A Class-Book of New Testament History

by G. F. Maclear

Footnotes.

[1] –	The Edition of the Synopsis Evangelica of Tischendorf referred to is the First Edition, 1854; that of Wieseler’s Synopsis of the Four Gospels is the English Translation by Venables, 1864; that of Conybeare and Howson’s Life and Travels of St Paul is the People’s Edition, 2 Vols., 1864; that of Dean Stanley’s Sinai and Palestine, the 3rd, 1856.
[2] –	Milman’s History of the Jews, I. 443.
[3] –	Jos. Ant. XI. 8. 2. Comp. Article Jerusalem in Smith’s Bibl. Dict. I. 998, and note.
[4] –	Jos. Ant. XI. 8. 7.
[5] –	Probably Dan. vii. 6; viii. 3–8, 20, 21, 22; xi. 3.
[6] –	Curtius, IV. 5. 13; IV. 8. 10.
[7] –	See Thirlwall’s Greece, VI. 265; Raphall’s History of the Jews, I. 42–50.
[8] –	“The Great Assembly or Synagogue, whose existence has been called in question on insufficient grounds, was the great council of the nation during the Persian period, in which the last substantive changes were made in the constitution of Judaism. It was organized by Ezra, and, as commonly happens, the work of the whole body was transferred to its representative member. Ezra probably formed a collection of the prophetic writings; and the Assembly gathered together afterwards (as the Christian Church at a later period in corresponding circumstances) such books as were still left without the Canon, though proved to bear the stamp of the Spirit of God.” Westcott’s Bible in the Church, Appendix A.
[9] –	Prideaux’s Connection, I. 545.
[10] –	“By its harbour of Seleucia it was in communication with all the trade of the Mediterranean; and through the open country behind the Lebanon it was conveniently approached by the caravans from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It united the inland advantages of Aleppo with the maritime opportunities of Smyrna.” Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St Paul, I. 118; Smith’s Dict. Geog. Art. Antiochia.
[11] –	“Few princes have ever lived with so great a passion for the building of cities as Seleucus. He is said to have built in all 9 Seleucias, 16 Antiochs, and 6 Laodiceas. This love of commemorating the members of his family was conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. Besides Seleucia and Antioch, he built, in the immediate neighbourhood, a Laodicea in honour of his mother, and an Apamea in honour of his wife.” Conybeare and Howson, I. 119; Merivale, III. 368.
[12] –	Jos. Ant. XII. 3. 1; Contr. Apion. II. 4.
[13] –	Jos. Ant. XII. 2. 10.
[14] –	The Beth-shan of the Old Testament; see Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 316, and 445 note, 2nd ed.
[15] –	Jos. Ant. XII. 3. 3.
[16] –	One of the branches of the Lebanon, containing a cave sacred to Pan, whence it derived its name. See below, [p. 218, n.]
[17] –	Jos. Ant. XII. 3. 3.
[18] –	See Mommsen’s History of Rome, II. 264.
[19] –	In the valley of the Hermus, not far from Smyrna. See Livy, XXXVII. 37, foll.; Tac. Ann. II. 47.
[20] –	Strabo, XVI. 744; Justin, XXXII. 2. 1.
[21] –	Livy, XLI. 19, 20.
[22] –	See above, [p. 17.]
[23] –	See above, [p. 19.]
[24] –	Livy, XLV. 12.
[25] –	Polyb. XXVI. 10; Livy, XLI. 19, 20.
[26] –	Milman’s History of the Jews, I. 457.
[27] –	Identified with the half-ruined village of Latrôn, the Castellum boni Latronis of the Mediæval writers, from the tradition that it was the residence of the penitent thief Dysma. Porter’s Handbook, I. 285.
[28] –	Jos. Ant. XII. 6. 4.
[29] –	Hepworth Dixon’s Holy Land, I. 64.
[30] –	Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 212 and note.
[31] –	See Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 275.
[32] –	An important stronghold (comp. 1 Macc. ix. 52; xiii. 53; xvi. 1) in all probability the same as the ancient Gezer or Gazer (Josh. x. 33; xii. 12), between the lower Beth-horon and the sea. Thither we find David pursued the Philistines (2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16), and the place was fortified by Solomon as commanding the communication between Egypt and Jerusalem. See Class-Book of Old Test. Hist. p. 361.
[33] –	During the Captivity the Idumæans advancing westward had occupied the whole territory of the ancient Amalekites (Jos. Ant. II. 1. 2), and even took possession of many towns in Southern Palestine, including Hebron (Jos. Ant. XII. 8. 6; B. J. IV. 9. 7). The name Edom, or rather its Greek form Idumæa, was now given to the country lying between the valley of Arabah and the shores of the Mediterranean; and Roman authors sometimes give the name Idumæa to all Palestine, and even call the Jews Idumæans. Virgil, Georg. III. 12; Juvenal, VIII. 160.
[34] –	The ancient Ashdod. See Class-Book of Old Testament History, pp. 259, 263, 272.
[35] –	The Greek form of the ancient Jabneel (Josh. xv. 11), the modern Yebna, 11 miles S. of Jaffa, 4 from Ekron. In the time of the Maccabees it was a strong place. After the fall of Jerusalem it became one of the most populous places in Judæa, was the seat of a famous school, and according to an early Jewish tradition, the burial-place of the great Gamaliel.
[36] –	Beth-sura, or Beth-zur, house of rock, is named between Halhul and Gedor in Josh. xv. 58, and was fortified by Rehoboam for the defence of his new kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 7). It occupied a strong position, and commanded a great road, the road from Beer-sheba and Hebron, which has always been the main approach to Jerusalem from the south.
[37] –	The ancient Accho (Judg. i. 31). During the period that Ptolemy Soter was in possession of Cœlesyria, it received the name of Ptolemais from him, by which it was long distinguished.
[38] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 2. 1.
[39] –	According to some, he was a natural son of Antiochus Epiphanes (Jos. Ant. XIII. 2. 1), but he was more generally looked upon as an impostor who falsely laid claim to the connection. Justin, XXXV. 1; Polyb. XXXIII. 16.
[40] –	Comp. Jos. Ant. XIII. 4. 3.
[41] –	Comp. 1 Macc. xi. 33; Jos. Ant. XIII. 5. 3.
[42] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 5. 6.
[43] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 5. 8.
[44] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 5. 11; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Jerusalem.
[45] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 6. 1.
[46] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 6. 7; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Jerusalem.
[47] –	“Nehemiah mentions a palace, or rather fortress, which appertained to the Temple (Neh. ii. 8); and in the Hebrew Birah we have probably the origin of the Greek Baris, which Josephus tells us was the name of the fortress subsequently called Antonia. It was the fortress of the Temple, as the Temple was of the city.” Porter’s Handbk. I. 128, 129.
[48] –	Milman’s History of the Jews, II. 21.
[49] –	Comp. Jos. Ant. XIII. 7. 2.
[50] –	By this king the privilege of a national coinage was granted to Simon, 1 Macc. xv. 6. “Numerous examples of them are extant, bearing the dates of the first, second, third and fourth years of the ‘liberation of Jerusalem;’ and it is a remarkable fact confirming their genuineness, that in the first year the name Zion does not occur, as the citadel was not recovered till the second year of Simon’s supremacy, while after the second year Zion alone is found. The emblem which the coins bear have generally a connexion with Jewish history—a vine-leaf, a cluster of grapes, a vase (of manna?), a trifid flowering rod, a palm-branch, surrounded by a wreath of laurel, a lyre, a bunch of branches symbolical of the feast of Tabernacles.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Maccabees.
[51] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 8. 1.
[52] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 8. 2.
[53] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 8. 3.
[54] –	Samaria itself was now razed to the ground, the hill on which it had stood being full of springs, was pierced with trenches, and the site of the city flooded and converted into a pool of water. Jos. Ant. XIII. 10. 3.
[55] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 10. 6.
[56] –	Raphall’s History of the Jews, II. 103.
[57] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 16. 3.
[58] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 1. 2.
[59] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 2. 1.
[60] –	Milman, History of the Jews, II. 42.
[61] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 2. 3; B. J. I. 6. 3.
[62] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 3. 1.
[63] –	Jos. B. J. I. 6. 6.
[64] –	Jos. B. J. I. 7. 3.
[65] –	Liv. Epit. 102.
[66] –	Comp. Cic. pro Flacco, c. xxviii.; Tac. Hist. V. 5.
[67] –	Jos. B. J. I. 8. 5; Ant. XIV. 5. 2–4.
[68] –	Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, I. 381, 382.
[69] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 7. 2; B. J. I. 8. 8, 9; Milman, II. 51.
[70] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 7. 4.
[71] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 8. 1; B. J. I. 9. 5.
[72] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 8. 3; B. J. I. 9. 5.
[73] –	Jos. B. J. I. 10. 2, 3; Ant. XIV. 8. 5.
[74] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 9. 2.
[75] –	Merivale, III. 377.
[76] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 9. 2; B. J. I. 10. 5.
[77] –	See Merivale, III. 375.
[78] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 9. 4.
[79] –	Jos. B. J. I. 11. 1.
[80] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 11. 2.
[81] –	Jos. B. J. I. 11. 3; Ant. XIV. 11. 2.
[82] –	Jos. B. J. I. 12. 4; Ant. XIV. 12. 2.
[83] –	See above, [p. 71.]
[84] –	Jos. B. J. I. 12. 6; Ant. XIV. 13. 1, 2.
[85] –	Jos. B. J. I. 13. 4–6.
[86] –	Jos. B. J. I. 13. 6; Ant. XIV. 13. 7–9.
[87] –	Masada, now called Sebbeh, was situated at the S.W. end of the Dead Sea, on a rock from 1200 to 1500 ft. in height, separated from the adjoining range of mountains by deep ravines on the N. and S., and only attached to them on the W. by a narrow neck about two-thirds of its height. The fortress was first built by Jonathan Maccabæus, but Herod the Great added to it and made it an impregnable place of refuge for himself in case of danger. The rock on which it was built overhung the Dead Sea, and was only accessible by two rock-hewn paths, one on the W., the other on the E. side, carried up from the shore by a zigzag cut in the precipice, and called “the Serpent.” The summit of the rock was not pointed, but a plain of 7 stadia in circumference, surrounded by a wall of white stone, 12 cubits high and 8 thick, fortified with 37 towers of 50 cubits in height, and adorned with a palace and baths. The interior being left free for cultivation, so that the garrison might partially raise their own food. Traill’s Josephus, II. 109–115; Porter’s Handbk. of Syria and Palestine, p. 239.
[88] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 13. 8.
[89] –	Jos. B. J. I. 14. 2; Ant. XIV. 14. 2, 3.
[90] –	Jos. B. J. I. 13. 9; Ant. XIV. 13. 10.
[91] –	Jos. B. J. I. 14. 4. See above, [p. 73.]
[92] –	Jos. B. J. I. 14. 4; Ant. XIV. 14. 5.
[93] –	Jos. B. J. I. 18. 3. “Antonius was the first of the Romans who consented to smite a king with the axe.” Merivale, III. 382.
[94] –	Jos. Ant. XIV. 16. 4.
[95] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 2. 2.
[96] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 3. 4.
[97] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 3. 5.
[98] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 6. 6; B. J. I. 20. 1.
[99] –	Jos. B. J. I. 20; Merivale, III. 356.
[100] –	He at the same time bestowed upon him the 400 Gauls, who had formed the bodyguard of Cleopatra. Jos. Ant. XV. 7. 3; B. J. I. 20. 3.
[101] –	Milman’s Hist. of the Jews, II. 70; Jos. Ant. XV. 7. 7; Merivale, III. 386.
[102] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 7. 9. 10.
[103] –	Jan. 13, A.U.C. 727, B.C. 27. Dion LIII. 16; Liv. Epit. 134; Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, III. 417.
[104] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 8. 5; B. J. I. 21. 2.
[105] –	In B.C. 22 he contracted another marriage, and united himself with a second Mariamne, the daughter of one Simon, an obscure priest of Jerusalem, whom he raised to the dignity of high-priest, after deposing Joshua, the son of Phaneus, thus again throwing discredit on an office which he persisted in depriving of all political weight and influence.
[106] –	The full name was Cæsarea Sebaste, Jos. Ant. XVI. 5. 1, but it was sometimes called Cæsarea Stratonis, or Cæsarea Palestinæ, or the “City by the Sea,” Jos. B. J. III. 9; VII. 1. 3. Its modern name is Kaisariyeh. It became the official residence of the Herodian kings, as also of Festus, Felix, and other Roman procurators. Tacitus calls it “the head of Judæa,” Hist. II. 79. In the centre of the city rose a vast temple, conspicuous from the sea, dedicated to Octavius, and adorned with two colossal statues, one of the Emperor, the other of the Imperial city. The foundations were laid in B.C. 21, and the work was completed in B.C. 10. Jos. Ant. XV. 9. 6; Lewin’s Fasti Sacri, p. 89.
[107] –	Jos. B. J. I. 20. 4.
[108] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 10. 1.
[109] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 10. 3; B. J. I. 20. 4.
[110] –	Jos. B. J. I. 21. 3.
[111] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 10. 4.
[112] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 11. 2.
[113] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 11. 2.
[114] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 11. 6.
[115] –	Jos. Ant. XX. 9. 7.
[116] –	For the maintenance of the service the half-shekel claimed by the Law (Ex. xxx. 13) from every male Israelite above twenty years old was religiously executed. This is the tribute-money mentioned Matt. xvii. 24, under the name δίδραχμα, and according to Josephus, was collected from all Jews even in foreign countries, their foreign coins being exchanged by the κολλυβισταί for the half-shekels of the temple-money (Matt. xxi. 12; Mk. xi. 15; Jn. ii. 15).
[117] –	Dixon’s Holy Land, II. 47, 48; Raphall’s History of the Jews, II. 335–337; Milman, II. 77.
[118] –	Jos. Ant. XV. 11. 6.
[119] –	On the way he gave proof of his ardent zeal for Grecian customs, stopping at Elis to witness the Olympic games, and settling an annual revenue on the inhabitants. Jos. B. J. I. 21. 12.
[120] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 2. 1.
[121] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 1. 2.
[122] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 3. 3; B. J. I. 23. 1.
[123] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 4. 6; Comp. Ant. XV. 9. 6.
[124] –	Jos. B. J. I. 24. 1.
[125] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 5. 1.
[126] –	Built on the site of the more ancient town of Caphar Saba, sixteen Roman miles from Joppa, and twenty-six from Cæsarea. The old name lingers under the modern form Kefr-Saba.
[127] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 11. 1–6. Berytus was a town of Phœnicia, identified by some with the Berotha, or Berothai of Scripture (2 Sam. viii. 8; Ezek. xlvii. 16). After its destruction by Tryphon B.C. 140, it was reduced by Agrippa, and colonised by the veterans of the V. Macedonica Legio, and VIII. Augusta, and became a Roman colony under the name of Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Berytus. See Smith’s Dict. Geog., Art. Berytus.
[128] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 11. 7.
[129] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 2. 4.
[130] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 4. 2.
[131] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 5. 1; B. J. I. 31. 4.
[132] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 6. 2. 3.
[133] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 6. 5; B. J. I. 33. 5.
[134] –	On the eastern side of the Jordan, and not far from the Dead Sea. Jos. Ant. XVII. 6. 5.
[135] –	Probably some day between the 13th March and 4th April A.U.C. 750 = B.C. 4. See Wieseler’s Synopsis, p. 51.
[136] –	Westcott’s Introduction to the Gospel History, pp. 47, 48.
[137] –	Conybeare and Howson, Life and Travels of St Paul, I. 16; Merivale, III. 358.
[138] –	See above, [p. 7.]
[139] –	See above, [pp. 8, 9.]
[140] –	See above, [p. 10.]
[141] –	See above, [p. 15.]
[142] –	See above, [p. 54.] This was probably Lucius Calpurnius Piso, consul in B.C. 139.
[143] –	The Sanhedrin, or supreme court of judicature amongst the Jews, in things spiritual and temporal, consisted of seventy, seventy-one, or seventy-two members, chosen from the chief priests, scribes, elders, and some of the inferior members of the priestly order. Its President, generally but not always the high-priest, was called Nasi; the vice-president, Ab Beth Din, its place of meeting (βουλή, βουλευτήριον) was the chamber Gazith in the temple, where the members sat in a half-moon. The Jews traced back its origin to the time of Moses (Deut. xvii. 8), but it is only after the return from the Captivity, and especially during the Asmonean era, that we find it first mentioned. Its decrees were of binding force not only in Palestine, but amongst the extensive colonies of Jews in Egypt, Babylonia, and Asia Minor, and related to the worship of the temple, offences against the state, the levying of war, claims to the prophetical office, and questions appertaining to the high-priest’s functions. Ordinary cases came before the Lesser Sanhedrin, of which courts there were two at Jerusalem, and one in every town containing more than 120 inhabitants. The jurisdiction and authority of the Sanhedrin were much curtailed, first by Herod, see above, [p. 82], and afterwards by the Romans (Comp. Jn. xviii. 31; xix. 6; Jos. Ant. XX. 9. 1).
[144] –	Comp. Hor. Sat. I. ix. 69 sq.; Juvenal, III. 296; XIV. 96; Cic. pro Flacco, ch. XXVIII.
[145] –	Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, III. 369. “We find that at Tyre, at Sidon, and at Ascalon, the Romans published their decrees in the Latin and the Greek idioms; in the Latin, in token of their own supremacy; in the Greek, as the language most generally understood by the conquered people. Ascalon became famous for its Greek writers in philosophy, history, and grammar. Gadara, a city of Greek foundation, is celebrated by Strabo for its contributions to Hellenic science.”
[146] –	The three words for the elect nation used in the New Testament are i. Ἰουδαῖος = a Jew as regards his nation, in opposition to Ἕλλην, a Gentile; ii. Ἑβραῖος = a Jew in respect to his language and education, in opposition to Ἑλληνιστής, a Jew of the Grecian speech; iii. Ἰσραηλίτης = a Jew in respect to his religious privileges, the sacred name. Trench, N. T. Synonyms.
[147] –	Compare with this the assemblies for prayer and worship held by the prophets or their scholars in the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, 2 K. iv. 33.
[148] –	Generally they were erected and maintained by the congregation, but sometimes were built by private individuals: Comp. Lk. vii. 5.
[149] –	Godwyn’s Moses and Aaron, p. 71.
[150] –	The officers of the synagogue exercised a judicial power. And in the building itself could (i) bring an offender to trial (Lk. xii. 11; xxi. 12); and (ii) scourge (Matt. x. 17; Mark xiii. 9; Acts ix. 2).
[151] –	Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Synagogue.
[152] –	The service was held on Sabbaths and feast-days, later on the Mondays and Thursdays also.
[153] –	This would be the case at least in the Palestine synagogues.
[154] –	Godwyn’s Moses and Aaron, pp. 69–73; Conybeare and Howson, I. 59.
[155] –	Comp. Juv. III. 296, in quâ te quæro proseuchâ?
[156] –	See above, [p. 20.] Comp. Merivale, III. 370.
[157] –	See above, [p. 9.]
[158] –	See Raphall’s History of the Jews, Vol. I. pp. 160, 162.
[159] –	Others, however, derive their name from Tsadikim, ‘the righteous,’ but its origin appears uncertain.
[160] –	See above, [p. 60.]
[161] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 1. 4.
[162] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 10. 6; XVIII. 1. 4.
[163] –	The later sect of the Karaites, or Karæans, ‘Scripturists,’ succeeded to the Sadducees, but chiefly in respect of the rejection of tradition, and their strict adherence to the letter of the law.
[164] –	See above, [p. 30].
[165] –	The Scribes (γραμματεῖς) are often mentioned in the Gospels in connection with the Pharisees and elders. Originally they appear to have been employed in transcribing the Jewish Scriptures, but subsequently became interpreters of the Law and teachers of the people. The majority of them probably belonged to the sect of the Pharisees, but not all, see Acts xxiii. 9.
[166] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 5. 9, and see above, [p. 60].
[167] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 1. 3.
[168] –	Jos. Ant. XIII. 10. 5; B. J. I. 5. 2, 3.
[169] –	Comp. above, p. 63, and Luke xi. 43.
[170] –	See above, pp. [60], [62].
[171] –	The Jews of later times were very zealous in making proselytes (Comp. Horace, Sat. I. iv. 143), and succeeded to a great extent, especially among the women. They are said, though it does not appear absolutely certain, to have been divided into two classes; (i) Proselytes of righteousness, who were admitted to all the privileges of Judaism after submitting to circumcision, and baptism, and offering sacrifice: (ii) Proselytes of the gate, who were not circumcised, but simply bound themselves to observe what were called ‘the seven precepts of Noah,’ i.e. (1) to renounce idolatry, (2) to worship the one true God, (3) to abstain from bloodshed, (4) incest, (5) robbery, (6) to be obedient to the magistrates, (7) to abstain from eating flesh with the blood. Josephus calls such Proselytes οἱ σεβόμενοι, the worshippers, and they are supposed to be meant by the same word, rendered in our Version devout men in such passages as Acts xiii. 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7.
[172] –	Analogous to the Essenes were the Therapeutæ, who lived in Egypt, were bound by even stricter rules, and spent their time in still greater seclusion, Godwyn’s Moses and Aaron, I. 12.
[173] –	Conybeare and Howson, I. 33; Godwyn, Lib. I. 13.
[174] –	Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 427.
[175] –	Compare for a notice of such a process, Herod. III. 149; VI. 21, quoted in Trench, Miracles, p. 311, note.
[176] –	Comp. Jos. Ant. X. 9. 7; IX. 14. 3.
[177] –	See above, [p. 5].
[178] –	‘The Samaritans have a firm belief in the coming of Messiah. They found this upon the words of Moses (Deut. xviii. 15). They differ, however, with regard to the character of the Messiah, as well from Jews as from Christians. They ridicule the Jewish idea of his being a king and a great conqueror. His mission, they say, is not to shed blood, but to heal the nations; not to make war, but to bring peace. He is to be, according to Moses’ promise, a great Teacher, a Restorer of the Law, one that will bring all the nations, by the illumination of his teaching, to unite in one service to one God. Therefore his common name with them is Taebah (‏תהבה‎), though the better known name is Hatah or Hashah, the Restorer, or the Arabic equivalent, Al Mudy, because it is he whose mission it is to turn the ungodly and unbelieving unto the Lord.’ Mill’s Modern Samaritans, 215, 216.
[179] –	Westcott’s Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, 148, 9.
[180] –	Godwyn’s Moses and Aaron, Lib. I. p. 48; Trench, Miracles, p. 311.
[181] –	Jos. Ant. XX. 6. 1; B. J. II. 12. 3.
[182] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 2. 2.
[183] –	See Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 483.
[184] –	Ebrard’s Gospel History, p. 487; Westcott’s Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 92, 95.
[185] –	So Grotius, Lightfoot and others. Reland and Robinson identify it with Juttah in the mountain-region of Judah, near Maon and Carmel (Josh. xv. 55), allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16), now Yŭtta. The traditions of the Greek and Latin Churches point on the other hand to Ain Karim, a village near Jerusalem. Thomson’s L. and B. 664.
[186] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 123. For the composition of the Incense, Ibid. p. 135.
[187] –	See Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Incense.
[188] –	Hebrew Jochanan = God is gracious.
[189] –	The number present appears to indicate that it was the Sabbath-day.
[190] –	It is one peculiarity of the Galilæan hills, as distinct from those of Ephraim or Judah, that they contain or sustain green basins of table-land just below their topmost ridges; forming marked features in any view from the summit of Tabor, or further north from the slopes of Hermon.... Such above all is Nazareth. Fifteen gently rounded hills “seem as if they had met to form an enclosure” for this peaceful basin—“they rise round it like the edge of a shell to guard it from intrusion. It is a rich and beautiful field in the midst of these green hills—abounding in gay flowers, in fig-trees, small gardens, hedges of the prickly pear; and the dense rich grass affords an abundant pasture. The expression of the old topographer, Quaresmius, was as happy as it is poetical: ‘Nazareth is a rose, and, like a rose, has the same rounded form, enclosed by mountains as the flower by its leaves.’” Stanley’s Sinai and Palestine, p. 365.
[191] –	As the first leader of the hosts of Israel was called first Hoshea, a Saviour, and afterwards Jehoshua or Joshua, God the Saviour or God’s Salvation, in Greek, ΙΗΣΟΥΣ, Jesus, and saved the Israelites from their enemies the Canaanites, so the second Joshua was to save His people from enemies no less real—even their sins (Matt. i. 21). Compare the title of Conqueror so often applied to our blessed Lord in the Book of Revelation, as ii. 7, 11; iii. 5, 12, 21; v. 5; vi. 2, &c., as also in St John’s Gospel, xvi. 33, and in 1 Jn. ii. 13, 14; iv. 4. See Pearson On the Creed, Art. II.; Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 173, 223.
[192] –	The distance from Nazareth to Jerusalem is about 80 miles, and if Zacharias lived at Hebron 17 miles south of Jerusalem, the whole journey would occupy four or five days. (i) The most direct route was by Nain and Endor, and through Samaria and southward by Bethel. (ii) If for any cause Samaria was to be avoided, the Jordan would be crossed near Scythopolis, and the way followed through Peræa along its eastern bank. This was the common route with the Jews in their journeyings to the feasts, if they wished specially to avoid Samaria. (iii) Still a third way was by Dor on the sea-coast, passing through Lydda, and thence over the mountains of Ephraim. Andrews, p. 64.
[193] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 158.
[194] –	Locusts were frequently used as an article of food (comp. Levit. xi. 21, 22), being sometimes ground and pounded and then mixed with flour and water and made into cakes, sometimes salted and then eaten, or prepared in many other ways. See Kitto’s Bible Illustrations, VII. 191, 2; Kirby and Spence’s Entomology; Thomson’s Land and the Book, pp. 419, 20.
[195] –	Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, III. 401, smaller edition.
[196] –	From Suetonius (Aug. Chap. XXVII.) we learn that Augustus three times held a census for Italy, A.U.C. 726, 746, and 767; and Strabo speaks of one in Gaul and another in Spain. Tacitus (Ann. I. 11) tells us that he had a little book written out in his own hand treating of the numbers of his soldiers, the taxes, imposts, &c., of his empire, which is also alluded to by Suetonius and Dion Cassius, and must have been based on surveys of all parts of the empire. It is also well established that he commenced, if he did not carry out, a complete geometrical survey of the empire (see Merivale’s Romans, III. 404). Though these facts do not absolutely prove the holding of a general census, they go far to confirm the Evangelist’s statement.
[197] –	St Luke relates that this taxing or enrolment took place as a first one, when Cyrenius was governor of Syria (Lk. ii. 1). But Josephus states that Cyrenius was sent as governor of Syria after the deposition of Archelaus and the annexation of Judæa as a Roman province to Syria, and that he then instituted a census. This could not be earlier than A.U.C. 758 or 760; but the Saviour was born before Herod’s death in A.U.C. 750. Various explanations have been offered of the Evangelist’s words: i. Some would throw the emphasis on the ἐγένετο, and translate, “This enrolment first took effect when Cyrenius was governor of Syria,” i.e. the enrolment, enumeration of persons, descriptio capitum, was made at the time of our Lord’s birth, but its actual execution was deferred some nine or ten years, till Judæa was made a Roman province, when (Acts v. 37) the rebellion took place against the actual levying of the taxes. ii. Others would render πρώτη before, as in the somewhat parallel passages in Jn. i. 15, 30, where it is used as = πρότερος, and translate, “This enrolment took place before Cyrenius was governor of Syria.” iii. It appears, however, almost certain, Merivale says demonstrated, that Publius Sulpicius Quirinus (Cyrenius) was twice governor of Syria, first from A.U.C. 750–753, or B.C. 4–1, and secondly from A.U.C. 760–765, or A.D. 6–11. It is true that Cyrenius does not appear to have been governor till the autumn of A.U.C. 750, but the enumeration may have begun or been appointed under Varus the preceding governor, and being suspended in consequence of Herod’s death and the disturbances that followed it, was reserved for execution to Cyrenius, with whose name it was connected. Merivale, IV. 457; Ellicott, p. 58 n.; Andrews, 5–8; and see the results of Zumpt’s dissertation De Syriâ Romanorum provinciâ in Wieseler’s Synopsis, 129–135.
[198] –	On Herod’s completely tributary relation to Rome, see Wieseler, Chronol. Synop. pp. 84, 85.
[199] –	“In the kingdoms of their allies the Romans adopted at first a milder, and even when circumstances dictated it, an exceedingly lenient form of census. This we may be sure would have been the case in the census of Palestine under Herod, who reigned over the entire nation of the Jews, a people so much inclined to revolt. It is probable that the forms for holding the census, issued by Rome, were adapted as closely as possible to the conditions of the country, while the execution of it was, as far as practicable, entrusted to the sole management of Herod and his officers.” Wieseler, p. 82.
[200] –	Under purely Roman law “Joseph might perhaps have been enrolled at Nazareth,” but the fact that he is described by the Evangelist as journeying to Bethlehem to be enrolled at the town of his forefathers, is in remarkable accordance with “the perplexed political relations of the intensely national yet all but subject Judæa.” Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 60.
[201] –	On the reasons why this journey was often taken by the Jews, see above, pp. 122, 123.
[202] –	It is not impossible that these Magi were acquainted with Balaam’s prophecy respecting a star to rise out of Jacob (Num. xxiv. 17; Class-Book of O. T. History, 191, 192), and very probable that they were not ignorant of the Prophecies of Daniel. The general expectation in the East at this time that a king should arise in Judæa to rule the world, is mentioned in Suetonius, Vesp. c. IV., Tac. Hist. V. 13.
[203] –	The Magi were a tribe of the Medes, like that of Levi among the Jews, to whom were entrusted all the priestly functions connected with the practice of their religion, the chief feature of which was a worship of the elements, as also the study of astrology, and the interpretation of dreams.
[204] –	Though the terrible disorder which carried him off was already afflicting him, and it wanted probably but a few days of the period when he sought relief in the baths of Callirhoe; see above, p. 104, Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 75, n.
[205] –	The customary gifts of subject nations, see Gen. xliii. 11; Ps. lxxii. 15; 1 Kings x. 2, 10; 2 Chron. ix. 24; Cant. iii. 6; iv. 14.
[206] –	Under any circumstances the number of children thus ruthlessly murdered could not have been large. “In peaceful times such an act as this, even if executed, as this probably was, in secresy, would have excited general indignation when it became known; but now the Jewish people had so long ‘supped with horrors,’ and were so engrossed in the many perils that threatened their national existence, that this passed by comparatively unnoticed. Such a deed, from a man of whom Josephus says that ‘he was brutish and a stranger to all humanity,’ ... could have awakened no surprise. It was wholly in keeping with his reckless and savage character, but one, and by no means the greatest of his crimes. It is therefore possible that it may never have come to the knowledge of the Jewish historian, writing so many years after the event.” Andrews, p. 89, Rawlinson’s Bampton Lectures, pp. 352, 3 and note.
[207] –	Compare the execution of the zealots for pulling down the Golden Eagle, above, [p. 104].
[208] –	See above, [p. 82].
[209] –	See above, [p. 105].
[210] –	See above, [p. 105].
[211] –	He was the son of Herod by his Samaritan wife Malthace (Jos. Ant. XVII. 8. 1; B. J. I. 28. 4). He was guilty of great cruelty and oppression. Not long after his accession he put to death in the Temple 3000 of the Jews, letting loose upon them his entire army during the Paschal Festival (Jos. Ant. XVII. 9. 3; B. J. II. 1. 3). The Samaritans also suffered terribly from his cruelties (B. J. II. 7. 3).
[212] –	Andrews’ Life of our Lord on Earth, p. 91; Ellicott, p. 81.
[213] –	The attendance of women at the great feasts was not required by the Law. Ellicott, p. 89.
[214] –	“As is well known, the first day’s journey of a company of eastern travellers is always short. On that day it is not customary to go more than six or eight miles, and the tents are pitched, for the first night’s encampment, almost within sight of the place from which the journey commences.” Hackett, Script. Ill. 12, quoted in Andrews, p. 96.
[215] –	This we may compute in two ways; either (i) the first, that of their departure from Jerusalem; second, the day of their return; third, the day when He was found; or (ii) excluding the day of departure; first, the day of their return; second, the day of search in Jerusalem; third, the day when He was found. Ibid.
[216] –	See above, [p. 96]; comp. Lightfoot Hor. Heb. on Lk. ii. 46.
[217] –	This was the general opinion of the early Fathers; is in accordance with the settled custom of the Jews to bring up their sons to some trade; and is implied in the question of the inhabitants of Nazareth, “Is not this the carpenter?” (Mtt. xiii. 55, Mk. vi. 3).
[218] –	The Roman province of Judæa extended from the plain of Esdraelon southwards to the desert, and in our Lord’s time included Samaria, which had now no separate political existence. On Idumæa, see above, [p. 32] and note.
[219] –	Galilee, from the Hebrew form Galil or Galilah (comp. Jos. xx. 7; 1 Kings ix. 11; Is. ix. 1), denoting “a circle” or “region,” and “implying the separation of the district from the more regularly organized tribes or kingdoms of Samaria and Judæa,” extended from the region of Lebanon to the southern border of the plain of Esdraelon. It thus comprised the district formerly occupied by the tribes of Asher, Naphtali, Zebulun, Issachar, and part of Manasseh, and was divided into two sections: (i) Lower Galilee, which included the rich plain of Esdraelon and the whole region from the plain of Akka to the shores of the Lake of Gennesaret. (For the fertility of this region, see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 219, 220.) (ii) Upper Galilee, which “embraced the whole mountain-range lying between the Upper Jordan and Phœnicia,” and was also called Galilee of the Gentiles (Matt. iv. 15; 1 Macc. v. 15), for twenty of its towns were given by Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre (1 K. ix. 11), and were then or afterwards colonised by strangers (Is. ix. 1), who increased in number during the Captivity and the times of the Maccabees (1 Macc. v. 20–23), and chiefly consisted of Syrians, Phœnicians, Arabs, and Greeks. It was probably from contact with this large body of foreigners that the pronunciation of the Jews residing in Galilee became peculiar (Mtt. xxvi. 73; Mk. xiv. 70).
[220] –	A region extending from the Arnon to the Hieromax.
[221] –	Auranitis was the Greek form of the old name Hauran (Ezek. xlvii. 16), and was the name of the district in the upper valley of the Hieromax.
[222] –	Gaulanitis derived its name from the ancient Levitical city of refuge (Jos. xx. 8; xxi. 27), Golan, in the territory of Manasseh (Deut. iv. 43), and included the district immediately east of the lake of Gennesaret, and the Upper Jordan. Its principal cities were Golan, Hippos, Gamala, Bethsaida-Julias (Mark viii. 22) and Seleucia.
[223] –	Trachonitis was the Greek form of the Hebrew Argob = stony. See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 185.
[224] –	Batanæa, the Græcized form of the Hebrew Bashan, included, probably, the mountain-district east of Auranitis.
[225] –	Ituræa was a little province lying between Gaulanitis on the south, Trachonitis on the east, Hermon on the west, and the plain of Damascus on the north. It derived its name from Jetur, a son of Ishmael, who colonised it (Gen. xxv. 15, 16). His descendants were conquered by the half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 19–23) but not annihilated, for, as we have seen, above, [p. 61], Aristobulus re-conquered their colony, then called Ituræa, and gave them their choice between Judaism or banishment (Jos. Ant. XIII. 11. 3). Remnants, however, still survived, and retiring to the neighbouring rocky fastnesses “became known as skilful archers and daring plunderers” (Virgil, Georg. II. 448; Cic. Phil. II. 24; VIII. 19; XLIV. 112; V. 18). When Pompeius came into Syria it was ceded to the Romans, and was heavily taxed by M. Antonius; it then fell into the hands of a chief called Zenodorus, but about B.C. 20 was bestowed by Augustus on Herod the Great (see above, [p. 93]), who bequeathed it to his son Philip. Jos. Ant. XVII. 8. 1; Smith’s Bibl. Dict. and Dict. Geog.
[226] –	Jos. B. J. II. 6. 3.
[227] –	According to Dion Cassius he was banished by Augustus to Vienne in Gaul, in the consulship of Marcus Æmilius Lepidus and L. Arruntius, after reigning from A.U.C. 750 to A.U.C. 759, Wieseler, Chronol. Synop. p. 50.
[228] –	Jos. B. J. II. 7. 3; Lewin’s Fasti Sacri, p. 146.
[229] –	From the time of Augustus (B.C. 27) the provinces subject to the Roman sway were divided into two classes, (i) Senatorial, and (ii) Imperial. (i) Senatorial provinces were governed by a Proconsul, called in Greek Ἀνθύπατος (Acts xiii. 7; xviii. 12; xix. 38), who was appointed by lot, held his authority for a year, carried with him the lictors and fasces, the insignia of a consul, but had no military power. (ii) Imperial provinces were governed by a Proprætor, in Greek Ἀντιστράτηγος, or as he was sometimes termed “Legatus,” or Πρεσβευτής, the representative or “Commissioner” of the emperor. He was appointed by the emperor himself, held his authority as long as the latter wished, and went from Italy with all the pomp of a military commander. Syria was an imperial province, and therefore was governed by a Legatus, or “Commissioner” of the emperor, and Judæa, partly on account of its remoteness from Antioch, partly from the peculiar character of its inhabitants, was ruled by a special procurator, subject to the governor of Syria, but vested within his own province with the power of a Legatus. Hence we never find the title Proconsul applied to Quirinus, Pilate, Festus, or Felix, but Ἡγεμών, a general term = the Latin præses (Comp. Lk. ii. 2; iii. 1; Acts xxiii. 24). The procurator of Judæa (a) had his head-quarters at Cæsarea (Acts xxiii. 23); (b) was assisted by a council consisting of assessors (Acts xxv. 12); (c) was attended by six lictors, wore the military dress, and had a cohort as a body-guard (Matt. xxvii. 27); (d) came up to Jerusalem at the time of the great festivals, when, according to Josephus, he resided in the palace of Herod (B. J. II. 14. 3); (e) had an audience-chamber (Acts xxv. 23), and a judgment-seat (Acts xxv. 6); (f) had the power of life and death (Matt. xxvii. 26), and sent appeals to the emperor (Acts xxv. 12).
[230] –	During his procuratorship occurred the pollution of the temple by the Samaritans, related above, [p. 123]. Up to this time they had been admitted to the temple, but were now excluded.
[231] –	“Sebaste and Jerusalem being far from Antioch, the mountains difficult and the people turbulent, Quirinus was allowed to treat these new districts of the empire as a sub-province, placing them under a procurator of their own, with a provincial capital at Cæsarea on the sea-coast.” H. Dixon’s Holy Land, I. 236.
[232] –	Jos. B. J. II. 8. 1.
[233] –	See above, p. 135, [note].
[234] –	Jos. Ant. XVI. 13. 5.
[235] –	Ib. XVII. 1. 1.
[236] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 1. 1; B. J. II. 8. 1.
[237] –	Jos. Ant. XVII. 2. 1.
[238] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 2. 2; Lewin’s Fasti Sacri, p. 160, 1.
[239] –	Seeing that a rapid succession of governors only increased the oppressions and exactions of the provinces; the governor, who anticipated but a short harvest, making the most of his time, and extorting as much as he was able in the shortest possible period. Jos. Ant. XVII. 7. 5; Merivale, V. 281.
[240] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 2. 2. Some think that Annas was now Nasi or President of the Sanhedrin, an office not always held by the high-priest. Ellicott, 333, n.
[241] –	The gens of the Pontii, with whom he may have been connected either by descent or adoption, is first conspicuous in Roman history in the person of C. Pontius Telesinus, the great Samnite general. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[242] –	By some (i) deemed to denote “armed with the pilum, or javelin;” by others (ii) considered an abbreviation of pileatus, from pileus, “the cap or badge of manumitted slaves,” indicating that he was either a libertus, i.e. “freedman,” or descended from one. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[243] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 3. 1.
[244] –	Comp. Mark vii. 11.
[245] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 3. 2.
[246] –	“With the Roman legions came the Roman fiscal system; harbour-dues, post-dues, town-dues, customs, excise; in the streets a house-tax, in the markets a fruit-tax, everywhere a poll-tax. The Jews began to groan under the weight, and sicken under the names of these Roman imposts ... their nationality was gone, they were denied the grain of comfort which an Oriental finds in seeing and kissing the foot that grinds him into dust. For many years after Archelaus left Jerusalem, the Jews rarely saw the faces of their lords. Augustus dwelt at Rome, Quirinus at Antioch, Coponius at Cæsarea. Jerusalem was garrisoned by a subaltern, governed by a priest.” H. Dixon’s Holy Land, I. 238.
[247] –	The 15th year of Tiberius mentioned by St Luke iii. 1. either (i) includes the two years during which Tiberius appears to have been associated with Augustus, or (ii) coincides not with the first appearance, but the captivity of John the Baptist, “the epoch, from which, in accordance with ancient tradition, the narrative of the first three Gospels appears to date.” Ellicott’s Lectures, 104, n.; Wieseler’s Chronol. Synop.
[248] –	Situated either thirty miles north of Jericho, near Succoth, the northern ford, or nearly east of that city, the ordinary point of passage across the river. Ellicott’s Lectures, 106, n.
[249] –	See above, p. 118, [note].
[250] –	“Lightfoot shews that it was the token of a slave having become his master’s property, to loose his shoe, to tie the same, or to carry the necessary articles for him to the bath.” Alford on Matt. iii. 11.
[251] –	Probably about six months after his ministry had begun. Ellicott’s Lectures, 102, n.
[252] –	Διεκώλυεν, Mtt. iii. 14, a much stronger word than the simple ἐκώλυεν, and denoting earnestness and an active endeavour to prevent him.
[253] –	Ellicott, p. 109. The traditional site is the mountain Quarantania, “a high and precipitous wall of rock 12 or 1500 feet above the plain west of the Jordan near Jericho.” The side facing the plain is as perpendicular and apparently as high as the rock of Gibraltar, and upon the summit are still visible the ruins of an ancient convent. Midway below are caverns hewn in the perpendicular rock, where hermits formerly retired to fast and pray in imitation of the “Forty Days.” Robinson’s Palestine, I. 567; Thomson’s L. and B. 617; Tristram, pp. 208, 209.
[254] –	The identity of Nathanael and Bartholomew appears highly probable. a. St John twice (i. 45; xxi. 2) mentions Nathanael, never Bartholomew. b. The other Evangelists (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18; Lk. vi. 14) all speak of Bartholomew, never of Nathanael. c. Philip first brought Nathanael to Jesus, and Bartholomew is mentioned by each of the first three Evangelists immediately after Philip. d. St Luke couples Philip with Bartholomew precisely in the same way as Simon with his brother Andrew, and Joses with his brother John.
[255] –	Perhaps for the purpose of prayer and meditation. “The foliage of the fig-tree produces a thick shade, and the Jewish Rabbis were accustomed to rise early and study beneath it.” Wordsworth’s Notes.
[256] –	Identified either with (i) Kefr Kenna, a small village about 4½ miles N.E. of Nazareth, which “now contains only the ruins of a church, said to stand over the house in which the miracle was performed;” or (ii) Kana el Jelil, about 5 miles north of Sepphoris, and 9 from Nazareth, near Jotapata, the name of which is considered by some completely to represent the Hebrew original. Robinson, II. 346–349; Thomson, Land and Book, p. 425; Stanley, S. and P. 367.
[257] –	It is a striking confirmation of our Lord’s words (Mtt. xi. 23) that the very site of Capernaum, then a flourishing and populous place, is now one of the most hotly-contested points connected with the geography of Palestine: (i) some would place it at Khân Minyeh, at the N.E. end of the Plain of Gennesaret: (ii) others place the Fountain of Capernaum, mentioned by Josephus (B. J. III. 10. 8) at Et-Tabiga, a little to the north of Khân Minyeh, and the town itself at Tell Hum, where there are the remains of a place of considerable extent, “consisting chiefly of the fallen walls of dwellings and other buildings, all of unhewn stone.” Robinson, I. 540; Thomson, L. and B.
[258] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, II. 298.
[259] –	Josephus (B. J. VI. 9. 3) estimates the number of lambs sacrificed at the Passover in the time of Nero at 256,500.
[260] –	This cleansing of the Temple recorded by St John is clearly distinct from the later one mentioned by Mtt. xxi. 12, &c.; Mk. xi. 15, &c.; Lk. xix. 15, &c.
[261] –	“Any Jew might come forward as a zealot against illegal abuses in the national life (Num. xxv. 7), but the greatest zealots generally justified their proceedings as prophets and workers of miracles (1 K. xviii. 23, 24). By His act the Lord had rebuked the whole nation, and the Sanhedrin itself; they demanded, therefore, a sign to legitimate His proceeding.” Lange, II. 300; Milman, I. 159 n.
[262] –	How widely this mysterious saying, though misunderstood, was circulated, and how deep was the impression it made, is clear from several subsequent incidents. See Mtt. xxvi. 61; Mk. xiv. 58; Mtt. xxvii. 39, 40; Mk. xv. 29.
[263] –	Comp. Jn. iii. 1; vii. 26, 50; Lk. xxiv. 20.
[264] –	For the circumstances here alluded to see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 182, 183.
[265] –	Ænon means place of fountains, a Greek form of the Chaldee word denoting the same.
[266] –	According to Eusebius and Jerome, Salim existed in their day near the Jordan, eight Roman miles south of Scythopolis. In exact accordance with this position the name Salûm has been lately discovered six English miles south of Beisan, and two miles west of the Jordan. Beside it there gushes out a splendid fountain, and rivulets wind about in all directions, so that of few places in Palestine could it be said so truly there was much water there. Van de Velde, II. 356.
[267] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 5. 1.
[268] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 5. 2.
[269] –	See the Calendar in Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 155.
[270] –	At this time called Sychar by the Jews of the south, in studied contempt, as denoting either falsehood, i.e. idol-worship (Hab. ii. 18), or drunkard.
[271] –	Jacob’s well is a spot the identity of which has never been seriously questioned; Jews and Samaritans, Christians and Mahommedans, unite in attesting it. It is situated “on the end of a low spur or swell, running out from the north-eastern base of Gerizim,” the mouth being encumbered by the ruins of a Christian church once built over it. “The width of the bore is about nine feet, the upper portion built in with neatly dressed and squared stones like the masonry of the wells of Beersheba, the lower portion hewn, to all appearance, out of the solid rock.” The well is still deep, about seventy-five or eighty feet, though evidently choked with many feet of rubbish, and oftentimes filled with much water. Robinson, III. 132; Tristram, 146; Stanley’s S. and P. pp. 240, 241.
[272] –	On the feeling of the Samaritans towards the Jews, see above, [p. 122].
[273] –	For the building and destruction of the temple there, see above, pp. [3], and [57].
[274] –	On the Samaritan expectation of the Messiah, see above, pp. [121], [122].
[275] –	Τις βασιλικός (Jn. iv. 46). Some have supposed him to have been Chuza, Herod’s steward, whose wife was among the holy women that ministered unto the Lord of their substance (Lk. viii. 3). “This is not wholly improbable,” writes Archbishop Trench, “for it would seem as if only some mighty and marvellous work of this kind would have drawn a steward of Herod’s with his family into the net of the Gospel,” On the Miracles, p. 119.
[276] –	One hour after noon.
[277] –	The true reading in Jn. v. 1 appears to be ἑορτή without the article, and the feast spoken of is identified by Wieseler, Tischendorf, Ellicott and others, with that of Purim; for the institution of which see Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 475.
[278] –	By some identified with a large reservoir called the Birket Israil within the walls of the city and close to St Stephen’s Gate, under the N.E. wall of the haram area. Robinson, however, identifies it with the “Fountain of the Virgin,” in the Kedron valley, a little above the pool of Siloam. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[279] –	Ellicott’s Lectures, pp. 141, 142.
[280] –	For the service of the Synagogue see above, pp. [111]–113.
[281] –	“They arose,” it is said of the infuriated inhabitants, “and cast Him out of the city, and brought Him to a brow of the mountain (ἕως ὀφρύος τοῦ ὄρους) on which the city was built, so as to cast Him down the cliff (ὥστε κατακρημνίσαι αὐτόν). Most readers probably from these words imagine a town built on the summit of a mountain, from which summit the intended precipitation was to take place. This is not the situation of Nazareth. Yet its position is still in accordance with the narrative. It is built ‘upon,’ that is, on the side of ‘a mountain,’ but the ‘brow’ is not beneath but over the town, and such a cliff (κρημνός), as is here implied, is to be found, as all modern travellers describe, in the abrupt face of the limestone rock, about thirty or forty feet high, overhanging the Maronite convent at the south-western corner of the town.” Stanley’s S. and P., p. 367; Robinson, II. 335; Tristram’s Land of Israel, p. 121.
[282] –	“The Saviour came down (Lk. iv. 31; Jn. iv. 47, 51) from the high country of Galilee, where He had hitherto dwelt, and from henceforth made His permanent home in the deep retreat of the sea of Galilee.... It was no retired mountain-lake by whose shore He took up His abode, such as might have attracted the eastern sage or western hermit. It was to the Roman Palestine almost what the manufacturing districts are to England. Nowhere, except in the capital itself, could He have found such a sphere for His works and words of mercy; from no other centre could His fame have so gone throughout all Syria (Mtt. iv. 24).... Far removed from the capital, mingled with the Gentile races of Lebanon and Arabia, the dwellers by the sea of Galilee were free from most of the strong prejudices which in the south of Palestine raised a bar to His reception. The people in the land of Zabulon and Nephthalim, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles, had sat in darkness; but from that very cause they saw more clearly the great Light when it came: to them which sat in the region and the shadow of death, for that very reason light sprang up the more readily. He came to preach the Gospel to the poor, to the weary and heavy laden; to seek and to save that which was lost. Where could He find work so readily as in the ceaseless toil and turmoil of these teeming villages and busy waters? The heathen or half-heathen publicans or tax-gatherers would be there, sitting by the lake side at the receipt of custom. The women who were sinners would there have come, either from the neighbouring Gentile cities, or corrupted by the license of Gentile manners. The Roman soldiers would there be found quartered with their slaves (Luke vii. 2), to be near the palaces of the Herodian princes, or to repress the turbulence of the Galilæan peasantry. And the hardy boatmen, filled with the faithful and grateful spirit by which that peasantry was always distinguished, would supply the energy and docility which He needed for His followers.” Stanley’s S. and P. 375–377; comp. Jos. B. J. III. 3. 2.
[283] –	Milman, I. 177; Andrews, p. 179.
[284] –	The notice of the hired servants (Mark i. 20), the two vessels employed (Luke v. 7), and the subsequent mention of St John’s acquaintance with one in so high a position as the high priest (John xviii. 15), seem to indicate that Zebedee, if not a wealthy man, was at any rate of no mean position in Capernaum. See Ellicott, 169 n.
[285] –	Trench, Miracles, 127, 128.
[286] –	Comp. Exod. xx. 18, 19; Judg. xiii. 22; Dan. x. 17; Isai. vi. 5.
[287] –	Trench, 232.
[288] –	Or “great fever,” one of the expressions often cited as illustrating St Luke’s professional acquaintance with disease. The Greek medical writers recognised a marked distinction between “great” and “small” fevers.
[289] –	See Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 150.
[290] –	Comp. Mk. vi. 11, for a testimony unto them, with Luke ix. 5, for a testimony against them.
[291] –	The identity of Matthew and Levi seems to follow from (i) The perfect agreement in the narratives of the calling of the one (Matt. ix. 10), and of the other (Mark ii. 15; Luke v. 29); (ii) The absence from the lists of the Apostles of any trace of the name Levi, while that of Matthew occurs in all. It is not improbable that the grateful “publican” changed his name after and in memory of his call, so that he, who was before called Levi, was now known as Matthew, or Matthias, which is equivalent to Theodore, the “gift of God.” See Ellicott’s Lectures, 172 n.
[292] –	Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 173.
[293] –	By some explained as (i) The Sabbath that succeeded the second day of the Passover; (ii) The 15th of Nisan, the 14th being, it is asserted, always coincident with the Sabbath; (iii) The first Sabbath of a year that stood second in a Sabbatical cycle.
[294] –	“He that reapeth corn on the Sabbath, to the quantity of a fig, is guilty; and plucking corn is as reaping.” Lightfoot, quoting the Mishna.
[295] –	See above, p.[ 159].
[296] –	See above, p.[ 159].
[297] –	It was probably now that the Saviour called these brothers Boanerges, “Sons of Thunder,” from their burning and impetuous spirit, of which we trace indications in Lk. ix. 54, Mk. ix. 38.
[298] –	See above, p.[ 159].
[299] –	See above, p. [159, n.]
[300] –	See above, p.[ 182].
[301] –	See above, p.[ 148].
[302] –	Tradition places the scene of the Sermon on the Mount on a hill known as the “Horns of Hattin,” a ridge no great distance from Tell Hûm, running east and west for about a quarter of a mile, and called by the Latins the Mount of Beatitudes. Stanley thinks “the situation so strikingly coincides with the intimations of the Gospel narrative as almost to force the inference, that in this instance the eye of those who selected the spot was for once rightly guided,” S. and P. p. 360. On the peculiar acoustic properties of the neighbourhood, see Tristram’s Land of Israel, p. 433.
[303] –	In reference to the Sermon on the Mount as related by St Matthew and St Luke, it may be observed that the differences are on the whole few when compared with the resemblances: Thus (i) both have the same beginning and ending; (ii) the order is generally similar; (iii) the expressions are often identical; (iv) the audience (Mtt. iv. 25; Lk. vi. 17; Mk. iii. 7, 8) was the same, and included crowds from every part of the land; (v) probably St Matthew relates it substantially as it was delivered, and writing for Jews retains those portions which relate to the Jewish sects and customs, while St Luke has modified it to meet the wants of those for whom he more especially wrote. Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 180, n. and Andrews, p. 223.
[304] –	Trench On the Miracles, pp. 225, 226.
[305] –	Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 181.
[306] –	Now called Neïn. It was near the source of the brook Kishon, not far from Endor, and 2½ leagues from Nazareth. The name means “the lovely,” and was perhaps given on account of its pleasant situation in the plain of Esdraelon.
[307] –	Jos. B. J. VII. 6. 1–3.
[308] –	Like Socrates, the Baptist, though in confinement, was allowed to hold intercourse with his disciples. Comp. Mtt. xxv. 36; Acts xxiv. 23. Lange, III. 116, n.
[309] –	Milman, I. 215.
[310] –	Lange, III. 108.
[311] –	Ellicott, p. 182.
[312] –	There is no real ground for identifying this woman with Mary Magdalene. It is true that she was a victim of Satanic influence (Lk. viii. 2), but it does not follow that she had been guilty of sins of impurity.
[313] –	This anointing is not to be confounded with that recorded in Mtt. xxvi. 6, &c., Mk. xiv. 3, &c., Jn. xii. 1, &c. The two anointings differ in time, and place, as well as the chief actors. Trench On the Parables, p. 290.
[314] –	Trench On the Parables, pp. 289–293.
[315] –	See above, p.[ 171].
[316] –	See Ellicott, p. 184, and note.
[317] –	On the scenery around the lake which would suggest the majority of the Parables now delivered, see a striking passage in Stanley’s Sinai and Palestine, pp. 425–427. “A slight recess in the hill-side, close upon the Plain of Gennesaret, disclosed at once, in detail, and with a conjunction I remember nowhere else in Palestine, every feature of the great parable of the Sower;” there was i. The undulating corn-field descending close to the water’s edge, over which hovered countless birds of various kinds. Comp. also Tristram, p. 431; ii. The trodden pathway running through the midst of it, with no fence or hedge to prevent the seed from falling here and there on either side of it or upon it; itself hard with the constant tramp of horse and mule and human feet; iii. The rocky ground of the hill side protruding here and there through the corn-fields, as elsewhere through the grassy slopes; iv. The large bushes of thorn, the “Nabk,” springing up like the fruit-trees of the more inland parts, in the very midst of the waving wheat; v. The good rich soil, which distinguishes the whole of the Plain of Gennesaret and its neighbourhood from the bare hills elsewhere descending into the lake, and which, where there is no interruption, produces one vast mass of corn; vi. The women and children picking out from the wheat the tall green stalks, called by the Arabs Zurwân, = the Greek Zizania, = the Lollia of the Vulgate, = the tares of our version, which if sown designedly throughout the fields would be inseparable from the wheat, from which, even when growing naturally and by chance, these are at first sight hardly distinguishable; vii. The mustard-tree (in Arabic Khadel, in Hebrew Chardal, in N.W. India Khardel), growing especially on the shores of the Lake, [as also near Damascus, Jerusalem, and the Dead Sea], rising from a small seed into a large shrub or tree, 25 ft. high, and producing numerous branches and leaves, among which the birds take shelter. viii. The great fisheries, which once made the fame of Gennesaret, with (1) the busy fishermen plying (a) the drag-net, or hawling-net, σαγήνη (Mtt. xiii. 47, 48), the Latin tragum or tragula, the English seine or sean, sometimes half a mile in length (Trench, Parables, 134, n.); (b) the casting-net, ἀμφίβληστρον (Mtt. iv. 18; Mk. i. 16), the Latin funda or jaculum, circular in shape, “like the top of a tent” (Thomson, L. and B. 402); (c) the bag-net and basket-net, so constructed and worked as to enclose the fish out in deep water (Lk. v. 4–9), Thomson, p. 402. (2) “The marvellous shoals of fish of various kinds, the most striking phenomenon of the lake” (Tristram, p. 432).
[318] –	With reference to the sudden and violent tempests, to which the lake is exposed, “we must remember,” writes Thomson, “that it lies low, 600 feet lower than the ocean; that the vast and naked plateaus of the Jaulan rise to a great height, spreading backwards to the wilds of the Hauran, and upward to snowy Hermon; that the water-courses have cut out profound ravines, and wild gorges converging to the head of the lake, and that these act like gigantic funnels to draw down the cold winds from the mountains. And moreover, these winds are not only violent, but they come down suddenly, and often when the sky is perfectly clear,” The Land and the Book, p. 374; Tristram, p. 430.
[319] –	The MSS. in all three Evangelists vary in their readings between Γαδαρηνῶν, Γερασηνῶν, and Γεργεσηνῶν. Gadara, the capital of Peræa, lay S.E. of the southern extremity of Gennesaret, at a distance of about sixty stadia from Tiberias, its country being called Gadaritis. Gerasa lay on the extreme E. limit of Peræa, and was too far from the lake to give its name to any district on its borders. It is the opinion of Dr Thomson that St Matthew, “writing for those intimately acquainted with the topography of the country in detail, names the obscure and exact locality Gergesa, while SS. Mark and Luke, writing for those at a distance, simply name the country Gadara, as a place of importance, and acknowledged as the capital of the district.” Directly opposite Gennesaret this traveller visited some ruins called by his guide Kerza or Gersa, which he identifies with the Gergesa of St Matthew, Land and Book, p. 375.
[320] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 170.
[321] –	Εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον (Lk. viii. 31), translated in the English version the deep, which leads to a confusion of ideas. The word occurs here and in Rom. x. 7, where also Hell would be the better translation, and several times in Revelation, as ix. 1, 2, 11; xi. 7; xvii. 8; xx. 1, 3; in which places it corresponds to τάρταρος Tartarus, and γέεννα Gehenna (2 Pet. ii. 4), Trench, Miracles, p. 171, n.
[322] –	At Kerza or Gersa, “while there is no precipice running sheer to the sea, but a narrow belt of beach, the bluff behind is so steep, and the shore so narrow, that a herd of swine, rushing frantically down, must certainly have been overwhelmed in the lake before they could recover themselves,” Tristram, p. 462.
[323] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 176.
[324] –	Decapolis, “the ten cities” (Mtt. iv. 25; Mk. v. 20; vii. 31), all lay, with the exception of Scythopolis, East of the Jordan, and to the E. and S.E. of the sea of Galilee. They were, 1. Scythopolis, 2. Hippos, 3. Gadara, 4. Pella, 5. Philadelphia, 6. Gerasa, 7. Dion, 8. Canatha, 9. Abila, 10. Capitolias. They were rebuilt, partially colonized, and endowed with peculiar privileges immediately after the conquest of Syria by the Romans, B.C. 65. The limits of the territory of Decapolis were not very clearly defined, and the word was sometimes used to designate a large district extending along both sides of the Jordan: see Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[325] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 181.
[326] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 186.
[327] –	Such is the usual explanation of γενέσια. Wieseler, however, and others, consider it refers to a feast kept in honour of his accession to the throne, and so make the date of the Baptist’s execution April 11, A.U.C. 782, since Herod the Great died a few days before the Passover, A.U.C. 750. Wieseler’s Synopsis, p. 265; Andrews, p. 254.
[328] –	Bethsaida-Julias was at the N.E. extremity of the lake of Gennesaret. It had been a village, but was rebuilt and adorned by Herod Philip, who raised it to the dignity of a town, and called it Julias after the daughter of Augustus (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 2. 1; B. J. II. 9. 1; III. 10. 7).
[329] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 5. 2.
[330] –	Greswell, Harm. III. 428, thinks that during the earlier period of the Saviour’s ministry Herod had either been engaged in hostilities with Aretas, or had been on a visit to Rome, whither he went about this time, and so had remained ignorant of what had already taken place. The late mission of the Twelve would be very likely to rouse attention, indicating, as it apparently did, a purpose to disseminate His doctrine more widely, and to make disciples in larger numbers, Andrews, p. 256.
[331] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 262.
[332] –	Trench, p. 262.
[333] –	“There is now, and probably always was, one characteristic feature of the Eastern side of the Lake—its desert character. Partly this arises from its near exposure to the Bedouin tribes, partly from its less abundance of springs and streams. There is no recess in the Eastern hills; no towns along its banks corresponding to those in the Plain of Gennesaret. Thus the wilder regions became a natural refuge from the active life of the Western shores.” Stanley’s S. and P. 379.
[334] –	Compare Trench, Miracles, p. 264.
[335] –	Consisting some of 50, some of 100, and, in the graphic words of St Mark, showing like so many garden plots (πρασιαὶ πρασιαὶ), on the green turf. “Our English ‘in ranks,’ does not reproduce the picture to the eye, giving rather the notion of continuous lines. Wiclif’s was better, ‘by parties.’ Perhaps ‘in groups’ would be as near as we could get to it in English,” Trench, Miracles, p. 265. “In the parts of the plain not cultivated by the hand of man would be found the much green grass (Mk. vi. 39; Jn. vi. 10) still fresh in the spring of the year, before it had faded away in the summer sun—the tall grass which, broken down by the feet of the thousands there gathered together, would make as it were couches (Mk. vi. 39, 40) for them to recline upon.” Stanley’s S. and P. 381.
[336] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 271, and note.
[337] –	The Western Bethsaida, the city of Philip, and Andrew, and Peter, is placed by Robinson at the modern Et-Tabighah, by Ritter at Khân Minyeh. Ellicott, 207, note.
[338] –	The proper Jewish reckoning recognised only three such watches, entitled (i) the first or beginning of the watches (Lam. ii. 19), lasting from sunset to 10 P.M.; (ii) the middle watch (Judg. vii. 19), from 10 P.M. to 2 A.M.; (iii) the morning watch (Ex. xiv. 24; 1 Sam. xi. 11), from 2 A.M. to sunrise. After the Roman supremacy the number of watches was increased to four, sometimes described by their numerical order (as Mtt. xiv. 25), sometimes by the terms “even,” closing at 9 P.M.; “midnight;” “cock-crowing” at 3 A.M.; “morning” at 6 A.M.; See Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[339] –	Scarcely, therefore, more than half the way, the lake being 40 or 45 furlongs in breadth.
[340] –	“The contrary wind, which, blowing up the lake from the south-west would prevent the boat of the Apostles from returning to Capernaum, would also bring other boats (Jn. vi. 16–24) from Tiberias, the chief city on the south, to Julias, the chief city on the north, and so enable the multitudes, when the storm had subsided, to cross at once, without the long journey on foot which they had made the day before.” Stanley’s S. and P., p. 382.
[341] –	Verily, verily, I say unto you, Jn. vi. 26; vi. 32; vi. 47; vi. 53.
[342] –	If it was not actually being celebrated. Many hold that the day on which this momentous discourse was delivered in the synagogue of Capernaum was the 15th of Nisan, the second day of the Paschal Feast. See Wieseler, p. 281; Tischendorf, Synop. Evang. XXXIV.; Ellicott’s Hulsean Lectures, p. 210 and note.
[343] –	Ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ (Jn. vi. 69): such appears to be the preferable reading. See Scrivener’s Greek Testament.
[344] –	It is not necessary to regard the statements in Mk. vi. 54, 55 as descriptive of an activity confined to that one day. Andrews, p. 269.
[345] –	Lange on Mtt. xv. 21.
[346] –	A woman of Canaan according to St Matthew (xv. 22), a Greek or Syrophœnician according to St Mark (vii. 26). The first term describes her religion, that it was not Jewish, but heathen; the second, the stock of which she came, “which was even that accursed stock once doomed of God to a total excision, but of which some branches had been spared by those first generations of Israel that should have extirpated them root and branch. (See Class-Book of Old Testament History, pp. 225–227.) Everything, therefore, was against this woman, yet she was not hindered by that everything from drawing nigh, and craving the boon that her soul longed after,” Trench, Parables, p. 339.
[347] –	If not through Sidon, according to a reading, διὰ Σιδῶνος, in Mk. vii. 31, found in several MSS., in several ancient Versions, and adopted by Tischendorf, Alford, Tregelles and others, and “which certainly appears to deserve the preference thus almost unanimously given to it.” Ellicott, 218, n. What part of the Decapolis the Lord visited is not mentioned.
[348] –	Not, indeed, absolutely dumb, but unable to utter intelligible sounds, having, as our Version renders the word, an impediment in his speech; Greek μογιλάλος = βραδύγλωσσος.
[349] –	He put His fingers into His ears, and spat, and touched His tongue, and looking up to heaven He sighed, and saith unto him, Ephphatha, that is, Be opened (Mk. vii. 34).
[350] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 353.
[351] –	Lange on Mtt. xv. 32.
[352] –	Where is not very distinctly specified. All we can certainly gather is that it was on the Eastern side of the lake, and in a desert spot (Mtt. xv. 33), possibly about the middle or southern end of the Lake.
[353] –	The baskets on this occasion are called σπυρίδες (comp. Acts ix. 25), on the occasion of the feeding of the Five Thousand, κόφινος (Mtt. xiv. 20 and the parallels). When alluding to the two miracles subsequently (Matt. xvi. 9, 10; Mk. viii. 19, 20), the Saviour preserves the distinction. For the word κόφινος, compare Juvenal, III. 13, Judæis, quorum cophinus fœnumque supellex.
[354] –	Possibly the ship kept specially for His own use.
[355] –	Now unanimously identified with a miserable collection of hovels (Stanley’s S. and P., p. 382) known as el-Mejdel, on the western side of the lake, and at the S.E. corner of the Plain of Gennesaret. Its name “is hardly altered from the ancient Magdala or Migdol, so called, probably, from an ancient watch-tower that guarded the entrance of the plain.” Stanley, l. c.; compare Tristram, p. 425; Thomson, L. and B.
[356] –	“Just before reaching Mejdel we crossed a little open valley, the Ain-el-Baridah, with a few rich corn-fields and gardens straggling among the ruins of a village, and some large and more ancient foundations by several copious fountains, and probably identified with the Dalmanutha of the New Testament.” Tristram, l. c. “We conjecture that the Lord touched the shore somewhere between these two villages.” Lange on Mtt. xv. 39.
[357] –	Comp. Jn. ii. 18, above, p. [164]; Jn. vi. 30, above, p. [211]. A sign from heaven denoted either (i) some visible manifestation of the Shechinah, or (ii) some change in the sun or moon, some meteor, or thunder and lightning. Comp. Lange on Mtt. xvi. 1.
[358] –	A town, not Canaanite but Roman, “in its situation, in its exuberance of water, its olive-groves, and its view over the distant plain, almost a Syrian Tivoli.” Stanley’s S. and P., p. 398. (i) Its ancient name was Panium or Paneas (Jos. Ant. XV. 10. 3, and see above, p. [13]), so called from a cavern near the town, “abrupt, prodigiously deep, and full of still water,” adopted by the Greeks of the Macedonian kingdom of Antioch as “the nearest likeness that Syria affords of the beautiful limestone grottos which in their own country were inseparably associated with the worship of the sylvan Pan,” and dedicated to that deity. Hence its modern appellation, Banias. (ii) The town retained its old name under Herod the Great, who built here a splendid temple, of the whitest marble, which he dedicated to Augustus Cæsar (see above, p. [94]). But Herod Philip made great additions to the town (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 2. 1; B. J. II. 9. 1), and called it Cæsarea Philippi, partly after his own name, and partly after that of the Emperor. Agrippa II. afterwards called it Neronias (Jos. Ant. XX. 9. 4), and here Titus exhibited gladiatorial shows at the close of the Jewish war (Jos. B. J. VII. 2. 1).
[359] –	i. The Baptism (Lk. iii. 21); ii. The Election of the Twelve (Lk. vi. 12, 13); iii. The Discourse in the Synagogue of Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 23); iv. Now the Transfiguration (Lk. ix. 28); v. The Agony (Lk. xxii. 44).
[360] –	Stier, II. 329; Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 229.
[361] –	Already by His very name the deepest purport of His mission had been declared to be the delivery of His people from their sin (Mtt. i. 21); already the aged Symeon had foreseen heart-piercing anguish in store for His mother (Lk. ii. 35); already the Baptist had twice pointed Him out as the Lamb of God destined to take away the sin of the world (Jn. i. 29); already at the first Passover He had spoken to the Jews of a Temple to be destroyed and rebuilt in three days (Jn. ii. 19); and to Nicodemus of a lifting up of the Son of Man even as Moses had lifted up the serpent in the wilderness (Jn. iii. 12–16); already at the second Passover He had declared that He was about to give His flesh for the life of the world, that His flesh was meat indeed, and His blood drink indeed (Jn. vi. 47–51).
[362] –	See above, p. [201].
[363] –	Stanley, S. and P., 399; Lightfoot on Mk. ix. 2.
[364] –	It is clear that the occurrence was no waking vision or “dream.” Peter and they that were with him had been weighed by sleep (ἦσαν βεβαρημένοι ὕπνῳ), but they thoroughly roused themselves (διαγρηγορήσαντες δέ), and saw His glory and the two men standing with Him. Lk. ix. 32. See Alford in loc.
[365] –	Ἔλεγον τὴν ἔξοδον αὐτοῦ, Lk. ix. 31. “An unusual construction of λέγειν,” it has been remarked, “though it occurs again in Rom. iv. 6, and in the earliest ecclesiastical writers, in the sense of recounting, relating the details of, describing.” Westcott’s Introd. to the Study of the Gospels, p. 298, n. For the word Ἔξοδος here used compare Wisdom vii. 6; 2 Pet. i. 5.
[366] –	Trench, Miracles, p. 361.
[367] –	The Didrachma (Matt. xvii. 24) was exactly the sum mentioned in Ex. xxx. 11–16, due for the current expenses of the tabernacle, and afterwards of the Temple. The shekels, half-shekels, and quarter-shekels, which the Jews were permitted in the time of the Maccabees to coin (see above, pp. [55], [56]), becoming scarce, and not being coined any more, “it became the custom to estimate the Temple-dues as two drachmas (the δίδραχμον here required),” Trench, Miracles, p. 373.
[368] –	Κῆνσος = the capitation-tax; τέλη = customs or tolls on goods, Trench, Miracles, p. 380.
[369] –	The coin he was told he would find in the fish’s mouth was a Stater (στατήρ, Matt. xvii. 27) = a whole shekel, which amounted to about 3 shillings and 3 pence, or just the sum required.
[370] –	From Mtt. xiii. 56 we learn that their names were James, Joses, Judas, and Simon. By some they are regarded as the actual brethren of our Lord; by others as his first cousins, being the sons of Alphæus or Clopas and Mary the sister of the Virgin.
[371] –	Ellicott, 246 n.
[372] –	Ellicott, 249.
[373] –	See Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 403.
[374] –	Comp. Jn. v. 16–18, and see above, p. [173].
[375] –	Milman, I. 244.
[376] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 154, and note.
[377] –	“This was not historically true; for two prophets at least had arisen from Galilee: Jonah of Gath-hepher, and the greatest of the prophets, Elijah of Thisbe; and perhaps also Nahum and Hosea. Their contempt for Galilee made them lose sight of historical accuracy.” Alford in loc.
[378] –	Milman, Hist. of Christianity, I. 246.
[379] –	Milman, I. 246.
[380] –	Lightfoot (Wks. I. 325) says they were 13 in number, and stood in the Court of the Women.
[381] –	Ellicott, p. 256.
[382] –	From the fact that the Jews divided the heathen world into 70 nations, it has been supposed that this mission of “the Seventy” hinted at the future destination of the Gospel for the whole world, just as the mission of “the Twelve” Apostles typified its first offer to the twelve tribes of Israel. Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. in Joann. VII. 37. Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 403 n. E. T.
[383] –	This village, now called el’ Azarîyeh, from the name of Lazarus, is situated on the E. slope of the Mount of Olives, “not very far from the point at which the road to Jericho begins its more sudden descent towards the Jordan valley.” Bethany is usually taken to mean House of Dates, just as Bethphage close by denotes House of Figs. Another explanation is House of Misery, Poor-House, see Deutsch’s Note in Hepworth Dixon’s Holy Land, II. 214–219.
[384] –	Several circumstances appear to indicate that the family at Bethany were not amongst the poorest of their people: e.g. (i) They possess a family vault (Jn. xi. 38), which was a privilege of the wealthier orders; (ii) The number of Jews (Jn. xi. 19) who assembled from Jerusalem to condole with them were of the higher class (comp. St John’s use of the term Ἰουδαῖοι in i. 19; vii. 13; viii. 22; ix. 22, &c.); (iii) the costly box of spikenard with which Mary anointed the Saviour’s feet (Jn. xii. 3). Trench On the Miracles, 410.
[385] –	“To this period we may assign that instructive series of discourses which extend from the middle of the xth to the middle of the xiiith chapter of St Luke.” Ellicott, p. 257.
[386] –	Such as the cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Lk. xi. 14, 15).
[387] –	On the blood of Zacharias the son of Barachias, who perished between the sanctuary (ναός) and the altar of burnt-offering, see Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 425, and note.
[388] –	Trench On the Parables, p. 341.
[389] –	Distracting anxiety. Such is the full force of μέριμνα, from μερίζειν to divide, cleave asunder.
[390] –	On the “Lily” of Palestine, see Stanley, S. and P. pp. 139, 429. “The lilies of the field are all out, a few tulips cover the rocks, but the scarlet anemone (Anemone coronaria, L.) now dominates everywhere, and a small blue bulbous iris, almost rivalling it in abundance and brilliancy of colour. There have been many claimants for the distinctive honour of the lilies of the field; but while it seems most natural to view the term as a generic expression (comp. Stanley, S. and P., p. 429), yet if one special flower was more likely than another to catch the eye of the Lord as He spoke, no one familiar with the flora of Palestine in spring-time can hesitate in assigning the place to the anemone,” Tristram’s Land of Israel, p. 433.
[391] –	See above, p. [151].
[392] –	See above, p. [148].
[393] –	This outrage very probably was, if not the cause, at least one of the causes of the quarrel between Herod and Pilate, alluded to in Lk. xxiii. 12.
[394] –	Trench On the Parables, p. 343.
[395] –	Compare the same argument as addressed to the patriarch Job, Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 24.
[396] –	Probably close to the fountain of Siloam: see above, p. [235].
[397] –	Trench On the Parables, p. 346.
[398] –	Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. “As the tower of Siloam fell and crushed 18 of the dwellers at Jerusalem, exactly so multitudes of its inhabitants were crushed beneath the ruins of their temple and their city; and during the last siege and assault of that city, there were numbers also who were pierced through by the Roman darts, or more miserably yet by those of their own frantic factions (Jos. B. J. V. 1. 3), in the courts of the temple, in the very act of preparing their sacrifices, so that literally their blood, like that of these Galilæans, was mingled with their sacrifices, one blood with another.” Trench On the Parables, p. 346.
[399] –	Trench On the Parables, p. 323.
[400] –	Trench On the Parables, p. 326.
[401] –	See the Calendar in Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 155.
[402] –	For its institution, see above, p. [36], and Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 154.
[403] –	See above, p. [96]. “This cloister had its name from the circumstance that, according to the Jewish tradition, it was a relic of Solomon’s temple, left standing when the Babylonians destroyed the rest of the sacred edifice.” Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 432, n. E. T.
[404] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 432, E. T.
[405] –	See above, p. [235].
[406] –	For illustrations of this, see Josephus, Ant. XX. 9. 7; XVII. 10. 2; XVII. 9. 3.
[407] –	The Law here alluded to is used in its widest acceptation for the whole Old Testament, as in Jn. xii. 34; xv. 25.
[408] –	This Psalm is directed against the tyranny and injustice of judges in Israel, and the argument is, if in any sense they could be called gods (as in Ex. xxi. 6; xxii. 9, 28), how much more He, “the only One, sealed and hallowed by the Father, and the Son of God,” Alford on Jn. x. 36.
[409] –	See above, p. [153].
[410] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 374, E. T.; Alford on Lk. xiii. 31; Bengel in loc.
[411] –	Ellicott, 263, and note.
[412] –	Milman’s History of Christianity, I. 262.
[417] –	“Every murder of a prophet, perpetrated by the Jews, proceeded either mediately or immediately from the rulers of the people, whose residence was at Jerusalem,” Oosterze on Lk. xiii. 31.
[418] –	It seems not unreasonable to suppose that these words were uttered on two different occasions, now and afterwards, as recorded in Mtt. xxiii. 37 sq. See Ellicott, 264, n.; Alford on Lk. xiii. 34.
[419] –	Ἦσαν παρατηρούμενοι, Lk. xiv. 1. Comp. vi. 7; xx. 20; Mk. iii. 2. See Trench On the Miracles, p. 328, n.
[420] –	Where our Lord now probably was. See Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 388.
[421] –	See above, p. [239], and [note].
[422] –	Trench On the Miracles, p. 391.
[423] –	For other indications of the character of St Thomas, see Jn. xiv. 5; xx. 25. We gather that he was (i) deeply attached to his Master, (ii) prepared to die with Him, but (iii) ever ready to take the darker view of things, and (iv) unable to believe other and more than he saw.
[424] –	“He had most likely died on the same day that the messenger announcing his illness had reached the Lord ... the day of his arrival would be one day; two our Lord abode in Peræa after He had dismissed him, and one more He would have employed in the journey from thence to Bethany ... dying upon that day, he had, according to the custom of the Jews, which made the burial immediately to follow on the death, been buried upon the same day” (cf. Acts v. 6–10). Trench On the Miracles, p. 397.
[425] –	Compare Thomson’s Land and the Book, pp. 102, 103.
[426] –	See Ibid. pp. 101, 2.
[427] –	The question of some of the spectators, Could not this Man, which opened the eyes of the blind, have caused that even this man should not have died? (Jn. xi. 47) is characteristic of the exact truth of the narrative ... dwellers in Jerusalem, they refer to a miracle so well known amongst themselves, rather than to the former raisings of the dead, of which, occurring at an earlier period and in the remote Galilee, they had probably heard by rumour only. Trench, p. 408; Lange’s Life of Christ, III. 473, n.
[428] –	Trench On the Miracles, p. 407.
[429] –	“Sometimes natural (Gen. xxiii. 9), sometimes artificial, and hollowed out by man’s labour from the rock (Isai. xxii. 16; Mtt. xxvii. 60), in a garden (Jn. xix. 41), or in some field, the possession of the family (Gen. xxiii. 9, 17–20; xxxv. 18; 2 K. xxi. 18).” Trench On the Miracles, p. 409.
[430] –	Neander’s Life of Christ, p. 378.
[431] –	See above, pp. [150], [151].
[432] –	“Having much to risk, and nothing to gain by change, the Sadducees, or aristocratic party, were anxious to keep things safe, so as to prevent any action on the side of Rome.” H. Dixon’s Holy Land, II. 221. Josephus says of the Sadducees, εἰσὶ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὠμοὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, Ant. XX. 9. 1, and the spirit of the family of Annas, whose son-in-law Caiaphas was, was haughty, bold, and cruel. See Jos. Ib.; Bell. Jud. II. 8. 14.
[433] –	“Caiaphas was only consciously stating what he deemed politically advisable, but he was nevertheless, as the inspired Evangelist distinctly tells us (Jn. xi. 51), at the time actually prophesying.” Ellicott’s Lectures, 269, n. Alford on Jn. xi. 51.
[434] –	Robinson identifies Ophrah with Ephraim (comp. 2 Chr. xiii. 19), and with a village on a conspicuous conical hill, 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. Bib. Res. I. 447.
[435] –	“In this border-land it was more natural than elsewhere that they should find themselves in one company, and thus a Samaritan had found admission into this forlorn assembly.” Trench On the Miracles, p. 332; Alford on Lk. xvii. 11.
[436] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 157.
[437] –	Trench On the Miracles, p. 336.
[438] –	Probably at Scythopolis, where there was a bridge. See Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. et Talm. on Lk. xvii. 11.
[439] –	The former adopting the more lax, the latter the stricter view. Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. et Talm. on Mtt. xix. 3. The object of the question may also in some degree have been “to involve Him with the adulterous tetrarch in whose territory He then was.” Ellicott, p. 272.
[440] –	The two other occasions being (i) in the neighbourhood of Cæsarea Philippi just after St Peter’s confession (see above, p. [219]); (ii) shortly afterwards, during the return to Capernaum (see above, p. [225]).
[441] –	Or perhaps the mother was the actual speaker, while the two Apostles were the instigators. Ellicott, p. 374, note.
[442] –	Perhaps, as in the case of the Gadarene demoniacs, the one, whom St Mark (x. 46) names as Bartimæus, was better known, and hence his case is more particularly recorded; and “the one who is mentioned at our Lord’s entry into Jericho as having learnt from the crowd who it was that was coming into the city (Lk. xviii. 37), was not healed then, but in company with another sufferer, when the Saviour was leaving the city.” Ellicott, p. 274, n.; Trench On the Miracles, p. 428.
[443] –	St Luke (xix. 2) calls him ἀρχιτελώνης, an unusual term, which probably denotes an administrator of taxes, who was entrusted with the superintendence of other publicans, and perhaps was the agent of one of the Roman knights, who often filled the office of publicanus. “The collection of customs at Jericho, which at this time produced and exported a considerable quantity of balsam, was undoubtedly an important post, and would account for Zacchæus being a rich man, Lk. xix. 2.” On the palm-groves of Jericho and its balsam-trade, see above, p. 86.
[444] –	See Trench On the Parables, p. 512.
[445] –	It is the opinion of some that he was a connection of the family of Lazarus.
[446] –	For another feast upon a Sabbath, comp. Lk. xiv. 1. “The Sabbath is still among the Jews preferred for the enjoyment of feasts; but the food was prepared previously, and even the tables must have been arranged in order before the Sabbath began,” Hengstenberg on St John xii. 2.
[447] –	Of the costliness of a casket of spikenard some idea may be formed from the fact that it was among the gifts sent by Cambyses to the Ethiopians (Herod. III. 20); compare also Horace’s words, Carm. IV. xii. 16, 17: Nardo vina merebere. Nardi parvus onyx eliciet cadum.
[448] –	Τριακοσίων δηναρίων (Jn. xii. 5). On the denarius, see below, p.[269, note].
[449] –	St John remarks that he said this, not because he cared for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag, and bare what was put therein (Jn. xii. 6). From which observation we gather (i) that the brotherhood of the Twelve had a common treasury, and received contributions for the poor; (ii) that Judas was their steward or almoner; (iii) that he had already proved unfaithful, and been guilty of embezzlement. See Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 29.
[450] –	Bethphage (house of unripe figs), a place on the Mount of Olives, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem. “It was apparently close to Bethany, and from its being named first of the two in the narrative of a journey from East to West, it may be presumed that it lay, if anything, to the eastward of Bethany.” No remains answering to this position, according to Robinson, have been found, but see Barclay’s City of the Great King, p. 65.
[451] –	Lange, IV. 39; Stanley, S. and P. 191. In Mk. xi. 8 the Vatican and Cambridge MSS. read ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν, “having cut the branches from the gardens.” Eastern gardens are not flower-gardens, nor private gardens, but the orchards, vineyards, and fig-enclosures round a town.
[452] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 41, n.
[453] –	Τὰ ἱμάτια, the “abba” or “hyke,” the loose blanket or cloak worn over the tunic or shirt (χιτών). A striking instance of the practice is mentioned by Robinson, II. 162, when the inhabitants of Bethlehem threw their garments under the feet of the horses of the English consul of Damascus, whose aid they were imploring. Stanley, S. and P. p. 191, n.
[454] –	“The branches (κλάδοι) cut from the trees as they went (Mtt. xxi. 8) are different from the mattings στοιβάδες (Mk. xi. 8), which they had twisted out of the palm-branches as they came,” S. and P. 191, n.
[455] –	“Again the procession advanced. The road descends a slight declivity, and the glimpse of the city is again withdrawn behind the intervening ridge of Olivet. A few moments, and the path mounts it again, it climbs a rugged ascent, it reaches a ledge of smooth rock, and in an instant the whole city bursts into view.” S. and P. 193; Tristram’s Land of Israel, p. 196.
[456] –	εἰ ἄρα, if, as was reasonable to expect under such circumstances, fruit was to be found. Ellicott, 294, n.; Lange on Mk. xi. 4.
[457] –	“This tree, so to speak, vaunted itself to be in advance of all the other trees, challenged the passer by that he should come and refresh himself with its fruit. Yet when the Lord accepted its challenge, and drew near, it proved to be but as the others, without fruit as they; for indeed, as the Evangelist observes, the time of figs had not yet arrived,—its fault, if one may use the word, lying in its pretension, in its making a show to run before the rest, when it did not so indeed.” Trench On the Miracles, p. 440; Lange on Mtt. xxi. 18. Thomson, The Land and the Book, p. 349, states that in sheltered spots figs of an early kind may occasionally be found ripe as soon as the beginning of April.
[458] –	See above, p. [158].
[459] –	Trench On the Miracles, 211, 212.
[460] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 69; Milman, I. 287.
[461] –	For their distinctive tenets, see above, pp. [114]–119.
[462] –	Lange, IV. 69; Ellicott, 302.
[463] –	See above, p. [148].
[464] –	“The little silver coin (in value about 7½d.), bearing on its surface the head encircled with a wreath of laurel, and bound round with the sacred fillet—the well known features, the most beautiful and the most wicked, even in outward expression, of all the Roman Emperors—with the superscription running round, in the stately language of imperial Rome, Tiberius Cæsar, Divi Augusti filius Augustus, Imperator.” Stanley’s Canterbury Sermons, p. 108.
[465] –	See above, p. [115].
[466] –	The Sadducees appear to have held that the soul perishes with the body: as “the cloud faileth and passeth away,” they said, “so he that goeth down to the grave doth not return.” Lightfoot on Mtt. xxii. 23; Comp. Jos. Ant. XVIII. 1. 4; B. J. II. 8. 14.
[467] –	See above, p. [115].
[468] –	Which seems to confirm Lightfoot’s opinion that the enquiry turned on the importance of the ceremonial as compared with the moral law. Lightfoot on Mark xii. 28.
[469] –	Some, however, would refer to this occasion the question respecting the woman taken in adultery (Jn. viii. 1–11). See Ellicott’s Lectures, 310, and notes.
[470] –	It is not improbable that the solemn apostrophe to Jerusalem, uttered on the occasion of the triumphal entry, was now in part repeated. See Ellicott’s Lectures, 314, and note.
[471] –	So called, not because “women only entered in there, but because women might not go further,” just as the court of the Gentiles was so called, “not, because heathens only might enter there, but because they might not go further.” Lightfoot in loc.
[472] –	“Before the Passover, free-will offerings, in addition to the temple-tax, were generally presented.” Lange on Mk. xii. 41.
[473] –	Λεπτὰ δύο, ὅ ἐστιν κοδράντης, Mk. xii. 42. The λεπτόν was the very smallest copper coin. Two made one Roman quadrans, which was ¼th of an as. The as in Cicero’s time = nearly a halfpenny, and the quadrans = one tenth of a penny. Lange on Mk. xii. 41.
[474] –	The regular word for which is Ἑλληνισταί, but Ἕλληνες, Gentile Greeks. Lange, IV. 53. See above, p. [110]. For the attendance of proselytes of the gate at the feasts at Jerusalem, comp. Acts viii. 27, Jos. B. J. VI. 9. 3, and Lightfoot on Ju. xii. 20.
[475] –	Or they may have come from some of the Greek towns of Galilee—Galilee of the Gentiles. See Lightfoot on Jn. xii. 20, and above, p. [145, n.]
[476] –	Præludium regni Dei a Judæis ad gentes transituri. Bengel. “These men from the West represent at the end of Christ’s life that which the wise men from the East represented at its beginning; but those came to the cross of the King, even as these came to His manger, and receive presently more full intelligence,” Stier, VI. 78.
[477] –	Concurrebat horror mortis, et ardor obedientiæ: Veni in hanc horam, ut venirem in hanc horam, eamque exemplarem. Bengel.
[478] –	See above (i) p. [156] and (ii) p. [223].
[479] –	Compare Acts ix. 4, 7, with Acts xxii. 9, and xxvi. 14. (i) “The more dull-hearted heard the sound, recognized from whence it came, but mistook it for thunder; (ii) the more susceptible hearers perceived it to be a voice, but were unable to distinguish what was uttered; (iii) the smaller circle, of which the Apostle who relates the occurrence was one, both heard the voice, knew whence it came, and were enabled to understand the words that were spoken,” Ellicott, 318, n.
[480] –	Compare the intimation made to Nicodemus two Passovers before, above, p. [165].
[481] –	Their remarks were possibly called forth by His own words, Mtt. xxiii. 38. On the nature of the buildings, see Jos. Ant. XI. 5; B. J. V. 5. 6; and above, pp. [95], [96].
[482] –	“It is impossible to conceive a spectacle of greater natural or moral sublimity than the Saviour seated on the slope of the Mount of Olives, and thus looking down, almost for the last time, on the Temple and City of Jerusalem, crowded as it then was with near three millions of worshippers. It was evening, and the whole irregular outline of the city, rising from the deep glens, which encircled it on all sides, might be distinctly traced. The sun, the significant emblem of the great Fountain of moral light, to which Jesus and His faith had been perpetually compared, may be imagined sinking behind the western hills, whilst its last rays might linger on the broad and many fortifications on Mount Zion, on the stately palace of Herod, on the square tower, the Antonia, at the corner of the Temple, and on the roof of the Temple, fretted all over with golden spikes, which glittered like fire; while below, the colonnades and lofty gates would cast their broad shadows over the courts, and afford that striking contrast between vast masses of gloom and gleams of the richest light which only an evening scene, like the present, can display.... The effect may have been heightened by the rising of the slow volumes of smoke from the evening sacrifices, while even at the distance of the slope of Mount Olivet the silence may have been faintly broken by the hymns of the worshippers.” Milman’s History of Christianity, I. 294, 295.
[483] –	Wieseler, Chronol. Synop. p. 363.
[484] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 151.
[485] –	See above, pp. [96], [108, n.]
[486] –	See above, p. [253].
[487] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 151; Milman, I. 301.
[488] –	Neander’s Life of Christ, 419 and note; Milman, I. 303.
[489] –	Amongst the motives which led him to the betrayal of his Master we may perhaps give prominence to three. (i) Avarice; (ii) Disappointment of his carnal hopes; (iii) A gradual growth of hostility to his Master. (i) Avarice. This feature in his character has been already noticed above, p. [260, note]. The germs of this vice probably unfolded themselves gradually (Stier, VII. 40–67), and in spite of many warnings which he must have heard from his Lord, as Mtt. vi. 19–34; xiii. 22, 23; Lk. xvi. 11; Mk. x. 25 (Article Judas in Smith’s Bibl. Dict.); but gathered strength and developed into unfaithfulness and embezzlement as he became entrusted with larger sums. Hence when he presented himself before the Sanhedrin, he probably expected more, but was not unwilling to take what they offered. (ii) Disappointment of his carnal hopes. What were the Messianic expectations of the Apostles we have seen again and again—a visible kingdom, an earthly throne, high places, and temporal blessings; these they looked forward to in common with their nation. To one like Judas, then, the issue of the Triumphal Entry must have been a deep disappointment. (iii) A gradual growth of hostility towards his Master. His practical and administrative talents which caused him to be made treasurer were closely allied with carnal selfishness (Neander’s Life of Christ, 424) which was early rebuked (Jn. vi. 70), see above, p. [213], but still more sharply during the supper at Bethany (see above, p. [260]). As he became aware that his real character was known to the Lord, and found his earthly hopes more and more disappointed, his “attachment to his Master would turn more and more into aversion; when the manifestation of Christ ceased to be attractive it became repulsive, and more and more so every day.” (Neander, p. 424, and comp. Smith’s Bibl. Dict. I. 1066.)
[490] –	“Thirty shekels = 120 denarii, and one denarius was at that time the ordinary wages for a day’s labour (Mtt. xx. 2); so that the whole sum amounted to about 4 months’ wages of a day-labourer. Thirty shekels, it is to be noticed, was the value set upon a single slave, according to Exod. xxi. 32.” Neander’s Life of Christ, 421, n.
[491] –	Probably a believing follower: Discipulus, sed non ex duodecim. Bengel. See also Stier, VII. 77; Ellicott’s Lectures, 321, n.
[492] –	At this point it may be well to try and realize the manner in which the Paschal Feast was at this time celebrated by the Jews. The company at the Table, which might not be less than 10 persons, usually included from 10 to 20, according to the family, or the number of strangers that might be present. They met in the evening and reclined on couches, this being the usual posture then, as standing had been originally. The rites of the Feast were regulated according to the succession of 4, sometimes 5, cups of red wine mixed with water, which were placed before the head of the house, or the most eminent guest, who was called the Celebrant, the President, or Proclaimer of the Feast. i. When they had reclined, he began by taking one of the four cups of wine in his right hand, and pronounced the benediction over the wine and the feast, saying, Blessed be Thou, O Lord our God, the King of the universe, who hast created the fruit of the Vine. He then drank the first cup, and the remainder of the household followed his example. ii. Water was then brought in, and he blessed for the washing of hands, and washed, followed by the rest. iii. The table was next set out with the unleavened bread, the sauce called Charoseth, the Paschal Lamb, and the flesh of the Chagigah or feast-offerings. iv. The Proclaimer of the Feast then blessed God for the fruits of the earth, and taking a portion of the bitter herbs dipped it in the sop, and ate it with all who reclined at the table. v. The Haggadah or showing forth now commenced, and the Celebrant declared the circumstances of the delivery from Egypt, as commanded in the law (Ex. xii. 27; xiii. 8). Then the second cup of wine was filled, and a child or proselyte enquired, What mean ye by this service? (Ex. xii. 26), to which reply was made according to a prescribed formula or liturgy, and the wondrous events of the Exodus were related, after which Psalms cxiii, cxiv. were repeated, followed by a solemn blessing and drinking of the second cup. vi. Then, after a second washing of hands, taking two of the unleavened cakes, the Celebrant broke one of them, pronouncing the consecration in these words; Blessed be Thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest forth fruit out of the earth, and distributed a piece to each person around him, saying, This is the Bread of Affliction which our fathers did eat in the land of Egypt. All present then dipped their portions with the bitter herbs into the Charoseth and ate them. vii. The flesh of the Lamb was now eaten, and the Celebrant, lifting up his hands, blessed the third cup of wine, specially known as the Cup of Blessing, and handed it round to each person. viii. After thanksgiving for the food of which they had partaken, for the delivery from Egypt, the covenant of circumcision, and the Law, a fourth cup was filled and drunk, known as the Cup of Joy, for the remainder of the Hallel, Ps. cxv–cxviii. was now sung. ix. Occasionally a fifth cup was drunk, while Psalms cxx–cxxviii. were chanted, but no more. See Buxtorf, de Cœnâ Domini; Lightfoot’s Temple Service; Pedahzur’s Book of Jewish Ceremonies, 51–56; Freeman’s Principles of Divine Service, II. 29–39.
[493] –	The view here taken, then, is that (i) the Supper, to which our Lord sat down, was, as the first three Evangelists (Mtt. xxvi. 17; Mk. xiv. 12; Lk. xxii. 7) clearly intimate, a Paschal Supper; (ii) that He ate it on the eve with which Nisan 14 commenced; (iii) and thus twenty-four hours earlier than the time when it was eaten by the chief priests and rest of the nation. See Ellicott, 322, and notes.
[494] –	Even if δείπνου γενομένου be the right reading in Jn. xiii. 2, the meaning must be when supper was begun. A preferable reading is γινομένου.
[495] –	The portion of bread dipped into the sauce charoseth, and consisting according to some of vinegar and water, according to others of a “mixture of vinegar, figs, dates, almonds, and spice.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict. II. 716.
[496] –	Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ σῶμά μου (Mtt., Mk., Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 24), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν διδόμενον (Lk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν [κλώμενον], (1 Cor. xi. 24), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν (1 Cor. xi. 24).
[497] –	Πίετε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες (Mtt.), τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης (Mtt., Mk.), ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη ἐν τῷ αἵματί μου (Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 25), τὸ περὶ πολλῶν ἐκχυνόμενον (Mtt.), τὸ ἐκχυνόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν (Mk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐκχυνόμενον (Lk.), εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν (Mtt.), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἂν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν (1 Cor. xi. 25).
[498] –	The site of the modern Gethsemane lies somewhat to the East of the valley of Kedron, at a point where two paths meet, each leading over the Mount of Olives. Descending from St Stephen’s gate and crossing a bridge it is easily reached. Within the enclosure are 8 venerable olive-trees, their trunks much decayed, but their branches flourishing. “The most venerable of their race on the face of the earth, their gnarled trunks and scanty foliage will always be regarded as the most affecting of the sacred memorials in or about Jerusalem.” Stanley, S. and P., p. 455.
[499] –	See Ellicott, p. 327, and note.
[500] –	Witnesses before (i) of the resurrection of the daughter of Jairus, see above, p. [201], and (ii) of the Transfiguration, see above, p. 222.
[501] –	Though the Paschal moon was at the full. On the rocky valley of the Kedron “there fell great deep shadows from the declivity of the mountain and projecting rocks; there were there caverns and grottoes, into which a fugitive might retreat; finally, there was probably a garden-house and towers, into whose gloom it might be necessary for a searcher to throw light around,” Lange, IV. 292.
[502] –	Stationed during the Feast at the Tower of Antonia.
[503] –	Of the movements of Judas, after he left the Supper, none of the Evangelists give us an account. It seems, however, most probable that going immediately to Caiaphas, or some other leading members of the Sanhedrin, he informed them where Jesus was likely to be found (Jn. xviii. 2), and announced that he was ready to fulfil his agreement, and at once make the arrest. “It was not the intention to arrest Him during the Feast, lest there should be a popular tumult (Mtt. xxvi. 5), but now that an opportunity offered of seizing Him secretly at dead of night, and therefore without danger of interference or uproar, His enemies could not hesitate. Once in their hands, the rest was easy. A hasty trial, a pre-judged condemnation, an immediate execution, and the hated prophet of Galilee might be for ever removed out of their way.” Andrews, p. 414.
[504] –	Lange, IV. 293.
[505] –	“At this moment Judas was already back among the people. He must have hastened back quickly upon the sharp rebuke of Christ. Probably by this hasty retreat he threw the first element of sympathetic terror into the mass, which now fully developed itself at the saying of Christ.” Lange, IV. 294.
[506] –	From St Luke’s account, xxii. 52, it is clear that not only the officers of the Temple, but some of the Sanhedrin had now joined the crowd.
[507] –	Lange, IV. 301.
[508] –	On the history of Annas, see above, p. [149], and notes. He obtained the high-priesthood not only for Caiaphas his son-in-law, but subsequently for four other sons. Jos. XX. 9. 1.
[509] –	Milman, I. 309.
[510] –	“An Oriental house is usually built around a quadrangular interior court, into which there is a passage (sometimes arched) through the front part of the house, closed next the street by a heavy folding-gate with a smaller wicket for single persons, kept by a porter. In the text, the interior court, often paved and flagged, and open to the sky, is the αὐλή (translated palace, hall, and court), where the attendants made a fire; and the passage beneath the front of the house, from the street to this court, is the προαύλιον or πύλων (both translated porch). The place where Jesus stood before the high-priest may have been an open room or place of audience on the ground-floor, in the rear or on one side of the court; such rooms open in front being customary.” Robinson’s Harmony, p. 225.
[511] –	See above, p. [177, n.]
[512] –	Lange, IV. 316.
[513] –	Ibid. IV. 305.
[514] –	Lange, IV. 313; Ellicott’s Lectures, 334.
[515] –	See above, p. [145, n.]; Lange, IV. 317.
[516] –	Such is the full force of ἐκλείπῃ in Lk. xxii. 32: “I have prayed for thee that thy faith may not utterly fail,” or be totally extinguished. Comp. Heb. i. 12.
[517] –	The order of the denials of the Apostle here given mainly coincides with that suggested in Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 314–319; Ellicott’s Lectures, 334, n.; Andrews, pp. 426, 427.
[518] –	See above, p. [164].
[519] –	Herein probably alluding to the prophecy of Daniel vii. 13, 14, universally admitted to refer to the reign of the Messiah.
[520] –	Andrews, p. 428; Alford’s note on John xviii. 31.
[521] –	See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvi. 3.
[522] –	Milman, I. 317.
[523] –	Ewald’s Life of Christ; Lange, IV. 337, n.
[524] –	Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 338, n.; comp. Jos. B. J. II. 14. 8; II. 15. 5; Ellicott, 339, n.
[525] –	Milman, I. 317.
[526] –	“He might readily learn that Jesus had been condemned. But he also saw it, from the procession in which the Pharisees conducted Jesus to Pilate, which could have no other object than to procure His condemnation.” Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 3; Life of Christ, IV. 335.
[527] –	Ῥίψας τὰ ἀργύρια ἐν τῷ ναῷ, the inner portion of the Temple, the sanctuary. See Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 5, and Ellicott, 339, n. If while a deputation of the Sanhedrin attended the Saviour to the prætorium of Pilate, the rest retired to their own council-chamber in the Temple, it is easy to understand how he could be near the sanctuary.
[528] –	It is not improbable that Judas hanged himself over an abyss, perhaps the valley of Hinnom, and the rope giving way, or the branch to which he hung breaking, he fell down headlong (on his face, πρηνής, Acts i. 18), and was crushed and mangled on the rocky pavement below. See the quotation from Hackett’s Ill. Script., in Andrews, p. 440; Ebrard’s Gospel History, p. 427; Ellicott, 339; Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 334.
[529] –	St Matthew (xxvii. 7, 8) states that the chief priests bought with the money the potter’s field to bury strangers in, and that therefore that place was called the Field of Blood. St Peter (Acts i. 18) says that Judas purchased a field with the reward of iniquity. Perhaps the latter statement may be understood as meaning to say, that whereas Judas had with the rest of the Apostles obtained the glorious lot of the apostolate (Acts i. 17), yet actually he had purchased for himself a mere corner of a field in the valley of Genhinnom, as the reward of unrighteousness. The field was bought not by himself in person, but with his money, the wages of his iniquity, and received the name of the Field of Blood, (i) as the spot on which his mangled body fell, and (ii) as purchased by the chief priests with the blood-money. See Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 333–336; Ebrard’s Gospel History, p. 427; Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Art. Judas.
[530] –	“The Field of Blood is now shewn on the steep southern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern end on a narrow plateau, more than halfway up the hill-side.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[531] –	Stier, VII. 339.
[532] –	Stier, VII. 340; Lange, IV. 339.
[533] –	Stier, VII. 343.
[534] –	“Pilate being only a Procurator, though a Procurator cum potestate, had no quæstor to conduct the examination, and thus, as the Gospels most accurately record, performs that office himself.” Ellicott, 342, n.; Smith’s Classical Dictionary, Art. Provincia.
[535] –	Milman, I. 322.
[536] –	Σύ is emphatic in Jn. xviii. 37.
[537] –	Neander’s Life of Christ, p. 460.
[538] –	Milman, I. 323; Stier, VII. 370; Ellicott, 342, n.
[539] –	Compare Horace, Epist. II. i. 106: Ad summum sapiens uno minor est Jove, dives, Liber, honoratus, pulcher, Rex denique regum. and Sat. I. iii. 125, and Epist. I. i. 59: At pueri ludentes, rex eris, inquit, Si recte facias... quoted in Milman, I. 332.
[540] –	It was not an unusual practice to refer the case of a criminal from the forum apprehensionis to the forum originis. Comp. Acts xxvi. 3. Lange, IV. 347.
[541] –	Stier, VII. 378; Milman, I. 324.
[542] –	The cause is not known. Some think it was the recent slaughter of the Galilæans (Lk. xiii. 1).
[543] –	Where Herod was now residing is not known: some think he occupied his father’s palace with Pilate; others, that while the Procurator resided in the fortress Antonia, Herod occupied his father’s palace; others would make his abode the old palace of the Maccabees. Jos. Ant. XX. 8. 11.
[544] –	See above, p. [205].
[545] –	See above, p. [88, n.]; Milman, I. 325.
[546] –	Lange, IV. 353.
[547] –	Possibly it was of Jewish origin, adopted and continued by the Roman governors from motives of policy. According to Lk. xxiii. 18 the request respecting Barabbas came first from the people; according to Mtt. xxvii. 17, from Pilate; Mark, however (ch. xv. 8), seems “to represent the people as making the request in general terms, while Pilate availed himself of it in the present emergency of this particular case.” Ellicott, 345, n.
[548] –	A patronymic denoting Son of Abba. Many of the later MSS. of Mtt. xxvii. 16 give his name as Ἰησοῦς Βαραββᾶς.
[549] –	The βῆμα was a portable tribunal (see above, p. 147, n.) and stood, St John tells us (Jn. xix. 13), on a tesselated pavement, called in Greek Λιθόστρωτον, in Hebrew Gabbatha, which “perhaps formed the front of the Procurator’s residence,” Ellicott, 346, n. So necessary was the tesselated pavement and the tribunal deemed to the forms of justice, that Cæsar carried about with him, on his expeditions, pieces of marble ready fitted and a tribunal. Suet. Jul. c. 46.
[550] –	In early times the Roman magistrates had not been permitted to take their wives with them into the provinces. This rule, however, had gradually been relaxed, and lately a proposition of Cæcina to enforce it had been rejected, Tac. Ann. III. 33, 34. According to tradition, the name of Pilate’s wife was Procula, or Claudia Procula, and she is said to have belonged to the class of proselytes of the gate. Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 351.
[551] –	Lange, IV. 351.
[552] –	Lange, IV. 355. Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 1.
[553] –	“Generally the scourging before crucifixion (Jos. B. J. II. 14. 9; V. 11. 1; VII. 6. 4; Livy, XXXIII. 56) was inflicted by lictors. But Pilate, as sub-governor, had no lictors at his disposal, and therefore had it inflicted by soldiers.” Lange, IV. 356, n. The Roman scourging was so painful and horrible, nails and pieces of bone being stuck into the scourges, that the sufferer not unfrequently died under it. Compare the horribile flagellum of Hor. Sat. I. iii. 119; Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities, Art. Flagellum.
[554] –	Χλαμύδα κοκκίνην, Mtt. xxvii. 28; πορφύραν, Mk. xv. 17; ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν, Jn. xix. 2. “A war-cloak, such as princes, generals, and soldiers wore, dyed with purple; probably therefore, a cast-off robe of state out of the prætorian wardrobe,” Lange, IV. 357; Ellicott, 348, n.
[555] –	What exact species is unknown. “As mockery seems to have been the primary object, the choice of the plant was not suggested by the sharpness of its thorns: the soldiers took what first came to hand, utterly careless whether it was likely to inflict pain or no.” Ellicott, 348, n.
[556] –	Comp. Isai. liii. 3; Ps. xxii. 7.
[557] –	Comp. Lev. xxiv. 16.
[558] –	The mysterious title υἱὸς θεοῦ suggested to Pilate that He might be one of his own heroes or demi-gods. Fearing he might be braving the wrath of some unknown deity, he enquired whether His descent was indeed such as the title seemed to imply, Lange’s Life of Christ, IV. 361; Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 8.
[559] –	Probably the reference is to Caiaphas, who “formally gave over our Lord to the Roman governor (Mtt. xxvii. 2; Mk. xv. 1),” Ellicott, 349, n.
[560] –	See above, p. [150].
[561] –	Addito majestatis (treason) crimine, quod tum omnium accusationum complementum erat, Tacitus, Ann. III. 38. Atrocissimè exercebat leges majestatis, Sueton. Vit. Tib. c. 58. The release of a criminal from punishment came under the head of majestas; see Merivale’s History of the Romans, V. 251.
[562] –	All that he feared, however, came upon him. On the complaint of the Samaritans of Pilate’s cruelty, Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, in A.D. 36, sent his friend Marcellus to administer the affairs of Judæa, and ordered Pilate to repair to Rome, to answer the accusation before the emperor (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 4. 2). Tiberius, however, died before he reached the capital, and Pilate is said to have laid violent hands upon himself about A.D. 40. See Euseb. Hist. Eccl. II. 7. “From the confidence with which Tiberius was appealed to on a matter of such remote concern, it would seem that the vigilance of his control was not generally relaxed even in the last moments of his life,” Merivale’s History of the Romans, V. 420.
[563] –	Pilate not having lictors, to whom this duty specially belonged, soldiers would be naturally employed on this occasion.
[564] –	Not from being, as some think, strewn with the remains of condemned malefactors, for the Jews always buried them.
[565] –	St Luke, according to his usual practice, omits the Hebrew word Golgotha, and gives (xxiii. 33) only the Greek equivalent κρανίον, the place called a Skull. From the Vulgate rendering of this verse et postquam venerunt in locum, qui vocatur Calvariæ (= a bare skull), the word Calvary has been introduced into the English Version, obscuring the Evangelist’s meaning. It was (a) apparently a well-known spot, (b) outside the gate (comp. Heb. xiii. 12), but (c) near the city (Jn. xix. 20), and (d) on a thoroughfare leading into the country (Lk. xxiii. 26), and (e) contained a garden or orchard, κῆπος (Jn. xix. 41). See Robinson’s Bib. Res. I. 376, n.
[566] –	Patibulum ferat per urbem, deinde affigatur cruci, Plaut. Carbonar. Hence the term furcifer = cross-bearer. This was typified by Isaac bearing the wood of the burnt-offering, Gen. xxii. 6. Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV.
[567] –	Exactor mortis; Tac. Ann. III. 14; XI. 37. Centurio supplicio præpositus, Seneca. Lange, Life of Christ, IV. 373.
[568] –	The cause of execution was generally inscribed on a white tablet, called σανίς, λεύκωμα, titulus, αἰτία, (Titulus, qui causam pœnæ indicaret, Sueton. Calig. 32) and borne either suspended from the neck, or carried before the sufferer, precedente titulo, Sueton. The latter was probably the mode in our Lord’s case. Lange, IV. 373. Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV.
[569] –	He was a Hellenistic Jew, the father of Alexander and Rufus (Mk. xv. 21), the latter of whom is probably the one mentioned in Rom. xvi. 13.
[570] –	Ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ, Lk. xxiii. 26; Mk. xv. 21.
[571] –	Ἀγγαρεύουσι, Mk. xv. 21, Mtt. xxvii. 32. It only occurs again in Mtt. v. 41, and denotes military compulsion. Comp. Herod. VIII. 98.
[572] –	For the fulfilment of these words, see Jos. B. J. VI. 8. 5; 9. 4.
[573] –	This was a Jewish not a Roman custom, though probably permitted by the Romans. See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvii. 34. “It was likely that only a bad sort of wine (ὀξίνης a medium between οἶνος and ὄξος) would be given to those who were led away to capital punishment, especially if the wine was to be changed by the addition of bitter spices into a compound draught.... And it was natural that the bitters infused as a soporific into this poor vinegar wine would be as strong as possible, whence such an ingredient might be called gall (Mtt. xxvii. 34).” Lange, IV. 383.
[574] –	There were four kinds of crosses: (i) the crux simplex, a single stake driven through the chest or longitudinally through the body; (ii) the crux decussata (X); (iii) the crux immissa (†); and (iv) the crux commissa (T). See the Notes on Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV. Article Cross in Smith’s Bibl. Dict. From the mention of the Title placed over the Saviour’s head it is probable that His cross was of the third kind. The upright post was by no means so lofty as is often represented in pictures, but generally only so high as to raise the sufferer (who sat on a little projection, sedile, lest the arms should be torn from the nails), a foot or two above the earth. The feet were not always, nor generally, though certainly not seldom nailed, but whether with one or two nails is disputed. The nailing of the Lord’s feet is apparent from Lk. xxiv. 39, 40.
[575] –	See above, p. [309, note].
[576] –	“The difference between Jn. xix. 14 (ἕκτη) and this statement of St Mark seems clearly to point to a different mode of reckoning.” Westcott’s Introduction to the Gospels, p. 305, n.
[577] –	Four soldiers were required, according to the Roman appointment of military service, ad excubias. See Petr. Sat. III. 6.
[578] –	Lange, IV. 390.
[579] –	Ὁ χιτών (Jn. xix. 23), was a closely-fitting garment, worn next the body (Hom. Od. XV. 60), usually made in two pieces, sewn together at the sides. “This, however, was the so-called toga ocellata, or byssina, and was fastened round the throat with a clasp. It was properly a priest’s garment (Jos. Ant. III. 7. 4), and was woven of linen, or perhaps of wool.” Alford in loc. Over the χιτών was worn a wide cloak called φᾶρος, χλαῖνα, or ἱμάτιον. The ἱμάτια the soldiers divided (Jn. xix. 23), with the rest of His habiliments; for the χιτών they cast lots.
[580] –	From a comparison of Jn. xix. 25 with Mtt. xxvii. 56, and Mk. xv. 40, it appears that Mary the wife of Clopas was the same as Mary the mother of James the Less and of Joses.
[581] –	Probably for the present to his lodging during the feast. It seems likely that St John immediately led her away, and then returned and witnessed what he has recorded in Jn. xix. 31–37.
[582] –	The wine or strong drink turned sour, drunk by the Jews, was acid even to a proverb (comp. Prov x. 26; Ps. lxix. 21). “The acetum of the Romans was a thin, sour wine consumed by soldiers, either in a pure state, or, more usually, mixed with water, when it was termed posca.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[583] –	Not proceeding from an eclipse of the sun, for such a phenomenon could not occur at the time of the full moon, but probably due to some special and peculiar derangement of the terrestrial atmosphere.
[584] –	Lange, IV. 404; Milman, I. 335.
[585] –	For the full symbolism of this, see Heb. ix. 3; x. 19. In reference to the record of the fact itself, we must remember, (i) the almost certain spread of the rumour, and (ii) that subsequently a great number of the priests became obedient unto the faith (Acts vi. 7). Alford in loc.
[586] –	The resurrection of many bodies of the saints that slept (Mtt. xxvii. 2) was the result, not the immediate accompaniment, of the opening of the tombs (Alford in loc.). It was μετὰ τὴν ἔγερσιν αὐτοῦ that they appeared unto many in the Holy City.
[587] –	Lange, IV. 422.
[588] –	“Thus this believing heathen became the first representative of the heathen world, which in after times bowed the knee before the might of Christ’s Cross.” Lange, IV. 423.
[589] –	Ellicott, p. 360.
[590] –	Comp. Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 7.
[591] –	Comp. Deut. xxi. 22, 23; Jos. B. J. IV. 5. 2.
[592] –	Death after crucifixion did not generally supervene even for three days, and “was at last the result of gradual benumbing and starvation.” Sometimes the crucified were despatched by a fire kindled below them, or by lions or bears sent to devour them. Lange, V. 2, n.
[593] –	Comp. Cic. Tusc. Q. I. 43: Theodori nihil interest, humine, an sublime putrescat. Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV. note.
[594] –	See Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV., who quotes Hor. Epist. XVI. 48: Non hominem occidi: non pasces in cruce corvos; Juvenal, Sat. XIV. 77: Vultur, jumento et canibus crucibusque relictis, Ad fœtus properat, partemque cadaveris affert. The very object of setting the guard was cruces servare, ne quis ad sepulturam corpora detraheret, Petron III.
[595] –	“Sometimes fractures of the legs, crucifragium (Plaut. Pœn. IV. 2. 64) was especially adopted by the Jews to hasten death, and it was a mitigation of the punishment, as observed by Origen.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict. The coup de grace was, as a rule, combined with it. Lange, V. 2, n.; Neander’s Life of Christ, 473 n.
[596] –	Λόγχῃ, Jn. xix. 34, the only place where it occurs in the New Testament. This was the ordinary Roman hasta, “a lighter weapon than the pilum, consisting of a long wooden shaft with an iron head, which was the width of a handbreadth and pointed at the end, and so was egg-shaped.” Lange, V. 3, n.
[597] –	Probably the same as Ramah, the birthplace of the prophet Samuel (1 Sam. i. 19), called in the LXX. Armathaim (Ἀρμαθαίμ), and by Josephus (Ant. V. 10. 2), Armathia.
[598] –	The Attic Litra of 12 ounces is here spoken of. Both the myrrh and aloes appear to have been pulverized and strewn in the folds of the linen in which the body was wrapped, Lange, V. 13; Pearson On the Creed, Art. IV. note.
[599] –	The Jewish tombs had then probably, as these have now, steps and a descent in a perpendicular direction, or an entry in a sloping or horizontal position.
[600] –	Comp. Jn. ii. 19 with Mtt. xii. 40.
[601] –	The only κουστωδία at the actual disposal of the Sanhedrin would be, as Bp. Ellicott remarks, the temple-guards, but the watchers were Roman soldiers; it seems more natural therefore to take ἔχετε as an imperative in Mtt. xxvii. 65, though λάβετε might have been rather expected. See Alford in loc.
[602] –	A string or cord was probably stretched across the stone and sealed at either end with sealing-clay. For the custom of using sealing-clay on tombs, see Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Art. Seal.
[603] –	Or Mary of Magdala (now called el-Mejdel), a town near the lake of Tiberias. On the erroneousness of the idea of her character generally entertained, see Article in Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[604] –	They did not know of the sealing of the stone, and the setting of the watch, which took place on the eve of the Sabbath.
[605] –	It seems not impossible that St Peter, who must by this time have won back the respect of the rest by his deep repentance (Lange, V. 46), was in the same abode, to which the Apostle John had conveyed the mother of the Redeemer.
[606] –	Οὐκ οἴδαμεν, Jn. xx. 2, an incidental notice that she had not been the sole visitant of the tomb. Ellicott, 381.
[607] –	Οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἷπον· ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ, and see Ellicott, 381, n.
[608] –	Such appears to be the force of θεωρεῖ in Jn. xx. 6. “ Ipsius animi intentionem denotat quâ quis intuetur quidquam.” Tittman, Synon. N. T. cited by Ellicott, 283, n.
[609] –	Such appears to be the force of the word ἐπίστευσεν in Jn. xx. 8. See Lange, V. 46; Ellicott, 384, n.
[610] –	The ἀπῆλθον πάλιν πρὸς αὐτούς (Jn. xx. 10) appears, as Bp. Ellicott remarks, to denote that they returned to the places, or perhaps rather place, where they were abiding, to meditate on the amazing miracle (Lk. xxiv. 12).
[611] –	Or rather, “Do not continue to cling to Me.” See Donaldson’s Gk. Gram. 414. Ἅπτεσθαι denotes the retaining of an object for some time, with perhaps here a reference to clasping the knees as a suppliant or worshipper. The Risen Saviour had not entered into those relations in which He might truly thus be “touched.”
[612] –	Lange, V. 57.
[613] –	Not of the Twelve, nor necessarily of the Seventy, but of the wider circle of the Redeemer’s followers now assembled at Jerusalem. Lange on Lk. xxiv. 13.
[614] –	Cleopas = Κλεοπάτρος, altogether different from Κλωπᾶς, Jn. xix. 25. According to Eusebius he was a native of Emmaus. Nothing further is known of him, or who the other disciple was: some have conjectured Nathanael; others Simon; others Luke himself.
[615] –	There were two places of the name of Emmaus; (i) a town, afterwards called Nicopolis, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem, where Judas Maccabæus defeated Gorgias, see above, p. [33]; (ii) another is mentioned by Josephus, B. J. IV. 1. 3, before the city Tiberias, and interpreted the “warm baths.” St Luke however states that this Emmaus was 60 stadia (A. V. threescore furlongs), = about 7½ miles from Jerusalem, and Josephus mentions a village at the same distance, B. J. VII. 6. 6. Robinson, because two uncial MSS. and a few cursives insert ἕκατον in Lk. xxiv. 13 and thus make the distance 160 stadia, identifies it with the Emmaus = Nicopolis. But the best critics do not accept this reading, and the site of Emmaus remains yet to be identified, though some would place it at Kubeibeh, about 3 miles west of the ancient Mizpeh, and 9 miles from Jerusalem.
[616] –	Comp. Mtt. xxi. 11, 46.
[617] –	Ἀλλά γε καί, Lk. xxiv. 21 = beside all this.
[618] –	The Jewish rule was three eating together were bound to give thanks. The usual words were, Blessed be Thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest forth fruit out of the earth.
[619] –	Is it not possible that on their way through the city they may have met and told some of the οἱ λοιποί, not Apostles, but general body of disciples, who refused to credit their intelligence, as related in Mk. xvi. 12?
[620] –	Of this appearance here incidentally mentioned, and more prominently by St Paul in 1 Cor. xv. 5, we know nothing: all that is certain is that it was after the return from the sepulchre (Lk. xxiv. 12, Jn. xx. 10), but whether (i) before, or (ii) after the appearance to the two disciples on the road to Emmaus cannot be determined. The effect, however, it produced was clearly very great on the disciples, who had given little credence to the accounts of the women. See Ellicott, 398, n. It is observable that on this occasion “he is called by his original name Simon, not Peter; the higher designation was not restored until he had been publicly reinstituted, so to speak, by his Master.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Peter.
[621] –	Even if Mk. xvi. 12 refers to this, there is no real contradiction. The ten believed (i) that the Lord was really risen, and (ii) that He had appeared to Peter (Lk. xxiv. 34), but that One, who had gently rebuked the adoring touch of Mary Magdalene, should have accompanied them as a humble wayfarer to Emmaus, and sat down with them to their evening meal, may have appeared at first incredible: see a note in Ellicott, 400, n. “They would naturally be ignorant of the properties of His Risen Body, and its powers of sudden transition from place to place.” Andrews, p. 516.
[622] –	Lange, V. 83.
[623] –	For indications of his character, see above, p. [249, n.]
[624] –	“In the famous statue of him by Thorwaldsen in the Church at Copenhagen, the Apostle stands, thoughtful, meditative, with the rule in his hand for the due measuring of evidence and argument.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[625] –	“The feast of the passover was completed on Thursday the 21st of Nisan. The disciples remained over the approaching Sabbath, on the 23rd of Nisan, and also the 24th, as the day which commemorated their Lord’s resurrection. After this, there was nothing to prevent their leaving Jerusalem, and therefore they obeyed their Lord’s command to go into Galilee.” Wieseler, Chronol. Synop. p. 395.
[626] –	Trench On the Miracles, p. 453.
[627] –	Probably from Bethsaida, the fishing-town of Capernaum. Evening was the usual time then for commencing fishing, as it is now. “The fishermen here (lake of Gennesaret), as elsewhere, toil all night.” Tristram’s Land of Israel, p. 428.
[628] –	Stanley’s S. and P., p. 378. “It seems natural to think that the friendly voice, ‘calling, after the manner of the East, Children’ (Stanley, S. and P., 374), and inquiring if they had any προσφάγιον, was conceived by the disciples to be that of one who wished to buy of them—ὡς μέλλων τι ὠνεῖσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, Chrysost. in loc.” Ellicott, p. 405, n.
[629] –	See above, p. [178]. For the contrast between the first and second miraculous draughts of fishes, see Trench, Miracles, 456–459.
[630] –	Τὸν ἐπενδύτην διεζώσατο, Jn. xxi. 7: “resuming the dress, which, like Eastern boatmen, he had thrown off whilst struggling with the net.” Stanley, S. and P., p. 378; compare however Tristram, p. 438, and see note in Trench, Miracles, p. 455. For the various nets and fish, see above, p. 195. “Each of the Apostles comes wonderfully out in his proper character: he of the eagle eye first detects the presence of the Beloved, and then Peter, the foremost ever in act, as John is profoundest in speculation, unable to wait till the ship should be brought to land, throws himself into the sea that he may find himself the nearer at his Saviour’s feet.” Trench, p. 455.
[631] –	All round the lake (which is about 13 miles long, and in its broadest parts 6 miles wide) runs, “like a white line,” “a level beach; at the southern end roughly strewn with the black and white stones peculiar to this district, and also connected with its volcanic structure; but the central or northern part formed of smooth sand, or of a texture of shells and pebbles so minute as to resemble sand, like the substance of the beach on the banks of Akaba.” Stanley’s S. and P., 371.
[632] –	Ἀνθρακία only occurs elsewhere in Jn. xviii. 18, when St Peter denied his Lord.
[633] –	Ἐξετάσαι, Jn. xxi. 12, is more than ask. It denotes studiose quærere (Bretschneider), to question, to prove. The word only occurs in two other places in the New Testament, (i) Mtt. ii. 8, where Herod bids the Magi enquire accurately (ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάσατε) concerning the Child, and (ii) Mtt. x. 11, where accurate enquiry is also hinted at.
[634] –	Ellicott, Lectures, p. 407.
[635] –	(i) The Saviour enquires ἀγαπᾷς με; to which the Apostle replies, ...φιλῶ σε; (ii) He asks again ἀγαπᾷς με; and the Apostle answers, ...φιλῶ σε; (iii) He asks, φιλεῖς με; and the Apostle replies, σὺ γινώσκεις ὅτι φιλῶ σε. “Ἀγαπᾷν = diligere (= deligere) has more of judgment and deliberate choice; φιλεῖν = amare, has more of attachment and peculiar personal affection. Thus the ἀγαπᾷς on the lips of the Lord seems to Peter at this moment too cold a word; as though his Lord were keeping him at a distance; or at least not inviting him to draw as near as in the passionate yearning of his heart he desired now to do. Therefore he puts by the word and substitutes his own stronger φιλῶ in its room. A second time he does the same. And now he has conquered, for when the Lord demands a third time whether he loves Him, He does it with the word which alone will satisfy Peter, which alone claims from him that personal attachment and affection, with which indeed he knows that his heart is full.” Trench, Miracles, p. 464, n.; Synonyms, I. 48.
[636] –	Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 33; Trench, Miracles, p. 463.
[637] –	At Rome, and according to early writers, at or about the same time as St Paul, and in the Neronian persecution. According to Origen (see Euseb. III. 1) he was crucified with his head downwards. For the legend found in St Ambrose touching his death, see Article Peter in Smith’s Bibl. Dict. and the notes.
[638] –	Ellicott, 408, n.
[639] –	Possibly Tabor, or the Mount of the Beatitudes, or of the Transfiguration. Lange, V. 109; Ellicott, 409, n.
[640] –	See Wieseler, Chronol. Synop. p. 396; Lange, V. 108.
[641] –	During this period the risen Saviour had manifested Himself from time to time (ὀπτανόμενος, Acts i. 3) to certain chosen witnesses, and these appearances according to the order followed in the text were (1) to Mary Magdalene; (2) to the other ministering women; (3) to the two disciples journeying to Emmaus; (4) to St Peter; (5) to the ten Apostles; (6) to the eleven Apostles; (7) to seven Apostles by the lake of Tiberias; (8) to the eleven Apostles, and probably the 500 brethren (1 Cor. xv. 6), on the appointed mountain; (9) to James (1 Cor. xv. 7); (10) to the Apostles in or near Jerusalem just before the Ascension. See Wieseler, Chronol. Synopsis; Tischendorf’s Synopsis Evangelica; Ellicott’s Lectures, p. 414, n. “Thus,” in the words of Paley, “it was not one person but many who saw Him; they saw Him not only separately but together; not by night only but by day; not at a distance but near; not once but several times; they not only saw Him but touched Him, conversed with Him, ate with Him, examined His person to satisfy their doubts.” See also Pearson On the Creed, Article V.
[642] –	Ellicott, p. 411. For the Festival, see Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 152.
[643] –	“A more secluded spot could scarcely have been found so near the stir of a mighty city: the long ridge of Olivet screens the hills, and the hills themselves screen the village beneath from all sound or sight of the city behind.” Stanley, S. and P., p. 454. “Not altogether into Bethany, but so far as the point where Bethany came into sight,” Stier.
[644] –	The last occasion on which she is mentioned in the New Testament. From the commencement of the Saviour’s ministry she is withdrawn almost altogether from sight. Four times only is the veil removed, (i) at the marriage at Cana (Jn. ii.); (ii) the attempt which she and His brethren made to speak with Him (Mtt. xii. 46; Mk. iii. 31; Lk. viii. 19); (iii) the Crucifixion; (iv) the present occasion.
[645] –	See note above, pp. [228, n.], [229].
[646] –	See above, p. [297], and [note].
[647] –	According to Eusebius, H. E. I. 12, he, as also Joseph Bar-Sabas, was one of the Seventy, and is said to have preached and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia.
[648] –	The use of lots occurs frequently in the Old Testament; compare, among others, that at (i) the division of the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 13); (ii) at the detection of Achan (Josh. vii. 14, 18); (iii) the Election of Saul (1 Sam. x. 20, 21); (iv) over the two goats at the feast of the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8); (v) the distribution of the priestly offices of the temple-service (1 Ch. xxiv. 3, 5, 19, and comp. Lk. i. 9, above, p. [128]). “Tablets, on which the names of Joseph and Matthias were written, were probably placed in a vessel, and that lot which, on the shaking of the vessel, first fell out, gave the decision.” Lechler.
[649] –	See above, p. [195], and [note].
[650] –	Milman, History of Christianity, I. 352.
[651] –	Ἐν τῷ συμπληροῦσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν = “was now fully come, or rather, perhaps, was on the point, or in the act, of being fulfilled; just dawning, we may suppose, for the day to run its course;” Vaughan on the Acts, I. p. 42.
[652] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 152. This festival lasted one day, and was distinguished by the offering of two leavened loaves, made from the new corn of the now completed harvest. That it was likewise a memorial of the giving of the Law from Sinai, is a supposition which rests only on later Jewish traditions. Neander’s Planting, I. 5, E. V.
[653] –	The Catalogue (Acts ii. 9–11) proceeds from the North East to the West and South.
[654] –	On the colonies of Jews in Babylonia, see above pp. 7, 107.
[655] –	In pure Greek the inhabitants were called Ἐλυμαῖοι, from Elam or Elymais, a Semitic people, see Gen. x. 22. “Elam is mentioned in connection with Babylon (Gen. xiv. 1); with Media (Isai. xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25); with Assyria (Ezek. xxxii. 24), as a province of Persia (Ez. iv. 9).” Josephus (Ant. I. 6. 4) makes the Elymæans the progenitors of the Persians.
[656] –	A name apparently not older than the Macedonian conquests for the Hebrew Aram-Naharaim, or Syria of the two rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, of which we first hear in Gen. xxiv. 10.
[657] –	The former kingdom of Mithridates, situated along the southern coast of the Euxine, now divided into petty principalities, subject to Roman protection, but under Nero made a Roman province. It is mentioned again in Acts xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1.
[658] –	Τὴν Ἀσίαν, Acts ii. 9. This expression, which frequently occurs in the New Testament, denotes the Roman province of Asia, which embraced the western part of the peninsula of Asia Minor, and had Ephesus for its capital. It included the territory anciently subdivided into Æolis, Ionia, and Doris, and afterwards into Lydia, Mysia, and Caria. Originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus, king of Pergamus, (Hor. Od. I. 1. 12; II. 18. 5), or king of Asia, (see 1 Macc. xi. 13), B.C. 133, it was, after some rectifications of the frontier, constituted a province, and placed by Augustus amongst those subject to the senate, and therefore governed by a procurator. Comp. Acts xix. 38, and see above, p. [147, n.] Within its boundaries were the seven Churches of the Apocalypse; see Con. and Howson, Life and Ep. of St Paul, chap. xiv.; Spruner’s Atlas Antiquus, Ed. 3.
[659] –	On the Islands of the Mediterranean in connection with the dispersion of the Jews, see above, p. [108].
[660] –	For notices of Jews in Egypt and Cyrene see above, pp. [8], [107].
[661] –	On the proselytes, see above, p. [118, n.]
[662] –	They were not πυρός but ὡσεὶ πυρός, not burning but luminous, in appearance like fire: see Lechler in loc.
[663] –	Διαμεριζόμεναι, in our version rendered cloven, but rather = distributed or parting themselves among them.
[664] –	See Neander’s Planting, I. 12–15.
[665] –	Τῆς φωνῆς ταύτης, Acts ii. 6, not this rumour, but the noise of the rushing mighty wind: Vaughan and Alford in loc. Neander’s Planting, I. 17.
[666] –	The first hour of prayer = 9 A.M., before which, especially on a feast-day, no Israelite ventured to taste anything. Lightfoot in loc.
[667] –	Ἀποδεδειγμένον, demonstratum, attested and demonstrated, shewn to be that which He claimed to be. See Alford in loc.
[668] –	Four names for what we commonly call “a miracle” occur in the New Testament, (1) Τέρας, a wonder (never used alone, but always with one of the other names), the effect of astonishment which the work produces upon the beholder being transferred to the work itself; (2) Σημεῖον, or sign (an especial favourite with St John), a token and indication of the near presence and working of God, the seals and credentials of a higher power; comp. Exod. vii. 9, 10; (3) Δύναμις, a power, or mighty work, that is, of God; as in the term wonder, the effect is transferred and gives a name to the cause, so here the cause gives its name to the effect; (4) Ἔργα, works, a significant term often used by St John, the works of Him whose name is Wonderful (Isai. ix. 6), and who therefore does works of wonder (comp. Jn. v. 36; vii. 21; x. 25, 32, 38, &c.). Trench on the Miracles, pp. 2–8; Synonyms of the N. T., Pt. II. 177–181.
[669] –	Εἰς ᾄδου in Hades = the abode of departed spirits, translated in our Version “hell,” which from hælen to cover, denotes, like the Hebrew Sheol, literally “the covered place,” the place of departed spirits. On the word Gehenna, the place of torment, ἡ ἄβυσσος, the bottomless pit, see above, p. [198].
[670] –	Μετανοήσατε, not μετανοεῖτε, as in Mtt. iii. 2, iv. 17. The aorist denotes a definite, sudden act: the present, a habit, more gradual; “The word imports change of mind, here a change from thinking Jesus an impostor, and scorning Him as one crucified, to being baptized in His Name, and looking to Him for the remission of sins, and the gift of the Spirit.” Alford in loc.
[671] –	Πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς μακράν = the Gentiles (comp. Eph. ii. 13), whose conversion the Apostles expected, like all other pious Jews, but not as Gentiles, which was not yet revealed to them.
[672] –	Thus the Apostle, the former fisherman of the lake, now the fisher of men, launched forth, and cast his net into the deep, amongst the multitudes of Jerusalem, and enclosed many of every kind; see above, p. [178].
[673] –	Ἦσαν προσκαρτεροῦντες τῇ διδαχῇ τῶν ἀποστόλων, Acts ii. 42. Made disciples when they had been baptized into Christ; detailed instruction, and gradual increase in knowledge and holiness must now follow.
[674] –	Τῇ κοινωνίᾳ, ver. 42, explained by the εἷχον ἅπαντα κοινά of ver. 44.
[675] –	Τῇ κλάσει του ἄρτου, Acts ii. 42, where the force of the article is observable. “The Eucharist was at first, and for some time, till abuses put an end to the practice, inseparably connected with the ἀγάπαι or Love-Feasts of the Christians, and unknown as a separate ordinance;” Alford in loc. “We can scarcely doubt that this implies that the chief actual meal of each day was one at which they met as brothers, and which was either preceded or followed by the more solemn commemorative acts of the breaking of the Bread and the drinking of the Cup.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Art. Lord’s Supper: see also Neander’s Planting, I. 23.
[676] –	Ταῖς προσευχαῖς, the prayers, not of course excluding private prayer among themselves. See Vaughan’s Church of the First Days, p. 88.
[677] –	Or 3 in the afternoon. See above, p. [112]. Note the imperfect ἀνέβαινον = were going up, in Acts iii. 1.
[678] –	See above, p. [96].
[679] –	He fixed his attention on them, ἐπεῖχεν (τὸν νοῦν) ἀυτοῖς, Acts iii. 5.
[680] –	Βάσεις = the soles of his feet; σφυρὰ = the ankles.
[681] –	See above, p. [244, n.]
[682] –	Κρατοῦντος = holding fast, Acts iii. 11.
[683] –	Τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν. Not Son, for which υἱός is always used, but Servant of God, as the word is used in Isa. xlii. 1; xlix. 3; Zech. iii. 8.
[684] –	Ὅπως ἄν cannot mean when, as in our Version, it can only denote in order that.
[685] –	In accordance with the Saviour’s command (Mtt. xxviii.). On the nature of the subsequent call of the Gentiles expected by the Apostle, see above, p. [348] and [note].
[686] –	Either from (1) awe, or (2) miscalculating contempt, or, (3) it is possible, internal dissension, Milman, I. 357.
[687] –	Ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ (Acts iv. 1; comp. Lk. xxii. 4) was not a Roman but a Jewish officer, and corresponded to the προστάτης τοῦ ἱεροῦ spoken of in 2 Macc. iii. 4; comp. 2 K. xii. 9. He was the captain of the Levitical guard, spoken of by Josephus, B. J. VI. 5. 3; Ant. XX. 6. 2, under the name of στρατηγός, whose duty it was to visit the sentries in the Temple during the night, and see that they did their duties. See Lightfoot in loc.
[688] –	“It does not appear that the Pharisees, though they had taken the lead in the condemnation of Christ, were eager, after that event, to persecute His followers. They looked on the illiterate Galilæans as worthy of no further attention, especially since they observed the ceremonial law, and at first abstained from controverting the peculiar tenets of their party; they allowed them to remain undisturbed, like some other sects by whom their own interests were not affected.... But the Sadducees were exasperated with the Apostles for so zealously advocating the doctrine of the resurrection.” Neander’s Planting, I. 41, 45; Milman (I. 359) thinks the Sadducees “had gained a temporary ascendancy in the great council.”
[689] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 43.
[690] –	See above, pp. [150], [253], and [note].
[691] –	Identified by Lightfoot with Rabbi Johanan ben Zacchai, who lived 40 years before the destruction of the Temple, and was president of the great synagogue after its removal to Jamnia.
[692] –	Apparently holding some high office, and identified by some with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the brother of Philo-Judæus, whom Josephus mentions as a friend of the Emperor Claudius. Jos. Ant. XVIII. 8. 1; XIX. 5. 1; See Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[693] –	That is, who had not been educated in the Jewish schools.
[694] –	Ἐπεγίνωσκον, Acts iv. 13.
[695] –	Ἐν τῷ τὴν χεῖρά σου ἐκτείνειν σε = in the stretching forth of Thy hand (while Thou stretchest forth Thy hand) for healing, Acts iv. 30.
[696] –	Though originally excluded from the possession of land (see Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 220), this tribe had begun to possess land, as in Jerem. xxxii. 7, and this must have been generally the case after the captivity. See Lechler in loc.
[697] –	Υἱὸς παρακλήσεως = son of prophecy or exhortation. If a native of Cyprus, he would be a Hellenist, and “the schools of Tarsus, the birth-place of St Paul, may naturally have attracted him, for Cyprus was within a few hours’ sail from Cilicia, and there the friendship of the two may have begun.” See Con. and Howson, I. 101.
[698] –	See Lechler and Alford in loc.
[699] –	By some supposed to have been a class in the congregation accustomed to perform such services, but more probably the younger members of the church acting perhaps in accordance with Jewish custom, perhaps on some hint from the apostle. See Alford in loc.
[700] –	Or their own mantles, taken off in preparing to carry him out. Alford in loc.
[701] –	On the shortness of the time after death allowed in the east before burial, see above, p. [249, n.] The practice was to bury before sunset of the same day.
[702] –	Now was fulfilled his Master’s promise, Mtt. xvi. 18.
[703] –	The ἀρχιερεῖς mentioned in Acts v. 24 as members of the Council were the titular High-priests; partly those who had served the office, partly the presidents of the 24 courses, partly the kindred of the High-priest. Alford in loc.
[704] –	Milman, I. 361: see above, p. [235].
[705] –	This eminent teacher was the son of Rabbi Simeon, and grandson of the celebrated Hillel, of the sect of the Pharisees, but untrammelled by their narrow bigotry, and distinguished for candour and wisdom. “His learning was so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one of the seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been honoured with the title of ‘Rabban’ (= the Rabboni of Jn. xx. 16). As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called Doctor Angelicus, and Bonaventura Doctor Seraphicus, so Gamaliel was called the Beauty of the Law, and it is a saying of the Talmud, that since Rabban Gamaliel died, the glory of the Law has ceased.” He was president of the Sanhedrin under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and died 18 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, or about the time of St Paul’s shipwreck at Malta. Conybeare and Howson, I. 56, and notes.
[706] –	Because a Theudas is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. XX. 5. 1) as having been an insurgent in the time of Claudius, or about A.D. 44, and St Luke places this Theudas before the time of Judas of Galilee, he has been accused with the utmost inconsistency of historical inaccuracy. But there are two solutions of the apparent difficulty, either of which meets all the requirements of the case: (i) St Luke represents this Theudas as having appeared before the time of Judas the Galilæan, and therefore he cannot have appeared later than the close of the reign of Herod the Great. Now the year of that monarch’s death (as mentioned above, pp. [104], [144]) was one of great turbulence, and Palestine was overrun by insurrectionary chiefs and fanatics, of whom Josephus mentions but three by name, Judas the son of the bandit Hezekias, Simon a slave of Herod, and Athronges, and passes over the rest with a mere allusion (comp. Ant. XVII. 9. 3; XVII. 10. 4–8). Now of these Theudas might easily have been one, for the name was not uncommon. (ii) Others would identify him with Judas, the son of Hezekias mentioned above, or more probably with the second insurgent, Simon, one of Herod’s slaves (Ant. XVII. 10. 6), a man of great personal strength and comeliness, who assumed the diadem and the title of king, “deeming himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else” (Ant. loc. cit.; comp. Acts iv. 36, λέγων εἷναί τινα ἑαυτόν), gained a certain number of followers, chiefly from Peræa, burned and plundered the palace of Jericho, and many other places, and was devastating in all directions till he was attacked by Gratus the procurator (see above, p. [149]), who utterly defeated his followers and beheaded Simon himself. Being originally a slave he might easily have assumed the name of Theudas with the diadem, and have been mentioned by Gamaliel under one, by Josephus under the other appellation. See Neander’s Planting, I. 47, n.; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. IV. 54; Biscoe’s History of the Acts, p. 428; Rawlinson’s Bampton Lectures, 261, and notes.
[707] –	This rising of Judas is described above, p. [148].
[708] –	On the probable tone of Gamaliel’s feeling towards Christianity see Neander’s Planting, I. 47.
[709] –	See Lightfoot’s Commentary on the Galatians, pp. 278, 9; Stanley’s Apostolical Age, p. 92; and above, p. [349].
[710] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 48.
[711] –	See above, pp. [109], [110].
[712] –	Conybeare and Howson, I. 85. Alexandria was the metropolis of Hellenistic theology, Philo their great representative. “The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying, Cursed is he who teacheth his son the learning of the Greeks.” For other illustrations, see Con. and Howson, I. 85, n.; Biscoe On the Acts, p. 60; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. et Talm. IV. 60; and compare above, p. 116. The ill-feeling lasted at least down to the time of Justinian.
[713] –	“The Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared with those of ‘the dispersion.’ We see this exemplified on later occasions, in the contributions which St Paul more than once anxiously promoted; see Acts xi. 29, 30; Rom. xv. 25, 26; Acts xxiv. 17; 1 Cor. xvi. 1–4; 2 Cor. viii. 1–4.” C. and H., I. 64.
[714] –	“His Hebrew (or rather Syriac) name is traditionally said to have been Chelil, or Cheliel (a crown);” Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[715] –	By some supposed, by others denied, to have been the founder of the sect of the Nicolaitans mentioned in Rev. ii. 6, 15. See Smith’s Bibl. Dict. sub voc.; Lightfoot On the Galatians, 281 n.
[716] –	An ancient and familiar practice in (i) pronouncing a blessing (Gen. xlviii. 14–20), (ii) appointing to an office (Num. xxvii. 18–21), transferring guilt (Lev. iii. 2).
[717] –	It will be noticed that the term “deacons” is nowhere applied to them. They are called “the Seven” (Acts xxi. 8), and two of them perform the work of preachers and evangelists. See Article in Smith’s Bibl. Dict.; Stanley’s Apostolical Age, p. 62.
[718] –	Among the conspicuous opponents of the great Hellenist in the synagogue of Cilicia was doubtless a young man (Acts vii. 58) a citizen of Tarsus, distinguished already by his zeal and talents among the younger champions of the Pharisaic party; see Gal. i. 13, 14; Acts xxii. 3; xxiii. 7; xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5, 6.
[719] –	Of the various explanations of the Λιβερτίνων in Acts vi. 9, the most probable are (i) that they were the inhabitants of Libertum, a town in the proconsular province of Africa, a bishop of which place is mentioned in the Council of Carthage, A.D. 411; (ii) that they were Jews, who having been taken prisoners by Pompeius and other Roman generals during the Syrian wars (see above, p. [109]), were reduced to slavery, and being afterwards emancipated returned, either permanently or for a time, to Palestine, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem. Tacitus states (Ann. II. 85) that 4000 of the libertini generis (said by Josephus to have been Jews, Ant. XVIII. 3. 5) were banished by Tiberius, A.D. 19, to Sardinia, under an edict for the suppression of Egyptian and Jewish mysteries, and they are thought to have found their way to Jerusalem. See Humphry On the Acts; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.; Orellius in Tac. Annal. II. 85; Biscoe On the Acts, p. 69.
[720] –	Although the accusations made against Stephen “are represented as the depositions of false witnesses, it does not follow that all they said was a fabrication, but only that they had, on many points, distorted his assertions, with an evil intention. Yet he must, by what he said, have given them some ground for their misrepresentations, for before this time nothing similar had been brought against the publishers of the Gospel; hence we may make use of their allegations to find out what Stephen really said.” Neander’s Planting, I. 51; compare Milman, I. 364. “Stephen is the acknowledged forerunner of the Apostle of the Gentiles. He was the first to look steadfastly to the end of that which is abolished, to sound the death-knell of the Mosaic ordinances and the temple-worship, and to claim for the Gospel unfettered liberty and universal rights.” Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 281.
[721] –	See above, p. [169].
[722] –	Comp. above, p. [268].
[723] –	See above, p. [293].
[724] –	It is remarkable how completely St Stephen is the forerunner of St Paul, both in the form and the matter of his defence. (i) His securing the attention of the Jews by adopting the historical method, is exactly what the Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 16–22); (ii) His assertion of his attachment to the true principles of the Mosaic religion is exactly what St Paul said to Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 22); (iii) The words used by Stephen of the Temple call to mind those which the Apostle used at Athens (Acts xvii. 24); (iv) When he speaks of the Law as received by the disposition of angels he anticipates the language of Gal. iii. 19; (v) When he declares that the Jews had received the Law and had not kept it, he foreshadows the language of the great Apostle himself, Rom. ii. 17–29: Con. and Howson, I. pp. 69, 70: Mr Humphry also in his Commentary on the Acts compares (a) Acts vii. 44 with Heb. viii. 5; (b) Acts vii. 5–8 with Rom. iv. 10–19; (c) Acts vii. 60 with 2 Tim. iv. 16.
[725] –	Con. and Howson, I. 69.
[726] –	On this period of the life of Moses, see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 81, 82, and note.
[727] –	On this period of Israel’s history, see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 178, 179.
[728] –	Remphan (Acts vii. 43) and Chiun (Amos v. 26) appear to be the names of two idols worshipped by the Israelites in the wilderness, akin probably to Ken and Rempu, two Egyptian divinities; see Article Remphan, in Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[729] –	Comp. Isai. lxvi. 1, 2; Jer. xxiii. 24.
[730] –	Con. and Howson, I. 69.
[731] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 54.
[732] –	Διεπρίοντο ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν (Acts vii. 54).
[733] –	One of the only three passages in the N. T. where the title Son of Man is applied to the Redeemer by any save Himself; the two others being Rev. i. 13; xiv. 14.
[734] –	“In other places (Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. 1; Heb. i. 3, viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2) He is represented as sitting at the right hand of the Father—here alone he is said to be standing. It is as if (according to Chrysostom’s beautiful thought) He had risen from His throne, to succour His persecuted servant, and to receive Him unto Himself.” Con. and Howson, I. 71.
[735] –	“It was sentence and execution all at once; an act of violence without regular judicial examination,” Neander’s Planting, I. 55. “It was a savage and disorderly condemnation,” Con. and Howson, I. 71.
[736] –	Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[737] –	Probably the class of Hellenists and proselytes to which he belonged, οἷ εὐσεβεῖς. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[738] –	“This persecution must have been more severe and extensive than the former; for by the manner in which Stephen entered into conflict with Pharisaism, he had roused to hostilities against the teachers of the new doctrine the sect of the Pharisees, who had the most credit with the common people (see above, p. [117]), and were powerful and active, and ready to leave no means untried to attain their object whatever it might be,” Neander’s Planting, I. 56.
[739] –	C. and H., I. 75.
[740] –	Ibid.
[741] –	Ἀναιρουμένων τε ἀυτῶν κατήνεγκα ψῆφον (Acts xxvi. 10), vote, not voice, as in our Version.
[742] –	Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 282. For the Jewish feeling respecting the Samaritans, see above, pp. [121], [122].
[743] –	Κατελθὼν εἰς πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρείας (Acts viii. 5) = to a city of Samaria, perhaps Sychar, comp. Jn. iv. 5, and if so, the readiness of the people to receive Philip is easily accounted for.
[744] –	See above, p. [169].
[745] –	A native of Gittim (Justin Martyr’s Apol. I. 26), a village of Samaria. Educated probably at Alexandria, he had there become acquainted with the tenets of the Gnostic school (Clement, Hom. II. 22), and had acquired a great reputation as a magician. He was one of those who at this period, according both to Greek and Roman testimonies, travelled about in numbers, and partly as soothsayers, astrologers, and interpreters of dreams, partly as jugglers, excited attention and received general regard. See Dollinger’s Gentile and Jew, II. 198, 199; C. and H., I. 140.
[746] –	Our version omits the word καλουμένη, and so renders the verse imperfectly. “The Samaritans describe the angels as δυναμεῖς, i.e. uncreated influences proceeding from God. But to distinguish Simon from such an order of beings they added the words which is called great, meaning thereby the source of all power, in other words, the Supreme Deity—according to Simon’s own expression, quoted by Jerome on Mtt. xxiv. 5, Ego sum Sermo Dei, Ego sum Speciosus, Ego Paracletus, Ego omnia Dei.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[747] –	The last time this Apostle is mentioned in the Acts; he is only once more mentioned (except in Revelation) as having been present in Jerusalem at St Paul’s visit, Gal. ii. 9.
[748] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 62.
[749] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 63.
[750] –	The subsequent history of Simon Magus is involved in much perplexity. Early ecclesiastical historians represent him as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, encountering him at Cæsarea on the sea, and subsequently at Rome, which latter place he visited either (i) in the reign of Claudius (Justin Martyr, Apol. I. 26. 56), or (ii) in the reign of Nero. His success in the imperial city is said to have been so great that he was deified, and a statue was erected in his honour, with the inscription Simoni Deo Sancto. For various accounts of his death, see Burton’s Bampton Lectures, and Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Some identify him with a Simon, a native of Cyprus, whom Josephus (Ant. XX. 7. 2) mentions as a friend of Felix, the Roman Procurator of Palestine, and as having persuaded Drusilla, sister of Herod Agrippa, to marry him: see Neander’s Planting, I. 63, and note; Alford on Acts viii.
[751] –	Contrast this with Lk. ix. 52; see above, p. [229].
[752] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 259, 262.
[753] –	See Robinson’s Bibl. Res. II. 514.
[754] –	Some apply this word to the city of Gaza, in the sense that it was destroyed and uninhabited, or that it was unfortified. But this is extremely improbable. Though often destroyed in the wars, the city had been restored.
[755] –	That is from the high land to the south of Egypt, and now comprehending Nubia, Cordofan, and Abyssinia, whose religious and commercial capital was the island of Meröe. Candace was not a personal name, but, like Pharaoh of the older and Ptolemy of the later Egyptian kings, the regular title of the queens of Ethiopia (Meröe). Lechler in loc. The eunuch was probably a proselyte of the Gate.
[756] –	The Easterns usually go on reading aloud, with a kind of singing voice, moving their heads and bodies in tune, and making a monotonous cadence at regular intervals. Kitto’s Bibl. Illust. VIII. 95.
[757] –	See above, p. [11].
[758] –	Verse 37 in the received Version is wanting in the Codd. A. B. C. G. H., the Sinaitic MS., more than 60 cursive MSS., and several versions. It is omitted by Lachmann, Tischendorf, Alford, and others.
[759] –	Robinson would place the scene of the baptism at Wady-el-Hasy, between Eleutheropolis and Gaza, not far from the old sites of Lachish and Eglon. Bibl. Res. II. 514.
[760] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, 254, 263, 272. Taken by Judas Maccabæus (1 Macc. v. 68) and destroyed by Jonathan (1 Macc. x. 84), it had been rebuilt by Gabinius (Jos. Ant. XIV. 5. 3; B. J. I. 7. 7), and bequeathed by Herod to his sister Salome: see above, p. [146].
[761] –	Ekron, Jamnia, Joppa, Apollonia, perhaps Lydda.
[762] –	For the foundation of which, see above, pp. [91], [92]. On the undesigned coincidence between the mention of Philip here and afterwards in Acts xxi. 8, 9, see Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, pp. 322, 323.
[763] –	See Xen. Anab. I. 2. 23.
[764] –	Cæsar, Bell. Alex. Cap. LXVI.
[765] –	The privileges of an urbs libera consisted in (a) being governed by its own magistrates, (b) being exempted from the occupation of a Roman garrison, and from taxes. Its citizens did not necessarily possess the freedom of Rome.
[766] –	C. and H., I. 44. He was a young man at the time of the martyrdom of Stephen.
[767] –	Either (i) after the name of his father, or (ii) as being a name of traditional celebrity in the tribe of Benjamin, or (iii) “as intended to denote (in conformity with the Hebrew derivation of the word) that he was a son who had long been desired, the firstborn of his parents, the child of prayer.” C. and H., I. 41.
[768] –	Paulus, a diminutive of Pauxillus, is a Roman name, so are Junia and Lucius; those he calls his kinsmen, Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21; the others are Greek.
[769] –	“Great numbers of Jews were made slaves during the Civil Wars, and then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due formalities became a Roman citizen. Thus it is natural to suppose that the Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may have been like Horace (Sat. I. vi. 45) libertino patre natus.” C. and H., I. 45, n.; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 4.
[770] –	For allusions to it, see Acts xviii. 3; xx. 34; 1 Cor. iv. 12; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8.
[771] –	C. and H., I. 38. “It is observed that when St Paul quotes from the Old Testament, his quotations are from the LXX; and that, not only when he cites its very words, but when (as is often the case) he quotes it from memory.”
[772] –	Probably during the supremacy of one of the four governors who preceded Pontius Pilate, i.e. between A.D. 6 and A.D. 25. See above, pp. [149], [150].
[773] –	For notices of Gamaliel, see above, p. 360, and note.
[774] –	“St Paul seems to have belonged to the extreme party of the Pharisees (Acts xii. 3, xxiii. 7, xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5, 6) whose pride it was to call themselves ‘zealots of the law, zealots of God.’ To this party also had belonged Simon, one of the Twelve, thence surnamed the zealot, ζηλωτής, or Καναναῖος.” Lightfoot On the Galatians, 1. 14. See above, p. [187].
[775] –	Such as that of Hagar and Sarah in Gal. iv. 21, where see Lightfoot’s notes.
[776] –	Hence in his address to the Athenians (Acts xvii. 28) he could quote from the Cilician poet Aratus, Τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν; to the refined Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 33) from the Thais of Menander, Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρήσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί; he could rebuke the Cretans (Titus i. 12) from the poet Epimenides, Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί.
[777] –	On the authority of the Sanhedrin over Jews in foreign cities, see above, p. [108, note]. Damascus since its capture by Pompeius (see above, p. [67]) had been under Roman rule, and belonged to the province of Syria. Many Jews had settled in it since the times of the Seleucidæ (comp. Jos. B. J. I. 2. 25; II. 20. 2), hence there was more than one synagogue there (comp. πρὸς τὰς συναγωγάς, Acts ix. 2). If A.D. 36 was the date of the conversion of St Paul, Caiaphas was the high-priest, and the year would coincide with the deposition of Pilate by Vitellius prefect of Syria (see above, p. [307, note]); if, as some think, it took place in A.D. 37, the high-priest was either Jonathan, one of the sons of Annas, and brother-in-law of Caiaphas, whom Vitellius, on the occasion of his visit to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover in this year, appointed to the office in place of Caiaphas (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 4. 3), or Theophilus his brother, whom he exalted to the pontificate during his second visit at Pentecost (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 5. 3). In the same year, A.D. 37, Tiberius died, March 16 (Tac. Ann. VI. 50), and was succeeded by Caligula.
[778] –	Probably near Scythopolis: see C. and H., I. 82: this route would follow the later Roman itinerary.
[779] –	The distance was about 136 miles, and Saul and his company may have performed the journey, like the modern caravans, in about 6 days, C. and H., I. 81; comp. Lewin, I. 54.
[780] –	Stanley’s S. and P., p. 410.
[781] –	Compare (i) Jn. xii. 28, and note above, p. 273; (ii) Acts ii. 12, 13; (iii) Dan. x. 7, and see Baumgarten’s Apostolic History, I. 210. Audiebant vocem solam, non vocem cum verbis, Bengel.
[782] –	As the language uttered was the same, the sacred language of Palestine, which the Son of Man had used on earth, so also was the figurative allusion to which it gave expression like the parables He had so often delivered. As the ox rebels in vain against the long sharp-pointed goad (see Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 237, note) of its master, and as all its struggles do nought but increase its distress, so did the Apostle vainly struggle against the power of His grace. C. and H., I. 88.
[783] –	“The present participle marks the continuity of the effort, while the genitive expresses the mechanical side of hearing, the impression of sound, and not the apprehension of the meaning as a whole. On the other hand, St Paul says (Acts xxii. 9), The men who were with me saw the light; but heard not the voice of Him that spake to me (τὴν δὲ φωνὴν οὐκ ἤκουσαν τοῦ λαλοῦντός μοι): to them the voice was no articulate utterance of that Saviour who was speaking to, or rather talking with, St Paul.” Westcott. On the difference between ἀκούω with the gen. and acc., see Viner’s Gr. Gram. XXX. 7, Vol. I. 210, E. T.
[784] –	Generally identified with the “Street of Bazaars,” a long, wide thoroughfare, penetrating from the southern gate into the heart of the city which, as in all the Syro-Greek and Syro-Roman towns, it intersects in a straight line. Stanley’s S. and P., p. 412.
[785] –	In reference to the three accounts of the Conversion we notice (i) the general agreement with regard to the outward details of the narrative: the occasion, the commission, the place, the time, the light, the company, are the same in all; but (ii) each account contains some peculiar details, and these varieties prove that the descriptions are free and independent, that they are not studied and servile; “they do not echo each other’s words, they tell each its own story; there is none of that elaborate guarding and fencing of expressions, none of that careful reconciliation of statement with statement, which every court of justice regards with strong suspicion as a sure indication of design and falsehood.” Vaughan, Church of Jerusalem, II. 7; Westcott’s Characteristics of the Gospel Miracles, p. 120; Birks’ Horæ Apostoliæ, pp. 324–328.
[786] –	“A veil of thick darkness hangs over St Paul’s visit to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped the whole tenour of his after life, absolutely nothing is known. Immediately, says St Paul, I went away into Arabia. The historian passes over the incident without a mention. It is a mysterious pause. A moment of suspense in the Apostle’s history, a breathless calm which ushers in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life.” Lightfoot on Gal. i. 17.
[787] –	See the words of Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. p. 305 A, quoted by Lightfoot, and C. and H., I. pp. 117, 118. This, however, appears improbable, for (i) it gives to the term Arabia an extension which does not seem to have been common; (ii) it distinguishes the Arabia of the first chapters of Galatians from the Arabia of the fourth; (iii) it deprives this visit of a significance which, on a more probable hypothesis, it possesses in relation to this crisis of St Paul’s life. But if it was the Sinaitic peninsula then his visit becomes full of meaning; here, “where Moses had received the tables of the Law amid fire and tempest and thick darkness, where Elijah, the typical prophet, listened to the voice of God, and sped forth refreshed on his mission of righteousness, in the fulness of time St Paul, the greatest preacher of Him of whom both the law and the prophets spoke, was strengthened and sanctified for his great work, was taught the breadth as well as the depth of the riches of God’s wisdom, and transformed from the champion of a bigoted and narrow tradition into the large-hearted Apostle of the Gentiles.” Lightfoot, in loc.
[788] –	Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.
[789] –	For the origin of the ill-feeling between Aretas and Herod Antipas, see above, p. [168]. In the battle between them the army of Antipas was utterly routed (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 5. 3), and Antipas appealed to Tiberius for assistance. On this Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, was commissioned to march against Aretas, and take him dead or alive. But on his march Vitellius heard of the death of Tiberius, March 16, A.D. 37, and abandoned the expedition. The position of affairs was now reversed. Antipas was banished to Lyons; Herod Agrippa received his kingdom from Claudius; and in A.D. 38 it appears probable that Caligula granted Damascus to Aretas. See C. and H., I. 97, 98; Art. in Smith’s Bibl. Dict.; Milman, I. 372.
[790] –	This word is used to denote (i) the governor of a dependent district (1 Macc. xiv. 47; Jos. Ant. XVII. 11. 4); (ii) a magistrate or consul allowed to Jewish residents living under their own laws in Alexandria and other cities (Jos. Ant. XIV. 7. 3).
[791] –	C. and H., I. 98.
[792] –	To visit Cephas: ἱστορῆσαι is somewhat emphatic. A word used, says Chrysostom, by those who go to see great and famous cities. It is generally said of things and places, less commonly, as here, of persons: Lightfoot, in loc. and Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.
[793] –	See Lightfoot’s note in loc., and Excursus on St Paul’s first visit to Jerusalem. In Acts ix. 23 the time is said to have been many days, but compare 1 Kings ii. 38, 39, where many days is used to denote a space of three years: Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.
[794] –	See above, p. [356, n.]
[795] –	“The Apostle James is named three times in the Epistle to the Galatians, but only here with this distinctive title. The history supplies a full key. This visit is evidently the same as in Acts ix. 26–30, while the one in the next chapter was much later, at or near the time of the Council, Acts xv. Hence the first was before the death of James the son of Zebedee, and the other long after it. A distinctive addition to the name was thus as natural in the one case, as it would be superfluous and even suspicious in the other.” The same distinction is observed in the book of Acts. In the earlier part the two Apostles of this name are distinguished, the brother of John, or the son of Alphæus. But after the elder James was martyred, the other is three times called James simply, without any addition. This minute propriety is too delicate and refined to be easily accounted for, except by the fact that Luke and Paul were contemporary with the events they record.” Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, pp. 197, 198.
[796] –	On the brevity of this visit, see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.
[797] –	Some have thought this was Cæsarea Philippi (see above, p. [218]), “but the words κατήγαγον, ἐξαπέστειλαν, imply a sea-port and an embarcation, and Cæsarea, without any addition to distinguish it, is always the principal city of the name.” Lightfoot, in loc.: see also Birks’ Horæ Apost. 199.
[798] –	Probably he now founded those churches greeted in the Apostolic decree, Acts xv. 23, 41. Perhaps “in his own family some of those Christian kinsmen (Rom. xvi.) whose names are handed down to us, possibly his sister and his sister’s son (Acts xxiii. 16, 23) were by his exertions gathered into the fold of Christ.” C. and H., I. 104.
[799] –	St Paul’s words here, Syria and Cilicia, are probably not intended to describe the order in which he visited the two countries. Cilicia had geographically a greater affinity with Syria than with Asia Minor. The less important country is here named after the more important. Lightfoot on Gal. i. 21; C. and H., I. 103.
[800] –	As distinguished from that of Jerusalem, whence “he was hurried off to Cæsarea, and there embarking left the shores of Palestine. The other churches of Judæa therefore had no opportunity of knowing him. Judæa is here distinguished from Jerusalem, as Italy is frequently distinguished from Rome, e.g. probably Hebr. xiii. 24.” Lightfoot, in loc.
[801] –	Note the force of ἀκούοντες ἦσαν in Gal. i. 23 = they kept hearing, just as ἤμην ἀγνοούμενος = I continued personally unknown.
[802] –	Milman’s History of Christianity, I. 373.
[803] –	See above, p. [307, note].
[804] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 6. 10.
[805] –	See above, p. [383, note].
[806] –	See above, p. [383, note].
[807] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 6. 10. Herod Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great, was born A.U.C. 743, and was brought up at Rome with Claudius and Drusus, and on the death of the latter was banished by Tiberius, A.D. 31, as recalling his memory by his presence. Retiring to Malatha in Idumæa (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 6. 2), he was appointed ædile of Tiberias, and five years afterwards was readmitted to the court of the Emperor at Capreæ, and became the intimate friend of Caius (Caligula), but for an imprudent speech was thrown into prison. Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, VI. 11.
[808] –	Jos. Ant. XVIII. 6. 10. His arrival in Palestine with royal pomp excited the bitterest jealousy of Herodias the wife of Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of Galilee. She would not rest till her husband also had obtained a royal title, and in an unlucky hour he repaired with her to Rome to solicit it from Caligula (Jos. Ant. XVIII. 7. 2). But Agrippa was beforehand with them, outbid his rival in bribery, and accused him of intrigues with Sejanus, and Caligula banished both the tetrarch and his wife to Lyons in Gaul, A.D. 39.
[809] –	Merivale, VI. 45. For an account of the indignities endured by the Jews of Alexandria, see Jos. Ant. XVIII. 8. 1, 2; Milman, History of the Jews, II. 133–139.
[810] –	“Josephus, Ant XVIII. 8. 9, states that Caligula at one moment yielded to Agrippa, and rescinded his orders to Petronius; but on hearing of the resistance the Jews were prepared to make, repeated them more vehemently than ever. The last missive, however, did not reach Petronius till after the news had arrived of the tyrant’s death.” Merivale, VI. 50, n.
[811] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 1. 11.
[812] –	The modern Lidd or Ludd stands in the great maritime plain of Sharon (see Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 30), and when covered with its crops of corn, reminds the traveller of the rich wheat-fields of our own Lincolnshire: Robinson, Bibl. Res., III. 145. Thomson, The Land and the Book. It received its name Diospolis in the reign of Hadrian, in A.D. 136.
[813] –	Tabitha is the Aramaic, Dorcas the Greek form, both meaning a gazelle: Δορκάς is used in the LXX. as the rendering of ‏עְבִי‎ in Deut. xii. 15, 22; 2 Sam. ii. 18; Prov. vi. 5. We find the name also in Jos. B. J. IV. 3. 5.
[814] –	See above, p. [201].
[815] –	Like Elisha, 2 Kings iv. 33.
[816] –	See above, p. [147, n.]
[817] –	As distinct from the legionary soldiers, and hence called the Italian cohort. “As in the army of modern Austria, the soldiers were drawn from different countries and spoke different languages.” C. and H., I. 113.
[818] –	“There is scarcely any room to doubt that he belonged to the class of Proselytes of the Gate (see above, p. [118, n.]). Nor can we infer the contrary from the circumstances that Peter and the stricter Jewish Christians looked on Cornelius as an unclean person, and in many respects the same as an heathen. The Proselytes of the Gate were certainly permitted to attend the synagogue worship ... yet the Jews who adopted the stricter maxims of the Pharisees, placed all the uncircumcised in the class of the unclean, and avoided living and eating with such persons as defiling.” Neander’s Planting, I. 68.
[819] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 69.
[820] –	Comp. the flat roof of the house of Rahab at Jericho, Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 202; of the house of Samuel at Ramah, ibid. p. 280.
[821] –	“Overlooking the waves of the Western Sea, the Sea of Greece and Rome—the sea of the isles of the Gentiles.” See Keble’s Christian Year, Monday in Easter Week. Stanley’s Apost. Age, p. 93.
[822] –	It appears doubtful whether δεδεμένον καὶ are genuine in Acts x. 11: they are omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf, retained but doubtfully by Alford: they are wanting in the Vulgate, which translates quatuor initiis submitti de cælo. “At all events these four corners are not unimportant. As they corresponded with the four quarters of the heavens, they conveyed an intimation that men from the north and south, the east and west (comp. Mtt. viii. 11; Lk. xiii. 29), would appear as clean before God, or be called to a participation of His kingdom.” Neander’s Planting, I. 72, n.
[823] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 156.
[824] –	Vaughan, II. 66.
[825] –	Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Art. Peter.
[826] –	“The more rigid Jews looked with jealousy even on the circumcised proselytes; the terms of admission were made as difficult and repulsive as possible; on the imperfect they looked with still greater suspicion, and were rather jealous of communicating their exclusive privileges than eager to extend the influence of their opinions.” Milman, Hist. Christ. I. 382, n. “An opprobrious proverb coupled proselytes with the vilest profligates, as hindering the coming of the Messiah (Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. in Mtt. xxiii. 15). It became a recognised maxim that no wise man would trust a proselyte even to the twenty-fourth generation.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict. The belief in the necessity of circumcision for the full admission of proselytes is illustrated by the compulsory circumcision of the Idumæans by John Hyrcanus and of the Ituræans by Aristobulus (see above, pp. [59], [61], [146 n.]).
[827] –	“As a loyal and believing Hebrew Peter could not have contemplated the removal of Gentile disqualifications without a distinct assurance that the enactments of the law which concerned them were abrogated by the Divine legislator. The vision could not therefore have been the product of a subjective impression. It was, strictly speaking, objective, presented to his mind by an external influence. Yet the intimation in the state of trance did not at once overcome his reluctance. It was not till his consciousness was fully restored, and he had well considered the meaning of the vision, that he learned that the distinction between cleanness and uncleanness in outward things belonged to a temporary dispensation.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Peter.
[828] –	See above, p. [373].
[829] –	For its foundation, see above, p. [10], and notes.
[830] –	Perhaps Mnason was one of the number, see Acts xxi. 16.
[831] –	C. and H., I. 118.
[832] –	“In the Acts, and in their own letters, we find them designating themselves as brethren, disciples, believers, saints (Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, v. 14, ix. 32; Rom. xv. 25; Col. i. 2, &c.). Only in two places (Acts xxvi. 28, 1 Pet. iv. 16) do we find the term Christians; and in both instances it is implied to be a term used by those who are without.” C. and H., I. 117, and notes; Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts.
[833] –	Or Galilæans. This last was the contemptuous name by which the Emperor Julian afterwards enacted that they should be called. Humphry’s Comm.
[834] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 99.
[835] –	Comp. Tac. Ann. XV. 44, quos vulgus Christianos appellabat: they were sometimes miscalled Chrestiani; Tertull. Apol. III.
[836] –	Their office did not always or necessarily include that of predicting future events. Compare the remarks on the O. T. Prophets, Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 276, 277. More generally it indicated extraordinary powers of exposition of the Divine Word.
[837] –	Tac. Ann. XII. 13; Jos. Ant. III. 15. 3, XX. 2. 5.
[838] –	Four local famines are mentioned during the reign of Claudius, (1) in his first and second year, A.D. 41, 42, at Rome; (2) in his fourth year, A.D. 44, in Judæa; (3) in his ninth year, A.D. 49, in Greece; (4) in his eleventh year, A.D. 51, at Rome.
[839] –	In this verse occurs the first mention of the Christian πρεσβύτεροι, rendered in the Vulgate seniores, in the E. V. elders. In Acts xx. 28 they are termed ἐπίσκοποι; the last expression pointing to their office, the former to their age and character. For the ancient Jewish Elders, see Numb. xi. 16, and Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 170.
[840] –	Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, VI. 102.
[841] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 5. 1; B. J. II. 11. 5. Merivale, VI. 115.
[842] –	See above, p. [393, n.]; Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 1.
[843] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 1; 7. 3. Comp. Acts xxi. 23.
[844] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 3. He exercised, however, his supreme authority by continually displacing the high-priest. Having deposed Theophilus, son of Annas (see above, p. [382, n.]), he substituted Simon son of Boethus (Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 2); he then offered the pontificate to Jonathan son of Annas (Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 4), and on his declining it, bestowed it upon his brother Matthias; in A.D. 43 he deposed Matthias, and appointed Elionæus, son of the Simon mentioned above, to the post (Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 1).
[845] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 7. 2. The prefect of Syria, however, compelled him to desist.
[846] –	Milman, Hist. Christ. I. 374.
[847] –	See above, p. [257].
[848] –	“The popular feeling, which from Pentecost till Stephen’s death was in favour of the Gospel, now set in in the contrary direction.” Humphry’s Comm.
[849] –	“One quaternion for each watch of the night; of the four men forming the quaternion, two were stationed before the door (Acts xii. 6), and to two the Apostle was chained according to the Roman custom.” Veget. Res Milit. III. 8, quoted in Humphry’s Comm.
[850] –	Comp. Col. iv. 10. Thus while the brother gave up his land and brought its value into the common treasury of the Church, the sister gave up her house for the use of the early Christians. Peter seems to have been on terms of intimacy with her, and this is confirmed by 1 Pet. v. 13.
[851] –	Ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου (Claudius) σωτηρίας, Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2. Compare the language of Philo, Leg. 45, alluding to Caligula’s safe return from Gaul, quoted in Lewin’s Fasti Sacri, p. 280. Another opinion is that the festival was held in honour of the birthday of Claudius, August 1.
[852] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2.
[853] –	See above, p. 92.
[854] –	See the quotation from Kenrick’s Phœnicia, in Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 355, and comp. Ezek. xxvii. 17; 1 Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7.
[855] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2. Δευτέρᾳ δὲ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν ἐνδυσάμενος ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν ... παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας.
[856] –	Luke the physician is more accurate than Josephus in his description of the disease that caused the death of Agrippa. Comp. the deaths of Antiochus Epiphanes, above, p. 38, and of Herod the Great, above, pp. 104, 105.
[857] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2, i.e. from A.D. 37 to A.D. 44.
[858] –	Jos. Ant. XIX. 9. 1; Milman, Hist. of the Jews, II. 161. The unexpected death of Herod Agrippa “seems to have unhinged the plans of the Roman government. So important a charge as the sovereignty of Palestine could be intrusted only to a tried servant of the Emperor; and even Agrippa had given cause of jealousy by the relation he had cultivated with the princes of the frontier. None of his family merited to succeed him. His brother Herod was allowed to continue in the obscure dignity of his petty chiefdom, and his son Agrippa, already resident as a hostage at Rome, was retained there in honourable custody; while the dominions of the great Idumæan reverted once more to the control of the prefect of Syria, and acquiesced, with a few uneasy murmurs, in its full incorporation with the empire.” Merivale, VI. 116, 117. Cassius Longinus was now appointed, A.D. 44, to the presidency of Syria, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out as governor of Judæa. Jos. Ant. XIX. 9. 2; XX. 1. 1.
[859] –	Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 285.
[860] –	He was the son of that Mary, a person of some means and influence, to whose house Peter went after his miraculous release from prison (Acts xii. 12). He was probably, therefore, born at Jerusalem, and is by some identified with the “young man” mentioned in Mk. xiv. 51, 52. Hence he was the nephew of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and had possibly been converted by St Peter (1 Peter, v. 13).
[861] –	Nothing further is known of this Simeon. His first name shews that he was a Jew by birth, his second, that, as in other cases, he took another name as more convenient for intercourse with foreigners.
[862] –	By some identified with the kinsman or fellow-tribesman of St Paul, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21.
[863] –	Manaen = consoler, the same name as that of the 16th king of Israel (2 K. xv. 14–22).
[864] –	Σύντροφος, Vulgate collactaneus = ὁμογάλακτος, foster-brother, i.e. Manaen’s mother (or the woman who reared him) was also Herod’s nurse. Others would interpret the word as = comrade, associate, educated with, according to a not unusual custom of associating other children with the sons of persons of rank, to share their amusements and excite them to emulation. Comp. Xen. Cyrop. I. 3. 14, and the passages cited in Wetstein on Acts xiii. 1. The Herod alluded to was probably Herod Antipas, who beheaded John the Baptist, and if so, Manaen could hardly have been altogether unacquainted with the circumstances of the Redeemer’s life. Josephus (Ant. XV. 10. 5) mentions a Manaen, an Essene, who foretold to Herod the Great his future elevation to royal dignity, and who was held by him in high esteem. He may therefore have been the father of the companion of his children, Antipas and Archelaus, who were educated at Rome: Comp. Jos. Ant. XVII. 1. 3, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ Ἀντίπας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρά τινι ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον.
[865] –	The sea-port and fortress of Antioch, and connected with it by the river Orontes. Seleucus had named his metropolis after his father (see above, p. [10]), and the maritime fortress after himself. It became a place of great importance, and was made a free city by Pompey for its bold resistance to Tigranes. See Smith’s Dict. Geog.
[866] –	See above, p. [356, n.] Cyprus was (1) near; (2) contained the nucleus of a church; (3) was the birthplace of Barnabas; (4) contained many Jews.
[867] –	A city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, said to have been founded by Teucer (Hor. Od. I. 7. 29). The farming of the copper-mines of the island to Herod (Jos. Ant. XVI. 4. 5), as also the wine, flax, and honey which it yielded, probably increased the numbers attracted by its harbour and trade. On the revolt of the Jews in the reign of Trajan, when the populous city became a desert, see Milman, Hist. Jews, III. 111, 112.
[868] –	Notorious for the worship of Venus or Aphrodite, fabled here to have risen from the sea (Hom. Od. VIII. 362), whose temple was at “Old Paphos,” while the harbour and chief town were at “New Paphos,” a little distance off. Titus made a pilgrimage to the shrine (Tac. Hist. II. 2. 3).
[869] –	On the provinces and the difference between the proconsul and proprætor, see above, p. [147, n.] Cyprus originally was an imperial province, but it was afterwards transferred to the Senate. See Lardner’s Credibility of the Gospel History, I. 32, &c.: for an engraving of a Cyprian coin of the reign of Claudius, see C. and H., I. 147.
[870] –	See above, p. [374]. On the influx of Eastern sorcerers, astrologers, and soothsayers into Rome, and their influence, see Hor. Od. I. 11. 2; Cic. Div. II. 42–47; Juv. VI. 562, XIV. 248. Marius always kept in his camp a Syrian prophetess; Pompeius, Crassus, Cæsar, were all addicted to Oriental astrology; the picture of Tiberius surrounded by his “Chaldæan herd” (Juv. Sat. X. 93) is well known. See C. and H., I. 141, and notes.
[871] –	After this his old name Saul never recurs in the New Testament. “It was an ancient conjecture that the change was made to commemorate the conversion of the Proconsul: this may have been the occasion; but the reason probably was to make the name more familiar to Roman ears.” Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts. That the Apostle probably had both in his childhood is stated above, p. [380], and possibly “the name Paulus came from some connection of his ancestors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member of the Roman family of the Æmilian Pauli” (C. and H., I. 146). It can hardly be believed to be accidental that the Gentile name rises to the surface at the moment when St Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the Gentiles.
[872] –	Founded by Attalus Philadelphus, as a port for the trade between Egypt and Syria. It has lasted till the present day, and is now called Satalia.
[873] –	It will be remembered that St Paul had already preached the word in Cilicia (see above, p. [380]); he probably now wished to extend it among the contiguous districts.
[874] –	An important city of Pamphylia, situated on the river Cestrus, as Tarsus on the Cydnus, celebrated for the worship of Artemis (Diana), Cic. Verr. I. 20.
[875] –	On the perils of robbers and rivers incident to the Pisidian Highlands, see C. and H., I. 154, 155. Some think he wished to join Peter and those Apostles who were preaching in Palestine. We shall find him not unwilling to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey (Acts xv. 37).
[876] –	See above, p. [10], and notes. Its site was discovered by Arundell in 1833, at Valobatch, six hours distant from Akshar.
[877] –	The peculiarities of the constitution of a Roman colonia will be treated of when we come to Philippi.
[878] –	For a description of the synagogue service, see above, pp. [111], [112].
[879] –	Comp. above, p. [368].
[880] –	On the duration here assigned to this period see Wordsworth’s note in loc.; Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts; Biscoe’s History of the Acts.
[881] –	Compare the importance attached to these appearances by the Apostle in 1 Cor. xv. 1–12.
[882] –	Ps. ii. 7, LXX; Isai. lv. 3, LXX; Ps. xvi. 10, LXX trans.
[883] –	Compare this address with those of Peter in Acts ii. 27, &c. and x. 30–43, above, pp. 351, 2. In both the chief stress is laid on the Saviour’s resurrection (comp. Acts i. 22, iv. 33). We can hardly fail to observe in Acts xiii. 39 the first germ of the deeper teaching of St Paul respecting the insufficiency of the Mosaic Law, developed afterwards in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.
[884] –	Lachmann and Tischendorf omit the τὰ ἔθνη inserted in Acts xiii. 42 in the Textus Receptus.
[885] –	Comp. Isai. xlii. 6, xlix. 6; Lk. ii. 32.
[886] –	Mtt. x. 14, 15; Mk. vi. 11; Lk. ix. 5.
[887] –	C. and H., I. 195.
[888] –	Now called Konieh, situated on the western part of an extensive table-land of Asia Minor, not far north of Mount Taurus. This region was anciently called Lycaonia, and thus Iconium “was on the great line of communication between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the other.” See C. and H., I. 174, 175. From its position it was clearly a well chosen spot for missionary operations.
[889] –	Its site is unknown. There are strong reasons, however, for identifying its site with that of Kir-bir-Kilisseh at the base of the Kara-dagh.
[890] –	Like Lystra the exact situation of Derbe is unknown. It is certain, however, that it was in the eastern part of the great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from Iconia eastwards along the north sides of the chain of Taurus. For the various conjectures respecting its site, see Smith’s Bibl. Dict., and C. and H., I. 178, n. Cicero passed through it on his road from Cilicia to Iconium. Cic. ad. Fam. XIII. 73: Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.
[891] –	According to some a Syrian dialect, according to others a corrupt form of Greek. Lycaonia is one of those ethnological rather than political districts of Asia Minor mentioned in the N. T.; politically it was sometimes in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.
[892] –	Compare the story of Baucis and Philemon in Ovid’s Metam. VIII. 611, &c.
[893] –	Comp. Ovid, Fasti, V. 495.
[894] –	Ἐπὶ τοὺς πύλωνας in Acts xiv. 13, does not denote the gates of the city, but the vestibule or gate which gave admission from the public street into the court of the house. So it is used Mtt. xxvi. 71 (on which see note above, p. [290]); Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17; Acts xii. 13. C. and H., I. 182, n.; Neander’s Planting, 113, n.
[895] –	Compare the Apostle’s language in Rom. iii. 25.
[896] –	Comp. Mtt. xii. 24.
[897] –	This is the occasion alluded to in 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25, “Once I was stoned.” At Iconium the design had been formed of stoning him: “Had the assault been completed, had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that preparations were made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the account of this transaction stopped, without going on to inform us that St Paul and his companions were aware of the danger and fled, a contradiction between the history and the Epistle would have ensued. Truth is necessarily consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling into it.” Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.
[898] –	One was certainly Timothy, the son of a Jewess named Eunice, his father being a Greek (Acts xvi. 1), whom Paul afterwards found at Lystra, already a disciple, and of good report among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). In 1 Tim. i. 2, i. 18; 2 Tim. ii. 1, he calls him his own son in the faith, and in 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11, reminds him of his intimate and personal knowledge of the sufferings he had endured at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra (note the accurate order of the places). There is the strongest reason, therefore, for believing that he was now converted to the faith. See Birks’ Ed. of Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, p. 153, and note on p. 155.
[899] –	See above, p. [404, n.]
[900] –	On the Jewish feeling of jealousy and suspicion even towards proselytes, see above, p. [400, n. 2].
[901] –	C. and H., I. 197.
[902] –	Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 286.
[903] –	They were converted Pharisees who had imported their dogmas into the Christian Church.
[904] –	Compare the words παρεισάκτους, παρεισῆλθον in Gal. ii. 4. “The metaphor is that of spies or traitors introducing themselves by stealth into the enemy’s camp.” See the passages quoted by Lightfoot.
[905] –	For an exhaustive note on the identity of the journey mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians and in Acts xv., see Lightfoot, Com. on the Gal. 110–113.
[906] –	The historian St Luke naturally records the external impulse, which led to the mission; the Apostle himself states his inward motive: “What I did,” he says, “I did not owing to circumstances, not as yielding to pressure, not in deference to others, but because the Spirit of God told me it was right.” The very stress which he lays on this revelation seems to shew that other influences were at work. Lightfoot, Com. p. 111.
[907] –	Compare the combination of the natural and the supernatural in the case of Peter’s journey to Cæsarea; see above, pp. [398], [399]; and in St Paul’s reasons for leaving Jerusalem, above, pp. [391], [392].
[908] –	Neander’s Planting, p. 115.
[909] –	The great Roman road followed the Phœnician coast-line. On the previous mention of Phœnicia, see Acts xi. 19, 20; above, p. [373].
[910] –	Κατ᾽ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσι, Gal. ii. 2.
[911] –	See Neander’s Planting, I. 115, n. “The private consultation was a wise precaution to avoid misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the Gentile churches.” Lightfoot in loc.
[912] –	Neander’s Planting, I. 117; Baumgarten’s Apostolic History.
[913] –	Ἀφ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων, Acts xv. 7, refers to the whole period of the Gospel up to that day, and especially to the conversion of Cornelius about 12 years before.
[914] –	Compare the Lord’s own words, Mtt. xxiii. 4.
[915] –	See above, p. [410]; for indications in the New Testament of his important position comp. (1) Gal. i. 19; (2) Acts xii. 17; (3) Gal. ii. 9; (4) Acts xxi. 18.
[916] –	From 1 Cor. ix. 5 we gather that, like Samuel, he was married, but in other respects a strict observer of the Nazarite rule; Euseb. H. E. II. 23.
[917] –	Διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ, ἐκαλεῖτο Δίκαιος καὶ Ὠβλίας· ὅ ἐστι Ἑλληνιστὶ περιοχὴ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνη. Hegesippus quoted in Euseb. H. E. II. 23.
[918] –	See Stanley’s Apostolical Age, pp. 302, 331; Con. and Howson, I. 205; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[919] –	He characteristically uses the Jewish form of the Apostle’s name, Acts xv. 14, as Peter does himself 2 Pet. i. 1.
[920] –	The citation is made freely from the LXX version.
[921] –	Only a portion of the victims was offered in sacrifice to the heathen gods, the rest was consumed by the offerer with his family and friends, or was sold in the shambles. Hence most public entertainments and many private meals were more or less remotely connected with heathen sacrifices, which, as Thucydides relates (II. 38), became the chief means of social enjoyment. Such meat the more scrupulous Jewish converts would not touch, according to the warning of Malachi (i. 7–12), or the good example of Daniel (i. 8). See Stanley On the Cor. I. 150, 151. Hence the doubt and the contention between the Gentile and Jewish converts alluded to in 1 Cor. viii. ix.
[922] –	See Levit. xvii. 13, 14; Comp. above, p. [118, n.]
[923] –	See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 156.
[924] –	C. and H., 207; Gibbon, XXIII.
[925] –	See above, p. [412, n.]; Milman, Hist. of Christianity, I. 394; Neander’s Planting, I. p. 121.
[926] –	Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Τίτος ὁ σὺν ἐμοὶ Ἕλλην ὢν ἠναγκάσθη περιτμηθῆναι, Gal. ii. 3. But not even Titus, though (1) the pressure exerted in his case was so great, though (2) as my fellow-labourer he would be brought constantly in contact with the Jews, see Acts xvi. 3, though (3) a Gentile, was compelled to be circumcised. See Lightfoot and Ellicott in loc.
[927] –	Στῦλοι, Gal. ii. 9, a title applied by the Jews to the great teachers of the Law, see Wetstein in loc.: and, the Church being regarded as the house or temple of God, in the New Testament to Christians; comp. Rev. iii. 12; 1 Tim. iii. 15.
[928] –	This the Apostle had already done, see Acts xi. 29, 30, above, p. [404]; this also he did on the occasion of his last journey to Jerusalem, Rom. xv. 26, 27; Acts xxiv. 17.
[929] –	John Mark appears to have accompanied them. Comp. Acts xv. 37; Neander’s Planting, I. p. 125.
[930] –	Derived from the Latin silva, a wood: this seems to hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37 we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.
[931] –	The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. [247].
[932] –	Lightfoot in loc., who deems this not altogether improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also Ellicott’s note.
[933] –	Ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, Gal. ii. 12: “the words describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid person who shrinks from observation, ὑπέστελλεν denoting the partial, ἀφώριζεν the complete and final separation.” Lightfoot in loc.
[934] –	Τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2; Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.
[935] –	Οἱ λοιποὶ Ἱουδαῖοι See Lightfoot’s note.
[936] –	Τῇ ὑποκρίσει, their acting, assuming a part, which veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear otherwise than they were.
[937] –	That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this effect.
[938] –	Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk. xviii. 32.
[939] –	Con. and Howson, I. 215.
[940] –	Ibid. See Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Peter.
[941] –	The breach between them, however, appears to have been but temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb of Barnabas is shewn.
[942] –	Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention, afterwards won the Apostle’s confidence. He appears to have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome (Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be profitable to the ministry (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of comfort (Col. iv. 10, 11).
[943] –	Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander’s Planting, I. 170.
[944] –	For their planting, see above, p. [391].
[945] –	The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of the year A.D. 51.
[946] –	See above, p. [421, n.] His father, whose name is unknown, was a Ἕλλην (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died during his son’s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he could only have been a Proselyte of the Gate. Such mixed marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law (Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews, were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history. The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim (bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of the Law, “was, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.” Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Timothy. The education, therefore, Timothy received, may possibly “have helped to overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on this ground.” “It is not improbable that the mother and grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia three centuries before.” C. and H., I. 243, and see above, p. [10].
[947] –	They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without the sign of circumcision—that his “condition was that of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.” They might “tolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore, to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle, the Apostle took and circumcised him” (Acts xvi. 3). The parents of Titus, on the other hand, were both Gentiles, and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See Smith’s Bibl. Dict. “According to the Jewish rules, the child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been recognised by the Jewish law.” Kitto’s Bibl. Illustr.
[948] –	Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12 we gather that on this occasion he witnessed a good confession before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that prophecies sanctioned his dedication to the work; from 1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of gifts accompanied the laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.
[949] –	Not at this time the large and populous province of Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of Constantine, but a “geographical expression denoting a debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.” C. and H., I. 248.
[950] –	Galatia—the “Gaul of the East”—is a somewhat ambiguous expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular “Asia” on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a comparatively small district, having for its three chief towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus. After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned up “in a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor, about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to S.W.,” which was divided among the three invading tribes, the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during a century and a half they were then governed by native princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222–225; and the Introduction to Lightfoot’s Commentary on the Galatians, pp. 4–7.
[951] –	Lightfoot, Galatians, p. 21.
[952] –	Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various are the opinions respecting the σκόλοψ τῇ σαρκί, the thorn, or rather stake, here alluded to by the Apostle. The following are the chief: (1) persecution from his enemies, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) carnal thoughts, the opinion of mediæval writers; (3) spiritual trial, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion of the Reformers; (4) bodily ailment of some kind, an opinion first expressed by Irenæus, and since adopted by most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute pain, whence it could be compared to a “stake driven through the flesh;” (2) that it was of a very humiliating nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others, and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution; (5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10; and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with 1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred the Great, quoted in Lightfoot’s Galatians, pp. 173, 174. Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head, (b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the chief supporters. See Lightfoot’s Excursus, and Stanley on 2 Cor. xii. 7.
[953] –	Δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν τὸ πρότερον = On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits.
[954] –	It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the “Great Mother,” superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests, the Galli (Cic. Fam. II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45). Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.
[955] –	This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6). Compare Cæsar’s words concerning the Gauls, Mobilitate et levitate animi, B. G. II. 1. Infirmitatem Gallorum veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus, B. G. IV. 5. Comp. Tac. Germ. XXIX.
[956] –	C. and H., I. 252.
[957] –	Ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ: see above, p. [344, n.] Paley (Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal in relation to Spain.
[958] –	Ἐλθόντες κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν = having come over against Mysia.
[959] –	Εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν is the reading in the edition of Lachmann and Tischendorf.
[960] –	Τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ is the better reading here.
[961] –	Vulgate transeuntes. This seems to be the force of παρελθόντες here. They passed along the frontier of Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they passed by the whole district without staying to evangelise it.
[962] –	This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, called it Antigoneia Troas, and peopled it with the inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas. It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and its site is now marked by the modern village of Eski Stamboul, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy, partly of its connection by good roads with the interior, and its being the chief point of arrival and departure for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia, it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made it a colony, and conferred upon it the Jus Italicum, i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson, I. 257, 258; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[963] –	See Baumgarten’s Apost. History, II. 107.
[964] –	Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.
[965] –	C. and H., I. 260.
[966] –	Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.
[967] –	“The ancient city, and therefore probably the usual anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently sheltered from a S.E. wind.” Samothrace is a lofty conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[968] –	The full and proper name was Colonia Augusta Julia Philippensis. The father of Alexander built it in a place called Krenides, or the Place of Fountains, situated in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges of Pangæus and Hæmus, about nine miles from the sea, and on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it a colony, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province of Macedonia.
[969] –	The word first denotes the first city in its geographical relation to St Paul’s journey, not the first politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.
[970] –	Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. [414]), and Alexandria Troas (above, p. [438, n.]), Philippi was a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire. The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians, went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only to their own magistrates, called duumviri or, as they delighted to style themselves, proprætors (comp. Hor. Sat. I. v. 34–36; Cic. de Lege Agr. II. 34), were governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped upon their coins. See Art. Colonia in Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities.
[971] –	C. and H., p. 270.
[972] –	Ἔξω τῆς πύλης is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.
[973] –	See above, p. [440, n.]
[974] –	Σεβομένη, τὸν Θεόν, Acts xvi. 14.
[975] –	A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus and Sardis; now called Ak-hissar. It is mentioned in connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. Il. IV. 141, for which it has still a considerable reputation.
[976] –	Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. [112].
[977] –	High up in Hæmus, among the tribe of the Satræ. Comp. Ὁ Θρῃξὶ μάντις, Eurip. Hecub. 1267. Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Philippi.
[978] –	Acts xvi. 16, Ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα Πύθωνος (the better reading is Πύθωνα). Πύθων = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi, (2) the Pythian Phœbus or Apollo, from whom all who claimed the powers of divination received their title, and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.
[979] –	These men, said they, are throwing the whole city into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens (Acts xvi. 21). The force of the accusation that they were Jews to begin with (Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες) will be more fully apprehended by remembering (1) that Judaism was a religio licita for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi would naturally imitate the mother-city; Judæos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit; Sueton. Claud. xxv.
[980] –	Ῥαβδίζειν = to beat with rods, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.
[981] –	Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down (comp. Acts xvi. 34, ἀναγαγών) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6), or the Tullianum at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.
[982] –	Τὸ ξύλον , Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. Eq. 1049, 1376; Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin nervus, Plaut. Capt. III. 5. 71.
[983] –	“Lex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum corpore amovet.” Cic. pro Rabirio, Chap. III. “Facinus est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.” Cic. in Verr. V. 66.
[984] –	Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi. Originally called “Nine Ways,” from the number of Thracian and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6–11.
[985] –	Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30 miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known, but “it lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey, where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon to that of Thessalonica.” C. and H., I. 295.
[986] –	Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still the most important town of European Turkey, next after Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of Saloniki. Originally named Therma (whence the Thermaic Gulf), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife, the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus Æmilius, it was made the capital of the second; when the whole was consolidated into one province, it became practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party and the senate, during the second it took the side of Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above, p. [379, n.]), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins. Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe. Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[987] –	Ἡ συναγωγή, Acts xvii. 1, the synagogue, not a synagogue, as in our E. V.
[988] –	A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken: see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.
[989] –	The general characteristics of a “free city” have been described above, p. [379, n.] Their form of government was very various. In some the old magistracies and customs were maintained without any material alteration. In Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, demus, and supreme magistrates called politarchs (Acts xvii. 8), a title still legible on an archway of the town “in an inscription informing us of the number of these magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.” C. and H., I. 308.
[990] –	On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above, p. [307, n.]
[991] –	Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, apparently a translation of the Latin law-phrase satis accipere.
[992] –	Berœa, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now called Verria, or Kara-Verria, was situated on the eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000 inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities of European Turkey.
[993] –	As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above, p. [420]. See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Thess. No. 5.
[994] –	Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that any stratagem was used. The words simply “denote the likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed plan of going to Athens, but merely to the sea: their further course was determined by providential circumstances.” C. and H., I. 315, n.
[995] –	Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was “the great bulwark of Macedonia on the south,” and a Roman colony, like Philippi.
[996] –	Κατείδωλον (Acts xvii. 16), not given up to idolatry, but full of idols, like κατάδενδρος, full of trees, κατάμπελος, full of vines. “Replete as the whole of Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country, and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says that it was easier to find a god there than a man.” See Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica.
[997] –	Σπερμολόγος = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place; (3) a parasite who lives by his wits, “a contemptible and worthless person.” See C. and H., I. 345, n.
[998] –	For a description of the objects in full view of the Apostle from the summit of Mars’ hill, see Con. and Howson, I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, ch. XI.
[999] –	It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign religions. Something might have been founded upon it afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a view to information. See Neander’s Planting, I. 188, n.
[1000] –	On the Apostle’s expectation of the arrival of Timothy, see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Thess. No. 4.
[1001] –	Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ To the unknown god, however, “would be quite as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular one of such altars,” C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity; and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual, on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown god, whom they deemed they had offended.
[1002] –	Δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ, Acts xvii. 22. The word is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to the extreme carefulness of the Athenians in matters of religion. See δεισιδαίμων in Trench’s Synonyms, Vol. I. pp. 187–197, and Alford in loc.
[1003] –	Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. [369].
[1004] –	In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians that they were αὐτόχθονες, and of a nobler origin than that of the “barbarians,” as they styled the rest of the world.
[1005] –	The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of Cilicia, the Apostle’s own country; (ii) in a hymn of Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which the Apostle quoted. See above, p. [382].
[1006] –	Ὑπεριδών, i.e. without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the words winked at of our version belongs to the original word. See Wordsworth in loc.
[1007] –	Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by some to have been the first bishop of Athens.
[1008] –	The city had the constitution of a colony, and was the metropolis of a province. At first it was proconsular, afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the proconsular provinces. Its full name was Colonia Laus Julia Corinthus. C. and H., I. 389; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[1009] –	Suet. Claud. XXV. Judæus impulsore Chresto, assiduè tumultuantes, Româ expulit.
[1010] –	See Milman’s Hist. Christ. I. p. 443; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. [345]) would account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.
[1011] –	See above, p. [381]. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim. iv. 19 under the form Prisca, a well-known Roman name. “Livia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin authors of the same person.” C. and H., I. 358, n.
[1012] –	Or he was engrossed with the word; Instabat verbo. Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15) enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his Apostolic work. See Wordsworth’s note in loc.; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 298.
[1013] –	For illustrations of the Apostle’s feelings at this time, see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii. 3.
[1014] –	His original name was Annæus Novatus, and he took the name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family of Junius Gallio.
[1015] –	Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, Nat. Quæst. IV.
[1016] –	On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above, p. [147, n.]
[1017] –	The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be πάντες, without specifying exactly who they were. It seems, probable, however, that they were Greeks.
[1018] –	See above, p. [111]. It is not certain that this is the same Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.
[1019] –	Some would understand this to have been done by Aquila. The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the original, and the word κειράμενος might be connected either with the nearer Ἀκύλας or the more remote Παῦλος. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14, 18.—Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 158.
[1020] –	Now Kichries, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the Isthmian plain.
[1021] –	Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.
[1022] –	An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of Alexandria and their theological influence, see above, p. [364, n.]
[1023] –	It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.
[1024] –	That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after their baptism, see above, p. [399]. Note the force of the aorist here.
[1025] –	Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7; iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.
[1026] –	It retained even under the Romans its old democratic constitution, and Josephus (Ant. XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6. 4, 7) mentions the βουλή or γερουσία = the senate, the ἐκκλησία = assembly, the δῆμος = the people. As Thessalonica had its politarchs (see above, p. [447, n.], and Athens its archons, so Ephesus had its own magistrates, amongst whom the γραμματεύς (Acts xix. 35) = town-clerk or recorder, held a high position.
[1027] –	See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson, I. 73–79; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., and Dict. of Classical Geography.
[1028] –	The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal, and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. “Like the Palladium of Troy—like the most ancient Minerva at Athens—like the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above, p. [437, n.])—like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero (in Verr. V. 187), it was believed to have fallen down from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of virgin priestesses called Melissæ, and a number of priests, eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.
[1029] –	Both the original words used here are Latin. The first, σουδάριον, sudarium, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44, xx. 7, and is translated napkin; the latter, σιμικίνθιον, semi-cinctium, appears to denote a shawl or handkerchief, or perhaps an apron used by workmen. Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle’s daily labour in his own support. See Wordsworth in loc.
[1030] –	Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.
[1031] –	The Vulgate here has Jesum novi et Paulum scio. Γινώσκω expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than ἐπιστᾶμαι (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68). The former = I recognise and own His power; the latter = I know, am acquainted with. See Wordsworth’s note in loc.
[1032] –	About £2000 of our money. The coin called ἀργυρίου in Acts xix. 19, and translated piece of silver, was probably the silver drachma, of the value of about 10d.
[1033] –	He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would be able to do so. Erastus is probably the “treasurer” of Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.
[1034] –	From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2, some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit to Corinth during his three years’ stay at Ephesus, and on the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9–12 that he afterwards wrote a short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II. 18–21.
[1035] –	April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 439; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Ephesus.
[1036] –	It is not certain whether these were models of the whole temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.
[1037] –	It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.
[1038] –	The Asiarchs, Ἀσιάρχαι (Acts xix. 31), were officers, generally ten in number, appointed like the ædiles at Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs, &c. “They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they might literally be called the chiefs of Asia.” C. and H., II. 83; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 350–353.
[1039] –	This officer “had to do with state-papers; he was keeper of the archives; he read what was of public moment before the senate and assembly; he was present when money was deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him. Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.” C. and H., II. 81.
[1040] –	Νεωκόρον, Acts xix. 35, literally Temple-sweeper, was originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple. Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities. Thus Ephesus was personified as the “devotee” of Diana, and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.
[1041] –	Ephesus was an assize-town (forum or conventus), which the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in Latin. C. and H., II. 82.
[1042] –	See above, p. [461, n.]; for the Apostle’s own feelings in respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8–11, on which see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 2 Cor. No. IV.
[1043] –	Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.
[1044] –	See above, pp. [438], [439].
[1045] –	See Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, p. 237; Neander’s Planting, I. 247.
[1046] –	See above, p. [440].
[1047] –	Stanley’s Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13.
[1048] –	See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ on this passage. Illyricum was an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the Adriatic, and contiguous to Mœsia and Macedonia on the East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended sense.
[1049] –	See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141–143.
[1050] –	See above, pp. [436]–438.
[1051] –	Ἐβάσκανεν = fascinated, the metaphor being taken from the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. [437] and [note].
[1052] –	Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may have been written during the journey between Macedonia and Achaia. See Proleg. to the Comm., pp. 48–54.
[1053] –	She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth, acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See C. and H., II. 166; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[1054] –	On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, No. II.
[1055] –	The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the same general question. But the Apostle had founded the Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12, v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle to that Church he puts the same points upon argument. “This distinction between the two Epistles is suited to the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different correspondents.” See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.
[1056] –	Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. [440], and the [note].
[1057] –	Note the force of the imperfect κατεφίλουν, Acts xx. 37.
[1058] –	C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.
[1059] –	Ἀποσπασθέντας, Acts xxi. 1.
[1060] –	Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.
[1061] –	The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant, devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous oracle. Comp. Hor. Od. III. iv. 64.
[1062] –	Or rising Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word, in reference to sea-voyages, means to see land, to bring land into view, to make land.
[1063] –	See above, p. [373].
[1064] –	See above, p. [391].
[1065] –	The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of this sea-port, see above, p. [37, n.]
[1066] –	See above, p. [378].
[1067] –	See above, p. [403], and [note].
[1068] –	Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx. 2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1–11.
[1069] –	Comp. above, p. [344], and comp. pp. [162], [163].
[1070] –	See above, p. [402], and [note].
[1071] –	For the word carriage of our Version here used see Judg. xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Ἐπισκευασάμενοι is the better reading, and denotes having packed up, made ready for the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with him the proceeds of the great collection.
[1072] –	On his character and influence, see pp. [426], [427], and the notes.
[1073] –	C. and H., II. 259.
[1074] –	For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the Jews at this period, see Milman, Hist. of the Jews, II. 166, 172.
[1075] –	For these, see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 158, 159. Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain Nazarites; see above, p. [405], and the [note].
[1076] –	See above, p. [272], and [note]. It is clear from that passage that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.
[1077] –	“Made of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with difficulty by twenty men.” Jos. B. J. VI. 5. 3. Comp. V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.
[1078] –	On this tower, see above, p. [53, n.] and p. [91].
[1079] –	Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. [406, n.]
[1080] –	He had come from Egypt into Judæa, and giving himself out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of 30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or “murderers,” Acts xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however, marched against him, and easily dispersed his force, slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer himself escaped. See Jos. B. J. II. 13. 5; Milman’s Hist. of the Jews, II. 171.
[1081] –	For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. [384], [385], and notes.
[1082] –	Compare the account above, pp. [390], [391].
[1083] –	See above, p. [309], and the [note].
[1084] –	See above, p. [96]. Only a narrow space of the Great Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted. C. and H., II. 281.
[1085] –	Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.
[1086] –	If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos. B. J. II. 17. 9.
[1087] –	Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls, which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.
[1088] –	See above, p. [115].
[1089] –	The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν, Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s Planting, I. 307, and note.
[1090] –	See above, p. [380].
[1091] –	Δεξιολάβους, E. V. spearmen, Vulg. lancearios. Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word, it distinguishes here legionary soldiers from cavalry, and probably means light-armed troops. The word implies the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.
[1092] –	Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.
[1093] –	With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp. Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.
[1094] –	For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. [99], and [note].
[1095] –	Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might be needed in the fortress of Antonia.
[1096] –	C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, Bib. Res. III. 46, 60.
[1097] –	As mentioned above, p. [409, n.], on the death of Herod Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. Ant. XX. 5. 3; B. J. II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius. From Tacitus (Ann. XII. 54) he would seem to have been joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and profligacy, per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit. Hist. V. 9: comp. Ann. XII. 54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.
[1098] –	Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour, above, p. [301].
[1099] –	The word prætorium properly denotes the residence of the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings. Kitto’s Bib. Illustrations.
[1100] –	The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in person, as St Paul did here, but advocati (ῥήτορες) were often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.
[1101] –	On this, see above, p. [303, n.]
[1102] –	Felix during his period of office put down several false Messiahs (Jos. Ant. XX. 8; B. J. II. 13. 4), the followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. [486], and [n.]), riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (Ant. XX. 8. 7; B. J. II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of the country of robbers (B. J. II. 13. 2), see Merivale, VII. 195.
[1103] –	On the severity of the laws against treason, see above, p. [307, n.]
[1104] –	Acts x. See above, p. [399], and p. [482].
[1105] –	Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.
[1106] –	There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman law: (1) custodia publica, or confinement in a public gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. [443], and [n.]: this was the worst kind; (2) custodia libera, or free custody, usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made himself responsible for their appearance on the day of trial; (3) custodia militaris: in this species of custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private house. C. and H., II. 308.
[1107] –	This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.
[1108] –	Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis. On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. [376 n.] She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.
[1109] –	Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, p. 344.
[1110] –	Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. Ant. XX. 9. 2. The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a prisoner.
[1111] –	C. and H., II. 308.
[1112] –	See Milman’s History of the Jews, Vol. II. p. 173.
[1113] –	At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi, Jos. Ant. XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II., to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, Hist. Jews, II. 172.
[1114] –	Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the provinces.” See Art. Appellatio in Smith’s Dict. Antiq.
[1115] –	Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of Chalcis (Jos. Ant. XX. 5. 2; B. J. II. 12. 1), and afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. Ant. XX. 7. 1; B. J. II. 12. 8), with the title of king (Acts xxv. 13). In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions, and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family. During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s Fasti Sacri; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[1116] –	She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos. Ant. XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian and of Titus. See Tac. Hist. II. 81.
[1117] –	See Blunt’s Scriptural Coincidences, pp. 358–360.
[1118] –	Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had sanctioned its use. See Sueton. Aug. LIII.; Tiber, XXVII.
[1119] –	Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable to suppose that in his imprisonment such books and parchments as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.
[1120] –	Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version almost cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) in a little space, or (2) in few words, or (3) in a small measure. Perhaps lightly = “with few words, little pain, as though it were a light thing to take up with so despised a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford in loc., best suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s Planting, I., 310, n.
[1121] –	The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.
[1122] –	“From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles, we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, p. 22.
[1123] –	See above, p. [481].
[1124] –	“In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most accomplished seaman in the present day would have done under similar circumstances; by standing to the north till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.
[1125] –	A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.
[1126] –	Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856, about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s Voyage. &c. Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.
[1127] –	Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri, corresponding to the close of September or beginning of October. See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 155. This was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.
[1128] –	It was a good harbour in some seasons, but, being an open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.
[1129] –	Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = looking toward the S.W. wind, and the N.W. wind. The harbour was probably the modern Lutro, sheltered from the above-mentioned winds, and looking from the water towards the land which encloses it in the direction of these winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.
[1130] –	C. and H., II. 345, and notes.
[1131] –	Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an E.N.E. wind.
[1132] –	Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. [196] and [note].
[1133] –	Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17) = they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the vessel. This was lest she should leak and founder. For instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.; Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 106.
[1134] –	A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern part of Tripoli.
[1135] –	Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean, to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the east. See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck.
[1136] –	“They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship, and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on till daybreak.” Smith’s Shipwreck, p. 88. For similar instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II. 357.
[1137] –	C. and H., II. 362.
[1138] –	Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts xxvii. 40) = unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.
[1139] –	See Smith’s Shipwreck, &c., p. 153.
[1140] –	For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck, see Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, and Smith’s Bibl. Dict.
[1141] –	Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. [420].
[1142] –	The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or Primus Melitensium, the very title used by St Luke.
[1143] –	Formerly called Dicæarchia, then from its strong mineral springs (a puteis or putendo) Puteoli, close to Baiæ, and now called Pozzuoli. It was the great landing-place for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.
[1144] –	“All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged to strike their topsails, with the exception of the Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally contain a colony of Jews.
[1145] –	C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations, where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for the convenience of travellers and the transmission of government dispatches.” Kitto’s Bibl. Illust. VIII. 501.
[1146] –	Comp. Hor. Sat. I. v. 3, 4: Inde Forum Appî Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis. On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. Sat. I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way itself.” C. and H., II. 379.
[1147] –	Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson. Tac. Ann. XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.
[1148] –	On the custodia militaris see above, p. [496, n.]
[1149] –	The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the Christian Church which existed in the same city as themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles, and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more about other objects than about the concerns of religion.” Neander’s Planting, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself, it might well be true that they had little information concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before winter. After that time (to use the popular expression) the sea was shut; and the winter had been a stormy one; so that it was natural enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H., II. 392.
[1150] –	See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.
[1151] –	C. and H., II. 395.
[1152] –	On the three separate heads of the indictment against the Apostle, see above, p. [494].
[1153] –	See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. [471].
[1154] –	See above, p. [414], and the [note].
[1155] –	Though the name is probably an abbreviation of Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.
[1156] –	Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word ἠδίκησε in Philem. 18.
[1157] –	It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded that all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus.
[1158] –	Paley in his Horæ Paulinæ notices that St Paul bids Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy and tact.
[1159] –	Or Colassæ according to the reading of the best MSS., a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea. Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was included in the province of Asia.
[1160] –	See Alford’s Prolegom. to the Greek Test., III. 35.
[1161] –	The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was intended arises (i) from the omission of the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.; (ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15 that he knew only by report of the conversion of those he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H., II. 417–420) consider it was addressed to the Church of Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the versions and “the universal designation of this Epistle by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words, and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15 and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in proconsular Asia.” See Alford’s Prolegom. in Ep., and Ellicott’s Commentary on the Ephesians.
[1162] –	The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to a Roman soldier.
[1163] –	By some this has been identified with the palace of Cæsar on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But though the word Prætorium is applied in the N. T. to the residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. [298]), and of Herod at Cæsarea (see above, p. [493 n.]), it is never applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was prætor or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate body-guard would naturally be in a prætorium near at hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.
[1164] –	See Tac. Ann. XIV. 51. At his death the influence of Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus, Nero’s public life rivalled the infamy of his private character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. Ann. XV. 66, 68; Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, VI. p. 333.
[1165] –	See Josephus, Ant. XX. 8. 11; Tac. Ann. XV. 23.
[1166] –	See C. and H., II. 457–459; Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.
[1167] –	See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori’s Canon, Eusebius, H. E. II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford’s Gk. Test. III. Prolegom. pp. 92, 93.
[1168] –	Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time, if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews. For a synopsis of the various opinions respecting its authorship see Alford’s Prolegom. Vol. IV. Pt. 1, Westcott’s Bible in the Church.
[1169] –	See Alford’s Prolegomena to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III. p. 93.
[1170] –	See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (1 Ep. ad Cor. c. v.), declares that he went ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως, which some would extend not only to Spain but even to Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 “may have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent islands:” Prolegom. p. 94.
[1171] –	C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles Crete and Titus in Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Jews are mentioned as dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. [54]), and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. [345], and [n.]). See also Alford’s Gk. Test., Vol. III. Prolegom. p. 108. On the quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. [382, n.]
[1172] –	Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army occupied before the engagement.
[1173] –	See above, p. [472].
[1174] –	It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul’s previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see p. [474], and [n.]; and Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, pp. 296–304.
[1175] –	C. and H., II. p. 494.
[1176] –	Tac. Ann. XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.
[1177] –	C. and H., II. 499.
[1178] –	C. and H., II. 514; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Timothy.
[1179] –	See Lightfoot on St Paul and the Three in his Commentary on the Galatians, p. 276.
[1180] –	See above, pp. [425], [426].
[1181] –	It could not have been written by James, the son of Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later date.
[1182] –	See above, p. [431].
[1183] –	See above, p. [7].
[1184] –	See Alford’s Prolegomena, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.
[1185] –	See above, p. [431].
[1186] –	See above, p. [425].
[1187] –	See above, p. [187].