far east as Bornou. The chief length of the country is from north to south, and the towns bear very nearly in that direction to each other. The houses are built of stone and mud, and have no second story; many of the towns are walled. Ain el Salah, or the Fountain of Saints, is the principal town. It takes its name from the sanctity of its inhabitants, who have all the credit of being Marāboots. A story is told of its having 366 castles, which were built by the first Mohammedan conquerors of the country; they are said to be of a great height and in fine preservation. I suspect, however, they are pretty nearly of the same description as those of Fezzan, of which we heard so many wonderful accounts, and which proved to be only mud tombs, or remains of old houses. From Morzouk to this place is about forty days’ journey.

West.
In Fezzan	⎰ ⎱	Morzouk to Tessowa	1	day.	Town and old castle.
		Tessowa to Oubāri	2		Town.
		Oubāri to Haghki	2		Resting place.
		Haghki to Kaïbo	4		do.
		Kaïbo to Bengheh	6		do.
		Bengheh to Doukaraat	2		do.
		Doukaraat to Tadera	5		do.
		Tadera to Amaghi	7		do.
		Amaghi to Temadraati	3		do.
		Temadraati to Houhaned	1½		do.
		Houhaned to Oonabraghri	4		do.
		Oonabraghri to Ain el Sala	2		Town in Tuat.

Between Tadera and Amaghi is a desert, which is travelled eight days without water. All the road is sand without any other vegetation than a few occasional shrubs, from Morzouk to Ain el Sala, which is the northern town in Tuat, and the first reached by all the Kafflés from the coast of Morocco. Tafilet is ten days north-west of it. Tombuctoo, or Tembuctoo, is fifty days from Ain el Sala, and the road is entirely over a desert. The first place from Ain el Sala is Akably, a very large town, which is two days. From thence to Mabrook is thirty-five days: this place is so called from its being the custom for those who have passed the Desert to rest and refresh there, each congratulating the other on having safely arrived over their perilous road, by the usual salutation of “Mabrook,” which signifies joy or happiness. Hence to Tembuctoo is fifteen days. Ghadams, belonging to the Bashaw of Tripoli, is twenty days north-north-west of Ain el Sala.

Tembuctoo is about 90 days’ journey from Morzouk, and the road thence is through Tuat. From the account given by merchants, it appears that it is not so large a town as has been imagined; and indeed some agree in saying, that it is not more extensive than Morzouk. It is walled; the houses are very low, and with the exception of one or two small streets, are built irregularly. Huts of mats seem to be in greater numbers than the houses.

The merchants to whom I suggested the idea, generally agreed with me, that the immense population which is said to exist there, may be thus accounted for. Many of the kafflés from Morocco, Ghadams, Tripoli, and the Negro states along the banks of the Nil, are obliged to remain there during the rainy season, or until their goods are sold. During their stay, they find it necessary to build huts or houses, to shelter themselves and their merchandise. These buildings are got up in a few days; and thus, perhaps, ten or fifteen thousand inhabitants may, in the course of a month, be added to the population, which occasions Tembuctoo to be thought an immense town by those who are only there at the same time as other strangers; but when the causes which detain the travellers cease, the place appears (what in reality it is said to be) insignificant. Thus it is that the accounts of it differ so much.

Kabra, which is its port, is situated south of it about 12 miles, and a person on foot may easily walk to and return from it in a day. It is more properly a collection of store-houses than a town; the few people residing there being employed to take care of the cargoes of vessels. Large boats from Jenne come and unload at this place. The river, called Goulbi or Nil (the former name is Soudan, merely a generic term for all waters, and by no means applicable to the Niger alone), is here very broad, and flows slowly past from the westward. Many people agree in saying, that in the dry season, a camel may pass over it without swimming; but after the rains, it becomes very deep, rapid, and dangerous.

Tembuctoo is governed by a King or Sultan, who has but little power. The people are all blacks, and dress like the natives of many parts of Soudan; the better class in shirts and trowsers, while the poorer order are nearly naked. Gold, cotton clothes, leather, and arms, are the principal manufactures of Tembuctoo and the surrounding villages. Jenne is said to be the place from which gold comes, and is thence called Bledd el Tibbr بلد التبر, or the country of gold.

I could obtain no account of Mr. Park, but every one agreed that it would be quite impossible (the buildings being so small and ill constructed) for him or any other white man to be confined in the town unknown to the traders, who enter every house, not excepting that of the Sultan himself. This, I think, entirely confutes the idea that Mr. Park has been, or is still confined by the Sultan, on account of his skill in surgery; and there is equal reason to doubt his being in existence, which some have supposed. Many Jews trade from Morocco, which, as they differ from the Mohammedans in their customs, has given rise to the report that there are Christians in the country; they are said to be circumcised, eat no pork, kill their animals in a peculiar way, and neither acknowledge Christ nor Mohammed. A nation of these people is said to exist south of Tembuctoo, the language of which place is peculiar to itself,—though Arabic is a little spoken; the people are regarded as good Moslems.

Language of Tembuctoo.
Man	Ahinda.
Woman	Afintoo.
Boy	Aberry.
Girl	Aterry.
Hand	Akhood.
Head	Agodi.
Iron	Azeli.
Eye	Aiti.
Ass	Ehaid.
Camel	Elgimmo.
Goat	Egghsi.
Sheep	Taili.
Gold	Agreef dodi.
Pillow	Kote.
Corn	Attow.
Tree	Esheri.
Wood	Esheri.
Water	Ami.
Fire	Ofi.
God	Allah.
House	Bactoo.
Town	Agherri.
Heaven	Engi.
Father	Abbi.
Mother	Emmi.
Brother	Kati.
Sister	Aghotoo.
Grandfather	Ajeddi.
Friend	Sehhi.
I understand	Foni.
I do not	Mofedi.
Sun	Ofitti.
Moon	Hitti.
Meat	Taasoo.
Flesh	Hamo.
Horse	Aïs.
Cow	Abari.
Sweet	Zaidi.
Milk	Alebbi.
Mat	Boshti.
Carpet	Fershit.
Foot	Edthi.
Leg	Edthair.
Beard	Heti.
Nose	Hoshti.
River	Bori.
Eat	Tay.
Drink	Ushti.
Walk	Kaedodi.
Sleep	Auti.
Come	Ka.
Go	Dodi.
Bad	Ferri.
Large	Koti.
Small	Katch.
Heavy	Toozi.
Mouth	Fetti.
Light	Afi.
Arm	Eghrai.
Belly	Teddis.
Back	Kerri.
Neck	Terri.
Nipples	Foffi
Fingers	Beddi.
I	Anikikki.
You	Ani looloo.
He	Hooti.

Here the intelligence of my informant ceased.

The King of Tembuctoo is an old man, named Kaoo, which, I believe, means governor or master; his wife is an old woman, and he has many concubines. The Sultanship is hereditary.—Tembuctoo is distant from Downa, a large town or district on the banks of the Nil, one day and a half east. Arowan is north of the city seven days, and is a place of consequence. Ezawen is east twenty days, and is also a large town. Taudenny, from whence the large kafflés, who bring rock salt, come annually, is twenty-four days north of Tembuctoo. Telemsen, which is twelve days north of the latter, or indeed half-way to Taudenny, is remarkable for a desert, having no water for ten days; thence called Asherïa. Mabrook is three days north of this place, ten days south of Taudenny, seven days east of Arowan, and eighteen days south of Awlef in Tuat.

Sala is a place three days from Tembuctoo, on the Nil to the eastward.

The Nil, Goulbi, Joliba or Kattagum, runs from Tembuctoo, through Melli in the country of the Fellata; thence to Kebbi, which is three days north of Nooffy: past this place or country, it runs to Yaowri, which is seven days east; from thence to Fendah, a Fellāta country S.W. of Kashna, which latter kingdom it passes at thirteen days south of the capital. It again makes its appearance at Kattagum, four days W.S.W. of the capital of Bornou, where it runs into a lake, called the Tsaad. Beyond this lake, a large river runs through Baghermee, and is called the Gambarro and Kamadakoo; the word Nil being also used for the same stream.—Thus far are we able to trace the Nil, and all other accounts are merely conjectural. All agree, however, that by one route or other, these waters join the great Nile of Egypt, to the southward of Dongola.

Wangara is a place of which we cannot obtain any decided account; it is, however, generally supposed to be a low country, and sometimes inundated. One person states it to be twenty days south of Tembuctoo; another places it south of Kashna; and many even assert, that it is beyond Waday: but it is quite impossible from the varied accounts given of it, to form any idea as to its actual situation, or even existence.

Should there really be three places so called, may it not be probable that it is a general name for marshes and swamps? In the one spoken of behind Tembuctoo, the capital is said to be Battagoo, and is a large town, near which much gold is reported to be found. An invisible nation, according to our informant, inhabit near this place, and are said to trade by night. Those who come to traffic for their gold, lay their merchandise in heaps, and retire. In the morning, they find a certain quantity of gold dust placed against every heap, which, if they think sufficient, they leave the goods; if not, they let both remain until more of the precious ore is added. These traders in gold dust are by many supposed to be devils, who are very fond of red cloth, the favourite article of exchange. I cannot conceive Arabs to be the merchants, for assuredly they would, least of all people, refrain from stealing the gold thus temptingly placed in their view.

Haousa, Soudan or Afnoo, may be comprehended between Kanno, which is four days east of Kashna, and the borders of Tembuctoo. It appears, that the name only extends to the country which runs east and west, near the great river; for Aghades, which is north of Kashna, is not in Soudan: neither is Yemyem, which is south.

Soudan is an Arabic word, signifying the black country; and is also named by them Ber el Abeed بار البيد or “Land of Slaves;” but the natives all agree in calling it Haousa, which has been mistaken for a town. The language of the country, of which I shall give a specimen, is called by the people, “Haousa Tongue.”

Always	Koollum.
All	Doka.
Afterwards	Zoōashan.
Ass	Jackee.
Antelope	Baraiwa.
Arm	Dumsi.
A fly	Koodda.
Arrow	Kibbia.
Alive	Derrai.
Asleep	Bershi.
Butter	Mai Ferri.
Bad	Moogoo.
Bread	Korāsa.
Boil	Taffasa.
Bucket	Googa.
Boy	Yaroo.
Bowl	Akooshee.
Bring	Kaoo.
Bone	Kushēe.
Beads	Doosi.
Better	Yafi.
Burn	Jugrinica.
Black	Bekki.
Breast	Gubba.
Belly	Shikki.
Blood	Jinni.
Basket	Sanfoo.
Before	Dowree.
Brother	Kani.
Bull	Sania.
Bird	Soonsoo.
Book	Littafi.
Bitter	Deddāshi.
Beat	Boogga.
Buy	Saïya.
Beard	Gaymi.
Blue	Dafoa.
Brass	Jankerfi.
Blacksmith	Mekeri.
Bag	Jekka.
Box	Sandook.
Come	Yaka.
Crest of hair	Doka.
Cry	Ikooka.
Cold	Daree.
Corn	Elcamma.
Camel	Rakomie.
Cow	Sania.
Cotton	Abdiga.
Copper	Jankērfi.
Check	Komatoo.
Cat	Fatoo.
Country	Garee.
Chin	Habba.
Clean	Fittatai.
Don’t	Kaddakai.
Do this	Kai.
Drink	Isha.
Dance	Eewassa.
Drunk	Iasha Gheea.
Don’t go	Kadda Kattafi.
Don’t cry	Kaddakai Kooka.
Day	Rana.
Door	Kofa.
Dirty	Dowda.
Dates	Dibino.
Daughter	Ia.
Dog	Karre.
Die	Meteshey.
Date tree	Kershemi.
Dry	Kaikasusshi.
Deaf	Korma.
Eye	Iddo.
Ear	Koonnēh.
Eggs	Koi.
Enough	Iaisi.
Earth	Kassa.
Eunuch	Baba.
Elephant	Gheewas.
Eat	Ishee.
Fire	Oota.
Fear	Kai sooro.
Fat	Kibba.
Flesh	Nāma.
Fingers	Fershi.
Fall	Yafādi.
Forget	Namanshi.
Face	Fiska.
Friend	Abokee.
Fish	Keevi.
Fowl	Kazā.
&c.	&c.
1	Daya.
2	Bïoo.
3	Okoo.
4	Fooddoo.
5	Bïat.
6	Shidda.
7	Bokkoi.
8	Tokkos.
9	Tara.
10	Goma.
11	Goma shadaya.
	&c.
100	Daree.
1000	Doobboo.
From 20 to 100 are as in Arabic:—
Asherin, Thalateen, Erbain, &c.

Bornou is comprehended between Kanno and Baghermee. The people of Waday bring dried fish from a large river to the East of Baghermee to Wara, the capital.

I did not find any one who knew any thing of Solan, Berissa, Tirka, Gana, or Noro. People are said to go constantly from Noofy to the Great Sea, to trade with the Whites, and they even bring back crockery ware, powder, brandy, and arms. One of our informants went so far as to assert, that there were one or two people there who understood the language of the Whites. I must observe, that from Kanno to Zegzeg the road is dry even in winter; but in summer in many places the country is covered with water, which for forty days gives it the appearance of a great lake. Our present informant, an observing man, said that he saw no rivers flowing there; but the water which was “sleeping” came, as he supposed, from the Nil of Kashna. He remained trading in Zegzeg until the inundation was over, and made some great bargains. For seven yards of red cloth, resembling baize, he purchased nine females, three of whom he showed to me; they were grown up girls, and very handsome, taken from Yagooba.

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CHAPTER IV.

Articles of Commerce between Fezzan and the Interior, as well as to Egypt, Bornou, and Waday — Gonja — Description of Ghadams — Benewaleed and Benewazeed — Reports of a Successor to Mukni — His Illness — Gardens — Costumes of the Natives — Their Amusements — Visits to the Sultan’s Family — Celebration of the Feast of Aid el Kebire — Sickness and Sufferings of the Author and his Companions — Education of the Children of Morzouk — Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan — Illness and lamented Death of Mr. Ritchie — His Funeral — Determination of the Author to penetrate to the Southward of Morzouk.

the articles of commerce carried from fezzan to soudan, bornou, and waday, are—

Beads. The following kinds are at present in fashion: Mjeddrah el Baida (white smallpox); of white china, having raised spots on them. Erwandadi; transparent, oval, and dark blue. Koontombali; red, transparent, having white streaks and figures, of an oval form. Khorz el Adi; small beads of opaque glass, all colours. Menjura; large octagonal beads of red, white, and green. The white are at present preferred: a fowl is purchased for a bead of this kind. Khabba Jedeeda; black oval beads, having white or light blue rings on them. Guttuf; the smallest size, of all colours, mixed. Dhab el Mesquin (or poor man’s gold); black china beads, having yellow spots raised on them. Bandeaus of beads and necklaces ready made. I have been thus particular for the information of future travellers, as the beads we took with us were unsaleable, and the above are always to be purchased at Tripoli.

Coral. Morgian Teddoo, small coral in strings, in beads, in the rough, and in necklaces.

Needles. Four of which purchase a fine fowl.

Silks. Damask, and all light silks of a gaudy colour: if they have flowers worked on them, they sell much better; sewing silk, or raw silk, and ribbons of various colours.

Red cloth, of a coarse kind, and brings an equally high price with the kerseymere we had with us. Salisbury flannels would sell very well.

Red shawls. As turbans, and a few having fine borders, which are sold to the chiefs. Our imitation shawls would be highly prized: the more red they had in them, the better.

Copper pots and kettles, tinned inside.

Brass basin. If a little ornamented, so much the better. Flat ones are preferred.

Looking-glasses. In stamped brass and other gaudy frames; and a small kind in little brass boxes called Lamma in Tripoli, are much admired.

Swords. Very long, straight, and double edged; bought greedily by the Tuarick.

Guns and pistols. Seldom taken, as they are not easily carried in bales.

Morgoom. Which is the long striped carpet, made by the Arabs near Tripoli, and at Mesurāta on the sea-coast.

Turkey carpets or rugs, of about six or eight feet in length and three in breadth, called Sejaada.

Kaftans, of silk and cotton in stripes, or red cloth, as gaudy and cheap as possible: these meet with a ready sale.

Caps, of the manufactory of Tunis, long, and having large tassels hanging from the crown.

Bornoose. Large red mantles, some ornamented with silk or gold lace.

Horses, which, if tall, will sell very readily for fifteen, or even in some places twenty negresses. Though the purchasers take the trouble to look at their teeth, they scarcely know a colt from an old horse. All animals of an imposing appearance, and long legs, are eagerly purchased.

Glass armlets, of black and blue, made at Venice.

Powder, flints, and lead in bullets, sell quickly.

Muslins. For the chiefs to make shirts or turbans.

Bales of linen. Thread, and gold thread, which the natives sometimes spin, mixing it with their cotton cloths.

Sundries. Such as files, chisels, and hammers; a few perfumes, little boxes, and toys; all of which can be procured in Europe for a mere trifle.

Nearly the whole of these articles are brought from Tripoli or Egypt, and are very dear even in Morzouk. We had none of these goods, which alone are objects of trade in the interior.

In Exchange for which the Traders bring from Soudan,

Slaves. Chiefly females, the males not being worth so much money by nearly one-third, or sometimes one-half; are the principal goods brought by the dealers.

Zebed (civet.) Obtained from the cats which are kept in cages, and are at stated periods irritated to such a degree, that a profuse perspiration takes place, and the perfume is secreted in some folds under the tail; which, by securing the animal, they scrape off, and preserve in small boxes made of hide. A savage old cat will produce ten or twelve dollars’ worth in three heats. Their price is enormous, some being sold for three or four slaves.

Zeneh. A striped cotton petticoat, worn as a wrapper by all the women: the patterns are various; some are very handsome, both in the arrangement of the colours and in the workmanship.

Cottons. Dark blue, called Turkedi, striped blue and white, red and blue, and in fact of many patterns; amongst others, chequered like the sailors’ shirts. All these cloths are woven in webs about three or four inches in breadth; they are sewed very neatly together, and are excessively strong.

Tobe, or large shirts, much varied in colours and prices; the best are called Samia, of blue cotton and white silk woven in stripes. A female slave is considered a fair exchange for one of these shirts; others are at seven or eight dollars each. White ones are also made, but not considered equal to the blue. The names of those most commonly brought are, Massaquari, Sharia, Shāta, Shinni, Freezy, and Abiad, or white.

Aba. Of cotton: it is a large shawl or wrapper, used and worn nearly as the barracans or abas of the Arabs and Moors. These wrappers are always striped, and generally very handsome: they are called Melhaffi Zaberma.

Gold. In dust, and small bars or rings. This precious metal is not brought openly, owing to the avarice of the Sultan; and the amount is very small in comparison with the commerce in the time of the last Sultan. It is valued at about one dollar and a half the Mitgal, or about the seventh part of an ounce.

Leather. Hides of sheep and goats, dyed and prepared extremely well, of yellow, red, or black; they are even glazed in the same way as morocco leather. The skins of bullocks prepared with grease (of which water buckets and sandals are generally made), and quite pliable. Many ornamental articles in leather are also brought; amongst others the Mokhadda, or pillows, which are beautifully made. They are mostly of red or yellow, with figures and ornaments dyed in black or blue, and tassels hanging at the ends.

Medaas. Ornamental sandals of exquisite workmanship, for men and women.

Kelābo. These are the ox hides just mentioned, and are sold in Fezzan for five or six dollars each.

Gerbas. Or water skins, made of goats’ hides; they are considered the best in Africa, are very large and tight, and are worth three dollars each.

El Khaaf. The blue wrappers which form part of the head-dress of the Tuarick.

Ostrich skins with the feathers on.

Honey. Yellow and white, and very good.

Goor, Kolla, or Gooroo nuts. They are brought fresh inclosed in a particular leaf, which retains its moisture for several days; if occasionally dipped in water, the nut will remain fresh for months. The taste is an agreeable bitter; and water drank after chewing a piece of one appears quite sweet, resembling the flavour of an artichoke. In Morzouk this luxury sells at the rate of four nuts for a dollar. They are about the size of a walnut, and shaped like a large bean. It is said, that in certain years when the nut has been scarce, people in Soudan have given a slave for one of them. They are the produce of Dagomba, Ashantee, and several countries west of Tembuctoo: I conceive they may be the Kolla nut of Park. When in a dry state, much of their bitterness ceases, and they resemble a dry chesnut; they are then less valuable, and are called Kowda. These dainties are offered to visitors as coffee is on the coast of Barbary: many people call them the negro’s coffee.

Pepper. Red, of two kinds; and three or four sorts of black, one of which resembles the pod of a vetch or tare.

Tammerat el filfil. A large pod, in shape resembling a walnut, and containing many small seeds of a very pungent taste, equal to Cayenne pepper.

Zoogoo. A kind of cotton cloth of great strength and thickness.

Elephants’ teeth. Not often brought.

Leather jars. For containing oil, butter, or grease of any description. Honey is also brought in them: they are called Butta.

Leather bags. Capable of containing about a sack of corn; made of the hide of the black buffalo.

Bowls, called Kaffala, highly carved and ornamented, made of gourds; others are of wood; and wooden spoons.

Mortars, called Karroo, made of any hard wood, and used for pounding corn.

Leather, and skin ornaments, ivory armlets and finger rings, little fancy baskets, and many other trifles, complete the list, and serve to supply the deficiency of a camel’s load. Blue parrots are brought from Noofy, and sell at astonishing prices, some as high as twenty dollars. They are carried by the negresses, who soon teach them to speak. They are not found east of Noofy. A sweet cake, called Aaoud el Kagh (or cough wood) made of spice and honey, is another article of commerce. Occasionally they bring a few sheep and goats, as presents to the Sultan, or to the families of the traders; lions’ skins, and sometimes those of tiger cats.

To Egypt the Fezzan Merchants carry

Slaves, chiefly female.

Gold, procured from the interior.

Red pepper, native produce.

Trona, or soda, which is procured in the Wadey Shiati, and is chewed with tobacco.

Ostrich feathers.

Tiger cat and lions’ skins.

Majiggri, or long-tailed sheep of Soudan, which are bought in Egypt as high as thirty dollars each.

Parrots, procured from Soudan.

Dates, which they obtain at Siwah, half-way on the road to Alexandria.

Leather of Soudan.

Dark blue Soudan cloths in pieces, &c. &c.

In return, the Egyptian traders, who are generally natives of Augela, a midway town, bring

Muslin turbans, which are only worn by great and rich people.

Silk, in stuffs, raw, and in thread.

Gold, thread and lace.

Striped stuffs of silk and cotton woven together, much worn by the merchants in the interior.

Cashmere shawls, which are not often brought, are generally bought up by the Morocco traders.

Striped silk stuffs for women’s under garments, and ready made up shirts.

Silk and cotton, sewed together in ribbons; also for shirts.

Cotton shirts, with coloured stripes for women.

Silk handkerchiefs for women.

Copper pots and basins, tinned inside and out.

Plates, cups, and bowls, of earthen ware.

Glasses for lamps, and brass and tin lamps.

Carpets of cotton, in coloured stripes.

Green leather, called Zengarr.

Gilt leather, called Smanto, which the women cut into small stripes, and plait with their hair.

Spices of several kinds.

Woollen cloth of the most brilliant colours, but of the coarsest and worst quality.

Kaftans, ready made and lined, of the above cloth.

Beads of various kinds and colours.

Agates and cornelians roughly cut in the form of hearts.

Armlets of glass, of various colours.

Brass anklets, armlets, and ear-rings; blunderbusses, pistols, swords, powder, and daggers; gilt stirrups, tents, soap of an inferior quality, musk, sugar, brown and white, in loaves, attar of roses, and jasmin; rosewater, aloes wood and camphor for perfuming the dead, zebed (or civet) of Mecca, and several other perfumes; silver ornaments for women; horses occasionally; bottles, ornamented boxes, tobacco and bowls for pipes; bead headbands for female slaves; sheet tin, and tin articles; red caps, Luban, a gum tasting much like resin, which people chew, and gum mastic; Habsia; handsome girls from Abyssinia, educated in Mecca or Egypt. They are now but seldom brought, the Fezzanners not being rich enough to purchase them as formerly.

From Bornou the Tibboo bring

Slaves, wooden bowls, kaffala, or gourd bowls; a few tobes or shirts; sheep, goats, and a little honey. Lion’s skins were once brought, but they are not now to be had, owing to the Sultan of Bornou buying them all up for his negresses to sleep on, to prevent their bearing children, as he has already a large family. It is implicitly believed that a woman who sleeps on a lion’s skin never can become pregnant.

From Tuat the Tuarick bring

Gold procured from Tembuctoo in dust and bars; now, however, rarely and in small quantities.

Silk and gold belts, with cases to hang the books in.

Tinned copper pots, basins, &c.

Light jereeds, or abas, of wool or cotton.

Horses, hair sacks, red, black, and yellow leather, ornamental bridles.

Korans, and other religious books, elegantly written, and often illuminated with letters of gold or rich colours.

Kohol. The black powder used for the eyelids.

Aaoud el Kagh. A sweetmeat made of honey.

Atria. A perfumed powder of cloves, wild lavender, and other sweet herbs, with which the Fezzan women powder their hair: the smell is by no means unpleasant.

Trifles and toys are also brought in great quantities.

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In Soudan the people ride on Maherries.

Half-way between Nooffy and Ashantee is a country of great extent, called Gonja. It is said that the people have the power of taming the elephants, which there, as in Soudan, are found in great numbers. This country is traversed by the traders in their way to the Gold Coast.

The mountains of Kong, near Dagomba, are said actually to exist, but I know not whether under the same name. Beyond Dagomba the country is low and marshy, and at certain seasons is overflowed. All the people, who are not Moslems, in Soudan, Bornou, or indeed over the greater part of the interior, are called Kerdi, which means Kaffir, or “unbeliever,” and is considered as a term of reproach; but no distinct tribe called by that name exists.

The women of the whole of the interior have no hand-mills to grind their corn, but pound it in large wooden mortars, enlivening their labour by songs. The want of salt is much felt. The Tuarick of Aghades and Asben, of the tribes of Kelliwe and Atesin, trade to great advantage in that article, which they bring from the salt lakes of Agram (Doomboo of the maps), on the Desert of Bilma, the position of which I shall mention when speaking of the country of the Tibboo.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Costume of Soudan.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

The women of Soudan are much famed for their singing. They accompany themselves on a little instrument made of a gourd, with a skin stretched over it like a drum, having a handle and one string, which is played by a bow made with horse-hair. This instrument is called Erbab. Their other instruments are drums, bagpipes, rude cymbals, and a long gourd called Zantoo, which has a hole at each end, and is beaten against the calf of the leg, and stopped quickly by the hand.

The women of Bornou have not so many attractions as those of Soudan. They are neither so handsome, well formed, clean, nor good-tempered; and, in consequence, the slaves from the latter country bring much higher prices. The costume of the women of both these places is very remarkable, particularly in the manner of dressing their hair; those of Soudan stretching it over a high pad raised like a helmet, and the Bornou girls plaiting it in some instances close to the head, and in others letting it hang down like little bobbins. They wear a large shirt of cotton, or striped silk, and a wrapper in the form of a petticoat, called Zeneh. Their silver ear-rings, bracelets, and anklets, form a very pretty contrast with their jetty skins. In their own countries they wear no shirts, but a long wrapper tied over the breasts and under the arms.

Ghadams. I have frequently had occasion to speak of this place, which is situated on the Desert, fifteen days south-west of Tripoli. It is there that merchants going to Tembuctoo or Tuat assemble before starting for their long journey. This place was once independent, but a few years since was taken by the son of the Bashaw of Tripoli, and has ever since remained tributary. The natives are constantly trading to Tembuctoo, and there are few of them who do not speak the language of that country, and of the Tuarick also. It is a singular fact, that two tribes live in Ghadams without having any communication with each other. From a person who had often traded there I obtained the following account, and he drew on the sand the small plan here shown.

A large circular wall is divided in the middle by another broad one, which separates the two towns. It has a gate through the centre, which is shut during any disturbance. The inhabitants of both towns were always at war with each other, and have even now occasionally very dangerous quarrels. Outside the towns are the gardens and date groves. The streets are all covered in, and are so dark in consequence, that at sunset a person is unable to find his way without a lamp. The houses are good, formed of mud, and of one story. The natives are Arabs. Those who reside in the two towns seldom see, and are as perfect strangers to each other, as if living many miles apart. No intermarriages or civilities exist between them, and a chance visitor from one town seldom escapes insult from the people of the other. In Benewazeed is a spring sufficiently large to supply both these places, as well as their gardens. There are five channels from it, by which the water is distributed in equal shares, at a certain allowance, in proportion to the houses or gardens to be watered. When the allowance for one place is poured into its proper channel, it is then dammed up, and another is supplied. There are people regularly appointed from each town to attend the distribution. The water is said to be rather warm and quite fresh, and runs in a channel communicating with the Mosque, through which it passes. There are many small rooms, into which those who wish to bathe in performing their ablutions may retire. The mouadden, or minaret of this Mosque is very high, and may be seen at the distance of a day’s journey. Each town has a Sheikh, and the two are under the command of a Kaid appointed by the Bashaw. There are no manufactories, but it is well supplied by the constant concourse of traders who pass through it. Many ostriches are caught in the neighbouring desert, and the feathers form an extensive article of commerce with Tripoli. In the southern half of the walls is a tribe of Arabs living by themselves, called Oulad Belail. From Ghadams to Iddri, in the Wadey Shirghi of Fezzan, is eight days; and to Ghraat, twenty days short journeys, or fifteen summer days.

September.—All the people were this month busily employed in getting in their soft dates, which were in great plenty, and became their chief support. There are two harvests of this fruit; one while the dates are soft, the other the latter end of October and beginning of November, when they are dried and candied.

Reports were brought from Tripoli that it was the intention of the Bashaw to send out another Sultan to supersede Mukni, and that a larger tribute was expected than had ever been paid. These reports, corroborated by one or two private letters, very much alarmed the Sultan, and caused him to fall sick and take to his bed. He began, for the first time in his life, to pray at the regular hours ordered by the law; he ceased to swear, talked much of Paradise, and of the superiority of the other world to this. Mr. Ritchie was at this time very weak, and began again to be indisposed, but he constantly visited Mukni, and at last succeeded in restoring him to health; thus returning by kindness the ill treatment we had received from him. We both went frequently to the Castle, and learnt by degrees that some strong expressions of Mukni’s had come to the ears of the Bashaw, whose emissaries he expected would be sent to strangle him, and take all his wealth. Never was a haughty tyrant so completely humbled by his fears as this man: he sat constantly in a dark room, would receive only one or two visitors, and was nursed by negresses day and night; always speaking in a low voice, and, in his terror, betraying all his secrets.

Affairs were in this state when he determined on sending his chief man, Aboo bekr boo Khalloum, to Tripoli, that he might endeavour to mediate for him with the Bashaw. Presents of negresses and perfumes were to be sent as a propitiation. Ten fine girls of the Sultan’s household were intended for the Bashaw, with about one hundred dollars’ worth of civet, and three negresses for the bey, the heir apparent; two for his brothers, and one for each of the principal people about the Bashaw. I took this opportunity of sending my bill to the Consul, and Aboo bekr was to bring me back the money, Mr. Ritchie having written to state our distressed situation. Soon after the man’s departure we received a present of a sheep, and two loaves of Egyptian sugar, from Mukni, who now began to feel a little more at ease; but at the same time made secret preparations for flight (of which we, however, were informed), by getting several of his horses shod at night, and causing all his women to grind corn and to make provision for a long and sudden journey. We were well aware, that should he be under the necessity of flying, he would not go empty handed; and it was pretty generally supposed that he would first revenge himself on the Mamlukes, whom he suspected of informing the Bashaw of his evil doings, and then take possession of our effects, which by his artful schemes had remained so long on our hands unpurchased. Our friends Yussuf and the old Hadje stole to our house several nights to give us an account of what was going forward, and, in consequence, we held consultations for our general safety. It was some satisfaction to know that all the Mamlukes, to the number of about ten, would have flocked to our house in the event of any disturbance; and our arms and ammunition being very superior to those of the Sultan, we should have stood a good siege had we been attacked.

Mukni’s treacherous intentions were, in the meantime, too apparent to allow of our feeling quite at ease, though he frequently came to visit us, and still professed the same friendship for us as before. One of our amusements on these occasions was to fire pistols at a mark at the end of the room. He was very fond of this kind of practice, and appeared to understand our arms; but we happily always succeeded in firing much better than himself or his followers; a circumstance of which, at this time, we were glad to have an opportunity of convincing him. I had some very small pistols, which he much admired, and he had given me frequent hints of his desire to purchase them, even many months prior to this period, but I did not choose to understand him. Mr. Ritchie agreed in the propriety of keeping our arms loaded and ready, and we frequently went into our yard to practise at a mark.

Mukni was at this time even more courteous and civil than usual; indeed so much so, that he overshot his mark, and confirmed us in our determination to be prepared for him. One of his Eunuchs who came to ask for medicine for a woman of the castle who wanted to bear children, hinted to us, that Mukni was preparing for a sudden escape, and that much mischief was apprehended before he turned his back on Morzouk. We could not be indifferent to this caution, and therefore lay all night with our pistols under our heads, and our other arms in readiness, conceiving we might soon be called upon to make use of them.

In this state we continued for some days, Mr. Ritchie lying on one side of the large room, I on the other, and Belford in a small room adjoining.—One night, at about 12 o’clock, I was awakened by Mr. Ritchie’s crying out in Arabic, “Who are you?” “Lyon, there is a man on the house top.” We all instantly started up; and I, being the most active of our emaciated party, was pushed up to the roof, while Mr. Ritchie and Belford ran to our yard, to cut off the retreat of the intruder. I saw no one, however, and though I ran along the tops of some neighbouring houses, could make no discovery. Our old Mamluke was sleeping on the top of his house, and rose instantly with his gun in his hand, to assist in the search. Meanwhile we all shouted to our neighbours, begging their assistance to look for any strangers who might endeavour to get on their terraces. In an instant all our friends were up, and on the look out; but, after the strictest examination, no person could be found.

Mr. Ritchie said, that as he was lying in bed, awake, he heard a slight noise overhead, when, in looking up, he saw a man stooping over our sky-light, or opening in the roof, as if for the purpose of examining into the room. After ascertaining where Mr. Ritchie slept, he knelt down, hanging his head as far over as he could, to observe where I lay. Mr. Ritchie moved very gently, so as to reach his pistol, when the intruder disappeared, and he instantly called out to me. He stated, that he saw as low down as the man’s waist, that his body appeared naked, and that he had a white cap on his head.

The buildings here being covered with a mixture of sand and clay which easily receives the impression of feet, I endeavoured to trace on the top of ours the tracks of our visitor, and succeeded in finding one long print of a foot, exactly in the direction in which Mr. Ritchie had first observed this man. The impression did not resemble the shape of any of our feet; but was longer, and entirely flat, like those of most Negroes. Little doubt, therefore, could remain that a stranger had been there, evidently with no good intentions.

The next morning we waited on Mukni, informing him of what had occurred, when he affected to think Mr. Ritchie must have been delirious, and laughed very much at our alarm. Old Hadje Mahmoud was firmly persuaded it was Iblis, who had haunted our house ever since a man was murdered in it. The foot-mark, however, staggered him a good deal, and he offered to bring a Marāboot, who would by smelling it, and reciting a few prayers, tell us who had imprinted it. The more rational people agreed in our opinion, that it was a spy, but this was only ventured in private; in public they pretended to treat the matter as lightly as the Sultan did.

The preparations we had made, and our being observed to start up ready armed, perhaps secured us from any farther visits of the kind, and we took especial care to announce openly, that we would shoot the first person we saw even looking into our back yard. We never could positively ascertain why such a mysterious visit was made to us, but we strongly suspected Mukni to be the sole instigator of it. He soon after again fell sick, and constantly professed his great regard for us.

After Boo Khalloum’s departure, some Arab Sheikhs were established as inmates of the castle, and Mukni frequently walked hand in hand with one of them, who was Chief of the tribe Barooda. This man was considered as being better acquainted with all the roads of the desert, than any other person in Fezzan. His own tribe were, at this time, near Egypt; and many suspected, that Mukni intended, with his assistance, to go off in that direction. But whatever might have been his destination, every route would have been equally dangerous for him, since he was detested by all the Arabs, and liable to be tortured and put to death by the Negroes, should he fall into their power.

For the present, however, leaving him confined in his castle, I shall speak more of the people of Morzouk. The ablest person of our sick party always went to the gardens to shoot pigeons, which had been numerous, but which now had emigrated to the countries to the southward. These visits to the date groves gave us many opportunities of observing the manner of cultivating the grain and esculents. The wells are generally about 20 or 30 feet in depth, and more resemble large deep ponds than what we call wells. The water lies on a stratum of grayish clay, is salt, and generally smells very badly: it is raised by means of sheers made of date trees, lashed together, and placed slopingly over the centre of the pit. One or two asses, according to the number of buckets used, are attached by a light harness and run down a steep bank, which renders their work less laborious. The men who attend also draw with them, and quicken their pace by pricking them on the flanks, with their small reaping hooks, in so rude a manner, that many of the poor animals are quite scarified. The water runs into small channels, which are formed round the garden, while the women and children, with scoops, distribute it as it may be wanted.

In some places where it is intended to allow the ground to “drink,” the embankments are opened, and the garden is completely flooded; thus the labour is very great, and absolutely necessary, as rain is unknown, and no dews ever fall. The people who attend the gardens, live in little huts constructed of palm branches, and about six feet in height. The dates, when quite dry, are buried in square holes, dug in the sand, and are afterwards covered over with it. Corn is made into little sheaves, and laid out until wanted: it is then beaten with long date-sticks, and asses are made to run over it. The ground on which these operations take place is a circle firmly clayed and quite clean: much sand is, however, unavoidably mixed with their corn. Pomegranate and fig-trees form an agreeable shade near some of the wells; they are so planted, as to stand in the centre of the water channels. The gardens are, as I have before stated, very small; yet it sometimes happens, that one alone produces all the vegetables and fruits peculiar to the country.

Near our house was the principal Mosque, to which the Sultan and ourselves went every Friday, as a matter of course; and every other day, we found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It is a low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which, being raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small turret, intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the Mouadden to call the people to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the seats in front of the Mosque; and every morning and evening, they are full of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets, and on their own private affairs; or, in a fearful whisper, canvass the Sultan’s conduct.

The men of Morzouk, of the better sort, dress nearly like the people of Tripoli; the lower orders wear a large shirt of white or blue cotton with long loose sleeves, trowsers of the same, and sandals of camels’ hide: the shirts being long, many wear no other covering. When leaving their houses, and walking to the market or gardens, a Jereed or Aba is thrown round them, and a red cap, or a neatly quilted white cotton one, completes the dress: on Fridays they perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In the gardens, men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats to defend their eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves and fibres of the palm-tree. Very young children go entirely naked; those who are older have a shirt: many are quite bare-headed, and in that state exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have but little beard, which they keep closely clipped. The dress of the women here differs materially from that of the Moorish females, and their appearance and smell are far from being agreeable: they plait their hair in thick bobbins, which hang over their foreheads, nearly as low down as the eyebrows, and are there joined at the bottom, as far round to each side as the temples.

The hair is so profusely oiled, that it drops down over the face and clothes; this is dried up by sprinkling it with plenty of a preparation made of a plant resembling wild lavender, cloves, and one or two more species, pounded into powder and called Atrïa: it forms a brown, dirty looking paste, and, combined with perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from savoury in appearance or odour. The back hair is less disgusting, as it is plaited into a long tress on each side, and is brought to hang over the shoulders; from these tresses, ornaments of silver or coral are suspended. Black wool is frequently worked in with these back locks, to make them appear longer. In the centre of the forehead, an ornament of coral or beads is placed, hanging down to the depth of an inch or two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened on the back of the head; it falls over behind, and is tied by a leather strap under the chin. Each ear is perforated for as many rings as the woman possesses, some wear even six on one side; the largest, which is about five inches in diameter, hanging lowest, supported by a string from the head. Round the neck, a tight flat collar of beads, arranged in fancy patterns, is worn with coral necklaces, and sometimes a broad gold plate immediately in front. A large blue shirt is generally worn, the collar and breast ornamented with needle-work: the women also wear white shirts, and striped silk ones called Shāmi, which are brought from Egypt;—a Jereed and red slippers complete their dress.

They generally have those wrappers of a darker colour than those of the men. Some of the better class of women wear trowsers, not fuller in the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily embroidered with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome contrast to the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or Agates, roughly shaped in the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces, and they have a variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band of silk cord hanging round the body from one shoulder is generally filled with pendent leather or cloth bags containing charms. Round the wrists and above the elbows, Armlets of silver, gold, glass, horn, or ivory, are worn according to the ability of the wearer to purchase them; and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper, or iron shackles. I have seen a pair of silver ones, which weighed 128 ounces; but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous lump on the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people have only the Jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular custom of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or clover, which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using oil, are much cleaner than the women; but the whole race of them, high and low, apparently clean or otherwise, are abominably lousy; and they make no secret of it. I have frequently observed the Sultan, when detecting an interloper, moisten his thumb to prevent its escape, and then demolish it with great composure and dignity. Some of the neighbours whom we visited, whilst reposing on their carpets, would send for a slave to hunt for these tormentors on their shirts; and it is a great recommendation to a female slave, on sale, to say that she is well skilled in this art, and in that of shampooing.

About the 20th of September, Mr. Ritchie again became ill, and was confined to his bed; and though Belford had, in some degree, recovered his health, he was completely deaf. We hired a woman to cook for us, at a dollar a month; but she was only required to come once a day to bake our bread, or to make our cusscussou, as we were now on an allowance. It often happened, that when she had stolen half our pittance, we were obliged to fast until the morrow. In all our troubles, however, I struggled to keep up my spirits; and, in the evenings when Mr. Ritchie had composed himself to sleep, I sometimes accompanied Mohammed (who was civil to me on account of some tobacco I possessed) to the parties of the natives, where I joined them in dancing, and drinking Lackbi and Booza. The latter is a liquor resembling in taste bad thick beer, and is made of dates, the flour of Gussub, and water; it ferments in the course of a night, and on becoming sour, is fit for drinking: it is preferred when thick, and it soon intoxicates.

As these meetings were not very select, I was obliged to promise secresy; for, had it been known that Mohammed or myself ever tasted such unlawful beverage, we should have been looked on as downright kaffirs. The people who formed these parties were generally of the lower class, although I once detected amongst them the religious old Kadi himself, in a state very far from sober, and listening to a woman playing the Erbab; but I found, by occasionally mixing with them, that I became better acquainted with their language and customs, which I knew would be of essential advantage as I proceeded southward. I also acquired many friends who, as far as their power extended, were of much assistance to me. Mohammed condescended to join in the dances, becoming always very much intoxicated, and I frequently remained the only sober person amongst them; so that I was able to make observations, and to be much amused by my companions. As on all these occasions we were with closed doors, in an open court, the women played to us on the Erbab, and really produced a very pleasing, though a wild melody: their songs were pretty and plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which is very musical.

At some of our parties, a woman sang a song, which she said was much admired by the brother of the last Sultan, whose name was Sidi Montesor; and from certain expressions in it, I discovered that it was the same mentioned by Horneman; and what was singular enough, it was sung by the same woman: she recollected that traveller, as having often been at the castle when she performed there. Some of these songs abound with poetical images;—for example, a lover will compare his mistress to a young date just ripened; the jetty hue of her skin, to the wing of a raven; her teeth to pearls; her eyes to the sun; and her breath to the attar of roses; her words to musk; her voice to the erbab; and her kisses to honey, or the sugar brought from Egypt. The Arab songs are also very pretty, and generally in the same style. A young man once took much pains to teach me one; composed, as he said, by a relation of his own. He sang it, as is the Arab custom, in a voice low and monotonous, though far from disagreeable. The hero of the piece is one of the Waled Suliman; he is riding to see a girl whom he admires, but who belongs to another tribe.—As nearly as I can recollect, the words ran thus:

“Here I am, well mounted, on a horse whose ears are like pens, who runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new red cap becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols well cleaned, and my belt shines in the sun. As the heart of a pigeon beats when she finds she is robbed of her young, so will my love’s heart beat when she sees me. She will not allow the dog to bark, and she will leave the tent as if in search of wood. Should her kinsmen see her with me, she shall not fall under their displeasure. I will lift her on my horse, and fly with her; for my steed has ears like pens, he runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new tagaïa becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols clean, and my belt shines in the sun.”

The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands, in the dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which they keep very good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal in each hand, which opens and shuts: this they beat in the manner of castanets; both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once, at a particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with their two hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a short time on the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half round, first to one side and then the other. The whole line then moves slowly, in a circle, round the musicians who form the centre, and who all join in the dance.

There is nothing improper or immodest in this exhibition; but on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance is performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers, and occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her arms extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three times, until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards, and falls flat down. The women behind are ready to receive her, and by a jerk of their arms, throw her again upright; on which she once more turns round, and resumes her place, leaving the one next in succession to her to go through the same movements, all of which are performed in the most just time; the whole party occasionally enlivening the music, by their shrill and extraordinary cry of joy. The dancing in the houses is not quite so pleasing as that in public, and as for decency it is quite out of the question; no man or woman standing up, unless to throw themselves into a variety of indelicate postures. The male slaves have many dances, in which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists in dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick; they all move, first half and then quite round, striking, as they turn, the sticks of those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as high as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no drum, but keep chorus, by singing in a particular manner, La illa il ’Alla لاالله الاالله. “There is no God but God.”

The Sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his children, and some of his negresses, when they were indisposed, and he had, in consequence, frequently attended them; but now being himself confined by illness, I was allowed to prescribe for them, and had, therefore, frequent opportunities of observing the interior of his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded me. I was much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three, the other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the highest style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden with gold. From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the manufacture of Tembuctoo, and they had massive gold armlets and anklets of two inches in breadth, and half an inch in thickness, which, from their immense weight, had produced callous rings round the legs and arms of the poor infants. They wore silk shirts, composed of ribbons sewed together in stripes of various colours, which hung down over silk trowsers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap completed this overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their fingers, the palms of their hands, and the soles of their feet, were dyed dark brown with henna. I had viewed with amazement and pity the dress of these poor little girls, borne down as they were by finery; but that of the youngest boy, a stupid-looking child of four years old, was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In addition to the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number of charms, enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body; in his cap were numerous jewels, heavily set in gold in the form of open hands, to keep off the effects of the “Evil Eye.” These talismans were sewn on the front of his cap, which they entirely covered. His clothes were highly embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats, a shirt of white silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and loose cloth, silk, or muslin trowsers.

The costume of the Sultan’s court, or hangers on, is strictly Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off clothes can make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the Bashaw, to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of dress. These presents are made with much affected dignity, by throwing the garment to the person intended to be honoured, and saying, “wear that;” the dress is immediately put on in his presence, and the receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of gratitude. I once saw the old Kadi, who is very corpulent, receive as a gift, a Kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had squeezed himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was in that condition obliged to walk home.

Each of the Sultan’s sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend him wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive from him many hearty cuffs without daring to complain. The suite of the youngest boy in particular forms a very amusing group, few of them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master’s Bornouse, another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its fellow. Some are in fine cast off clothes with tarnished embroidery, whilst others are quite, or nearly naked, without even a cap on their heads; and the procession is closed by a boy tottering under the weight of his master’s state gun, which is never allowed to be fired off.

In Morzouk the luxuries of life are very limited, the people subsisting principally on dates. Many do not, for months together, taste corn, and when obtained, they make it into a paste called Aseeda اسيد, which is a softer kind of Bazeen. Fowls have now almost disappeared in the country, owing to the Sultan’s having appropriated all he could find for the consumption of his own family.

The sheep and goats are driven from the mountains near Benioleed, a distance of four hundred miles; they pass over one desert, which, at their rate of travelling, occupies five days, without food or water. Numbers, therefore, die, which of course raises the price of the survivors. They are valued at three or four dollars each when they arrive quite skeletons, and are as high as ten or twelve when fatted. Bread is badly made, and baked in ovens formed of clay in holes in the earth, and heated by burning wood; the loaves, or rather flat cakes, are stuck into the side, and are thus baked by the heat which rises from the embers. Cusscussou, Dweeda, and Mogatta, are the best food they have.

The mills are of the same description as the hand-mills of the Arabs. The corn, when ground, is tolerably fine; but the unavoidable friction of the stones causes much grit to mingle with it. In all their food, those who can afford it mix as much grease and red pepper as possible. A quart of butter is sometimes poured over the doughy mess for one man, who generally manages to finish it. This butter is brought in goats’ skins from the Syrtis, and other parts of the sea-coast; is very rancid, and from having been boiled previously to putting it in skins, is as liquid as oil: it is considered a great dainty, and is very dear. Shahm, or salt boiled suet, is brought by the same people who trade in butter. Oil is the produce of Benioleed, Mesurāta, and the Gharian Mountains. All the animals live on dates. Horses and asses are fed on the fruit; camels, sheep, and goats, on the stones, which the women break up by hammering them on some hard substance. This is the general occupation of females, who are not employed to work in the gardens.

October 1st.—This was the great feast called Aid el Kebire, which is to commemorate the meeting of the pilgrims at Mecca, and their offering sacrifices on holy ground. On this occasion each master of a family feeds his wives, children, and slaves on meat, and it is considered meritorious in him to kill, with his own hands, any animals he may purchase. By chance the Sultan recollected us at this festival, and sent us a lamb, which was a treat we little expected. Mr. Ritchie being weak and nervous, I, as in duty bound, became the butcher, and performed my task with great alacrity. Animal food was such a novelty to us, that we actually were tempted to eat too much, and in consequence the next day we all fell ill.

No good Moslem will eat of an animal which has not had its throat cut in a particular way, and “In the name of God.” We had never offered meat, having, indeed, none to offer but such as was killed in the markets; but on this occasion we found the most scrupulous ready to accept, and perfectly satisfied with the lawfulness of the food, although when we first came into the country they would not eat pigeons, which were killed by us, fancying that in cutting their throats we had omitted the prescribed ceremonies.

At this period the Sultan became a little better, and began to give Belford a great deal of trouble, by employing him to repair his three field-pieces, the wheels and carriages of which were much out of order. There was great difficulty in explaining to the blacksmiths how to make large nails, or to bend the iron for the wheels, and, in Belford’s weak state, he found it a very laborious task to overlook and instruct them. He, however, was rewarded with wholesome food, with which we could not have supplied him at home, the Sultan daily sending him some rice and meat whilst at his work. The poor fellow often thought of us, and wished we could have partaken of his good fare. This job being at last finished, I was consulted by Mukni respecting the construction of a coach, and I promised him that if he could manage to procure good wood for the purpose, Belford should make it, provided Mr. Ritchie did not object, and that I would train four horses to run in it.

I anticipated much pleasure and amusement in this new occupation, as I had at the time nothing to interest or divert me. Mukni sometimes, in high good humour, sent us a few fresh dates of a peculiar kind, of which Mr. Ritchie was very fond, and even extended his generosity so far as to allow of our cutting two palm-trees out of a million and a half, for Lackbi.

Belford now began to contrive the coach in question, and out of an old Shiblia and some boxes, he made a body, six feet in length, three in breadth, and four in height. This he covered over like a higgler’s cart, with an arched top, having a door open behind, by which a person could easily get in; but Mukni finding he could squeeze himself into a smaller compass, had it reduced in such a way, as to render it necessary for him to be pushed in and shot out like a sack of coals. The body being completed, and springs being out of the question, it was mounted on two strong poles, which did duty as shafts; and to these were fixed two wheels from one of the field-pieces, so that the carriage stood at about three feet from the ground. The Sultan never for a moment quitted the place where Belford was at work, and was all delight at the progress which he made. Numbers of people came to see it, and many asked if that was the kind of vehicle in which our King and his wives used to ride. I was frequently puzzled how to answer; for to say the truth, though Belford, considering his want of materials, had done wonders, it very much resembled one of those little market carts which are dragged about London by donkies. It soon, however, lost that appearance, by being covered with a splendid hood of scarlet cloth, and having a bed laid inside of it. The shafts, body, and wheels were painted green, though not very durably. The Sultan had some verdigris, which he had brought from Tripoli; part of this was mixed with olive oil, which, not drying, was scraped off, but the rest being prepared with vinegar, formed a wash which answered his fondest expectations. The carriage was now as gaudy as the Sultan could wish, and he was the sole and happy possessor of it; but a serious inconvenience soon presented itself: the coach was not large enough to allow of a place for a driver, and his horses were too spirited to be trusted alone with such a small state-carriage. After devising many plans to remedy the defect, we found we had but one expedient left, which was to convert the vehicle into a gig. Accordingly, a jack of all trades, who was a very ingenious fellow, made, by my directions, a set of harness tolerably well, except that the little pad on the horse’s back weighed above fifty pounds. This, however, was soon reduced; but when the animal was put into the shafts, we discovered that the carriage was so low as to form an angle of at least twenty-five degrees with the ground. The Sultan’s head would consequently be about a foot lower than his feet; but as he intended at any rate sitting with his face to the horse, he thought nothing of this inconvenience.

His Majesty indulged himself with many rides in the space near the Castle, and in one instance through the town, the coach being drawn by slaves. He, however, at last determined to venture a ride into the country with the horse to draw him. The animal being put into the vehicle, and led slowly through one little gate to where Mukni stood, made an attempt to run through another to his stable; the man who led him being frightened, suffered him to set off at full speed. The gate brought him up, one of the wheels knocking down the gate-post and part of the wall, but the carriage itself remained undamaged. This proof of its great strength quite charmed every one, and it was at last decided that a large saddle should be put on the horse, and that Baba Ismael, the Turkish cannoneer, should ride him, and direct the whole machine. Mukni, by way of showing his approbation of Belford’s talents, gave him seven dollars, which he brought home to us in triumph, and which really saved us when on the very brink of starvation. This piece of good luck was soon followed by another, for within a day or two afterwards I managed to sell a saddle for eight dollars to a Tibboo.

Mr. Ritchie again got a little better by the middle of the month, but continued so very silent and low spirited, that we feared he would soon relapse.

Some Kafflés of the Tibboo now came in with slaves, and our horses having got a little more into condition, owing to the great cheapness of the dates at harvest time, we made many attempts to sell them. From my having sent a bill to the Consul, we soon expected money, and Mr. Ritchie empowered me, in the meantime, to dispose of one of our horses. Accordingly, after a good deal of manœuvring, I succeeded in getting the Tibboo to come and examine them, the Sultan having given us leave to sell them if we could. I often drenched the horses with water when they were not thirsty to increase their size, and to improve their appearance, and at length sold a grey horse, given by the Bashaw to Mr. Ritchie, for seventy dollars, twenty of which, with a negress, valued at thirty-two, were paid us on taking the animal away; the remainder was to be given us when the man had sold his slaves. We sent the girl, who was a native of Mandra in Bornou, and about thirteen years of age, to Hadje Mahmoud’s daughters, until she was able to cook for us. Mr. Ritchie was witness with Belford to my liberating her in due form from slavery; but as we were much in want of a servant, it was settled that she was not to return to her native country, my ticket of freedom being only to prevent all chance of her being sold.

We economised, as well as we could, our small allowance of money, which, however, soon became much reduced, as we had incurred many debts, which we now punctually paid. We laid in a stock of corn, which for a time afforded us a secure resource. Within the last two or three months we frequently had passed a whole day without food.

Belford and I fell ill about this period, and were both confined to our beds; he with a bilious fever, and I with severe pains in my back and head, which frequently caused delirium. I had repeated attacks of ague and fever (called Hemma by the natives) from the beginning of August, generally about three times a week, and sometimes more frequently, which had much weakened me, and brought on a decided liver complaint, as well as an affection of the spleen. Fortunately, however, my spirits were good, or I must have sunk under so many attacks. In this month about twenty Tripoli merchants died from the effects of climate, bad water, and the want of nourishing food; even many of the natives were very ill, and it was quite rare to see a healthy looking person. I remained a week in bed, and arose from it quite a skeleton; Belford was still in a very dangerous state.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Negresses of Soudan.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

One night, as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our friend Yussuf, the Mamluke, came in, and addressing Mr. Ritchie, said,

“Yussuf, you and Saïd are my friends; Mukni has behaved to you as he has done to us, and hopes you may die that he may secure to himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy, and never speak; answer me one question, do you want money?” Mr. Ritchie having acknowledged that he did, Yussuf rejoined, “I do not myself possess any, but I will go and borrow some for you: how much do you require?” Twenty dollars being the sum named by Mr. Ritchie, our kind friend went out, and soon after returned, bringing us thirty! an act of generosity so unlooked for, that we were wholly incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable supply enabled us to buy good food, and to make some amends for our late privations. We soon became in better health, and Mr. Ritchie’s spirits began to brighten up.

Belford, on his recovery, assisted me to make a little flag-staff with a topmast, on which we placed rigging and a small vane instead of colours, Mr. Ritchie not wishing to hoist our little union jack. This contrivance brought us many visitors, who were much entertained at seeing the vane turn round; but the greatest part of them hinted pretty plainly, that we must be fools for wishing to see what quarter the wind came from, which they could not possibly imagine to be of the least consequence to us. At this season, Scorpions were very numerous in all the houses, and I think more particularly so in ours. I had acquired, at Tripoli, a knack of catching without receiving harm from them, and in consequence had the credit of possessing a charm against them; however, I once received a very severe sting. When going to sit down on our mat, I inadvertently put my hand, it being dark, on a small scorpion, which instantly stung me. Aware of what it was, I procured a light, and hastened with a lancet, to cut to the bone and to suck out the blood: Mr. Ritchie then burnt a deep hole with caustic. The pain remained very acute for some time, and my right side felt rather paralysed; but, owing to the precautions which I had taken, I passed a good night, and the next morning found no inconvenience except a little swelling, and the usual soreness attendant on a burn. Many instances are known of children dying of the sting in three days.

There is a little reptile found in the sand here, called Aselis; it somewhat resembles a lizard in form, and has the power, when alarmed, of instantly burying itself in the sand. If one is thrown down from the hand, it sinks so perpendicularly on the spot where it falls, that it can immediately be found again. These little creatures are eagerly bought by the girls and married women, for the purpose of ascertaining how many children they shall have. By stretching them, the spine will immediately crack, and the women most religiously believe, that for every sound they shall bear a child.

The reptiles are few, and consist of lizards, and small snakes, some of a venemous kind, called El Effa. Scorpions and spiders are also very numerous; one of the latter being of an immense size, and called Agrab el riahh عقرب الريح or scorpion of the wind, from its great swiftness in running; its bite is venomous, but not dangerously so. There is a large species of lizard called Warral, which is about thirty inches long from the nose to the tip of the tail; it is very fierce, and when it bites, never relinquishes its hold until it dies, or has its mouth forcibly opened. We had one which kept a piece of rope in its mouth for four or five days, and in that state died. A blow from the tail of this reptile, which it uses like a whip, is much dreaded, as the natives suppose, that a person so struck can never be the parent of a child. One of these having struck my horse on the nose, I was seriously told that he would be incapacitated from becoming the father of a foal.

Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women as well as the men; they use the Trona or Soda with it. Smoking is rather the amusement of a great man than of the lower class, the mild tobacco being very dear, and pipes not easily procured.

On the 28th October, during the time I was in bed, we had another grand rejoicing day, called Aid el Tagtāga, which is to welcome in the new year of the Hegira, 1235 years having now passed since the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. Mukni having given a couple of his cast off women to two of his slaves, one of whom was secretary and barber, and the other groom, we had gay doings in the little square before our Mosque. The first night the barber and secretary (who was the greatest man of the two) was seated in state on a carpet and mats placed on the ground, in the centre of the square, supported on each side by a friend, who, as well as himself, was covered with fine borrowed clothes, though the bridegroom, of course, shone most bright. He was very solemn and dignified, having a lighted candle and lamp placed on the ground before him. The men and women sung round him until near midnight, treating him with great respect. He held a fan in his hand, and occasionally bowed to the company. The bride was then brought from the castle, surrounded by a great concourse of women, who were vociferating in rapid succession, their cries of joy. She held a lighted candle in her hand, and had on a profusion of silver and bead ornaments: she was quite black and very handsome, and had borne three children by the Sultan, all of whom had died. The bridegroom did not deign to look at her, but suffered the procession to pass along to his house; when, after waiting about half an hour, he rose in a stately manner, and leaning his hands on the friends who walked on each side of him (in the manner of the Bashaw of Tripoli, and the Sultan of Fezzan), he slowly proceeded home; the dancers following him and singing songs of congratulation. The second night passed in much the same manner; and, on the following day, I saw the bridegroom, who had been a few hours before glittering in scarlet and gold, cleaning a horse in the street, with a ragged shirt on.

I had many opportunities of observing the Fighi and their scholars, sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by having them written on a flat board of a hard wood, brought from Bornou and Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite perfect in the alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters already made; they then learn to copy sentences, and to write such small words as are dictated to them. The board generally used is in this form:

The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in a loud voice, which the boys learn by saying them after him; and when they begin to read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars follow him from their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length renders them perfect; and in three or four years, their education is considered complete. Thus it is that many who can read the Koran with great rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book. Arithmetic is altogether out of the question.—For children who learn by the month, the general pay is about two Saa, or two quarts of corn, and by the year one dollar.

When the boy is considered to have finished his studies, the parents, if they can afford it, present the master with some clothes, or a few dollars; if poor, they give him something to eat, and the usual salutation of Alla iebārek, or God prosper you. On breaking up for the day, the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school hours are by no means regular, being only when the Fighi has nothing else to do. Mornings early, or late in the evenings, are the general times for study. The punishments are, beating with a stick on the hands or feet, and our good old English custom of whipping, which is not unfrequently practised. Their pens are reeds, their rubber sand.

While learning their tasks (and perhaps each boy has a different one), they all read aloud, so that the harmony of even a dozen boys may be easily imagined.

In the time of the native Sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day, annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence, stood the Fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff: the boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag, and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who first arrived and seized it, was presented by the Sultan with a fine suit of clothes and some money, and rode round the town at the head of the others. These races have ceased since the arrival of Mukni, and parents complain that their sons have now no inducement to study.

All the houses are infested by multitudes of small ants, which destroyed all the animals we preserved, and even penetrated into our boxes; their bite was very painful, and they were fond of coming into our blankets.

One singularity I must remark of Fezzan, which is that fleas are unknown there, and those of the inhabitants who have not been on the sea coast cannot imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous, and it is extraordinary that they are called by the same name as with us. There is a species of them which is found in the sands, where kafflés are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply, and fix in numbers round the coronet of a horse: the animals thus tormented often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.

The revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise, and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars. In some years the number of slaves amounts to 4000. For a camel’s load of oil or butter, seven dollars; a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars; and of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs who buy dates pay a dollar duty on each load (equal at times to the price of the article) before they are allowed to remove it. Above 3000 loads are sold to them annually. Date trees, except those of the Kadi and Mamlukes, are taxed at the rate of one dollar for every 200: by this duty, in the neighbourhood of Morzouk, or more properly, in the few immediately neighbouring villages, the Sultan receives yearly 10,000 dollars. Of all sheep or goats he is entitled to a fifth. On the sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head money, a dollar and a half, which, at the rate of 4000, gives another 6000 dollars. The trees, which are his private property, produce about 6000 camels’ loads of dates, each load 400 pounds weight, and which may be worth, at a low estimate, 18,000 dollars. Every garden pays a tenth of the corn produced; presents of slaves are frequently made, and fines levied; each town pays a certain sum, which is small, but as the towns are numerous, may be averaged to produce 4000 dollars. Add to this, his annual excursions for slaves, sometimes bringing 1000 or 1500, of which one-fourth are his, as well as the same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses; which he buys for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the Arabs, who come to trade and cannot maintain them; and makes a great profit by obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are fed by the public, and he has no money to pay but to the Bashaw, which, until the recent quarrel, was 15,000 dollars per annum. I have enumerated his general income, but there are various other ways in which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the Sultan inherits great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary to kill a man, he becomes his entire heir! All his people are on an allowance from him, out of what he takes from others, at about the rate of two Kail, or above two gallons, of corn, and four of dates, per month. His negresses are also allowanced in corn, dates, oil, &c. according to their size and age.

In company with Mohammed the Mamluke, I rode to Tessouwa, an inconsiderable town about twenty miles west of Morzouk. It has the remains of an old Arab castle, built of mud. The palms are not numerous, and the inhabitants amount to about 300. It is divided from Morzouk by a plain of sand.

On the 8th of November, 1819, Mr. Ritchie being again attacked by illness, I much wished him to allow of my selling some of our powder to procure him a few comforts; but to this he would not consent. On the 9th I also fell ill, and was confined to my bed; and Belford, though himself an invalid, attended on us both. Our man servant was of no use to us whatever; but, on the contrary, presuming on our poverty, did exactly as he pleased. Our little girl, however, assisted in nursing us. After lying in a torpid state for three or four days, without taking any nourishment or even speaking to us, Mr. Ritchie became worse, and at last delirious, as in his former illnesses. In the interval, my disorder having abated, I was enabled to rally a little, and to attend my poor suffering companion.

After he had somewhat recovered his intellect, he appeared very anxious to know whether any letters had arrived, announcing to us a further allowance of money from Government; but when I, unfortunately, was obliged to reply in the negative, he avoided all comment on the subject. He would not drink any tea, of which we still had some remaining; but preferred vinegar and water, our only acid, which he drank in great quantities. Being entirely free from pain, he flattered himself that he should, in a day or two, recover, particularly as he was not at all emaciated, but rather stouter than he had been for some months previous to his illness. One day (the 17th) he appeared so far recovered as to be able to get up and be dressed. We placed him on the mat in the centre of the room, when he seemed much refreshed, and thanked us for the trouble we had taken; he then expressed a wish to have a little coffee, which, for a time, I was unwilling to give him, fearing it might injure him: he was, however, so earnest in his request, that I was obliged at last to comply with it. As he complained of the closeness of his room, and appeared determined on lying that night on the mat, we made his bed on it; and I laid myself down by him. In the afternoon he examined his tongue in the glass, and appeared a good deal alarmed at its colour; but presently said, “I was frightened at the blackness of my tongue, but now recollect I have been drinking coffee; had I observed that appearance without knowing the cause, I should have said I had a bilious fever, and should bid you good bye.” In the evening one or two of the Mamlukes came in; he spoke to them for a little while, and soon after fell asleep. I remained awake the greater part of the night, during which he slept soundly; but in the morning I found he had crept from his bed, and was lying uncovered, and in a state of delirium, on the cold sand. We immediately put him to bed in his own room, and he appeared to rally again.

On the 20th we got a fowl, of which we made a little soup for him; and while he was taking it, a man came in, and told me a courier had arrived from Tripoli with letters. I went out, but returned, to my sad disappointment, empty-handed, the man having no despatches for us. The broth which Mr. Ritchie drank was the first nourishment he had taken for ten days, though we had used all our endeavours to prevail on him to eat. He said he felt much revived by it, and turned round to go to sleep. I placed my bed at the entrance of his room, and remained watching him. He seemed to breathe with difficulty; but as I had often observed this during his former maladies, I was not so much alarmed as I should otherwise have been. At about nine o’clock, Belford, on looking at him, exclaimed in a loud voice, “He is dying!” I begged him to be more cautious, lest he should be overheard, and immediately examined Mr. Ritchie, who appeared to me to be still in a sound sleep; I therefore lay down on my bed, and continued listening. At ten I rose again, and found him lying in an easy posture, and breathing more freely: five minutes, however, had scarcely elapsed before his respiration appeared entirely to cease; and on examination I found that he had actually expired, without a pang or groan, in the same position in which he had fallen asleep.

Belford and myself, in our weak state, looked at each other, expecting that in a few days it might probably be our lot to follow our lamented companion, whose sad remains we watched during the remainder of the night. And now, for the first time in all our distresses, my hopes did indeed fail me. At daylight I went out and informed our kind friends, Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud, of our misfortunes; at which they were much affected, and offered us all the assistance in their power. Belford, as well as he was able, hastened to form a rough coffin out of our chests; and a sad and painful task it was. The washers of the dead came to us to perform their melancholy office, and Mr. Ritchie’s body was washed, perfumed, and rubbed with camphor; and I procured some white linen, with which the grave-clothes were made. During our preparations for the burial, the women, who are always hired to cry at the death of persons whose friends are able to pay them, proposed to perform that disgusting office in our house; but I would not allow it, and very unceremoniously shut the door against them. While I was out of sight, either our servant or some of our officious visitors stole several of our effects, and I clearly saw that we were now considered as lawful plunder. The coffin being completed, I hired men to carry it with ropes, but one of them having suddenly gone away, poor Belford was obliged to take his place; when, attended by our small party of Mamlukes, we proceeded at a quick pace to the grave, at about ten o’clock. The clay below the sand was white, which was considered as a good omen; and Belford and myself threw the first earth into the grave. During the night we had, unknown to the people, read our protestant burial service over the body; and now publicly recited the first chapter of the Koran, which the most serious Christian would consider as a beautiful and applicable prayer on such an occasion.

Having thus performed the last sad duties to our unfortunate friend, we returned home to pass a day of misery. It was necessary to distribute food to the poor who surrounded our door in great numbers, and we had no money even to purchase a morsel for ourselves; Yussuf’s kindness again having supplied our wants, and I succeeded in getting the house a little more quiet. Within an hour after the funeral had taken place, a courier arrived from Tripoli bringing a truly welcome letter, announcing that a further allowance of £1000 had been made by our Government towards the expense of the mission. Had this letter reached us a little sooner, many of our troubles and distresses would have been prevented.

I waited on the Sultan to announce to him Mr. Ritchie’s death, at which the hypocrite affected to be much grieved, though he must have been well aware that had his inclination equalled his power to serve us, he might have enabled us to procure the necessaries of life, and thus perhaps have averted, or at least tranquillized the last moments of Mr. Ritchie. I informed him of the additional allowance which I expected, begging him to lend me some money. He talked much of his regard for me, but dwelt a great deal on his poverty; and ended by saying, he might perhaps be able to furnish me with a little, which he expressed with particular emphasis, reminding me that I already owed him eight dollars. I was not then, I own, in the humour to remonstrate with such a wretch, and plainly told him I would never more ask for his assistance or friendship; and that according to his law, ingratitude, such as he had so cruelly shown to Mr. Ritchie and myself, was the highest and blackest crime a man could be guilty of, and would one day be visited on him.

On my return home, I found poor Belford greatly overcome by the efforts he had made, whilst I was equally so from the exertions of mind I had undergone. The consequence was, that a strong fever confined us both to our beds, at the mercy of any one who chose to pillage us. Before I took to mine, however, I contrived to write despatches to England, which I sent off by a courier.

During the whole day a constant succession of visitors came to pay their compliments of condolence, and I seriously thought that, with such an accession of evils, we should in a few days more be hurried to our graves. Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud attended on us, as did our little girl, who was our principal nurse, and was very humane and careful. We lay ten days in this state, and during that time Yussuf, by my desire, sold about 100 lbs. of our powder, so that we now again obtained a little money; but we were too ill to enjoy any benefit which our riches might procure us. Mr. Ritchie’s horse, which had never recovered its flesh since coming from Tripoli, and which was very old, I sold, through the medium of Yussuf, for seventy dollars, to the Sultan. By the sale of many trifles, which the Sultan no longer made an objection to our disposing of, I cleared, after paying my debts, about 150 dollars, including the money for the horse and powder, and now determined, should I recover, on penetrating still farther to the southward of Morzouk, though incapable of making such progress as I wished, from not possessing sufficient funds for the purpose.

I found myself under the absolute necessity of soon returning to England to receive instructions for my further proceedings (supposing me still to be employed on the mission), for although money for the additional grant of £1000 could have been procured from Tripoli, much time must have elapsed before I could have obtained it; and even then, I must have gone in person for it. I had no one whom in my absence I could have left in charge of my goods at Morzouk, Belford being too sick and helpless either to keep guard over them, or to remain alone in that place. Added to this, £1000 was a sum by no means adequate to carry me through Africa; as it would be requisite to purchase merchandise totally different from that which had already been provided, and without which I could not have made my way. Belford, from his weak state, could not accompany me far, and to proceed alone would have been actual madness, until the necessary arrangements for my future operations, and regulations as to pecuniary matters had been fully understood and arranged. Under all these circumstances, therefore, and to my great regret, I could only resolve on a short progress into the Interior.

As soon as we recovered sufficient strength to get up stairs, I opened Mr. Ritchie’s sitting-room, where we found only a few scattered papers, an unfinished journal, and some letters. These I collected, and in Belford’s presence burnt all which were private; but every other document bearing Mr. Ritchie’s handwriting I carefully preserved. We were both much astonished at his having left so few memoranda, as we felt confident, that though for many months he had, from repeated illness, been unable to write, that at least, prior to his arrival in Morzouk, he must have made many notes, as well as composed a regular journal.

I knew that he had always trusted much to his singularly retentive memory, and was also aware that he expressed great impatience for the arrival of more cool weather, when he might, with less inconvenience, commit his ideas to paper; and these reasons might probably account for his having left so few mementos of the scientific mind with which he certainly was gifted. It is also to be regretted that Mr. Ritchie, during his illnesses, would never avail himself of my repeated offers to take down in writing any observations which he might have considered worthy of note; and from this unfortunate circumstance much, very much valuable information has been lost.

I caused all the chests of merchandise to be removed into our large room, and with Belford’s assistance opened them, in order to ascertain their contents. They had been packed before my arrival in Tripoli, and Mr. Ritchie had determined that they should not be opened until we reached the Negro country. I found in them, amongst other things, about 600 lbs. of lead, one camel load of corks for preserving insects on, and two loads of brown paper for preparing plants. As these amounted in all to about five loads, which were not worth carrying back to Tripoli, I sent them, with two large chests of Arsenic bottles into Yussuf’s house, taking a proper receipt for them, so that any future traveller or myself might be enabled to receive them. I found that the other goods, including five cwt. of books and two chests of instruments, would load about eight camels: we therefore commenced taking a list of them, and putting them carefully away, when we were again attacked with fever, and confined to our beds, remaining with all our merchandise at the mercy of Arabs and natives.

I had at this time occasion to turn off our man, and the woman also who cooked for us, as I had strong reason to doubt their honesty. Yussuf lent us, in our distress, a fine intelligent boy called Barca, who, with our Negro girl, greatly assisted us.

The weather having become very cold, we had a fire made in a hole in the ground, round which we sat in the evenings with some of the friends who came to see us. On these occasions they told us many long stories; but Belford’s deafness prevented his being amused with them as I was. Religion was generally the subject of these tales, which, when related by the old Hadje, were usually prefaced thus: “When a man has been three times to the holy house, as I have been, he begins to know something, thank God!” He repeated many marvellous stories of the country of Sindi, or Persia, in which is the bed of the sun, and where grows a tree bearing a fruit resembling a coffin. This growing daily larger until ripe, at last bursts, and out of it a man drops to the ground, who cries “Wauk, wauk; in the name of the merciful God,” and instantly expires, sinking suddenly into the earth. He told me that in Paradise the prophets are permitted by God to ride on animals of extraordinary beauty, called Borāk, whose form is something like that of an antelope, and their swiftness such, that in the twinkling of an eye they can spring out of sight. All the prophets on the bare backs of these animals, but Allah, out of love for Sidina (our Lord) Mohammed, gave him a golden saddle, on which he parades before the faithful. Many more stories equally extraordinary are told and believed all over the country; and in Morzouk are a few copies of some of the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments, and the voyages of Sindèbad the Sailor, which are as fully accredited as the Koran itself.

Yussuf generally amused me by singing, and ridiculing the Arabs. The Tuarick were always subjects for his wit, and he related many curious anecdotes of them. One which, though greatly exaggerated, is much in character of these people, was of a man sent as a courier from Ghraat to Ghadāms, eighteen days’ journey, for which he received sufficient provision to support him the whole time, but which devouring at a meal, and girding his loins with a belt, he mounted his camel, and performed the journey without other sustenance! These people, however, really can abstain from food for three or four days without any apparent inconvenience.

On the 8th of December news arrived that the slave hunters had made but little booty, the people having been warned of their coming, and that they were on their return home. We also heard that the men of Waday had cut the throats of eighty-two white traders in Wara, the capital, and had determined to suffer no Moors to trade again in their country, but to kill them immediately on their entering it.

I now began a little to recover my health, and Belford, though still quite deaf, was without fever.

I remarked that our negress invariably used the letter P for F; she would say, for instance, Yussup instead of Yussuf, Patoo for Fatoo; and I found that this was general amongst the natives of Bornou and Baghermee. These people, as well as the natives of Fezzan, always pronounce s as sh, and vice versâ. Another peculiarity which I have often observed is, that all the Fezzanners and slaves, in cutting onions or other vegetables, cut downwards on the forefinger of the left hand, and however sharp the knife may be, they seldom injure themselves.

Mukni now received more enlivening news from Tripoli, and he began again to show himself. Orders came that all the traders of Augela, a town between Tripoli and Egypt, should be put in prison, and their slaves and goods taken on the Bashaw’s account, as he was at war with their countrymen, and had sent an army against them. Fourteen were accordingly confined under the Castle, and orders were sent to the southward to take up those who came from the Interior, and to the eastward to secure those coming from Egypt. There was one of these people who was much disliked by Mukni, and who, on hearing of the proceedings against his countrymen, escaped with nineteen negresses, his property. The Sultan sent after him, and having cut off his access to a watering-place, he was secured, almost dying from thirst. His life had been promised to him before he surrendered; but the next morning he was deliberately shot through the breast by those who had him in custody, and his head and property brought back to Morzouk. Had this man been aware of the treachery intended, he was of so powerful a form, and of such bravery, that his capture would have been very difficult. Previously to his being shot, he exclaimed, “Tell Mohammed el Mukni that he is a villain: Paradise is shut against him, and he will die by treachery. There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet.”

Our friend Yussuf brought to me a very old man, who had been to Ashantee, and who gave some very extraordinary and rather improbable accounts of the people there. He said that there were white traders at the coast whom he had himself seen. This I would not at first believe, until he related some distinct accounts of the habits of the people he met with, peculiar to Europeans.

In Morzouk there are sixteen Mosques, which are covered in, but some of them are very small; each has an Imaum, but the Kadi is their head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had never been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied us great romancers when we told him of our country, and described it as being in the middle of the sea.

It may be necessary before I take leave of Morzouk, and indeed of Tripoli, to explain that our adoption of the Moorish costume was by no means a sufficient safeguard in either of those places, or in traversing the interior of Africa; for though it might, to a casual observer, blind suspicion, yet when we had occasion to remain for a time at any place, or to perform journeys in company with strangers, we found that it was absolutely requisite to conform to all the duties of the Mohammedan religion, as well as to assume their dress. To this precaution I attribute our having met with so little hindrance in our proceedings; for had we openly professed ourselves Christians, we might, in Fezzan, have experienced many serious interruptions; whilst farther in the interior, even our lives would have been in continual jeopardy. The circumstance of our having come from a Christian country, which we always acknowledged, frequently rendered us liable to suspicion; but by attending constantly at the established prayers, and occasionally acknowledging the divine mission of Mohammed, or, more properly, by repeating “There is no God but God, Mohammed is his Prophet,” we were enabled to overcome all doubts respecting our faith.

In attending the Mosque we found that it was not necessary for us to use any prayers addressed to, or in praise of, Mohammed; the three which are recited by day being in an under voice, and the morning and evening ones only being repeated aloud. These latter we easily avoided, and during the others we made use of what orisons we pleased, only taking particular care that our prostrations and outward observances should be at the proper times. The only prayer we ever recited audibly was the “Fatha,” or first chapter of the Koran, the sentiments of which are really beautiful.

I am confident that it would never be possible for any man to pass through Africa, unless in every respect he qualified himself to appear as a Mohammedan; and, should I myself return to that country, I would not be accompanied by any one who would refuse to observe these precautions. It is possible, that as far as Fezzan, a traveller might, by great good chance, escape detection; but the farther south he proceeded, the more bigoted would he find the people, and a cruel death would, in such case, inevitably terminate his journey.

Though the Mohammedans profess and appear to be strict in obeying the ordinances of the Koran, they most grossly violate one of its principal laws relating to Unbelievers. It is expressly said, that Moslems may take or destroy all those who do not believe in Islamism; but that they should first endeavour to instruct, and on their refusing to acknowledge the Koran, then make them slaves. The same law distinctly teaches that those who are already Moslems cannot be taken captive or sold. Nothing, however, is farther from the idea of a Mohammedan, than to instruct the Negroes; for, instead of endeavouring to convert them to his faith, he appropriates and sells them for his own advantage. This is sufficiently unjust, but the conduct of Mukni and his men is infinitely more so; for they seize on the inhabitants of whole towns where the only religion is that of the Koran, and where there are Mosques; and this without scruple or remorse. I have frequently pointed out the clause in the Koran, forbidding such injustice; but never could obtain a satisfactory reason for this violation of their religious tenets.

Of the various ceremonies incident to the faith of the Moslems, I shall make no mention, as they have already been so frequently touched on by other travellers.

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CHAPTER V.

Departure for Tegerry, through Zuela and Gatrone — Arrival at Zaizow — Pass on to Traghan — Visit Gardens and Springs — Arrival at Zaitoon and Touela — Pass Villages of Maghwa and Taleb — Arrival at Hamera — Illness — Leave Hamera — Bearings of its neighbouring Villages — Large Salt Plain — Arrival at Zuela — Description of Inhabitants — Author’s Illness — Ancient Buildings — Hospitality of the Shreefs — Leave the Town — Arrival at Terboo — Its Wretchedness — Curious Story of Marāboot — Arrival at Mejdool — Journey across the Desert, and Arrival at Gatrone — Feast of Milood — Costume, Character, and general Description of the Tibboo — Description of Gatrone — Accounts of Tibesty and Waday, from a Tibboo Trader — Tibboo Language — Leave Gatrone in order to meet the Grazzie — El Bakkhi — Tibboo Manner of making Tar — Arrival at Tegerry.

On the 9th of December we began our preparations, and by the 13th, had succeeded in nailing and lashing up all our effects, which we lodged in the Koudi or sitting-room of old Hadje Mahmoud, who was to take charge of them. I bought a very fine brown Maherry seven feet six inches in height, and able to carry 5 cwt., of a little one-eyed boy, of about 12 years of age, who drove a bargain harder than any man I ever saw. My health was very bad, and I suffered severe pain from diseased liver and enlarged spleen; but having considered that it would be necessary for me, before I returned to Tripoli, to ascertain the situation of other parts of the kingdom of Fezzan beyond Morzouk, I determined, notwithstanding my extreme weakness, to visit the southern and eastern provinces, proceeding in the first place to Zuela زويله in the east, and from thence passing the desert to Gatrone قترون and Tegerry تجرّي in the south. I persuaded Belford, who always entered into my views, to try what change of air would do for him as well as for myself, and he agreed to accompany me, although we more resembled two men going to the grave, than fit persons to travel over strange countries. Yussuf ben el Hadge Khaleel kindly lent us his little boy, Barca, who was to act as our servant, and to lead our camel.

On the 14th we set out, having received a Teskera from the Sultan, on all the villages through which we might pass, so as that ourselves and animals might be fed. I also had an order for the Kaid of Zaizow زيزو and the brother of the Kaid of Traghan طرعغن to accompany us: but it was not until 1.50. P.M. that we were able to get away. We were weak and helpless; and the Arabs, according to custom, gave us so much trouble, by their officiousness, that the poor camel and our horses were loaded and unloaded a dozen times at least. At 2.50. we passed a small nest of huts on our left, named Mangelly منجلّي having another village to the south of it, about one mile distant, called Ghrowāt غروعت. At 4. after crossing a sandy plain, we came to a little village in the gardens of Hadge Hajeel حاج حجيل where we found our friend, Mohammed, measuring and burying the Sultan’s dates. The heap he was employed on was about twelve feet in height, and thirty in length, and had all been collected in the immediate neighbourhood. Mohammed gladly left his work; and having ordered some Lackbi to be brought, and a fowl or two to be seized upon, carried us to the hut he was living in.

We proceeded this day E. and by S. about seven miles.—Mohammed made us welcome in the evening, and brought a fifer and two bagpipers to stun us, while the women of the village, to do us honour, beat tin-pots, singing, and dancing before us.

The village of Hadge Hajeel is half a mile south of the gardens, and has about 250 inhabitants; this is the place which Horneman mentions under the name of Sidi Besheer, whose tomb stands near it.

Dec. 15th. Therm. 9°. 30′.—At 8.30. A.M. we started with Mohammed, who was to take us to Zaizow, and at a mile S.E. of the gardens, arrived at the tomb of Sidi Besheer, where we recited the Fatha, or first chapter of the Koran, and where I gave a dollar to purchase food for the poor. It was a small mud hut, white-washed in front, covered at the top with palm branches, and standing on a sandy plain. Custom, and the sanctity of the Marāboot, induce all Kafflés coming from the Interior to stop and refresh the slaves and animals at this spot, previously to their entering Morzouk; and here, too, all travellers assembling for the Interior, meet. Hard by are the ruins of an old Arab Castle, called Gusser Hamādi.

On leaving this plain, we got into a most excellent beaten road, running S. and by E. to Zaizow, and passed four of the Sultan’s men on horseback, escorting three poor Augela Arabs, bound on camels, with thirty-eight slaves, once their property. These people had been six years trading in Soudan, and were now on their way to prison. We left fourteen of their countrymen in confinement when we set out.

At 10.35. arrived at the small village of Zaizow, where we found the Kaid Saad, who was to be our attendant, sitting on the sand, at his own door, making women’s red shoes. On seeing the Sultan’s order, he sprung up with alacrity, and carrying his tools into the house, returned to us in a short time, in a gay dress, with a sabre hanging over his shoulder. He was a fine honest looking black, very fat and well oiled, and had the appearance of a great eater, which qualification he soon gave proof of. While waiting here, we saw a black woman with lips of a pale pink colour, and one or two marks on each hand, of the same hue. I wished to ask her some questions, but she looked so sulky that I desisted.

Zaizow is prettily situated in a little dell, thickly planted with palms, and having a ruined castle on a rising ground in the centre. The houses are nearly all in ruins, and many had palms growing in them: the population, according to the Kaid, amounted to about 70 souls. It is E. and by S. seven miles from Hadge Hajeel. Mohammed left us in charge of our new friend, the Kaid, who soon found a donkey to carry him on with us to Zuela, at which place he was to find his horse.

At 11.30. A.M. set out, and at 2.30. passed a village on the left, named Areg el Libban, and an old castle, called Gusser Bighia. 2.45. Passed the ruined village and castle of Mokhāten مخعتن. 3.12. arrived at a place called Deesa ديس where we found the Kaid of Traghan, who promised to come to us on the morrow, and to send his brother as soon as he returned home. The village of Ershādi faces Deesa to the southward of the road. Leaving Deesa, we passed for an hour over a flat, so completely encrusted with salt, that it had the appearance of a hoar frost in England; indeed, the whole of the road from Hadge Hajeel bore, more or less, the same resemblance.

At 5. we entered the gardens and date groves of Traghan طرعغن which appeared in a higher state of cultivation than any we had yet seen, and at 5.45. arrived at the town, which stands clear of the gardens, on a flat desert plain. Yussuf having offered us his house, we put up there, although not without a great deal of clamour from an over-civil Negress and her husband, who, to do us more honour, shifted us and our baggage about without mercy. The Marāboot, the principal man here, sent to apologise for not being prepared to provide us with bread and meat. At 2. this day the thermometer was 25°.

We had travelled E. and by S.	⎰ ⎱	from Hadge Hajeel	7	miles.
		from Zaizow	16	miles.
			23	miles.

Dec. 16th. Therm. 9°. Fine clear morning. I paid a visit to the Marāboot, who was sitting on an earthen mound, half naked, and in a very dignified manner, enjoying the heat of the sun. His dependants were seated round on the sand, listening with mute attention to the sagacity of his remarks. He was very fat, greasy, and consequential, and told me that all his family had been Marāboots, and equally eminent for learning with himself. On leaving him, full of admiration at his modesty, I went out to the gardens to see the springs, of which I had heard so much. As I was a stranger, and these springs were the pride of Fezzan, several people left their work to follow me, and to witness my surprise and admiration at the first sight of them. There are four ponds, each 30 or 40 feet in diameter, covered with a green crust, and containing innumerable frogs. Insignificant, however, as they were, I dismounted and drank heartily from them, although the water, even here, was not perfectly fresh. The gardens which are supplied from them are altogether as white with salt as those watered from the wells. A number of strange birds, resembling thrushes, but with longer tails, fluttered about us; but having no gun with me, I was unable to kill one. The date trees here are very thickly planted, and form a most agreeable shade.

I got a meridian altitude of the sun, 81°. 1′. 30″. which gives the latitude 25°. 55′. N.

On our return to the town, I observed that its walls and houses were of a light green colour, while the castle in ruins appeared of a reddish clay; but I soon discovered that the earth and clay all round the town were actually green, and I collected specimens of them. This place appears to have been once of some consequence, but is now nearly in ruins, and has not, I should imagine, above five or six hundred inhabitants. At 2 P.M. thermometer 19°. The Marāboot sent us a couple of fowls and some bread; and as the Kaid of the town followed the present to know if we were properly served, he came in for his share. I observed here, with much satisfaction, that Belford seemed quite recovered from his giddiness, though he remained very thin and weak.

Dec. 17th. Thermometer 8° 30′. Raw misty morning, with the wind in the north-east. We visited the Gusba, or castle, the ruins of which show it to have once been a place of some importance as an Arab fortress. The Marāboot informed me that it had been built prior to Morzouk, in which case it must be nearly six hundred years old. A story is told, that of the asses employed in bringing the materials for building it, 500 died before it was finished, of mere fatigue. About sixty years ago it was inhabited by a brother of the native Sultan’s, who governed the eastern provinces, and was styled “Sultan el Shirghi,” or Sultan of the East. From the castle we were enabled to observe that the town stood on a plain, bounded to the southward by palms, and from east-south-east to west by the Desert.

The following towns bore thus: El Glaib, south-west three or four miles; Ben Gleif, south-south-west four miles; Māfen, south-half-west eight miles; Zebbār, south four miles; and Zaitoon, south-east by east seven miles.

There are four mosques in Traghan, having small mud minarets. The houses are many of them large, but are now in ruins, owing to the great alteration in the circumstances of their owners. That of our friend Yussuf had been one of the best. We had, however, a proof of its present altered state, in finding the roof breaking in upon us, which obliged us to change our quarters. Three beams gave way at once, and no doubt the whole would have fallen in before night; though the old man and woman stood fearlessly under it, and asserted that it could not happen, because no roof had ever fallen in their master’s house. The people here have an idea, that corn grows more luxuriantly in salt earth than in any other, and from the appearance of the crops, I am inclined to be of the same opinion. At eleven I sent the Maherry on, and waited, at the Marāboot’s request, to partake of a mess which he was preparing for us. I observed that Kaid Saad’s horse seemed in very poor case, and was greedily eating date leaves; but this was soon accounted for, on my learning that the allowance of food which he received for the poor beast was all sent home to the favourite wife. The people of this place have (if possible) a more whining tone in their salutations, than those of Morzouk. I sent the Marāboot a knife and pair of scissars; and at 12.45. left the town, attended by Yussuf’s slaves, who saw us well on our road, and then took their leave of us. At 3.15. came up with the Maherry, and at 3.25. entered a miserable assemblage of about two dozen mud and palm huts, called Zaitoon, زيتون, having proceeded east-south-east seven miles over a gravelly plain. We met the Kaid of Traghan on the road, with some other horsemen who were bringing eight slaves and some sheep, the property of Augela merchants.

As the huts promised but little comfort, we pitched our tent in the midst of them, to the astonishment of the natives; who, on hearing from Saad (who never forgot to order a dinner) that we were very great men, and friends of the Sultan, dispersed themselves about the village to catch all the unlucky fowls that came in their way, and, in consequence, we had six served up in an hour after we arrived. The Kaid felt much hurt at my paying for them, as he was afraid it would be the means of spoiling the people, who would always, in future, expect remuneration.

Dec. 18th. Thermometer 5° at the tent door. Fine clear morning, with the wind to the eastward. We had much difficulty in catching our horses, which had broken their tethers, and run out on the desert; even the Kaid’s Rosinanté was capering about: my horse, however, stopped at the sound of my voice, and by 9.15. we were enabled to proceed. At about three-quarters of a mile south-east by east of Zaitoon, is another village of the same description, called Touela, طويله. We passed through it, and, I believe, shook hands with every male inhabitant in the place. Near this village is a large heap of ruins, said to have once been a castle, the walls of which are, though roughly built, very curious. Between a rising ground a little to the eastward, and the principal well, there are twelve others, each about four yards apart, and having arched communications sufficiently high for a man to walk erect in. Leaving Touela, we ascended to a bleak stony plain, running on to the desert on the left, and having very irregular sand hills, about the distance of two miles to the right. We directed our course north 65° east. A strong north-east wind was blowing, and I observed, as in coming from Tripoli, that in the coldest days the sun has the greatest power of burning the skin. Belford and myself were completely disfigured about the nose, which became very red, and smarted painfully. At eleven the sand hills closed in, and we came again to a few palms and a small village called Maghwa, مخوه. We remained to warm ourselves in the sun by a well side, and were joined by Besheer el Dthucker, the Kaid of Traghan’s brother, who had followed us full speed from Morzouk. At 11.45. the camel having passed, we went on; and at 1.30. came again to sand hills. At 2.10. we arrived with the horses at Taleb, طالب, (Fox), a village with about eighteen palm trees, and four or five mud huts: the Sheikh brought us out some dates and very salt water. The mountains between us and Hamera, حميره, called El Gāra, القار, bore north 60° east. At three, the camel having passed, we went on. At 4.10. passed El Gāra on the right. From hence Hamera bore north 55° east. We travelled all this day, with the exception of the villages, over a gravelly desert. On the plain we visited a well which is haunted by Iblis, or the devil; for the Arabs cannot conceive that the echo which proceeds from it can arise from any other cause. At five we arrived at Hamera. I found myself greatly exhausted in consequence of the pain in my liver, and the debility occasioned by the mercury I had taken. The Kaid promised me much comfort here, as we were to have the Sultan’s own house; but we waited so long in the midst of the village, before we could find any one to get it ready, that I was obliged to produce my Teskera, which soon set the people in motion, and converted a set of impudent lazy Arabs into the most submissive people in the world, and every one of them seemed equally anxious to do us honour. We soon found the house, which was a miserable ruin, having only two roofed rooms. The one destined for our reception was occupied by five or six half naked Arab women, and a small flock of sheep; but they all made way for us, and we took possession of it.

Dec. 19th.—I was so ill that I remained in bed, and was stared at by the whole village.

December 20th. Thermometer 3° 30′. This place is now nearly unwalled by time, and is completely wretched; it stands on the desert, but is surrounded by a few straggling palms, and gardens. The ground near the walls is covered with bushes of Agool (or thorn of the desert), which, at a little distance, has a pleasing green effect, and was then quite a novelty to us. The Sheikh brought his two wives to me for advice: the first, who had a head-ache and sore eyes, I was able to do something for; but as for the second, her case was hopeless; for, according to her husband’s and her own account, she had been three years with child. Such mistakes are frequent here, as many women take this method of deceiving their husbands, to avoid being divorced for sterility. The lady left the house very much irritated at my giving her no remedy for her complaint. At 11.20. we started, and I observed the following bearings from Hamera. El Bedere, east by north two miles. (It is from this place that the people of the neighbouring districts supply themselves with salt, as it is here free from earth, and of a beautiful whiteness.) Omelerāneb, west-south-west two miles. This is the town of Sheikh Barood, of the Boowadie Arabs; and from this place Teweewa is south-west two or three miles. As usual, the desert is to the left, and high sand hills to the right. The first part of our road was over a barren plain, and we then, for an hour and a half, travelled over a plain of salt, broken up in large slabs by the heat of the sun, and having the appearance of a brown disturbed sea. We found the footing very difficult for ourselves and animals. At 1.40. arrived at the village of Omesogueen. Stopped here for a short time, and sent the camels on. I consider this place seven miles and a half east 8° north of Hamera. Low table-topped hills bound the view to the northward. The plains which occurred at intervals between the sand hills, were covered by brittle stones, resembling pieces of yellowish earthen ware, and ringing when struck by iron. At 2.15. we set off, and proceeded east 17° north; met three more Augela prisoners, and eight camels laden with merchandize, which they had brought from Egypt, and which, with themselves, were seized on their entering Zuela. At four we passed a flat hill on the left, running east and west for many miles, called Mengār; some talhh trees are scattered on the plain at its foot, which afford a lasting joke against the people of Zuela. A man coming from thence, in great dread of meeting the Waled Suliman, a band of Arabs who were pillaging the country, was so blinded by his fears, that he mistook these trees, which he had seen from his infancy, for horsemen, and in great trepidation galloped to Zuela with the news: the Zuela men, in consequence, putting their women and children in safety, went out in a body towards evening to reconnoitre, when, after the usual caperings of a party of Arabs, they came up with their enemy, which proved to be the trees in question! After passing over another rough salt plain, we arrived at 5.10. at Zuela, having on each side heaps of ruins within the walls. On an eminence near the town, the principal people (who are Shreefs) had been assembled for four or five hours in order to welcome us. We were shown to a very good house, and numberless visitors came, bringing provisions of all descriptions. For each mess Kaid Saad, who was highly delighted, paid some compliment to the bringer, though not till he had first dipped his finger in and tasted. I was here so ill, that I was obliged to apply a large blister to my side, and to go to bed, leaving my party listening to the wonders which the Kaid was relating about Belford and myself, whom he represented as two very extraordinary personages.

Dec. 21st. Thermometer, at nine A.M. 7°. Being too unwell to leave my bed, Shreefs in numbers came to see us. About twelve different bowls of meat, soup, and bread, were sent in to us, which the Kaid and Besheer (for neither Belford nor myself had much appetite) successively despatched.

December 22nd. Thermometer 9°, wind east-north-east, and at two P.M. thermometer 21°. I found myself better until noon, when a severe attack of hemma seized me, and my spleen became so very hard and painful, that I was unable to lie down. At night, the attack having ceased, I had a very large party to visit me, and to examine my curiosities, amongst which the compass, and a phosphoric match-box, were the most admired, and of course in great danger of being broken. A venerable Shreef, named Mohammed Ali, came late, and it was therefore necessary to go through my exhibition a second time, at which he seemed highly gratified. He paid me great compliments on my sagacity in having turned Moslem, and invited me to an assembly at the great Mosque on the Friday following.

The inhabitants of Zuela are nearly all white, and Shreefs, and they are particularly careful about intermarriages with other Arabs, priding themselves much on their immediate descent from Mohammed. They are certainly the most respectable, hospitable, and quiet people in Fezzan, and their whole appearance (for they are handsome and very neatly dressed) bespeaks something superior to the other whites. I observed this evening that these people, as well as all other Arabs and Negroes, invariably express admiration by laughter, which is generally accompanied by holding the open hand with the back towards the forehead. The more they are surprised or amused, the more boisterous and loud they become.

December 23rd. Thermometer 9°, wind easterly. This morning my curiosity was much excited respecting a very extraordinary fowl, of which the Shreef, Mohammed el Dthābi, last night told me some wonderful stories. He described it as being almost white, and above a foot and a half in height; very stately and dignified in its gait. He had brought a cock and a hen from Egypt, and what was most remarkable, though the cock crowed very loud, and unlike other cocks, the hen crowed also, and nearly as well as her mate. The eggs were very large, and an omelette, which he brought me, was composed of five of them, though, from its size, I really thought twenty would have been requisite. A very large crowd assembled to witness what would be my surprise at the sight of this creature, and while the Sidi went out to fetch it, each told me some curious story respecting it. At last it arrived, and Mohammed having begged that the way might be cleared, walked up to me with great importance, and opening his abba, set before me a goose, which waddled off with great dignity, hissing as it went; while I, to the great disappointment of the company, fell back and laughed immoderately.

We rode out of the town to see the extraordinary ruins, so much spoken of by the commentators on Horneman’s travels, but which Horneman himself never saw or heard of, unless as two or three miserable mud edifices of the early Arabs. The one most esteemed by the Shreefs is an old Mosque, standing at about half a mile to the westward of the town. It is a large oblong building of evidently an early date, though certainly of Arab origin. The walls are built with a neatness now unpractised and unknown, of unbaked rough bricks, and strong binding clay. At the north-west corner is the Mouaden (or minaret), much dilapidated, but still of a height sufficient to command an extensive view of the surrounding country. The length of the Meseed inside is 135 feet, and its breadth is 90, immense dimensions for an Arab building, which has no cross walls to support the roof. It is quite open overhead, and nothing remains to give an idea of what it once was covered with. There are two niches for the Imaum; one is in a partition built partly across, near one end, for that purpose; the other is in the wall, and in the form of a pulpit, and I suppose has been used for the purpose of addressing the people when assembled on the plain below, a custom prevailing at Morzouk after Rhamadan, at Milood, and other feast days.

From this Mosque we went to a spot half a mile east of the town, to examine five buildings, the appearance of which was much more interesting. These are in a line with one another, and have a passage between them of three or four feet in breadth. They are square; their diameters are about twenty feet, and their height about thirty. They have dome tops, and two windows; one low near the ground, the other high and narrow, and situated about ten feet above it. The rough skeleton of the building is of sun-dried bricks and clay, which have hardened to nearly the consistency of stone; over this, to about half the height of the building, are laid large flat stones of a reddish colour, and unhewn, as found in the neighbouring mountains. Few of these, however, still adhere.

The interior of the buildings are perfectly void, and appear never to have had any floors or partitions. From the smallness of the lower windows, it strikes me that these places were the tombs of the Shreefs, who first settled here about five or six hundred years ago; at all events, they now answer this purpose, as each contains a Shreef, whose grave is ornamented with the usual complement of broken pots, shreds of cloth, and ostrich eggs. The people here look with much reverence on these edifices, and tell many wonderful stories of the dead now enshrined in them.

On these tombs are the inscriptions about which so many ridiculous tales are told; but two only at present retain them, and these are on the point of falling.

The Zuela people, like all other Moors, attribute strange buildings and writings to the Christians, so that some excuse may be offered for those who have circulated such pompous stories of Fezzan.

The inscriptions are on the upper part of the walls, and on the sides instead of the front, which makes it very difficult to see them, owing to the neighbouring buildings not allowing sufficient space to walk back in order to distinguish them more clearly. The least perfect has only one or two lines, resembling the tops of letters, on a white cement of about a foot square; the other has about two feet of plaster, and some long letters are sunk in it, apparently Arabic, and much broken. The Shreefs said that these were the only ones they recollected, and that they were written by the Christians soon after the time of our Lord Noah. Having fancied I could distinguish Arabic characters, I made my friends sit on the sand, whilst with my finger I traced them one by one. They immediately saw the resemblance, but said, that having fancied them to be of Christian origin, they had taken it for granted, and never troubled their heads about decyphering them.

The letters I drew were these,

which I conceive clearly prove the Arabic origin of these buildings. Under these characters is a small piece of very neat cornice, of the size of a cocoa-nut, having little flourishes on it.

One of the people told me that papers and parchments had been discovered amongst the ruined houses in the neighbourhood of the town; but no one could inform me who had found them, or where they were deposited.

On my return I went to see the Castle, or rather the ruins of one, which occupies a large space in the centre of the town. Its walls must once have been of great strength, as in some places I observed them to be above thirty feet in thickness, and built in the same manner as the houses at Tripoli. The Castle had nothing to boast of but the solidity of its materials. Near the town my horse stumbled and fell into a grave, which, from its being hollow, led me to examine it; and I found, that instead of resembling the shallow graves of Morzouk, those at Zuela are rather in the form of vaults. From the side of the first pit a chamber of the same length is excavated in the gravel, which lies under the surface of the sand, and the body being placed in the vault, the pit alone is filled with earth. The present walls of Zuela are of the same materials as the Castle. The town has but few good houses in it; but, judging from the ruins I saw, I should conceive it must once have been of much consequence, and built in a manner rather superior to the Arab towns in general. The inhabitants boasted that the door of Zuela was in Egypt, which leads me to conclude, that some town there may have so named one of its gates, and that the Arabs have taken it literally. Zuela is even now called Zella by old people. The town has three very good Mosques, and three gates of entrance.

December 24th. Thermometer 8°. I found that the hour of Friday’s prayer had been put off on my account, a deputation being sent to announce to me that the Imaum only waited my arrival to begin prayers. The Shreefs were already at the Joumma, and as they are persons of consequence, this attention on their part was a mark of great honour done me. I therefore did not hesitate to obey the summons, and was received by them most graciously, although I perceived that several of them very narrowly scrutinized me, and appeared evidently watching the manner in which I went through the ceremonies. After the prayers the Imaum showed me the Mosque, of which he seemed very proud, and with some reason, for it was certainly the neatest I had seen in this country.

We were constantly attended by an idiot, who took a particular fancy to me, and my reputation as a good man became established in consequence, it having been invariably remarked that he never distinguished any person by his notice who was not deserving of it. His name was Boo Mousa (or Father Moses), and many miracles were attributed to him. The Sheikh here told me, that for some offence this fool had been guilty of, he had once beaten him, but had soon cause to repent his imprudence; for on the same night, Iblis, and a troop of gholes, appeared to him, and under the directions of Mousa, who stood in the midst, and appeared of gigantic stature, beat, pinched, and scratched him to such a degree, as to deter him from ever again daring to insult a saint. They were afterwards, and still continued to be, good friends. In one of the slave-hunts the men and cattle had been without water for two days, and were consequently reduced to great distress, when a Zuela man, recollecting the miraculous powers of his countryman, immediately implored him to pray to God in their difficulty. This person soon after falling asleep, Boo Mousa appeared to him, and pointing to a particular spot on an adjoining mountain, assured him that he would, on going there, find what he wanted. The man, on awaking, followed his directions, and happily found a sufficient supply of water for the whole army! This poor creature is readily admitted into all the houses, where, however foolish in other respects, he never fails to show his talents in eating.

I cannot omit mentioning the names of the Shreefs here, from whom we experienced the greatest kindness.

• Mohammed ben Ali.
• Ali el Hindi.
• Abd el Rahman.
• Ali Aboo Becker.
• Mohammed el Dthābi.

They were all related to each other, and appeared sensible and well behaved men, and, what is really worthy of remark, never asked us for any thing. Kaid Saad, who was a great cook, undertook to dress for us a whole sheep, which was to last us the remaining part of our journey to Gatrone. As this was one of the Arab methods of preparing meat for a journey, I shall here describe it. The sheep is deprived of all its fat, and cut into small pieces; the fat is melted in a large pot, and the meat, with garlic, onions, and red pepper, is then stewed in it without any water, and with a lid on the pot, for three or four hours, when it is taken out, and having been cooled, is put into a goat skin. The grease is kept for mixing with cusscussou, bazeen, and other dishes; and meat thus prepared will remain perfectly fresh for two or three weeks. He made us a very good mess of sheep skin, which is sliced and stewed with onions.

On the 23rd December I got a good meridian altitude of the sun 80°. 10′. 10″. which gives the latitude of Zuela, 26°. 11′. 48″. N. I also took an observation on this day; but owing to the interruption I met with from some of my visiters, unfortunately lost my reckoning.

I found myself obliged to hire another camel here, as we were to cross a three days’ desert, and it was necessary to carry water for our horses; our load too was much increased by large presents of zumeita, dweeda, dates, flour, and other provisions from the Shreefs.

Dec. 25th. Therm. 9°. At 10.45. A.M. we were attended out of the town by the kind natives, who promised to renew their acquaintance with us at Morzouk.

Belford was now much recovered; but I still continued in a very weak state. Our road lay over the highest and most irregular sand hills I ever saw; the horses with great difficulty ascending without their riders. I was too weak to walk, and was pulled up by Besheer. The hired camel and its load took a most terrific roll, and I greatly feared we should be at a stand: fortunately, however, a man travelling our way came up with us, and helped us to re-load the camel, so that by 11.45. we cleared the hills, and arrived on a heavy sandy plain, over which we toiled until 4. when we arrived at Terboo, the most wretched mud village I had as yet met with. All the men were mere skeletons, and the women equally miserable in appearance; yet they were obliged, poor and wretched as they were, to feed us and our horses without expecting a reward. I bought, however, a quantity of corn, and distributed amongst them; and they declared I was the first person coming from the Sultan, who had not distressed them by taking their small stock of provisions. Nothing could exceed the wretchedness of this place but the water, which was of a much worse quality than any we had tasted, from its close resemblance to sea water. A few old walls of about 12 feet high were in the centre of the huts, and were dignified by the name of the Castle. There are but few palms here, and the people subsist chiefly by attending camels, sent to feed on the Agool; and for the right of pasture they receive, in return, some very trifling payment in corn or dates. We made this day S. 12°. W. 10 miles. As it was Christmas day, Belford and myself drank to the health of our friends in England, in a bumper of coffee.

Dec. 26th. Therm. 3°. 40′. A beautiful morning; but being cold, we had a good fire, and at 8.50. A.M. the camels started. We were much amused by the blacksmith of the village, who had his forge in the sand at the gate. A man from a neighbouring place came to ask his advice for a liver complaint, which had for a long time troubled him; and having been so frequently burned with a red hot iron, in order to alleviate his complaint, his side was literally covered with scars. The blacksmith having felt the man’s side, and asked many questions, told him, that the most certain remedy for his disorder would be three long burns across the back, which he assured him would soon put all to rights. Feeling compassion for the poor sufferer, I told him if he would follow me to the camels, I would give him some medicine which would relieve, instead of putting him to the torture; but he refused, and I have no doubt paid the accustomed fee of corn, and submitted to the prescribed burning next morning. This operator showed us a file of his own making, of which he was very proud. It was a small bar of iron, and when red hot, had been notched by a flint. He boasted, that although its appearance was not in its favour, it was a far better file than any bought in Morzouk.

From this place some remarkable mountains bore Mengār Mejdool, S. 75°. W. Mengār Omesogueer, S.W. two miles; and Mengār Terboo, N.E. one mile. We followed the camels, and arrived with them at 10.20. at Omesogueer, 3½ miles S.W. by W. of Terboo. Here we were shown the tomb of a very great Marāboot; and, as usual on such occasions, repeated the Fatha. This holy man was named Sidi Saïd el Tare, (or lion the bird); because, on every Friday, according to the people of the plain, he appeared in the form of a beautiful green bird during the Asr, or afternoon prayer; but he was visible only to a few of his own relations and brother Marāboots.

We passed over a salt plain, and came to some scattered palms, after which we entered on a larger plain, and arrived at Mejdool مجدود at 1.50.; having travelled S. 75°. W. from Omesogueer. Mejdool is a large straggling village of mud and palm huts, and not surrounded by a wall; it has, however, a castle in about the same state of repair as the others we had seen. The people appear more lively and animated than the generality of Fezzanners.—Behind the town a continuation of the mountains from Terboo runs nearly north and south, as far as the Mengār.

This evening we had large bowls of sweet lackbi sent us, and we soon perceived that the people were great lovers of this liquor. Five or six drunken men came and honoured us with their company without any invitation. Kaid Saad sold to the women a great quantity of tobacco which he had brought from Zaizow, with which they were very glad to recruit their stock. We hired a guide for the desert, our two attendants being unacquainted with the road.

Dec. 27th. Therm. 5°. At 9.30. A.M. we set out, having taken water for three days in our gerbas. Our road lay over a plain of gravel, bounded by mountains close at hand, to the westward, and a distant range to the eastward. At 10.30. Mejdool bore from a rising ground, N. 44°. E. At 11. the mountains closed in, and our road lay through them. At 12.10. we ascended to a rough stony plain, resembling, in colour and badness of footing, some parts of the Soudah. Indeed, all the mountains here appear composed of nearly the same black irregular masses of basalt. Five or six Tibboo passed us on camels; they were the first I had seen fully armed: every man had his three light darts, and his spear. At 2. we descended to a level plain, by a very precipitous pass. The mountain we descended is the most western of a low black chain, which bounds the view as far as the eye can reach, to the eastward. The rocks here, which are of a clay stone, are, in many places, fantastically streaked with veins of a light pink colour. We stopped to rest ourselves under some Talhh trees, when I was alarmed by seeing my Maherry come towards me, foaming at the mouth, and champing like a mad animal. Besheer soon eased me of my fears, by telling me that he was eating bones, a circumstance I was not before aware of. I now found, however, by observing the camels, that whenever we passed any skeletons, they selected a mouthful of such bones as they could easily break.

At 5.30. P.M. we pitched our tent on the plain, the pass bearing from us N. 44°. E. The whole of this flat is covered with beautiful rounded pebbles of the size of a pea, and even smaller. We made 30 miles.

Dec. 28th. Therm. at tent door, 4°. 50′. At 7.35. A.M. we went on, still over the plain, until 3.30. when we came to sand, having small shrubs on it, called Omeladam Tafsert, and here met a Tibboo bringing sixteen Negresses from Waday. We found a small well, and having watered our horses, proceeded to another, near which we were to pass the night. At 6.30. we came to it, but found it had fallen in. Whilst cooking, we caught a young Gerboa, which came foraging. During our journey this day, Besheer shot a crow with a single ball, very adroitly. We observed the Kaid seize the bird, and pretend that he was desirous of obtaining the wing feathers; but I discovered that he had pulled off the head, intending to keep it about his person, as a charm against a pain in the elbow. We made, this day, S. 45°. W. 35 miles, slept on the sand, and were much disturbed by the howlings of jackals. This well is called Jufāra.

Dec. 29th. Therm. 2°. 30′. At 7.45. A.M. we left the well, and passing over an uneven country, arrived at 9.30. at a few scattered palms, and the wells of Wūdakaire, where we found the water excellent, when compared with that of Morzouk. Having previously heard from our attendants that it was particularly clear, I carried a small tin pot at my saddle-bow, and a paper containing a little tea, with which I hoped to regale myself. In this I was not disappointed, and was content to obtain the luxury, even though destitute of its usual auxiliaries, milk and sugar, articles which had now become almost unknown to us. Proceeded S. 50°. W. At 2. the camels arrived at the gardens, and we went on to the town of Gatrone, where we arrived at 3°. 30′. At 4.50. the camels came in, having made twenty miles.

Besheer and Belford having stopped at Gatrone gardens to water their horses, I rode into the town with Kaid Saad, alone, which greatly mortified him, as he wished me to have made my entrance with four horses abreast, thinking it would look more dignified, and in character for such a great person as myself. He was astonished when I told him, that even the Sultan of my country was neither ashamed nor afraid to ride unattended, and that his soldiers never rode or fired before him on his entering a town. This he wisely supposed must be owing to the excellence of our gunpowder, which our king would not suffer to be wasted unnecessarily. We put up at the house of a Tibboo woman: it had a garden and palms in front, and stood at a short distance from the walls of the town.

Gatrone is surrounded by sand hills, on which are built the low palm huts of the Tibboo, who appear to form a separate community; the people within the walls pretending to call themselves Fezzanners, although the language of Bornou is more generally spoken than the Arabic.

As this was the evening of the feast of Milood, Mohammed’s birth-day, every thing promised a gay meeting, and the young Tibboo girls were adorned for the occasion in all their finery. These females are light and elegant in form, and their graceful costume, quite different from that of the Fezzanners, is well put on. They have aquiline noses, fine teeth, and lips formed like those of Europeans; their eyes are expressive, and their colour is of the brightest black: there is something in their walk, and erect manner of carrying themselves, which is very striking. Their feet and ankles are delicately formed, and are not loaded with a mass of brass or iron, but have merely a light anklet of polished silver or copper, sufficient to show their jetty skin to more advantage; they wear also neat red slippers.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tibboo Woman in full dress.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

The costume for the head is almost universally the same, the hair being plaited on each side, in such a manner as to hang down on the cheeks, like a fan, or rather in the form of a large dog’s ear. A piece of leather is fastened from the front to the back of the head, in the centre, and through this are passed twenty or thirty silver rings, each linked within the other, ending behind in a flat silver plate, which is suspended from a few tresses of hair; and in front, by a silver ornament composed of several rings, in this form:

On each side of the head, they wear an ornament of gold and rough cut agate, and round it, above the ears, a bandeau of coral, cowrie shells, or agates; several light chains of silver, having round bells at the end of them, are attached to the hair, and when dancing, produce a pleasing sound. Their necks are loaded with gaudy necklaces, and one-half of their well-formed bosoms is shown by the arrangement of their drapery: their arms are bare to the shoulders, having above the elbow neat silver rings of the thickness of a goosequill, and on the wrists one or two broader and flatter. In the ear they wear three or four silver rings of various sizes, the largest in circumference hanging the lowest. Their most singular ornament is a piece of red coral, through a hole in the right nostril, which really does not look unbecoming. The dress is a large shawl of blue, or blue and white cotton, of which they have a variety of patterns, fastened over the shoulders and across the bosom, and hanging in graceful folds, so as to show the back, right breast, and right arm bare. These dresses are very short, and exhibit the leg to the calf; but with all this display, their general appearance offered nothing offensive or immodest.

They tripped about all the evening to exhibit their finery, and were proudly pointed out by their mothers, who were visiting in our neighbourhood. As our hostess had a very pretty daughter, all the young people came to call on her, which afforded them a pretence for looking at the two new Mamlukes, who had just arrived. I sat on the sand, at the door, and was much gazed at, not in the Arab way, but by stealth, from behind their little shawls, and peeping through the palm bushes.

As it was the custom on this night, for the girls to dance through the town, in every direction, I heard drums, bagpipes, and the usual accompaniment of tin-pots. At midnight I was called up to see them perform at our door. They were directed by an old woman, with a torch in one hand and a long palm branch in the other, and sung, in chorus, verses which she recited to them. Three men sung and played on drums with their hands; and by their motions regulated the dancers, who were to advance, or to retreat accordingly. The tallest girls were placed in the centre, while the younger ones formed the wings, and they then danced in a circle, round their governess. The lookers-on had torches of palm leaves, and sung occasionally, in chorus.

The chief object in the dance seemed to be the waving, gracefully, from right to left, and in time with the music, a light shawl, which was passed over the shoulders, the ends being in the hands. They employed their feet, only to advance or retreat occasionally; but accompanied the change of time by movements of the head from side to side. At a given signal they all knelt, still going through the same motions of the head, and chanting their verses. They danced so exactly in time, and were dressed so much in uniform, that it appeared like witchcraft; when, on a sudden, every torch was extinguished, and the fairies vanished, to exhibit in some other part of the town.

The Tibboo women do not, like the Arabs, cover their faces; they retain their youthful appearance longer than the latter, are much more cleanly, better housewives, and particularly careful of their children, of whom they have a multitude. Their chief occupation seems to be basket-making; and they also form drinking bowls out of palm leaves, which they ornament with stripes of coloured leather, and execute with much taste and neatness. All the Fezzanners who come here to trade return loaded with these baskets, as presents for their families.

Having said so much of the agreeable qualities of the Tibboo, I feel it but candid to acknowledge their immoderate fondness for tobacco, with a great portion of which almost every mouth is crammed. Their teeth are, nevertheless, quite white, owing to the custom which is peculiar to the Mohammedans of cleaning them after eating, with a piece of stick.

The Tibboo men are slender and active in their form, and have intelligent countenances; their agility is proverbial; and they are frequently, by way of distinction, called “the Birds.” The tribes which inhabit the southern parts of Fezzan are, from circumstances, quiet and civilized; but those of the interior live chiefly by plunder, are constantly making inroads on their neighbours, and are not famed for fidelity one to another. They are not disposed to cruelty, but are most impudent thieves; and their well known character secures them the almost exclusive commerce of Waday and Baghermée, no strangers, at least very few, choosing to risk a passage through their country. They are chiefly Kaffirs, and live in a state of nature, being clad with the skins of beasts, and inhabiting holes in rocks, or wretched grass huts. Their camels or maherries enable them to perform extraordinary journeys, from which circumstance they are constantly shifting their abode.

Mukni has several times desolated different parts of the country of the Tibboo of Borgoo, and Kawar, and these people now revenge themselves on whatever luckless whites may fall into their power. Their arms in the interior are three light spears and a lance, a dagger and sword, and missile weapons called Shangar, which do much execution. The Tibboo men of Gatrone are armed nearly in the same way; but their weapons are better finished, and they sometimes add a pistol to the list. The wild tribes live chiefly on dome dates, and the flesh of their flocks: they have but little corn, and are unacquainted with the art of making bread. The seeds of the Khandal, or colocynth apple, form a principal article of food amongst the Tibboo, Tibesty, and Kawār. It is not the ordinary custom amongst these people to tattoo or score the skin.

Of the Tibboo slaves who are brought to Fezzan, the females meet with the readiest market, on account of their beauty: the males are generally too light for hard work, and are not brought in any considerable number.

December 30th. Thermometer 4°. This day got a good meridian altitude of the sun, 83° 26′ 50″; which makes the latitude of Gatrone 24° 47′ 57″ North.

Gatrone is a town of itself, principally inhabited by Fezzanners, who are all black, and having, as I before observed, the Tibboo living outside in huts, with occasionally houses, of which we occupied one. There is a castle in the centre of the town, surrounded by a wall. The Tibboo do not appear to mix with the town’s people, but form a separate community, and adhere to their ancient manners, language, and costume. Gatrone has a plentiful stock of Marāboots, for which profession the Fezzanners are admirably adapted. News now arrived of the Ghrazzie, or slave hunt, being within three or four days of Tegerry; corn in consequence became very dear, being one kail, or about two gallons for a dollar. In the afternoon our pretty dancers paid us another visit, and passed through the town. I certainly never saw dancing performed with more modesty, which is saying a great deal for Africans, who, generally speaking, regard decency as the last consideration, and totally incompatible with their ideas of grace.

I at this time visited Hadge el Raschid, a great Marāboot, and a very cunning fellow, who gave me much information about Waday and Tibesty, and offered to accompany me to all the Tibboo tribes, if I would give him a watch and a long telescope. It had been my intention to have accepted his terms; but I gave up the idea for the present, in consequence of Belford’s health, which was now very precarious, and which he feared would be unequal to the journey of seven days from Tegerry, over the rocks of Tibesty, without wood or water. The Marāboot treated me to a dish of the Taberca, or seeds of the colocynth apple, which were brought from Tibesty. I found them very palatable, and not at all partaking of the bitter of their outward covering. He told me many stories of the southern Tibboo; of their great love of plunder, and appropriating to themselves the property of others. They will sometimes carry off a camel in the night, which before morning will be entirely devoured; and many traders have been so completely fleeced by them as to be obliged to wait for other Kafflés, before they could return to their own country.

Of Tibesty, and the road to Waday, he gave me the following information. “In Tibesty there is a large spring of hot water, which appears to boil as if over a fire. The soil in which this spring is situated is composed entirely of sulphur, in many places quite pure. The water is drank medicinally by the natives, as well as strangers who go purposely from other countries to drink it. In taste it is acid.” This man affirmed, “that all blind people, on washing their eyes with the water in question, are restored to sight; while all sores and rheumatic pains are completely cured by it.” In short, according to his account, its properties are most wonderful. The existence of such a bed of sulphur and spring water may throw some interesting light on the idea that the mountains of Tibesty are of volcanic origin.

To Waday the road from the Tibboo Borgoo is thus:

South-east by south.
Borgoo to Kermedy	2	days,	a well.
Kermedy to Bokalia	2	days,	a well.
Bokalia to Boushasheem	2	days,	a large lake during the rainy season.
Boushasheem to Kharma	2	days,	a well.
South.
Kharma to Sobboo	2	days,	a town of Tibboo.
Sobboo to Emharaije	1	day,	a town in Waday.
Emharaije to Kermedy	2	days,	a town.
Kermedy to Wara	2	hours.	This is the principal town of Waday, andis the residence of the Sultan.

My informer had never seen Fittre, but described it as a large lake, full of fish, which is dried and salted, and sent to great distances for sale. He did not know of any river communicating with it.

Wara	to Fittre 5 or 6 days south.
	to Muddago 5 days south-west.
	to Bahr el Ghazal 7 days north-west.
	to Kaugha 6, 7, or 8 days south-west.

Muddago is the name of some very high mountains of black stone.

Battali, which is laid down as a river, was the bed of an immense stream, now dried up entirely. He had himself seen in it large skeletons of fish and animals, shells, and trunks of trees, as in Bahr el Ghazal, from which it is north-west 5 days, and to which, perhaps, it was once attached. It still retains its name Bahr or river. He said, that from Gatrone to Wara there was not a river, or even a rivulet of any importance, except in the rainy season, when the torrents form themselves temporary beds in the Wadeys.

The slaves brought from Waday are procured from Kooka, or Kaugha, Kola, Tama, Runga, and various petty states in their vicinity.

The Tibboo have a particular breed of sheep and goats here, of the same race as those of Bornou and Soudan. The tails of the sheep are in some so long as to touch the ground, and are very taper. These animals are distinguished from the other species, by being called Majiggri; they are hairy, and generally of a dark colour. The goats are elegant little creatures, and have hair as sleek and shining as that of a horse. They are plentiful, and tolerably cheap.

December 31st. Thermometer 4°. I was unable all yesterday to procure one dollar’s worth of corn, owing to its extreme scarcity; and even Gaphooly, or Indian wheat, bore the same price as corn at Morzouk.

My Maherry being in very poor case, the Marāboot promised to take care of him until my return from the southward. This morning I gave to the woman of the house in which we had stopped a dollar, which being a large sum, she appeared very grateful for, but at the same time begged a little butter also. When packing up, and preparing for my departure, she again attacked me, saying, “What, then, will you not give me a little corn or some gaphooly, or other little present? You can come again, you know:” a specimen of Tibboo covetousness so closely allied to the Fezzan, that I suspect one tribe must have obtained some valuable hints from the other. A Fezzan proverb says, “Give a Morzoukōwi your finger, he will beg first the elbow, and then the shoulder-bone, as keep-sakes.”

The Tibboo on meeting after absence do not shake or touch hands, as the Arabs do; but, squatting on their heels at some distance from each other, with their spears in their right hands, turn their backs, and continue for a time saying, “La La! La La! La La!” which is their salutation, and which signifies “peace.” They then rise, and, approaching each other, enter into conversation. The Tibboo speak very fast; and their language, which is full of liquid letters, is really very pretty, and not resembling any of the other Negro dialects. Many of the women came to ask for medicine to make them bear children[3], some wanting boys, others girls; I was, however, obliged to disappoint them, declaring I had none which could ensure their wishes. This they one and all disbelieved, observing that they supposed I was unwilling to tell the secret to strangers; but that in my country, the land of the Nazarines, every one was acquainted with it.

Tibboo Language.

One	Trono.	Horse	Askee.
Two	Chew.	Cow	Farr.
Three	Agozoo.	Ass	Agurr.
Four	Tuzzaw.	Camel	Gōnee.
Five	Fo.	Sun	Tooggoo
Six	Dessee.	Moon	Aowree.
Seven	Tootoosōo.	Hot	Winnighi.
Eight	Oossoo.	Cold	Wow.
Nine	Issee.	Blood	Gherra.
Ten	Mordum.	Bone	Soorroo.
Bird	Woogghe.	Take	Gon.
Fowl	Kokaiya.	Rise	Yerroo.
Pot	Goorroo.	Eat	Woo.
Come	Eery.	Drink	Ia.
Go	Yustoo.	Wood	Aka.
Bring	Kortoo.	Stone	Aai.
Fire	Oonee.	Good	Tirri.
Water	Aee.	Bad	Zuntoo.
Food	Tibbi.	Man	Aaih.
Meat	Yinni.	Woman	Adi.
Dates	Timbi.	Girl	Do.
Sheep	Hadinni.	Boy	Kallih.
Salt	Gillayli.	Pepper	Borkono.
Face	Enguddi.	Hand	Awana.
Head	Dāfoo.	Eye	Soaa.
Arm	Kay.	Mouth	Ichee.
Shoulder	Afhirri.	Nose	Tchā.

December 31st. We started at twelve o’clock, and on the sands met about fifty girls neatly dressed, dancing in two lines, and preceded by a couple of drummers. They advanced to us, and surrounded our horses, kneeling and singing choruses. After this they rose and danced round us, when Besheer most ungallantly fired his gun, and rode amongst them as in a slave-hunt, which threw them into great confusion, and convinced me that I had never in my life seen better runners.

The music of the Tibboo, as well as of Fezzan, consists chiefly of drums, which are made of a block of palm-tree hollowed out, and having a skin stretched at each end, beaten on one side by a stick, and on the other with the hand. (This instrument is called Gongāa قنقع). They have a kind of rude bagpipe, called Zuccra, زكّرا, and smaller drums than the Gongāa, called Dubdaba, ظبظبه.

Our road was over sand, with small clumps of young palm bushes and Attila scattered at intervals, until two, when we arrived at the little village of El Bakkhi, and pitched our tent before a neat house belonging to the Sheikh, who was a Marāboot. We were much delighted at having two large trees of Gurda, some fig-trees, vines, and palms, in front of us.

The water of the well was comparatively good, and the Marāboot’s son, in the absence of his father, was very civil to us. So much verdure, though within the compass of half an acre, made this place appear to us quite a Paradise; but on turning again, we saw with very different feelings the wide desert, stretching like an immense sea as far as the eye could reach. The women appeared here, as at Gatrone, busy in making their baskets.

The Marāboot’s son, a boy of about sixteen years of age (whom the Kaid always styled “Sidi Marāboot,” particularly when he brought any thing to eat), was all attention, and we dined rurally under the first shady tree of any size we had yet seen.

The Gurd is a species of Mimosa, having a yellow flower, and small delicate leaves resembling the acacia. It produces a pod, also called gurd, which, from its great astringency, is used in the preparation of leather, as well as in dying black. It is frequently employed from its healing qualities.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tibboo of Gatrone.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

January 1st, 1820. Thermometer 5°. Our new year’s morning was beautiful, and we felt quite refreshed, and free from pain. On striking our tent we found in the top about two quarts of flies, which had taken refuge from the cold, and were quite torpid, and which we buried. At 8.15. we left with much regret this delightful spot, and I gave the young man a knife and some beads.

We rode over a plain, and at 10.15. arrived at Medroosa, مدروسا, a small neat village, having come south-west by south six miles. We found a large bowl of lackbi awaiting us, and I afterwards discovered that the Kaid had sent overnight to order it. We took from hence a supply of dates for our horses, and endeavoured to buy a kid; but the price of it being two dollars, and its size not exceeding that of a small cat, I was unwillingly compelled to relinquish it. At 11.25. the camel passed; we mounted and followed it to a well outside the town, where we watered our horses. Near this well are some holes for making tar, according to the manner of the Tibboo, which is thus: a pot is buried deep in the ground with the mouth upwards, which is covered by a piece of another pot with a hole bored in it; a large jar is then filled with bones and date stones, and its mouth is filled with a handful of the fibres of the palm. This is inverted on the perforated piece, and round it a strong fire of wood and camels’ dung is burnt, until the pit is full of red hot ashes. The tar then filters into the lower pot, which is dug up when the upper one cools: it is immediately fit for use. Gerbas (or water-skins) are rubbed with this composition, which resembles coal tar in smell and appearance; and it is applied to the sores of camels.

I observed that every man we met after leaving Gatrone was armed with the Harba, or long spear, and wore the dagger at his wrist.

At 4.15. arrived, after traversing a plain literally covered with the tracks of hyænas and jackals, at a few palms, and a well, called Kasarawa. The unevenness of the road delayed the camel until 6.15. We had travelled south 40° west, fourteen miles from Medroosa. It was not necessary to pitch our tents, as we found some palm branches, which formed a comfortable shade, in which, by the light of the full moon, we took our new year’s dinner of bazeen. There is a great deal of Deesa, a kind of light rush, growing here; and we collected, while our dinner was cooking, a quantity for our horses. It requires much beating with a stick before these animals can eat it. This is the fodder which is always taken from Tegerry to feed the horses and camels, in Kafflés passing the Tibesty mountains.

We were agreeably surprised by the Kaid’s producing a couple of fowls, which he had, unknown to me, gratuitously procured at Medroosa, to make amends for the disappointment we had experienced in not purchasing the kid.

As the Tibboo are not famed for respecting the goods of travellers, we prepared all our arms, and having a large fire in front of us, we lay down very snugly in our Bornouses. Our fears were, however, groundless, nothing disturbing us but the wild rats in their foraging expeditions.

January 2nd. Thermometer 1° 40′, which was the lowest we had yet seen in Fezzan; we were, however, taught to expect ice before the winter should pass. The ground we had gone over since leaving Gatrone was a narrow stripe of three or four miles, and sometimes only half a mile in breadth, bounded on either side by the desert, from which it was only distinguishable by being here and there able to produce a miserable dwarf thorn bush.

Our camel had disappeared in the night, and we were all in confusion, searching for him in different directions, and doubting whether he had been stolen by the Tibboo, or had strayed on the desert, either of which events would have been equally unhappy for us.

A severe attack of hemma prevented my joining the party which had gone out in search of the camel, and at two the driver returned with the animal. We learnt that he had tracked the fugitive back to Medroosa, in the gardens of which place he was wandering, probably to look for the Maherry, to which he was much attached. The skill of the Arabs is really extraordinary in tracking their animals over plains covered with the feet-marks of other camels and men.

We soon set out, and from a rising ground observed that the desert was skirted by distant hills from north-east to south. Thermometer 25°. An old castle, called Gusser Hallem, bore south 50° west. At 3.15. we passed it: our road was very uneven, the ground being covered with little hummocks bearing small bushes. My horse, which felt no compassion for my liver complaint, started every five minutes at the dead wood, and caused me extreme pain. This little stripe of sand was never above a mile in breadth, and sometimes ceased altogether in a gravelly desert. We observed several locusts flying about. At 6.30. arrived at Tegerry, the southern limit of Fezzan, and obtained a tolerably good house; indeed, the only whole one in the place, built within a space surrounded by the walls of the ancient castle. Here we procured good stabling for our horses, and were free from interruption. No one could come to stare at us, and we were able to shut the castle gate in due form at night.

We made south 55° west, fourteen miles. No news had arrived of the Ghrazzie.

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CHAPTER VI.

Castle of Tegerry — Description of the Town — Some Accounts of the Desert of Bilma — Salt Lake of Agram — Ride out on the Desert — Leave Tegerry — Belford’s dangerous State — Return to Gatrone — Arrival of the Grazzie, or Slave-hunters, with many Captives and Camels — Account of their Excursion, and of Borgoo and Wajunga — Manner of making Captives — Leave Gatrone in Company with the Grazzie — Mestoota — Reception at Deesa — Feast at Zaizow — Return to Morzouk — Go out to witness the Triumph of the Slave-hunters — Sultan’s Reception of his Son — Remarks on Grazzies — Accounts of Slave-markets — Arrival of Aboo Becker, and Continuation of Mukni in Command — Further Accounts of the Countries of the Tibboo — Arrangements in the Sale of Slaves, so as to ensure the Sultan his Share.

January 3rd. Thermometer 10° on the house-top before the sun rose. This was a striking difference from the temperature of the day before. The Castle walls were about thirty feet thick at bottom, and ten at top, and were composed, as usual, of mud, having small loopholes for musquetry. It formerly had commanded the town, but was at this time in a ruined state. There were wells in the Castle of very salt water. The similarity of the Arab and French names for an embrazure is striking, the former calling it embrāza. Close to the Castle we observed several large stagnant pools of water, which had been caused by taking the clay away to re-erect the walls. I cannot conceive that these places contribute much to the healthiness of the town. The date trees are in and close round the houses. The inhabitants are very little superior to savages, and the Arabic is scarcely understood. The language spoken is Bornou.

This being the resting-place of Kafflés from Bornou, Waday, and sometimes Soudan, provisions are always very dear, the inhabitants selling to the half-starved merchants, who arrive from those places, at whatever price they please. Corn is not to be procured; but gaphooly and barley, poor substitutes! are sold at the rate of three quarts for a dollar. Dates are certainly very cheap, a camel load selling at about three quarters of a dollar. The people of Tegerry have not the custom of burying their dates as in Morzouk, but put them in bins built for that purpose in their houses, and cover or mix them with sand: others keep them on the flat roofs, as there is no fear of their being injured by rain.

A few years ago this country was famed for the excesses committed by the inhabitants, who robbed, and not unfrequently murdered, travellers. Even large Kafflés were not secure from them, until Mukni took several into slavery, and otherwise regulated them.

It must be confessed, that the Arabs and Fezzanners have not the least compassion for the people on whom they may be quartered. A Fezzanner, if obliged to feed one man and horse for a day, considers himself cruelly treated, though he dares not complain; but should he himself obtain an order from the Sultan to go to a distant place with five or six horsemen, he will eat at every cluster of huts, insisting on meat (which is extravagantly dear), for the whole party, and taking besides a few live fowls, or a sheep, and a dozen or two of loaves with him.

As I made a practice of paying in money, trinkets, or cutlery for whatever we required, I was continually advised not to do so, but to avail myself of my order from the Sultan, which warranted my taking what I pleased. The people were indeed so accustomed to imposition, that they were themselves astonished at receiving any remuneration for the articles they supplied us with.

Some of the places at which we stopped, contained scarcely a dozen huts. We were six in number, with four horses and two camels, yet a feast was always ordered, until I discovered what shameful advantage was taken of the poor inhabitants; I then instantly forbade the Sheikh at his peril to deprive them in future of a fowl, or any other article of food. The Fezzanners will drink pure fat, butter, or oil, with the greatest avidity; this occasions their complaining continually of bile.

Tegerry is the southernmost town in Fezzan, and here the cultivation of the palm ceases. The dates are very fine, and generally in great plenty. The Desert is close to the town, which lies to the southward of its palms.

Sun’s meridian altitude, 85° 2′ 50″, which gives the latitude 24° 4′ north. In this place they do not cultivate Lifts لفت (turnips), or radishes; a very few dwarf carrots, some onions and pompions, are their chief garden productions. The corn here is not in so forward a state as that of Morzouk.

Belford again complained of a bilious attack, and was, as in former cases, so giddy as to be scarcely able to walk. I greatly feared that this return of his complaint would finally prevent my going as far as Tibesty, which I fully intended doing.

In the course of our cooking I observed that a date plastered over a hole in a leaky pot renders it quite tight for one boiling, and as dates are more easily procured than tinkers on a journey, this hint may be worth noticing by those who may hereafter travel in this country.

January 4th. Thermometer 2°, wind northerly.—I was again very severely attacked with hemma, and, as usual, suffered much pain in the spleen and liver. I imagined this attack to proceed from the coarseness of our bazeen, which was made of bad gaphooly, and resembled dough. The Sheikh brought me a dome date, which was a curiosity rarely seen in Fezzan; it was the size of a large cob walnut. The rind, which is hard and dry, is the only part eaten, and is gnawed off; under it is a hard covering, which encloses the stone; the outer shell is so strong as to resist a hammer, and even to break knives. The taste of the rind is not much unlike that of stale gingerbread, which it resembles both in smell and colour. There were four trees of the dome date here, which I purposed seeing. I was so fortunate as to purchase a dried and smoked fish from the Niger near Kashna, which I intended taking to England.

This evening, while lying in my bed, I heard the mewing of a cat, which our people imagined must be the devil. At first they attempted to laugh; but the boy significantly remarking that “the Castle was a very old place,” Besheer and the Kaid hastened to load their guns, and to fire them off in the Skeefa; Iblis, or the devil, being much averse to gunpowder, or any thing of which sulphur forms a part; each then, taking a lighted palm branch, rushed out to look for the cause of their alarm; the poor cat had, however, in the meantime escaped. On their return, the camel man, whom they considered a great scholar, roared out the Korsi, a most powerful charm against every kind of spirit, from Iblis and the little Shiateen, or young devils, down to gholes and afrites. After this comforting stave, he hurried over several chapters of the Koran in the same key; but owing to the Kaid’s musket not going off until he had snapped it four or five times, their fears remained in full force, and they continued talking and praying until a late hour, convinced that Iblis was still in the house. They were not much pleased with my ridiculing their fears, observing, that although in my country there might be no devils, I ought not, therefore, to doubt their existence in Fezzan, for there were plenty in every old house. Even the discovery of the cat after this disturbance, could not in any way remove their prejudices.

January 5th. Thermometer 7°, wind north-east.—Belford and myself better to-day; the water very brackish, which not a little increased our weakness.

From a Zuela Arab, who had lately returned from Benghāzi and Derna, I obtained the following account, which I have reason to suppose correct, as he was a better informed man than the generality of Arabs.

Zuela to Temissa, 2 days of eight hours each; the first east, the second north.

Temissa to Fuggha, 2 long summer days, and three and a half in winter, north-north-east. It is one day west of the Harutz el Abiad, and is situated in a wadey between two mountains, which run north-east and south-west.

They make very good jereeds and abas at Fuggha.

North-east.
Fuggha to Zella (Zala of the maps)	4	days.	A well.
Zella to Marada	4		Well.
Marada to Zdābia	4		Well.
Zdābia to Benghāzi	4		Large town on the sea-coast.
Fuggha to Benghāzi	16	days of 7 or 8 hours.

Benghāzi to Derna.
Benghāzi to El Abiar f’il Naga	1	long day.
El Abiar to Saas ou el Khōf	1	day.
Saas toMarawa	1	day.
Marawa to El Homrie (so named after acelebrated Marāboot whose tomb is there)	1½
East.
El Homrie to Garinna	1
Garinna to Legbaiba	1
Legbaiba to Derna	1		Town.
	7½	days.

All these are watering places. Derna is a considerable town on the coast; it is walled, and has a large Mosque with sixty arches.

From Tegerry to Bilma, according to the Account of some Travellers recently arrived from thence.

South
Tegerry to El Haat	1	day.	Resting place.
El Haat to Meshroo	1		Well.
Meshroo to Teneïa	1		Rocks.
Teneïa to El Wata	1		Resting place.
El Wata to El Warr	1		A well.
El Warr to El Hammer	2		A well.
El Hammer to Maffrus	2		A well.
Maffrus to Zhai	2		A well and domes.
Zhai to El Mara	1		Well and domes.
El Mara to Hatait el Dome	1		A well.
Hatait to Uguira	1		Large town of Tibboo Kawār.
Uguira to Kesbi	½		Town.
Kesbi to Shenumma	½		Large town.
Shenumma to Dirki	1		Large town.
Dirki to Bilma	2		Very large town.
Thus Tegerry to Bilma is	18	days of 8 or 9 hours.

I found no one who knew of the salt lakes of Domboo, laid down in all the maps; but there is abundance of salt at Agram, (which is four days from Bilma west-south-west,) and a large lake, on the borders of which this article is collected. The Tuarick of Aghades go there, and carry away great quantities to Soudan. This agrees with the accounts of Domboo; and from the circumstance of the Tuarick going to Agram, and the position of that place, I am led to imagine it may be the same with Domboo, though under another appellation. The Tibboo immediately to the northward of Bornou are Wandela, Gunda, and Traita, which tribes are all mingled together. Tibesty is east of the Bornou road, and on the road to Waday. I here saw a woman who pretended to tell fortunes by examining the palm of the hand; which is the first instance of the kind I have met with.

Belford considering himself quite unable to go to El Wiekh, whither I was about to proceed, I resolved on leaving him with the Kaid and Barca, to recruit his strength, proposing to return about the sixth day. I went to the gardens to see the dome trees, and obtained a few of the domes, but they were not quite ripe. The trees, which I saw were considered by the natives as small ones, being about twenty feet in height, and seven or eight in a cluster. I learnt that the fruit ripens in the spring about the same time as the corn. These trees have the trunk of the common palm, though covered with branches; and the domes grow from the sides, as well as the top of the tree. The leaves are all curved, and being very thick, form a pretty head; they are of a light green; and along their edges, and from their tops, a fibre resembling long black hair hangs down. They all unite at about three inches from their common stalk. This tree is the palm of Bornou, the Tibboo, and the Tuarick.

January 6th. Thermometer 4°; wind southerly.—It had been my wish this morning to proceed to the well called El Wiekh, in hopes of there meeting the Ghrazzie; but fearing to leave Belford for so long a time, I determined on riding out to the southward as far as the day would allow me: my object in so doing was to see the state of that part of the desert, which I found the same as the one we had passed. I returned at night, and learnt, that at Mogreb the Kaid of the town had arrived from Morzouk, with two camels laden with clothes, oil, butter, and other articles for Aleiwa and such of the Sultan’s immediate household as were with him: as this man brought news that the army would pass Tegerry on the morrow, it made my proposed journey unnecessary.

January 7th. Fine morning; thermometer 4°.—Myself much better, Belford very weak. At half past eight the camel started, and at nine we followed; quite rejoiced at escaping from the salt water, damaged barley, and miserable people of Tegerry. At six we arrived at Medroosa, where, even for money, I could procure no food, and where they totally disregarded the Sultan’s order. Unfortunately my character had preceded me: “He is a fool who actually pays for every thing, and yet has the power of taking it.” They carried their resistance so far, that I was at last obliged to exercise the power given me in the Teskera; but it was so late before I got the better of them, that nothing could be cooked that night. My custom of paying for every thing at the places we had passed would actually have exposed me to the risk of being nearly starved all the way back, had I not at last made them sensible of my power.

I now began to feel much alarm respecting Belford, whom we had left some hours before, slowly following with the camel and its driver, but who did not come up with us. After having made frequent and anxious search for him, to our great relief he arrived at 11.45. P.M.; though in a most deplorable condition, having fallen from his horse in consequence of excessive weakness and dizziness. The camel man saw the animal without its rider, and was still more fortunate in observing Belford as he lay extended and helpless on the desert; where, but for this providential discovery, he must have remained all night, at the risk of his life; exposed to severe cold, and in danger of being devoured by the immense herds of jackals and hyænas which were prowling about the plain, and whose howlings we heard all round the village. The poor fellow was so deaf, that our voices could not have reached him, even at the highest pitch; and the night being very dark, every attempt to find him would have been fruitless. Much as he required food and restoratives, we had, unhappily, none to give him, the people of the village refusing to supply us. A little coffee was all we could prepare for him, and that his stomach rejected. In this dilemma, all that remained was to cover him up as comfortably as we could, and to place him on the sandy floor, where we left him, in the hope that his total exhaustion would at least produce quiet and undisturbed sleep.

January 8th. Thermometer 2° 40′; wind northerly.—Belford was this day a little better. At eight the camel started. We observed a Fakeer, or schoolmaster, sitting with his scholars on the sand; one roaring, the others squeaking sentences of the Koran. This man hearing me reproach the natives for their want of hospitality on the previous evening, in refusing assistance to a sick stranger, went into his house, and brought out five eggs, all the food he possessed, which he hoped Belford would eat. This kind action redeemed the character of the village; for had it not been on this good man’s account, I should certainly have complained to the Sultan, and he would, in consequence, have imposed on the offenders a fine of a certain number of dollars, slaves, or cattle, a plan he is very expert in. Indeed, he never loses sight of any opportunity of exacting such penalties, as they not only enrich him, but make his subjects stand in awe of him. At ten we proceeded: Belford still better, but remaining very giddy. At four, having stopped at El Bakkhi to drink the excellent water there, we arrived at Gatrone, and put up at the house of our former hostess.

January 9th. Thermometer 1° 40′.—Belford was much recovered. The Kaid this morning made me some excellent ink of the pods of the Gurd tree, of which I have already spoken, and a bright yellow earth resembling sulphur in colour, easily dissolvible in water, and acid to the taste, called Shahaira, and brought from Bilma by the Tibboo.

The news of the return of the army had so frightened the people here, that I could not find either a sheep or goat, and was obliged to kill a beautiful Majiggri (which I had brought from Tegerry, and intended taking to England) to make soup for poor Belford.—My hostess informed me that she had lost three children in three successive years by the sting of scorpions. Each child was, at the time it died, two years of age: all were boys, and all had received the sting in the room in which we were.

The fondness of these people for show is quite as great as at Tripoli. This afternoon a Marāboot, brother to my friend El Hadge el Raschid, and one of the chief men here, came in from the Ghrazzie, which he had left at El Bakkhi. He arrived in the gardens early, but could not enter the town until some gaudy clothes, and a fine horse, had been sent out to him, that he might make his entrance as a great personage. In the evening I heard the Tubbel sounded for the first time. This is a large drum, which is generally kept at the house or hut of the Sheikh. When sounded, it is to announce to the natives that news, or some order from the Sultan has arrived, which is loudly proclaimed by the Sheikh, or people who may be ordered to do so. Those who are at a distance come and listen to the proclamation, and carry it to their neighbours. This evening it was an order to every family to supply a certain quantity of food on the morrow for the Ghrazzie “of our Lord the Sultan,” and a proportionate allowance of straw and dates for the horses; we took the hint, and secured three days’ fodder for ours. I was informed that all the towns south of Morzouk have these drums, but I had never seen one; the poor people consider this kind of sound as not very agreeable, for they never hear the music without paying the piper.

In the course of our journey Besheer often mentioned his having been at the Bahr el Ghazal; and his account agrees with almost every one I have heard. He says that there must once have been a great sea there, as he himself has picked up handsome shells, (according to the Arabs, Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت, or fishes’ houses,) imbedded in the earth, and as large as his double fist; also backbones of fish the size of his arm, (no small one,) which were petrified; and he added, that if the pieces were joined together, it would appear that the fish, when alive, must have been ten or twelve feet in length. The Kaid dressed and dried, with the hair on, the skin of the sheep I had killed, by stretching it on the ground, and rubbing it with Gurd pods pounded, and afterwards with salt; he allowed it one day to dry, and then softened it by rubbing it with butter, the hair remaining perfectly firm.

January 10th. Thermometer 2° 30′. Went out to meet Sidi Aleiwa and the Ghrazzie, whom I joined at El Bakkhi. The horsemen were in a body, and the foot and captives followed. After many compliments, and shaking hands with all my old friends, I returned with them to Gatrone. They had brought with them 800 lean cripples, clad in skins and rags, between 2000 and 3000 Maherries, and about 500 asses: 180 of the mounted Arabs, and about 300 foot, were still left behind in the negro country; 100 horses came with Aleiwa, and 400 Arabs; nearly 1000 camels, and many captives, had died on the road, besides children: the death of the latter was not included, as they were not considered of any importance. If a brutal Arab found a child in a plundered village, so young as to require milk, it was considered sufficient to try to keep the poor infant a day or two on dates and water mixed, and if it sickened, to throw it on the road side to die, or to be devoured by the jackals. A wretch of the Boowadie Arabs, endeavoured to laugh at an acknowledgment of his having followed this odious practice; and he was much astonished at my driving him out of the house in consequence.

I could not in any instance find that these cowardly ruffians ever dared to attack an armed man, whilst they inflicted every species of cruelty on invalids, old people, and children. Mohammed el Lizari, a friend of ours and a principal Mamluke of Fezzan, was the actual commander of this expedition, though Aleiwa was the nominal one. This man was so disgusted at the scenes which he had witnessed, that he determined never again to accompany the Ghrazzie; indeed his having now done so was not with his own consent, but in consequence of an order from Mukni, which precluded all possibility of refusal. The Ghrazzie had been six months absent, during which time they had overrun Bergoo (of the Tibboo), Wajunga, and the southern part of the Bahr el Ghazal. In Bergoo their success was not great, as the Tibboo were warned of their approach, and had nimbly betaken themselves to their native fastnesses in the rocks. Afraid to follow them, these wretches made themselves amends by firing at the poor Negroes, well aware that they had no guns with which to defend or revenge themselves. On the return of these people through Tibesty, with which country Mukni is at peace, they endeavoured to take a few of the Tibboo camels (in a friendly way,) and for that purpose sent three of the Sultan’s household slaves to demand that they should be given up; these the Tibboo seized and put to death, considering them as nothing less than robbers. Aleiwa’s people, however, succeeded in taking prisoners some of this tribe, cutting the throats of fifteen men and women, and making captive 130 young men and girls, with 200 camels. I was induced to ask who were the aggressors in this case. “Oh! the Tibboo assuredly, for they are Kaffirs and thieves: we only wanted 300 or 400 camels for the Sultan, and were at peace with them, and did not intend making any slaves; therefore they ought not to have resisted us.”

The Tibboo of Borgoo are all Kaffirs, but are quiet inoffensive people, living in houses made of palm-leaf mats, called Booshi, which are so closely woven, that the rain cannot penetrate them. I have seen huts of this description at Gatrone and Tegerry, and consider them superior to the Fezzan houses in general. Very little corn is cultivated in Bergoo, the inhabitants subsisting chiefly on dates, which grow there in immense quantities, of an inferior kind, and on the flesh of their sheep, goats, and camels: they have also a small breed of black cattle, but these are chiefly used for milking. The arms of these people I have spoken of in a former page. Their dress has very little variety; and except the skins of animals they have only such coarse cloths as they sometimes obtain from their trading neighbours, which they wear, having a piece before and another behind, hanging down as low as the knees. Boys and girls are entirely naked, and few of the men have any other covering than a leather wrapper round the loins; all have the head bare. Marriage, according to the accounts of the Arabs, who vilify them in order to excuse their own cruelties, is unknown among them, and the women are in common: brothers and sisters live together, and confess it when asked. They have no knowledge of a God; they are, nevertheless, peaceable and neighbourly towards each other. One or two whom I questioned, admitted that there was a great Spirit who, made them; but laughed when I asked where he was to be found? They imagine thunder and lightning to be produced by their deceased friends, and are therefore very fearful during a storm. They eat the blood of camels when baked over a fire; and they also will eat animals which die a natural death. Lizari came and lodged with us; we provided him with clothes, and made him as comfortable as we could. Neither he, nor any of the Ghrazzie, had for the last forty-two days tasted any other food than dates; he was fat, however, and so were they all, which is a strong proof of the nutritious quality of that fruit.

Mukni, who was very jealous of Lizari, and bore him great ill will, sent orders to certain people to murder him, by firing ball at him whilst at their evenings’ diversions; but his situation as a great man in Fezzan, and his excellent private character, had made him so respected, that those who had orders to kill him came and informed him of his danger, promising to defend rather than to injure him. He remained, however, in most unpleasant suspense, lest a second order should be more effectual. Even in our house, and in the same room with us, he slept with his pistols cocked under his head, and his sabre by his side.

The people of Wajunga are much allied to the Tibboo in their habits, arms, &c.; but the men have a way of plaiting their hair which is very remarkable, and in some it resembles the curling of a ram’s horn, in size and shape.

I saw this day a fine young Tibboo woman of Gatrone, who was inquiring amongst the Arabs if any one of them had a child to sell. She soon found one, whose mother had died on the road: it was about three weeks old, and miserably thin. As she wanted to suckle it, having lost her own infant, she bargained for it, and at last purchased it with a wooden bowl of about the value of sixpence, and a gallon of dates, worth about a penny more. She however soon returned with the child, which she tossed back to the man who had sold it, complaining that it would not take the breast, and demanding the purchase money back. The dates had been eaten, but the bowl was returned to her; and so ended the bargain, an Arab taking charge of the poor infant, and promising to carry it home to his wife.

A sick child whom I took under my care, and to whom I administered medicine, amused me much by his alarm at the sight of bread when shewn to him for the first time. I offered him a little flat loaf, and he was for a long while considering whether he should venture to touch it, but at last mustered courage to take it up, apparently in great trepidation, holding it between his fingers and thumbs, and frequently turning it round. Having first smelt to it, he began to nibble; and being very hungry and cold, and finding it not quite so terrific as he imagined, the poor little fellow despatched it very soon. I continued to feed him for the two or three days we remained together, and his mode of expressing his gratitude, was by coming close to me, and looking up in my face.

Many of the children were carried in leather bags, which the Tibboo make use of to keep their corn in; and in one instance I saw a nest of children on one side of a camel, and its young one in a bag, hanging on the other. The Arabs brought many asses and sheep from Borgoo: the former are very large and fine, and arrived in high condition, whereas the horses and camels were skeletons. I here had an opportunity of seeing the manner of chaining the prisoners. Five Wajunga men, fierce, well made, handsome people, about 25 years of age, were linked together. The right hand is fastened to the neck, round which is an iron collar, having two rings in the back; through this the heavy chain is passed and locked at each end on the unhappy slaves. The owner sleeps with this chain tied to his wrist, when in fear of their escaping. I was informed by their masters, that these men had been so confined during three months, “because they were fierce fellows, and had actually resisted their captors; but above all, they had been guilty of endeavouring to make their escape when taken.” Their cowardly owners dreaded them even in Fezzan. These were the only strong young men in the Kafflé; almost all the other males being little boys, or infirm old men.

The Tibboo of Borgoo are represented as a timid race, in such dread of a gun or horse, that the bare sight of an Arab, and particularly a mounted one, is sufficient to put a number of them to flight. They run with great swiftness, and when endeavouring to escape, use many successful and ingenious feints. For instance; if pursued on rocky ground, they will kneel suddenly in such a manner, as to resemble a rock or stone, the mountains in their own country being black like themselves; if where wood is lying, they embrace the trunk of a tree: if on sandy ground, they stand on an eminence, until their pursuer is in the hollow near them, they then run to the next hollow, and change their direction or even bury themselves before he gets to the rising ground. They show equal skill in eluding the vigilance of their keepers when caught. Mukni has often told me stories of their cunning, with evident astonishment and anger, that these poor wretches should dare to use their wits to such advantage. One of his remarks was, “if you catch one, and do not immediately bind him, when you turn away from him, he will run off.”

The country from whence these poor victims come produces sufficient dates to furnish the whole army, and the conquerors brought away enough to supply their slaves and animals. There are in this country some singular insulated rocks, which are almost inaccessible, and which stand on plains of sand. On these many of the Tibboo live, and by means of large stones and arrows are able to keep off any people, who, like themselves, are without muskets. The Sultan’s army, in a former Ghrazzie, stormed some of these fastnesses; and though they were superior in number and arms, and the Tibboo naturally timid, they met with very severe loss.

The plan adopted by the Arabs in taking these people is described in the following manner.—They rest for the night, two or three hours ride from the village intended to be attacked; and after midnight, leaving their tents and camels, with a small guard, they advance, so as to arrive by daylight; they then surround the place, and, closing in, generally succeed in taking all the inhabitants. As those who elude the first range have also to pass several bodies placed on the look-out, and armed with guns, their chance of escape is almost impossible. On a rising ground, at a convenient distance, is placed a standard, round which are stationed men prepared to receive and bind the captives, as they are brought out by those who enter the town: when bound, the pillagers return for fresh plunder. In the course of one morning, a thousand or fifteen hundred slaves have sometimes been procured in this manner, by two or three hundred men only. When the inhabitants are all secured, the camels, flocks, and provisions, come into requisition; and these dreaded Arabs march on and conquer other defenceless hordes, in the same manner. The Tibboo of Borgoo are of a lighter complexion than other Negroes, and are handsome people. The females braid their hair, which is not very woolly, in long plaits, which hang down round their head in bobbins of sometimes eighteen inches in length.

The Arabs found many pigeons in Borgoo; these birds emigrate from Fezzan in October and November, to Kawār, Bilma, Borgoo, and other places to the southward.

January 12th. Therm. 3°. Left Gatrone, and preceded the Ghrazzie to the wells of Wudakaire, from which place I have already noted the bearings to Gatrone. We slept here, and took care that it should be at least a mile distant from the Arabs. My Maherry was now in tolerable condition, owing to the care taken of him by the Marāboot, to whom I sent a six-bladed knife, as an acknowledgment for his trouble; this he considered so splendid a present, that his house had a constant succession of visitors, to see and admire its wonderful blades, saws, &c. which were opened with great care, and looked on with astonishment.

January 13th. Therm. 2°. 10′.—We left Wudakaire at 7.20. and passed over a desert of sand, without a break in the horizon, N. 10°. W. 35 miles, when at seven we arrived at Mestoota مستوته, a small spot of about two miles in circumference, covered with palm and Attila bushes; and having a low marsh, abounding in rushes, and the favourite shrubs of the camels, viz. Deesa ديسه, Agool عقول, and Dthamaran ظمرعن. There are many wells here, and an old ruined Arab castle. We observed the Ghrazzie to encamp about five miles short of this place. The Jerboas were here in immense quantities, and ran over our heads the whole night: they were even bold enough to attempt stealing a piece of bread from under my head.

Friday 14th. Therm. 2°. 30′. below zero.—Water which we had left in a bowl over night, became ice of the thickness of half an inch; and the Gerbas (water skins) were so completely frozen up at the necks, that we were obliged to melt them over a fire. What must the poor naked Negroes, who know no winter, have suffered during the whole of this night, lying out uncovered, on the sand! We had a long chase after our horses, which had broken loose and gone away, until 10.20. when, after much trouble in securing them, we set off, passing as before over a flat plain of sand until 3.20. when we arrived at some dangerously high sand hills; down which I every moment expected the Maherry, which carried myself and two sacks of dates, would tumble. At 7.30. we arrived safely past the hills at Māfen معفن, a small village which I saw from Traghan, when first I went there. We had travelled, when on the plain, N. 35°. E. 15 miles, and over the sand hills, N. 10°. E. 12 miles.

Saturday 15th. Therm. 2°. Fine morning.—Started at nine from Māfen, and passed over a most curious plain of salt and earth, so broken by the sun, that it resembled the rough and irregular lava of Vesuvius; large slabs of four or five feet in height, with sharp points, were sticking up in every direction, and as hard as stone. I think it next to an impossibility for a man to walk even a few yards over this ground. A poor path, barely wide enough for a camel, has been cut and worn through it; but many accidents still happen by animals falling on their journey over it. This extraordinary bed extends east and west above twenty miles, and is about three in breadth at this part. I paid it a much longer visit than I could have wished, being attacked so severely by hemma, as to be obliged to dismount and lie in the road, until the afternoon, without water to relieve me, or any thing at hand to assuage the pain in my liver.

On my recovery, we passed Traghan, without entering the town; and having refreshed ourselves at a well of tolerably good water, went on with Besheer to his house at Deesa, where he killed the fatted calf, and gave us the most cordial welcome. His mother and young wife came out to receive us, and with his sisters, wept for joy at his return. I gave the old woman some eye medicine, for which she wanted me to accept a fine fat-tailed sheep; and his sister furnished us with eggs, fowls, and sour milk in abundance. Kaid Saad would not stop here; but after taking Lackbi enough to make him merry, set off for Zaizow, to prepare a welcome for us on the morrow.

January 16th. Therm. 4°. We set out at ten for Morzouk. I suffered Belford and the camel to go on, and remained amongst the surrounding little hamlets, with Besheer, who introduced me to his friends and neighbours, many compliments passing on both sides. He also presented me to a very pretty girl whom he had fixed on as his new wife, making two his complement. About noon, we heard the firing of the Ghrazzie’s people on entering Beedan بيدان a village near Zaizow, and soon after, arriving at the latter place, we alighted at the residence of Kaid Saad. We found him lying on the ground, most amusingly drunk and communicative, and surrounded by fowls and bread, eggs, cakes, soup, sweet and sour lackbi, and dates.

He was all generosity, and would have given us his whole house, and into the bargain, even his old wife, who waited on us during the meal, and was highly oiled for the occasion. We soon discovered, as he was not in condition to keep a secret, why he had recourse to such large draughts of lackbi. He had boasted, all the time he was with me, of his second wife, and had promised I should be treated with a sight of her, if he could prevail on so beautiful and bashful a creature to show her face to any other man than her husband: no sooner, however, had he left Zaizow to accompany me a month before, than this charming person decamped. She first collected as much corn as she could find, and a dollar or two which were hoarded up; and after abusing her house-mate, the elder wife, set out for Morzouk. Report spoke unfavourably of her conduct there, and the old man was endeavouring, in consequence, to drown his sorrows in his favourite liquor. The lady of the house presented me with a bowl of Soudan manufacture.

This afternoon, a man came to me for medicine, for a pain in the chest, and opening his shirt, displayed the most sickening sight I ever beheld: he had been so burnt over the whole of his breast, that it had festered, and become a sore of above a foot in diameter, and had so eaten into his skin, that I imagined he could not survive many days. I had nothing with me which would relieve him, but advised that his sore should be kept clean, a precaution which had never entered his head. His friend, who brought him to me, said, that for all the world he would not suffer him to be washed, as he had read in a book, that using water to a burn occasioned certain death. Thus, owing to their ignorance and prejudice, this poor man probably lost his life. After being nearly killed with kindness, we set out. The Kaid, though almost incapable of sitting his own poor lean horse, amused himself by riding at full speed before and across mine, screeching and discharging his gun out of compliment to me; but happily for his own neck, and I may add for mine also, in about half an hour his powder failed him.

In the evening we arrived at Morzouk, and found that my kind friends, Yussuf and the old Hadje, had prepared a feast for me. I went to visit Mukni, who received me very graciously, and thanked me for going to meet his son, whom he pretended to be ashamed of, for not having presented me with a couple of Maherrys; one to eat, and the other to ride on. Yussuf and the old man spent the greater part of the night with us, relating all the city news; and I promised them, that on the morrow, I would set out with the Sultan’s two youngest sons, to Hadge Hajeel, to meet and return with the Ghrazzie to Morzouk.

January 17th. Therm. 6°.—I set out as I had proposed, with the Mamlukes and a large body of Fezzanners, to meet their friends; for which, on joining Aleiwa’s people, I received many thanks and compliments: having only slept one night at my own house, I was not expected to leave it again so quickly. I here found my little patient, whom I mentioned before, quite recovered, and able, by his master’s instruction, to thank me in a few words of Arabic. This little fellow’s patience, during illness, had so won on his master, a shoemaker of Morzouk, that he had adopted him; and intended, instead of selling, to bring him up to his own trade, in which, if the boy succeeds, he is to make me a pair of boots on my return. We spent this afternoon in singing and eating, and every one assumed a new appearance: instead of the dirty ragged wretches whom I had last seen, they were transformed into a gay multitude, dressed in silks, scarlet, and embroidery; their friends collecting for them such finery as would enable them to enter the capital with becoming dignity. Many of the Arabs smelt most odoriferously of attar of roses, and affected to look as if they had been accustomed to it all their lives.

The whole procession would have been very amusing, on the morning of the 18th, but for the multitude of poor dejected captives;—their swelled and sore feet, and emaciated bodies, formed such a sad contrast to the finery and ostentation of the conquerors, that it not only completely checked all inclination to laugh, but gave rise to the most painful feelings. Six flags preceded the army with a large band of musicians, who formed a melodious concert, each disdaining time or tune, and playing such airs as their own taste dictated. On approaching Morzouk, the dancing women and bagpipers came out, and added to the din; and the Arabs, dividing as usual into two bodies, skirmished with very good effect. At noon we entered the town, and I rode ahead of the Sultan’s son, to observe what would be his father’s reception of him. I found Mukni sitting in the greatest agitation, pale, and alone in the Mezlis, or Court of his Castle, and scarcely able to welcome me. The crowd assembling, a lane was formed from the place where Aleiwa was to alight, to the great chair in which the Sultan sat. The boy dismounted, and, supported by his younger brother, ran and threw himself on his knees to kiss his father’s hand. A general silence prevailed, when the father, overcome by his feelings, reclined on the son’s neck, and wept aloud. At that moment I felt that I could have forgiven him all his unkindness to Mr. Ritchie and myself, and the numerous murders he had committed; had I not recollected that this favourite boy was returning with many poor children, whose existence was not less dear to their own parents than his was to Mukni. When the Sultan had become a little composed, and had re-assumed his look of dignity, a splendid Bornouse of cloth of gold was brought, and Aleiwa being stripped of that which he then wore, by some of the principal people, the new one was thrown over him, for which he knelt and kissed his father’s hand. This, I find, is the customary present in all the Barbary states to generals returning victorious. The ceremony over, all the Arabs commenced kissing hands, and the Sultan then, having vouchsafed a smile on the crowd, entered the Castle, leaning on the shoulders of his two sons.

January 19th.—All this day the Sultan was sitting outside the Castle gate, surrounded by Sheikh Barood and the Arabs, and buying of them, slaves and camels.

The square near the Castle presented quite a novel appearance, being filled with above 1000 Maherries. The town was all alive, and formed a very amusing spectacle. Merchants from neighbouring countries, Tibboo, Tuarick, Arabs, and camels, were all in motion at once, while the poor Negroes, who occasioned the assemblage of so many strangers, sat naked and shivering in the sun, and were oiled all over to better their appearance. Some were paraded for sale, whilst others went about with broken pots to collect the blood of the numerous camels, which people were slaughtering, and which, on being baked over a fire, they eagerly swallowed. Such skeletons as were seen amongst them might really have moved the pity even of their owners. Slaves were selling as low as ever, and the market was full: a fine girl of thirteen years of age was worth about thirty-five dollars; a boy of the same age about fifteen or twenty; occasionally the price was greater for the females, if particularly handsome; but boys seldom rose higher than the sum I have mentioned.

None but the Bedouins appear to approve of these Ghrazzies; their wandering manner of life, and total want of every social feeling, their having no lands to cultivate, or houses to take care of, may account for it. Those who have possessions are aware that these predatory excursions are the ruin of the country and of trade; but their fear of Mukni is even greater than their love of home, and they therefore must engage, however unwillingly, in this service. Every man who attends the Ghrazzies is obliged to furnish himself with arms and provisions, and he is at liberty to make what plunder or captives he can, which, with the exception of one-fourth, is his own private property. A general attack, in which all are engaged, allows of no man appropriating to himself the slaves he takes, as all are carried to the standard, and thus divided; the Sultan has one-fourth, every footman is entitled to one slave, and every horseman to two. Should the number of captives exceed that of the captors, a second sharing is made after each man has received his first portion; but should the number of slaves not amount to that of the captors, they are divided, one between two or three, in proportion. Two little children are considered as equal to a young boy, and two boys of about nine or ten years of age, or one girl of the same age, make a share.

About this time I frequently visited the slave-markets, which are conducted with the same degree of indifference to the feelings of the captives as at Tripoli. There are many auctioneers, as well for slaves, as for other articles of trade; each runs from side to side of the street, crying in a shrill voice the price last bidden, and standing on tiptoes: should he be selling a slave, the poor creature follows him at a trot, like a dog, to the different groups of merchants who are sitting on the sand.

Aboo Becker Boukhalloum ابوبكربوخلّوم, the Sultan’s head man, arrived from Tripoli, bringing with him the Bashaw’s Teskera, continuing Mukni in the command of Fezzan for three years, on condition of his paying to the Bashaw 80,000 dollars. In order to treat this person with great respect, and to show he was “the man the King delighted to honour,” the Sultan’s three sons, and all the horsemen to be found, were sent to meet him at Dgleim, and accompany him to the town; drums and colours preceding him, and the inhabitants, who cared not if he were alive or dead, roaring for joy. This man had been an Augela Arab five or six years before; but now, covered with gold and scarlet, was as great as fine clothes (the African standard of dignity) could make him. On his arrival at the Mezlis, the Sultan received him sitting in his chair of state; and having read the Bashaw’s letter (or affected to do so, for his Majesty is no scholar), he thrice kissed and put it to his forehead. The Fighi then read it in a loud voice to the people, who all exclaimed, “Thank God!”

A fine yellow Bornouse, ornamented with lace, having been sent as a present, Mukni descended from his throne, and after being stripped by his slaves of the one he then wore, he put on the new one, first kissing, and thrice putting it to his head.

I received a large packet of letters by Bookhalloum, who said he had often seen the Consul and Dr. Dickson; he also brought me money from a kind friend, who was aware of our distressed situation.

From a number of persons, who had been on the recent expedition, I obtained the following account of the routes they had taken, which, as the narrators pretty generally agreed in them, I have reason to believe correct.

Tegerry to Borgoo.
South.
Tegerry to Meshroo	2	days.	South, a well.
Meshroo to El Warr	2½		Well amongst rocks.
El Warr to El Fezzn	2		A well.
South-east.
El Fezzn to Aboo	4		This is a town of Tibesty, Febaboo of maps.
South-south-east.
Aboo to Wadey Khareet	1		A well.
Wadey to Tow	1		Well in a wadey.
Tow to Zooar	1	⎰ ⎱	Rain water in the rocks.
Zooar to Marmar	1
Marmar to Subka	2½		Well, and dome dates.
Subka to Turké	1		Well.
East.
Turké to Borgoo	4
	22	days.

The chief town is called Yen.—The above are not towns, but resting-places.

Yen to
Kermedi	½	day.
Wann	2
Gorr	½
El Bummel	½
Tikki	2
Beddou	2
Werda	2

Yen is more properly a large nest of mud huts than a town. Its inhabitants are, in time of peace, very numerous, and are all Kaffirs. It is to this place that the natives of Waday come in Kafflés to trade for slaves. Several of the King of Waday’s men were taken captive by Mukni’s people near this place.

Tegerry to Bilma.
South.
Tegerry to Meshroo	2	days.	A well.
Meshroo to El Warr	2½		Well on a rock.
El Warr to El Hammer	2
El Hammer to Maffrus	2½		A well.
Maffrus to Zhaia	2		Rain water and dates.
Zhaia to Siggidum	1½		An old castle and well.
Siggidum to Annai	1		Well and domes.
Annai to Kisbi	1		Town.	Tibboo of the tribes Kawār,Wandela, Gunda, and Traita.
Kisbi to Dirki	½		Town.
Dirki to Shenumma	1		Town.
Shenumma to Bilma	1		Town.
Total	17	days.

All these are resting-places.

Kawār and Bilma are not distinct countries, but are names of two parts of the same, having little villages, and scattered families all over the desert; the people are Mohammedans and Kaffirs, though the latter are the most numerous.

Wajunga, a country also pillaged during the last excursion, is eight days east of Borgoo. It is a considerable tract, and has two large towns or districts one day east and west of each other. The eastern one has a very large river running north and south through it, five or six hundred yards in breadth, and of great depth. The water is brackish, and in it are abundance of very fine fish. The Ghrazzie passed this river on rafts, and the horses, having been previously slung with inflated gerbas, or water-skins, were towed across. The whole of this country is very mountainous, having large rocky tracts of perfectly black stone, which they say not a little favoured the escape of the greater part of the inhabitants, who were not easily distinguished from them. Some of the rocks here, as well as in Borgoo, are so perpendicular and high, that, to use an Arab expression, “You could not see their tops without losing your tagaia, or red cap.”

The western Wajunga has three rivers running through it, two of which are sweet “as honey,” and one salt; the largest, which the Arabs say is the Nil, is of great breadth, and very deep, and runs from west to east. Dates are in great plenty here, and the cattle very numerous; there are also elephants in this country, and multitudes of ostriches. The people of both sexes are clothed in skins; some, however, wear a curious leather gown. They are a fine race of people, and are swift runners; but the Arabs consider them in the light of Kaffirs, asserting that they were not made by God, but that they came by chance.

Wajunga to Waday is ten days south. On the road Terraweiya is three days from Wajunga.

Borgoo to
Bahr el Ghazal	5	days,	south.
Kanem	12		south-west.
Waday	14		south-south-east.

From the well of El Wiakh, which is two days to the southward of Tegerry, is another road to Tibesty, shorter, yet at the same time more difficult than the other, being seven long days from thence to Braï, at which place rain water is found. These seven days are over a black range of mountains, which are destitute of water, grass, shrubs, or living animals; and in many places so very difficult of ascent, that camels and horses often meet their death by falls in passing them. The plain round the well of El Wiakh is said to be quite covered with human and other bones. In the Kafflés coming from Waday, many of the slaves and animals are often so exhausted by fatigue in passing this dreary road, that on being allowed a day’s rest, they become too stiff and sore to be able to proceed, and are thus left to perish. Many poor sinking wretches are deserted by their masters while yet alive, and it not unfrequently happens, that in order to get the healthy slaves to a resting-place, the sick ones are left to their fate.

Arna and Braï are three days apart. Berdai (which I take to be the Berdoa of the maps) is two days east of Tibesty. From Braï to Marmar is nine days south-east.

A tribe of Tibboo, called by some Febaboo, is not known. I suspect Aboo, in Tibesty, is the name from which it has been taken by mistake. It is a small town, and not, as has been supposed, a tribe.

January 24th.—This morning I sat in the Mezlis, and saw the Arabs and Sultan’s people buying and selling the recently captured slaves. The manner of conducting the sale was quite new to me, and let me into the secret of the method taken by the great man to ascertain how much was due to him out of every private capture. Bookhalloom, old Sheikh Barood, and some more of the Sultan’s people, amongst whom are one or two of his scribes, summon the slaves of every person concerned in the Ghrazzie before them, the masters attending also. Each slave is then put up to auction at a certain price; the Sultan’s brokers only bidding high for the finest, the other people, who sit round in crowds, also bidding vociferously. The owner bids against them until he has what he considers the value of the slave offered him, when, if he chooses to sell, he has three fourths of the money paid to him, while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the Sultan. Should he not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the sum which he last names is considered as the price, from which he has to pay the Sultan’s share. The scribes write down each slave-owner’s name, and the sum due from him to the Sultan, and thus the account is easily kept between them.

Last night an entertainment was provided for me by Mohammed el Lizari, to celebrate my birthday. Lilla Fātma honoured his house with her presence, and was covered with silks, gold, and red paint, which she took care occasionally to show as she accidentally, or rather purposely, dropped her Aba from her face. About a hundred noisy, greasy Morzouk women amused the company, and nearly stunned me by playing on erbabs, drums, tin-pots, and gourds; there was also much dancing, with Lackbi and pipes in abundance. I was sensible of this kindness on the part of Lizari, but I certainly never wished again to pass so noisy and tiresome a birthday. These compliments were followed up by a present of a young camel, on which I was to feast.

As it was Lizari’s wish to accompany me to Tripoli, he held daily consultations with his friends on the subject; and this plan was at length arranged, as a security against the acts of Mukni, who, we greatly feared, would cause him to be privately murdered before I left Morzouk. In the meantime it was considered necessary that he and his household should be always armed; and as I did not quite understand Mukni’s behaviour to myself, I also determined to be on my guard, constantly concealing a pair of pistols in my dress. We found great difficulty in procuring camels, the Arabs, who let them, being busily occupied in the slave-markets. Some Kafflés at this time came in from Soudan and Bornou, bringing about 1000 slaves, chiefly female.

As I am now about to leave Morzouk, and have been enabled from actual observation in my journey to the extremity of Fezzan to form an opinion of that kingdom, I shall subjoin all the information I have been able to collect on its general state, as well as the habits and customs of the natives.

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CHAPTER VII.
OF FEZZAN.

Aspect of the Country — State of Cultivation — Minerals — Animals — Birds — Vegetable Productions — Fruits — Esculents — Time and Manner of cultivating Grain — Water — Towns — Food of Inhabitants — Possibility of improving Agriculture — Tenure of Lands — Weights and Measures — Government — Principal People — Character of the Natives — Inroads into the Negro Countries — State of the Slave Trade — Crimes and Punishments — Character of the Natives — Religion — State of Literature and Ingenuity — Language — State of the Women — Records — Slavery and the Slave Trade — Laws relative to the Issue of Slaves.

The northern boundary is Bonjem, in latitude 30° 35′ north, of which I have already spoken; and Tegerry, in latitude 24° 4′ north, is the southern, which is inhabited by Tibboo of the mountain tribes. Its eastern boundary is the Harutz mountains behind Temissa, and Oubāri in the west.

The general aspect of the country presents an almost universally barren appearance; fine yellow sand, and a species of gravel, covering the whole face of the plains, save where the Soudah and Harutz extend. The country is very dry, there being only three springs in this immense tract; they are near Traghan; but water is found in many places at ten or twenty feet below the surface, in clay or beds of salt. There is no vegetation on the desert, unless in some of the wadeys, where are found prickly bushes for camels, called Agoul اقول, Thamaran ظمرعن, and Deesa ديسه, and a few trees of the mimosa species, called Talhh ظالح. It is only in the immediate vicinity of towns that palms are cultivated, and a little corn and a few esculents raised with much difficulty and labour. Nothing is more incorrect than the opinion so generally held of the fertility of the Oases.

Fezzan may, without scruple, be said to stand in the desert, and is not to be distinguished from it on the score of fertility. The soil, where soft, is almost all sand; but under the surface, near Morzouk, a kind of white clay is found, which, on being mixed with the sand, becomes tolerably productive. The small spots of ground which are at all cultivated, are fertile; but the immense labour requisite to keep the ground moist, deters the labourers from forming gardens of above an acre in size. Some of the spots so called, are not above forty or sixty feet square. The water is drawn by asses, and the machinery is very complicated. Soda, called Trona الطرون, rock salt, alum, Shub شب, gypsum, saltpetre, and, as I was told, sulphur, are found in this country; the first three in very large quantities, which form articles of trade. The Soda is produced at or near Germa, in the wadey Shiati; the salt and alum in many places, but more particularly in the eastern districts. There is one plain of solid salt near Mafen, which is nearly thirty miles in length.

The animals found in Fezzan are,

The Tiger Cat, rather fierce.

Hyæna, in great numbers, and very savage.

Jackal. Numerous. They approach very near the towns.

Fox. Scarce, and much smaller than those of Europe.

Wadan. A very fierce buffalo, of the size of an ass, having large tufts of hair from the shoulders, and very long heavy horns.

Red Buffalo. A clumsy animal, easily taken.

White Buffalo. A small white animal, very swift, and courageous when wounded.

Antelope. Few are found near Morzouk.

Wild Cat. Found in the rocks.

Porcupine. Living in the wadeys near Bonjem.

Hedgehog. Met with about the wells, and eaten by the Arabs.

Rat. Of two colours, yellow and brown; the latter are found in houses, the yellow on the desert: both have hairy tails.

Guntsha. An animal of the rat species, black, having a bushy tail, and head resembling that of a badger: lives in palm-trees, and is easily tamed.

Mouse. Of two kinds, like the rats; one yellow, the other brown.

Gerboa. Found only on the desert.

Rabbits. Few wild; some tame in Morzouk. Brought from the coast.

Hare. Found in the wadeys; rather scarce.

Camel. The Maherry, or running Camel. Horse, ass, very few cows; sheep and goats also very scarce. Dogs, two only in Morzouk of the greyhound species.

The Birds are,

The Ostrich. Found in the mountains of Wadan.

Eagle. Scarce.

Vulture. Common on the desert.

Hawk. Common.

Wild Turkey. In the wadeys north of Sockna.

Raven. Numerous on the desert.

Duck. I have seen some flights, but cannot tell whence they come, probably from some waters on the desert.

Coot. A coot was one night picked up in the street, and brought to our house. It was the first seen in Morzouk.

Sparrow. The male is slate-coloured, with black marks; the female as in Europe: very numerous.

Swallow. Slate-coloured, and very small.

Butcher Bird. Slate-colour.

Owl. Small species, having horns or feathered tufts.

Wren. Small, having black wings and yellow breast.

Wagtail. Resembling a mule Canary-bird.

A bird resembling a thrush, but having a long tail.

Wild and tame Pigeons. The former emigrate in August to Bornou and the Tibboo countries.

Partridges. North of Sockna.

Domestic fowls not very plentiful.

Goose. A few at Zuela.

Vegetable Productions.

Gafooly Masr. Indian corn.

Gafooly Abiad. A small grain.

Gussub. A small round brown grain. Dhourra of Egypt.

Gussub Tamzawi. Another species of the same.

Gussub Albawi. Another do.

Gummah. Wheat.

Shair. Barley.

Tareedi. Another species of barley, of a red colour.

Bishna. A small grain resembling canary seed.

Lubia. A small bean.

Gilgillān. A small pea.

Latila. A small black tare.

Kerwia. Caraway seeds.

The seeds of sun-flowers are also eaten, as well as those of the colocynth apple.

Fruits, &c.

Grapes. Grow near the wells: almost every garden has a vine.

Pomegranate. Very fine; not plentiful.

Apricot. Scarce, and bad.

Peach. Never comes to maturity.

Apple. Woolly, tasteless, and scarce.

Melons. Water melons; good, but scarce. The musk melons are only over-ripe cucumbers.

Figs. Small, but good.

Corna. A small round fruit, resembling an apple in form and smell, though not larger than a nut. It has three stones, is very sweet, and eats well when fresh. It grows on a tree sometimes thirty feet in height. Mr. Ritchie conceived this to be the Rhamnus or Lotus.

Esculents.

Pompion. Large, yellow, and good.

Kalabash. Very good, and plentiful.

Geroo. A fruit much resembling a cucumber in smell, taste, and appearance, when young; but when ripe, it smells like a melon, and is eaten as such.

Turnip. Tap-rooted, and small; scarce.

Carrot. Small, no flavour, and scarce.

Radish. Good, and pungent.

Melochia. A kind of salading.

Bāmia. A small pod, used in soup.

Birtigallis. A juicy leaved salad.

Mustard and cress. Good, but scarce.

Onions. Fine, and plentiful.

Garlic. Scarce, but very good.

Red pepper. Very good, and plentiful.

Tomata. Scarce, but good.

Corn and barley are sown in October and November, and reaped in March and April; during which time, and until the last month, the crops are watered twice a week, with much labour, by means of small channels cut from the reservoirs at the wells. Guddub or Sufsafa, قدّن صفسفه, which is a species of clover, is sown in small squares, in January and February, and will bear cutting once a fortnight until November, when it ceases to grow, and the roots are given to cattle. It is very expensive, but fattens horses and camels very quickly. Gussub قصب, and Gafooly قفولي, of both kinds, are sown at midsummer, and ripen in the autumn; they are sometimes given in a green state to horses; the stalks then are very sweet, and resemble sugar-canes in taste. Many people cultivate these plants, without the intention of allowing them to ripen, but merely to supply the horses: by pulling the stalks up by the roots, the land is soon again fit for other crops. The dry straw is the winter fodder, but extravagantly dear. The stalk of the Gafooly sometimes grows to the height of seven or eight feet; the Guddub resembles clover, but is more delicate. The water of Fezzan is universally brackish, and in many places quite salt; and by constantly using it, and comparing the best with the worst, some wells appear almost fresh. There are no rivers of any description; but there are stagnant ponds which produce salt, and generally cause the agues so prevalent in some parts of the country.

The capital of Fezzan is Morzouk, the latitude of which is 25° 54′ north, and longitude 15° 52′ east. The other towns of note are, Sockna in the north, Zuela in the east, and Gatrone in the south. The people derive their subsistence from dates which may almost be said to be the only support of the country, and from the small quantity of grain and vegetables, which they raise with so much toil in the gardens: they occasionally treat themselves with a little camels’ flesh. Sheep and goats are too expensive for the poorer class; and I believe, that even among the opulent, there is no man who can afford to eat meat above three times a week. They do not carry on any particular trade, except with Bornou, Soudan, and Waday, for slaves, and the barter attendant on the dealings with the Kafflés. Many of the plants which are cultivated in the southern parts of Europe would, no doubt, flourish in this country, with the usual attention which is paid to the gardens. European spades, rakes, light hoes, and ploughs, might be introduced in this part of the world with great success, and would be most gratefully received. Machines for winnowing corn, which is generally mixed with chaff, sieves, &c. would also be very beneficial. The people would not at first comprehend their use, but I conceive that those few articles would soon become familiar to them, and be much prized. There is not any kind of timber which can be used for building, or, more properly, which can be cut into planks. The palm is the only tree they have, and is used for doors, props, and frames for wells; it is likewise employed for beams, by cutting the trunk in four quarters; it is very porous, dry, and subject to rot, and is easily broken.

Landed property is generally in the possession of the better classes, and is cultivated for them by the free servants and slaves, who work alike, and experience exactly the same treatment. Lands generally descend to the nearest relations at the decease of the owner; but if he dies without heirs, or is put to death for an alleged crime, the Sultan claims them as his right: the owner, notwithstanding, can, if he pleases, buy or sell, without being bound by any sort of entail or clause, against parting with family property. Houses are held in the same way as the lands. When grounds are leased, or sold, the price is generally proportioned to the number of wells and date trees on the premises: it happens, however, not unfrequently, that the palms are the property of one man, while the land on which they grow belongs to another. The gardens are entirely cultivated by the paddle or hoe, and parcelled out into squares of about three feet, having little channels to them, for the purpose of irrigation. Much dung is used, and the sandy soil of old gardens almost assumes the appearance of earth. From the great labour requisite to keep these spots in order, it would not repay any non-resident to have lands in Fezzan; though I am confident that such possessions would be respected, as there are many absentees who have large groves of palms, which their relatives, or those employed by them, keep, and render up an exact account of. The difficulty of finding willing, honest, faithful, or contented workmen, is very great; and each master or agent is obliged to attend constantly to his own immediate property or charge; some gardens, however, are, and have been, attended for generations, by the same family of labourers.

The commerce is chiefly in slaves, and I have already given a list of such articles as are marketable. They have but few weights; these are, the Kantar, قنتار, 150 lb.; the Rottal, الرتال, 1½ lb.; the Oghia, الوقَيه, or ounce; and the weights used in the purchase or exchange of gold, which was once the money of the country. The weights, with little scales, are generally kept in a small box. The largest is called Groowi, 33⅓ Mitgals; the next is 13¾ Mitgals; another is 6⅔ Mitgals, and is called Oghia, and weighs one dollar; the smallest brass weight is 1⅓ Mitgal. 24 Kharoubas, خروبه, or beans of the locust tree, weigh 1 Mitgal. There are also three small weights of iron or lead, weighing 16, 8, and 4 Khoroubas. The small red and black West India bean, so well known in England, is here named Ain el deek, عين الديك (or cock’s eye,) and is the half Kharouba. The boxes containing the gold weights have also a small spoon for the dust, and a trying stone.—The measures at present in use are, Ghefeese, 24 Khail; half ditto; Webba Fezzan, 8 Kail; half ditto; Kail, 8 Saas, equal to 8 quarts; Saa, a quart. This last measure is divided into halves and thirds, for which there are small baskets made to contain that quantity; these are, by particular ways of placing the hand, again divided into fourths and sixths. The current money of the country is a Spanish dollar; the smaller payments are made in corn. A comparative idea of the value of the above measures may be obtained by knowing that one dollar is generally worth one kail and a half, or three gallons of corn. A quart, or saa, is therefore worth fivepence. Dates average twenty-four kail, or a ghefeese for a dollar.

The government of Fezzan was once hereditary, in a black family, which above 500 years since took possession of the country. They were Shreefs, and of a tribe near Fez, in the kingdom of Morocco; but the intrigues of Mukni have succeeded in destroying them all, and the public offices, government, and revenues have assumed entirely another form. Mukni is absolute while in his hired government, though in Tripoli he is considered only as a private individual. He derives his power from a few armed followers, of whom I have spoken, and from the fear which the people have of the Bashaw in their present state of weakness; but above all, from the great dread they have of himself. He governs with a rod of iron, punishes most severely, and his opinion is the law; money is his chief aim, and he leaves no means untried to extort it from his miserably oppressed subjects. No one has the least voice in the state but himself, and such of his favourites as have gained some ascendency over him; but their interest with him is very precarious. All weighty matters, such as wars of consequence, are submitted to the Bashaw, though Mukni always acts before he has time either to receive instructions or permission.

The Kadi, being supreme head of the law and of the church, or nominally so, is rather more privileged with the Sultan than others are; but his opinions are always expected to assimilate with those of his master. In Morzouk there are some white families who are called Mamlukes, being descended from Renegades, whom the Bashaw had presented to the former Sultans. These families and their descendants are considered noble; and however poor and low their situation may be, are not a little vain of their title. There is no such thing as nobility, except with these people and the Shreefs, who are, throughout the Mohammedan world, highly privileged; yet are, generally speaking, not better men than the rest. The Kadi, Sheikhs of districts, Kaids, or Governors, Chowses, Hadjes, Marāboots, and all who have money, possessions, and, above all, fine clothes, are considered great people, and respected as long as their situation, money, or garments hold out: but in the event of any failure in these uncertain advantages, they become as low and unnoticed as slaves.

The office of Kadi is hereditary, and has been in the same family for 150 years. Talents are by no means necessary in this high office; the ability to read is all that is required, and the next in the family, after the death of a Kadi, is, whether wise or foolish, immediately vested with the authority. The Kadi of Morzouk is a black man, named Mohammed el Habeeb; he is able to read pretty fluently, is very superstitious, and writes charms of more efficacy than any other man in the country. All the principal towns have Kadis; but the office is not, as in the capital, hereditary. The better class of the people, or those who have some property, are distinguished from the poor by being admitted into the Sultan’s presence, and living in every respect better than the Arabs and the other natives. They have great power to oppress and ill treat their inferiors; yet are as free with their slaves as with each other, and associate as much with them. A slave will come and sit down with his master, though not on the same mat, and join in the conversation, amusement, or meal, even without a shirt on his back; when the master wears his best clothes, however, he is too dignified to permit such freedom.

The Fezzanners are possessed of but little courage, spirit, or honesty, and are as completely submissive to their tyrants as oppression could wish: they seem insensible of their abject state, never having known freedom, or having been exempt from the caprice of their rulers. There is little chance, therefore, that amongst such men, any struggles for liberty should be made; and it never enters their heads to take advantage of the power they possess from their situation in the desert to render themselves independent of Tripoli. The Arabs, and particularly those of the tribe Waled Suliman, of whom I have already spoken, were once dangerous, lawless freebooters, but are now at an end. When the Sultan goes to Tripoli, which he generally does once a year, he leaves his eldest son to command in his absence, under charge of whoever may, at the moment, be most in favour; this decision, or more properly those of his governor, are equally to be enforced as the Sultan’s own orders.

Mukni’s military force, if he presses the Arabs into his service, may, on an emergency, amount to 5000 men. No Fezzanners are ever allowed to go on military excursions, being considered too pusillanimous to be trusted; but they pay deeply for their exemption from bearing arms, by being obliged to support those who do. There are no wars in which the Sultan is called upon to engage; but his love of gain, and the defenceless state of the Negro kingdoms to the southward, are temptations too strong to be resisted. A force is therefore annually sent, not to fight (for the Negroes cannot make any resistance against horsemen with fire-arms) but to pillage these defenceless people, to carry them off as slaves, burn their towns, kill the aged and infants, destroy their crops, and inflict on them every possible misery. These inroads have sometimes been conducted by Mukni in person, and in his absence, by some of his principal men; his son, however, is now thought old enough to make his initiatory campaign. In addition to the people usually ordered to attend these expeditions, many Bedouins from the desert near Sockna and Benioleed join them; also some of the Tibboo of Tibesty and Gatrone, in hopes of obtaining a share in the plunder. The wars thus made for the purpose of carrying off slaves, or invading enemies countries, are called Ghrāzzie. There are no permanent or hereditary feuds existing between tribes, or even families in Fezzan, as the warlike race of independent Arabs no longer exists. The Tibboo and those Arabs who inhabit the southern districts of Fezzan, are distinct from each other; and the native people, living in towns, cannot have the appellation of tribes applied to them.

No Barbary or Negro Chief, or indeed any of their people, are able to resist a bribe; much might therefore be done by securing the good will of the Sultans of the interior kingdoms; and they might, by presents properly applied, form together such a barrier against the inroads of Mukni, as would enable them to secure their independence, and prevent the annual seizure of multitudes of their subjects. Though amongst themselves slavery might (and doubtless would) exist; yet it would not, with such arrangements, extend so far as it does at present. The blacks alone, in consequence chiefly of Mukni’s incursions, are always engaged in indemnifying themselves for the losses he occasions them. All their prisoners are sold as slaves, and the money or goods arising from such sale appropriated chiefly by the kings of the country.

In Fezzan the punishment for crimes is as in Tripoli, though hanging is not commonly practised, strangling being more to the Sultan’s taste. If a man is found murdered, and the authors or instigators of his death are unknown or unconvicted, the inhabitants of the town, in or near which the body is found, are obliged to pay to the Sultan a fine of 2000 dollars. If a corpse is found on the desert with marks of violence on it, the people of the districts which border that desert must pay the requisite sum. Should the murderer return after a few months, he escapes notice, provided the penalty be paid; but this cannot be done either by the principal or his relations. Mukni was himself in this predicament some few years since, when he murdered the broker of the British consulate at Tripoli; the Bashaw affected to be ignorant of his flight, and after he had remained six months with the Arabs, allowed him to return to Tripoli, where he was as well received as if he had been an innocent man. The family of a criminal is never involved in his punishment, that is to say, they are not dishonoured or disgraced; but if the convicted person is sentenced to lose his property, all his immediate dependants are reduced to beggary. A grand-daughter of the last rightful Sultan is at this moment a common beggar; yet, while every one allows her to be noble, they are unable to relieve her, except with a little corn or some dates.

The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their complexion black; the women are of the same colour, and ugly in the extreme. Neither sex are remarkable for figure, height, strength, vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of countenance, which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek bones are higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less depressed and more peaked at the tip than those of the Negroes. Their eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width, but their teeth are frequently good: their hair is woolly, though not completely frizzled. The females bear children at 12 and 13 years of age, and at 15 or 16 their breasts fall, and they assume the appearance of old women; in some few instances, however, they bear children until 35 years of age. They are a cheerful people, fond of dancing and music, and obliging to each other. The men almost all read and write a little; but in everything else they are very dull and heavy: their affections are cold and interested, and a kind of general indifference to the common incidents of life marks all their actions: they are neither prone to sudden anger nor exertion, and are not at all revengeful.

In Morzouk the men drink a great quantity of Lackbi, and are very good humoured drunkards. The Arabs practise hospitality generally, but amongst the Fezzanners that virtue does not exist; they are, however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that should a stranger enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake; but they generally contrive to evade this injunction, by eating with closed doors. The lower classes are, from necessity, very industrious, women as well as men; they draw water, work in the gardens, drive the asses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to their other domestic duties. People of the better class, or more properly who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on the contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge or loll about, inquire what their neighbours have had for dinner, gossip about slaves, dates, &c.; or boast of some cunning cheat which they have practised on a Tibboo, or Tuarick, who, though very knowing fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzanners, fair in their dealings. Their moral character is on a par with that of the Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less insincere. Falsehood is not considered as odious, unless detected; and when employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by the Koran for the good of merchants. However this may be amongst themselves, I must say that I never could find any one able to point out the passage, authorising these commercial falsehoods.

The Marāboots are greater liars and rogues than other people, their reputation shielding them from suspicion. I have, indeed, seen amongst these saints some really good and honest men; but these are lost in the general wickedness of the community. Generosity is a virtue so completely unknown here, that it may be said scarcely to exist. Contempt of religion, of holy men and books, are crimes equally heinous with theft. They are rigid and bigoted Mohammedans, of the sect of the learned Malek, one of the four expounders of the Koran, and they worship with all the prostrations and rites peculiar to that sect. The Mamlukes, and ourselves, who were considered as such, are authorised to worship as Hanefis, which is the superior of the four sects; but the Maleki being the form here used, every one complies with it. A belief of the evil eye, devils, gholes, genii, and spirits, is universal; charms and fasting till sunset, are a sure preventive of mischief.

The people attached to the Mosques are the Kadi, who is the head; the Imaum or priest, who, in the absence of the Kadi, prays and preaches; and the Mouadden or crier, who calls the people to prayers, and repeats the responses. None of these men, except the Kadi, have any privileges, but are, in every respect, like the rest of the town’s-people, having the same complement of wives and concubines, and dressing in the same manner. It was the custom with former Sultans to grant them a handsome allowance; but this is not observed by the present ruler, and should they not be fortunate enough to possess any garden of their own, they subsist on charity. They are not connected with, or have any thing to do with the state, neither have they any influence over each other, or the people, unless they are outwardly or really religious; in which case, their prayers, either verbal or written, are much sought after and well paid for. Intellectual knowledge is here at a stand, or rather I should say, on the decline, as none of the Mohammedans, in this part of the world, have books on any but religious or superstitious subjects. Their prejudices and fanaticism prevent the introduction of any new customs, and put a stop to all chance of improvement.

There are persons called Fighi (from “faquire,” a poor man), who subsist by writing letters, and are employed to read those received by the principal inhabitants, who pay them in corn. All the Sultan’s papers and letters pass through the hands of his scribes, who, in consequence (though his purchased slaves), are men of importance, and they accordingly give themselves great airs, knowing that their master, being unable to read, cannot do without their services. Few men can read from any book but their own, which they have used from infancy. Old Hadje Mahmoud, our neighbour, had gone through the same volume every morning for forty years, and yet was unable to repeat one page of it by heart. There were certain passages of it, which, on reading, regularly caused him to exclaim, “God bless me! wonderful! extraordinary! God is great!” as if he had never seen or heard of the contents before. Many of the Fighis, however, have good memories, and by constantly repeating sentences of the Koran for thirty or forty years, manage to know it by heart.

The lower classes work neatly in leather; they weave a few coarse barracans, and make iron work in a solid though clumsy manner. One or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the badness of their tools; and every man is capable of acting as a carpenter or mason. The wood being that of the date tree, and the houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or metals, who are called (par excellence) “Sta,” or master; as, “leather master,”—“iron master,” &c.

No individuals arrive at any eminence of character, or, from their abilities, are exalted above the people, except such Marāboots as have most cunning and hypocrisy. They become privileged, courted, and revered while living, and prayers are addressed to them for their mediation, after they are dead. The language here is Arabic, but differs materially from the dialect of Egypt.

From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the languages of both these countries are generally spoken, and many of their words are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves, and their children by their masters, constantly speak the language of the country whence they originally come. Their writing is in the Mogrebyn character, which is used, I believe, universally in western Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The pronunciation also is very different, the Kāf ق being pronounced as a G, and only marked with one nunnation, thus ف, and the F is pointed below ڢ. They have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots on the sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and two amount to. They expressed great surprise at our being able to add numbers together without fingering.

Though very fond of poetry, they are incapable of composing it. The Arabs, however, invent a few little songs, which the natives have much pleasure in learning; and the women sing some of the Negro airs very prettily while grinding their corn.

The lower class and the slaves, who, in point of colour and appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman, however, has only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve for himself in old age; but, if by any chance he obtains money, remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly to work.

The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of Tripoli, and are more kindly treated. The effect of the plurality of wives is but too plainly seen, and their women in consequence are not famed for chastity. Though so much better used than those of Barbary, their life is still a state of slavery. A man never ventures to speak of his women; is reproached if he spends much time in their company; never eats with them, but is waited upon at his meals, and fanned by them while he sleeps; yet these poor beings, never having known the sweets of liberty or affection, are, in spite of their humiliation, comparatively happy.

The authority of parents over children is very great, some fathers of the better class not allowing their sons even to eat, or sit down in their presence until they become men: the poorer orders, however, are less strict.

There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzanners, and their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled with religious and superstitious falsehoods, that no confidence can be placed in them; yet the natives themselves look with particular respect on a man capable of talking of “the people of the olden time.” Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed. The psalms of David, the Pentateuch, the books of Solomon, and many extracts from the inspired writers, are universally known, and most reverentially considered. The New Testament translated into Arabic, which we took with us, was eagerly read, and no exception made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as the Son of God. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mohammed’s name not being inserted in it; as they believe that his coming was foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it: he is, therefore, called a Kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.