PART I.—GOLD COAST AND ASHANTI
Origin of Tribes.—Tradition among the natives maintains that the two great tribes of Fanti and Ashanti were originally from the same stock, and it is probable that this was also the case with regard to the people of Tufel, Denkera, Assin and Aquapim, who are said to speak a dialect of the same language as that of the Fantis and Ashantis. Completely different languages are, however, spoken by the Appolonias, Ahantas, Agoonahs, Accras, and Adampes living near the coast, and these are supposed to represent the remains of an earlier race.
The native belief is that the whole people were originally composed of twelve families or tribes, and that each was called by a separate name in some way indicating the occupation. According to Bowdich, those calling themselves after animals of the forest probably represented the families employing their time in hunting, and those bearing such names as cornstalk (Abrotoo) and plantain (Abbradi) applied themselves to agriculture. The name Agoonah, implying “oil-palm locality,” seems to have been applied to all those who were traders. Individuals are still said to assume these distinctive names without regard to their usual tribal affinities.
The probable reason for the backward condition of agriculture in the forest region is that a food supply was procurable from the forest itself, and the continual intertribal warfare, in which the people seemed to have been engaged, was opposed to the cultivation of crops, which might become an incentive to a covetous attack. More recently, since these conditions have become altered, through the pacification of the country, some of the tribes, who were the first to become settled, have adopted a form of cultivation which, although wasteful, seems to be common among the forest people of West Africa. By means of imperfect clearing of the ground before cultivation, and superficial turning up of the soil, small crops of grain (maize) and roots (yams and cassava) are raised, and the land is usually left to revert to a state of weeds and “bush” after two or three years’ use. This resembles the “Chena” system in Ceylon. The tribes who have developed a better and more economical form of working are those in whose districts the advent of cocoa planters has so raised the value of land that they are compelled to utilise the same plot more frequently for their annual crops. As an indication of this, the best cultivated fields are those of the Krobos, Akims, Krepes, and Kwahus, while the least advanced tribes are the Ashantis.
Owing to the remunerative return from cocoa cultivation in parts of the country, this commodity has attained the first place among exported agricultural and forest products. In recent years, moreover, development has been so rapid that the country is now the largest producer of cocoa in the world. Among exports, rubber, palm oil, palm kernels and timber follow it in order of importance.
COCOA.—As a preliminary to an account of the cocoa industry in the Gold Coast, it may be considered useful to refer briefly to the botanical position of the tree which produces cocoa, as well as to the varieties which are cultivated. A comparison of the methods employed in the Gold Coast with those adopted elsewhere seems also necessary.
The tree is a native of Trinidad and the north-eastern part of South America, and is botanically classified in the Natural Order Sterculiaceæ, sub-Order Buettnerieæ, under the name of Theobroma cacao of Linnæus.
In the West Indies, from which the cultivation has spread into several tropical countries, three fairly well-marked varieties are recognised as commercially useful, and these bear the local names of “Criollo,” “Forastero,” and “Calabacillo.” The first of these is said to be identical with that occurring at Caracas, in Venezuela, and is usually called by the name of that place when exported from South America. The Criollo variety is the source of some of the highest-priced produce, but Forastero has some points in its favour for general cultivation, the chief of which appears to be greater hardiness. For this reason it seems to have become easily established in the islands of San Thomé and Fernando Po, where the sub-variety known as Amelonado is that of general occurrence, and to have spread from there to the mainland of West Africa. In Ceylon the Forastero variety is also much grown in plantations. The third variety, Calabacillo, yields an inferior product and does not appear to have been introduced into the eastern hemisphere.[1]
Cocoa, as shipped from the plantations, is the dried bean or seed, which has been removed from the fruit pod of the tree, and may or may not have been fermented before drying. The properly fermented seeds or beans find more favour in European markets than those which have not undergone the process, but it is chiefly in an imperfectly fermented condition that cocoa beans are exported from the Gold Coast. Attempts are being made to alter this, so as to produce a better quality.
Cocoa forms a very nutritious food, and beverage after preparation by the manufacturer, entering the markets in a manufactured form under the names of cocoa or chocolate. No native manufacture is employed in the Gold Coast, although cocoa butter has been extracted on a small scale at Odumase.
The following account is that which is generally accepted regarding the first introduction of the tree into the Gold Coast. About the year 1879 a native trader, named Tete Quasshi, brought some of the seed from Fernando Po and made a small plantation at Mampong, which is situated about ten miles north of Aburi in the Volta River District. The trees grew well, and the first crops of pods were said to have been disposed of to other natives at £1 per pod. Following the example of this trader, the Basel Mission Trading Association imported more pods from Fernando Po, and for some time they were able to dispose of them at a large profit. The variety introduced was Forastero-Amelonado, and was found to thrive extremely well under the local conditions prevalent in the districts of the Volta River, Kwahu, and Eastern Akim.
The first shipment of cocoa from the Gold Coast was made in 1891, when 80 lbs., valued at £4, were exported. From that time onward the annual exported quantity has increased somewhat irregularly until the returns for 1919 show 176,155 tons, worth more than £8,000,000.
No estimate can be given of the area at present under cocoa cultivation, for the reason that a large number of the cultivators only possess a few trees standing near their houses or scattered in their farms. Where plantations exist they are usually small, and, owing to the irregularity of the planting, no efficient idea of the possible production could be obtained by measurement of the planted area alone.
Since the settlement of the Ashantis into more peaceful modes of living, and the adoption by them of agricultural work, cocoa planting has rapidly spread through Ashanti-Akim, and new plantations may be found even westward of Kumassi. From Axim also there is an extension of cocoa-growing towards the north, and it has recently been stated that the most promising land for the cultivation of the tree is to be found to the west of the railway, between Sekondi and Kumassi. The once proverbially truculent and warlike Ashantis have recently, to a large extent, become peaceful cocoa planters. Plantations are also found under European control, often in combination with rubber or kola; but cocoa does not combine with rubber as satisfactorily as coffee, which is more frequently employed. Under “Rubber” some particulars of the plantations, whose returns are available, are supplied.
In common with many other cultivated plants, cocoa requires certain definite combinations of climate and soil to ensure remunerative cultivation, and unless these exist the introduction is not to be recommended. With regard to climate, a considerable rainfall is generally thought necessary, the intervals of dry weather not being too prolonged. The drainage of the land should be good, for if the water cannot drain away within a reasonably short time, the trees will be adversely and often severely affected. Although it is recognised that cocoa can sustain itself under conditions of drought for a short time, districts subject to periodical absence of rain for a month or more are unsuitable, and trees planted in such places will generally die after a brief period. The annual rainfall in the cocoa districts of Trinidad averages about 72 inches, but a much heavier fall is experienced in the plantations of Ceylon. In neither of these countries, however, is there an annual long period of complete drought, which is a feature common in most parts of West Africa; and even when an interval without rain occurs, the humidity of the atmosphere compensates for the absence of it. Ceylon is visited by a double monsoon or rainy season, which is also the case in a less marked degree in the Gold Coast. The next requirement of importance is a soil of suitable quality. It is generally considered best to select land which possesses a moderate amount of loose clay mixed with sand, and, if the surface be thickly covered with vegetable deposit, so much the better. Steep hillsides, stiff, boggy, sandy, or rocky land are to be avoided. The presence of low scrub on uncleared land is an indication of poverty of soil, although the presence of heavy forest does not necessarily guarantee the suitability of the locality, as imperfectly drained land often bears a heavy forest growth. Good natural drainage is essential, and is nearly always found where the land slopes and the rock underlying the soil is friable or deep. Natural drainage can often be improved by artificial means. The last important condition necessary is the selection of a position where shade and wind protection can be obtained naturally to as great an extent as possible. Plantations in valleys, sheltered by mountain spurs or by belts of high forest, are suitable, and such formations are met with in many parts of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. In these localities the climate as well as the positions and soil obtainable are generally so well adapted for the fruitful growth of cocoa that, even where the average annual rainfall is as low as 41 inches (the average at Aburi), plantations are proving successful, the regular distribution, humidity of the atmosphere, and the natural shade constituting a compensation for the shortage.
The native planter sows the seeds in small patches or in roughly prepared beds in the vicinity of water, often in such proximity to one another as to choke a number of the young plants. This form of nursery is met with throughout the forests, and it is common to find circular patches containing two or three hundred plants adjoining a road. In addition to this, a large number of seedlings are grown at, and distributed from, the Government Botanic Gardens. Native plantations are for the most part formed of irregular lines of trees, generally planted too closely. The evil effect of this does not become apparent until the trees attain a large size, when the excessive shade they afford to their fruit-bearing branches, which in cocoa consist of the trunk and main structure, prevents the fruit from forming and induces rot through want of evaporation of moisture. The native planter is slow to recognise this, and disinclined to remedy the matter by removing some of the trees. The distance at which cocoa trees are planted by the native is roughly from 7 to 10 feet apart, whereas that recommended for plantations in the West Indies and Ceylon varies, with the quality of the soil and the elevation, from 12 to 15 feet; the latter would be more suitable for most of the Gold Coast plantations. The advantage which the native planter sees in his method of planting is, that in addition to getting a larger number of trees into a given space, the density of their foliage soon becomes so great that weeds cease to grow beneath, rendering cultivation unnecessary. Until such a state has been arrived at, the cutting of weeds is an operation which may have to be performed twice, or even three times, in the year. This is the only form of cultivation given, no manure being used or any breaking of the soil done. In the West Indies it is not customary to disturb the surface soil, except in so far as it may be necessary to apply manure or remove catch crops; but even in these cases great care is exercised, as it is found that the cocoa tree is to a large extent a surface feeder, and spreads lateral fine roots at very little depth below the surface. Shade is obtained naturally to a large degree, but in the early years of the tree’s existence, cassava and plantains are planted to afford it. The plantation of Para rubber with cocoa has been recommended in such a manner that each would occur alternately in a diagonal line. This does not appear a very satisfactory plan, owing to the fact that Para rubber trees in West Africa shed their leaves annually at about the time that cocoa most needs shade. In the small patches of cocoa trees, which constitute most of the native plantations, permanent and sufficient shade is generally given by the surrounding forest trees, and it is of small importance in such cases to consider the plantation of permanent shade trees.
Pruning, in the West Indies, is attended with the greatest amount of care, and is performed for the purpose of producing a vigorous tree by the removal of all useless wood, and of encouraging fruiting branches to increase their production. In order to do the latter it is essential to remove any superfluous number of primary branches, three or four being considered sufficient for one tree. A similar regulation of growth is required with regard to the secondary and tertiary branches. In addition to this, care is given to retain the correct balance for the tree, and, when cutting out branches, to avoid making jagged cuts or slashes. The West African native does not prune with these objects in view, but employs a “cutlass” or “machete” to cut out those branches which seem to be giving too much shade or which have become interlaced, regardless of their value to the tree or of the wounds inflicted in the operation. Efforts have been made to teach pruning at the Botanical Stations, but the demonstrations have not been largely attended, and a great deal of damage continues to be done through ignorance of the objects and effects of pruning. Many of the older plantations, owing to bad treatment and too close planting, are yielding an annually diminishing crop, but new ones are springing up in increasing numbers each year, which is an obvious indication that the industry is proving a profitable one.
Insect Pests and Vegetable Parasites.—Wounds, such as those described above, often render the tree more susceptible to the attacks of insect pests; but, although it has been stated that cocoa trees in the Gold Coast are seriously affected in this way, such is not often the case. Beetles of the Longicorn group are found damaging the tree to some extent wherever it has been planted. Two species are recorded from the West Indies: Steirastoma histrionica, White, from Trinidad, and S. depressa, Linn., from Grenada. On the trees in the Gold Coast Armatosterna buquetiana, White, and a Glenea sp. have been found doing similar damage. These insects deposit their eggs in crevices of the bark or on wounds, and the grubs which emerge bore into the trunk, living and growing in size in the interior of the wood until mature, when they change into pupæ, and finally into beetles. The presence of these grubs is easily detected by the quantity of fine particles of wood or “frass” which are thrown out of the entrance hole; and, if a flexible wire be inserted until it reaches and impales the grub, it will often prevent the damage becoming serious. The nests of large red ants (Œcophylla sp.), which feed upon the saccharine juices which exude from the pods, may often be observed on cocoa trees, but as the ants viciously bite any living thing which may venture upon the tree, they are probably a safeguard against the depredations of rats and squirrels that eat out the contents of the ripe fruit while still on the tree.
COCOA AT MRAMRA ATTACKED BY BLACK COCOA-BARK BUG.
Fig. 16, [p. 51.]
DRYING COCOA BEANS AT MRAMRA.
Fig. 17, [p. 53.]
NATIVE TAPPING INDIGENOUS RUBBER TREE (FUNTUMIA ELASTICA), OBOAMANG, ASHANTI.
Fig. 18, [p. 61.]
In 1909 the writer drew attention to a black hemipterous insect causing destruction to plantations in the Ashanti-Akim region, where careless cultivation prevailed (cf. Bull. Entom. Research, vol. i. pt. viii. 1910). This insect, known as the “Black cocoa-bark bug” or “Sankonuabe,” was named Sahlbergella theobroma, Distant, and subsists in all its stages upon the sap of cocoa branches obtained through punctures made by its proboscis.[2] The attacked trees are atrophied or killed outright ([Fig. 16]). Spraying with petroleum-soap emulsion has proved an effective remedy, but native planters do not readily adopt it. Recently the insect has been found sapping the silk cotton tree, and planters are warned against having this tree in their plantations.
Another insect, which belongs to the same Order as the last, and the genus Helopeltis, has been observed puncturing the pods and causing them to become black-spotted, distorted, and sometimes killed by the attack. This is allied to H. Antonii, Sign., which punctures cocoa pods in the same manner in Ceylon. The insect does not appear to be numerous at present, but should be sought on damaged pods and killed at every opportunity, as some species of the same genus have developed into the worst enemies of tea and cinchona in other parts of the world.
Fungoid parasites appear to be rare in the Gold Coast, although they have been observed commonly in other places in Africa. In some of the damper parts of Ashanti a fungoid thread blight was observed on cocoa, and was found to be common upon several forest shrubs in the same places. This is perhaps Stilbum nanum, Massee; it should be treated by means of scraping with a wooden knife combined with spraying with Bordeaux mixture.
Harvesting and Preparing.—The native cocoa grower collects the pods from his trees at the time when he estimates he can gather the most, and, in consequence, many over-ripe and under-ripe fruits are taken with the ripe. The effect of this is to give an irregular product which can never possess the attributes of a good cocoa. The pods are usually pulled off the tree, a knife being seldom used; and in the action of pulling off, the cushion, upon which the pod is borne, is often torn and injured. As it is from this point, or near it, that the successive crops of flowers and fruits proceed, the bearing power of the tree is frequently diminished in this way. The use of a knife and the necessity for frequent pickings, to ensure the pods being taken when mature, are among the most important lessons which the native planter should be taught. The pods after collection are thrown into a heap upon the ground, and are often left without further attention for two or three days, after which they are broken open with the aid of a “cutlass,” and the contents are scooped out into a basket. The result is a mixture of beans, in their surrounding pulp, in different stages of maturity. The length of time that the beans remain in the basket is generally only regulated by the convenience of the collector. The next operation is to remove as much of the pulp as possible by washing in a stream, and this is more easily effected with the over-ripe beans or with those which have been allowed to “sweat” or ferment. After washing, the beans are spread thinly upon mats, raised upon rough frames, in order to dry them in the sun. An illustration is given showing this process ([Fig. 17]). Such is the crude and irregular method employed by the natives of the Gold Coast, who until quite recently had little or no knowledge of the advantages of fermentation. Owing to the small quantities with which they worked at one time, it is probable that the fermenting action in the pulp was seldom set up. During the last few years attention has been given to this by the more intelligent planters, and it is not uncommon to find that boxes and barrels have been brought into use by them, and that fermentation has been allowed to proceed for from four to ten days with satisfactory results. Drying is still conducted in the manner described above, and is often incomplete, but, to remedy the defects of this, one of the European buying firms has erected a drying machine, in which all the cocoa bought is thoroughly dried before shipment.
The skilled cocoa planter of the West Indies and Ceylon is careful to pick only those pods which are quite mature, and, in order to do this, he is obliged to go over his plantation frequently. Mature pods are those which have assumed a yellowish or reddish colour, and considerable experience is necessary to judge this with accuracy. The pods are removed by means of a cutting instrument called a “cocoa hook,” with which care can be more easily given to the preservation of the cushion. The pods are placed in heaps and, in the case of small estates where one day’s picking is insufficient to procure a fermentation, they are left for, perhaps, two days until a sufficient quantity has been obtained. Sorting, according to variety and degree of maturity, is resorted to before opening, and, again, when cut open, care is taken to separate such beans as are found over-ripe. This practice is strictly adhered to in Ceylon, but is often disregarded in the West Indies. No washing is done at this stage, but the beans, with their pulp attached, are placed in barrels, boxes, or vats for the purpose of fermentation, which is brought about by the decomposition of the pulp, and is complete when the liquor, thus formed, has impregnated the interior of the bean and changed the colour of it from purple to rich chocolate brown. The shell becomes toughened, and the remaining pulp is more easily removed after this process has been undergone. Washing, if it is considered necessary, is then proceeded with, and is generally done in Ceylon, though not in the West Indies. Drying is chiefly done in the sun in the West Indies, and the beans are spread thickly and turned constantly. Drying houses, which have roofs capable of being slid over the cocoa on the approach of rain, are used. In Ceylon hot air distributed by centrifugal fans is the common method. Polishing, which is often employed in the West Indies, is done by sifting finely powdered red earth over the partly dried beans while they are exposed to the sun, when, it is maintained, the earth assists to remove the remaining pulp as well as to absorb the moisture, at the same time giving the surfaces of the beans a polished exterior. Annatto is said to be used instead of red earth in Venezuela, but the addition of this is, presumably, with the object of colouring, rather than polishing. “Dancing” is an operation designed to prevent the development of mildew, and consists of treading the beans with the bare feet.
Some of the large manufacturers in Europe have recommended that the Gold Coast planters should ferment their produce, but should not wash the beans after fermentation.
Markets.—Certain large cocoa-buying centres are recognised, which, in the Volta River district, are situated at the foot of the hilly country, in positions convenient for transport to the ports of shipment. In addition to these, however, a good deal of buying is proceeded with at smaller places in the midst of the growing districts, but these probably represent the localities for the transactions carried on by agents or middlemen. Until the produce is actually in the hands of the shippers, the conveyance of cocoa is almost entirely done by head-loads of about 60 lbs. The head-load is the standard for trading, and the local price quoted is always with reference to it. It is customary for the buying shippers to send out their agents to the cocoa districts to arrange for the purchase of the crops, and it is always necessary that such purchases should be paid for in silver, no notes or cheques being accepted. Owing to competition during the past few years, the agents have often paid the grower a sum of money long before his crop was ready for picking, in order to guarantee that it may be bought by no one else. This has had the effect of making the grower careless in the preparation of his crop, and has caused the production of much bad material. The report that at another town, often distant by many days’ journey, a higher price is being paid than that obtained in a market close at hand, will frequently induce a native to convey his head-loads to the distant market, regardless of the fact that the extra shilling or so he may receive does not appear to be sufficient compensation for the additional labour and time expended. This points to the fact that the native does not put the same value on his time and labour when he is working for himself as he does when he is employed by others.
The buyers of cocoa pack it in bags for shipment, and these are conveyed to the ports by motor lorries or placed inside large casks, similar to those used for palm oil, and rolled along the roads. Some of the shipments are conveyed in river steamers on the Volta, and, more recently, owing to the growers having found a better market for a short time at Kumassi, a considerable amount was sent by rail from that place to Sekondi. In consequence of the imperfect state of dryness in which the cocoa is often sold by the planter, a great amount of care should be exercised before mixing and packing. Sorting is not much practised, and some of the beans often become attacked by mildew before reaching Europe, which depreciates the value of the whole package. It is partly owing to the disregard of the precautions of sorting and final drying that the West African cocoa has earned such a bad name, and if more shippers were to follow the example set by the one firm that has erected a drying apparatus, it would do much to improve matters in this direction. Cocoa is difficult to dry completely in the growing districts by means of the sun, as the atmosphere in these localities is often so humid that the beans absorb moisture when removed from the sun’s rays, and it is for this reason especially that the final drying should be done by the shippers. Transport to the ports of shipment from the growing districts will be facilitated by the construction of a short railway, which it is contemplated making from Accra, and until this is ready the carriage by head-loads, cask-rolling, and motor lorries will probably continue. The presence of the “tsetse” fly throughout the growing districts prevents the possibility of draught cattle being used.
A system of pooling purchases was agreed upon some years ago by a number of leading shippers, in accordance with which competition among themselves was suppressed, and a fixed price was to be given for all cocoa. This action was doubtless taken in order to prevent ruinous competition, but had the effect of checking improvement in the quality, as no encouragement was given to the planter to prepare the cocoa with greater care. The few shippers who did not join in this “combine” were enabled to obtain the better qualities at a very slightly enhanced price. In 1906 the general quality of Gold Coast cocoa had so deteriorated that the merchants were asked by the Government for their assistance to improve it. This led to an inquiry which revealed the state of affairs mentioned above. The obvious remedy of paying a price according to quality did not find favour with the combine, who appear to have argued that it would not profit them to pay a higher price for the small variable lots of improved produce which might result. It was stated by some of the local merchants in Accra that Gold Coast cocoa was generally suitable for sale in certain European markets, where it was adapted for the manufacture of a cheap form of sweetmeat, and that, if the quality were improved and the price raised in consequence, damage would be done to a new and rapidly growing trade. The merchants ultimately agreed to endeavour to improve the standard of quality, and it was arranged that all the cocoa brought in to the markets at Aimensa and Dodowa should be graded, with a view to regulating the price according to grade. This plan fell through at the last moment, as a test sample of picked cocoa was said to have been priced at only 1s. 6d. per cwt. over ordinary “Accra” in the European market. The fall in the value of the residue was said to be uncompensated for by the small increase mentioned.
Improvement of Quality.—Inquiries conducted by the Imperial Institute pointed to the fact that well-prepared Gold Coast cocoa could obtain high prices in Europe. In 1907 a consignment was sent to the Imperial Institute for examination and report, and proved to be of good quality, and when subsequently sold, it obtained a high price. This established confidence with regard to the possibility of fine grades being prepared in the country. During this year, owing to the action of the Fernando Po and San Thomé growers, in withholding their crop, a greater demand was created for Gold Coast cocoa, and the advent of large buyers, working outside the “combine,” forced the local price to a high figure. This did not assist in the improvement of the quality, as the competition induced native buying agents to buy the produce in almost any form, in consequence of which large quantities of imperfectly dried stuff were obtained. On the market becoming steadier, many of the more intelligent natives realised the advantage of careful preparation, to which they are now turning their attention.
Towards this latter result Messrs. Cadbury Bros., Ltd., rendered great assistance. This firm sent representatives into the country, who proved to the natives that they were willing to pay an enhanced price for cocoa prepared in a manner suitable for their requirements. A fair amount of cocoa was purchased by them, and demonstrations were made in some places with regard to the proper mode of fermentation. In addition to this a number of seedlings of the Criollo variety were given to the Agricultural Department for experimental work at the Aburi Botanic Station.
The Forastero-amelonado variety, a hardy but commercially inferior kind, has been mainly employed in plantations, and experiments have been carried on for some years at Aburi with Pentagona, Caracas and Cundeamor besides Criollo mentioned above. Such good results were obtained with Cundeamor that, in 1913, keen competition was aroused among planters to obtain seed. The years 1913 and 1914 are said to have shown an improvement in the quality of the cocoa produced. The attention of the Agricultural Department has been given to the general instruction of the natives in improved methods of cultivation and preparation, both by means of lectures and demonstrations at the Botanic Stations and by the issue of pamphlets in English and the Twi language. There was at first an insufficient staff for instruction to be given except at the Botanic Stations, and only those growers who lived in the vicinity were able to obtain benefit from it. After holding several conferences with chiefs and planters in the cocoa districts it became evident that the appointment of European Travelling Instructors was necessary, and following this the Government detailed certain officers for the work; the object being that they should occupy a large portion of their time in travelling through the country in order to give personal instruction to the natives in correct methods of treating cocoa and other agricultural products. Persons selected by chiefs are now trained to act as instructors in planting in their own native towns.
The preparation of a large quantity of cocoa of even quality is so greatly dependent upon the similarity of the treatment and conditions at a time when the material is undergoing fermentation and drying, that it is almost imperative that a large quantity should be prepared at one operation. This is an important consideration in British West Africa, where native plantations range in size from a few trees to about five acres in extent, the average being perhaps about a hundred trees, or, roughly, one-tenth of an acre. The production of each plantation is at present prepared independently, and the result of one picking of pods, if all mature, is often quite inadequate to yield sufficient for fermentation purposes, it being recognised that a few hundredweights of beans in their pulp are necessary for the satisfactory accomplishment of the operation. The same difficulty has presented itself in the West Indies with regard to the crops picked by owners of small plantations, and arrangements are usually made by some larger concern in the neighbourhood to purchase the pods from them. The establishment of central fermenting and drying houses, controlled by the shippers themselves, would perhaps get over the difficulty on the Gold Coast and result in a superior class of cocoa being produced. The planters would doubtless consent to sell their pods, instead of performing the laborious work of preparation themselves, and would probably be able to extend the size of their individual plantations, which, by reason of their inability to prepare more cocoa, single-handed, they have been unable, hitherto, to do. The efforts of the Administration to improve the preparation have been somewhat handicapped by the system employed by some merchants of securing the crop for themselves, by money advances, with but little regard to its preparation, and of pooling the produce.
Cocoa planting has revolutionised the native system of land titles. Where only annual crops were under consideration, a short, temporary occupation with subsequent reversion to tribal ownership seemed an adequate provision, but with the establishment of permanent cocoa plantations the planter claimed perpetual and undivided proprietorship.
Further information regarding Gold Coast cocoa will be found in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, 1907, p. 361; 1912, pp. 240, 556; 1913, p. 154; 1914, p. 387; 1915, pp. 149, 645; 1916, p. 123; 1917, p. 117; 1919, pp. 49, 102; and Johnson’s Cocoa, 1912.
Exports of Cocoa.—The exports of cocoa from 1900 to 1919 are as follows:
| Year | Tons | Year | Tons | Year | Tons |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1900 | 536 | 1907 | 9,355 | 1914 | 52,888 |
| 1901 | 980 | 1908 | 12,743 | 1915 | 77,278 |
| 1902 | 2,396 | 1909 | 20,213 | 1916 | 72,162 |
| 1903 | 2,276 | 1910 | 22,631 | 1917 | 90,964 |
| 1904 | 5,112 | 1911 | 39,726 | 1918 | 66,342 |
| 1905 | 5,093 | 1912 | 38,647 | 1919 | 176,155 |
| 1906 | 8,975 | 1913 | 50,554 |
RUBBER. Indigenous Species.—The most important source of rubber in the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the indigenous tree locally called “Ofruntum”; a comparatively small amount is also derived from some of the vines belonging to the same Natural Order, and from one or more of the wild trees of the Ficus Order.
Reports on the quality and commercial value of some of the principal kinds of rubber obtained in the Gold Coast are published in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. v. (1907), p. 248.
Botanical Position of the “Ofruntum” Tree.—The “Ofruntum,” or African rubber, is botanically placed in the Natural Order Apocynaceæ, under the specific name of Funtumia elastica, Stapf. Until recently it was referred to as Kicksia africana, Benth. and others (a genus which is not known to occur in West Africa), and it was also confused with a very nearly allied species, occurring in the same localities, and now known as Funtumia africana, Stapf. Owing to the great similarity which these species of Funtumia bear to one another, it is important that the differences between them should be recognised, F. africana not furnishing any but very inferior rubber. The most reliable method of testing the species which produces rubber, is by rubbing a small quantity of latex between the finger and thumb, when small particles of rubber should be quickly formed, the latex of F. africana becoming only a sticky mass under the operation. The leaf of F. elastica can usually be recognised by the presence of a small pit at the origin of each secondary nerve or vein on the under-surface, which feature is not characteristic of the leaf of F. africana, although recently individual trees have been found exhibiting this peculiarity. The flower bud of F. elastica is typically much shorter than that of F. africana, and the double seed pod of the former species is shorter and more blunt than that of the latter.
Distribution of F. elastica.—The Funtumia rubber tree occurs in a wild state in the forests throughout the Gold Coast and Ashanti, although it has been nearly exterminated in some parts. It appears to be most plentiful in the dense forest regions of Northern Ashanti.
Native Methods for Preparing.—Funtumia rubber is exported under the names of “Ashanti lump” and “Niggers,” which consist of much adulterated, evil-smelling substances, for which a low price is procurable in comparison with that paid for pure rubber. In certain years the demand for this has been maintained, but the adequate supplies of good rubber from elsewhere, and the rapid expansion of the cocoa industry, have caused a diminution in the export of native-made rubber, which has been replaced to a small extent by plantation rubber.
The wild trees grow from 50 to 100 feet in height, and often have a girth of three feet at four feet from the base; the trunk being commonly without branches for a considerable height. The native ascends the trunk by means of a sling passed round it, to one end of which is a loop which fits over his right thigh and to the other a stirrup in which he keeps his left foot. By moving the rope up the tree the ascent is quickly accomplished, and when stationary, both hands are left free. The climber carries a gouge, or semi-cylindrically-faced chisel, with which he cuts vertical as well as transverse oblique grooves, forming a rough “herring-bone” pattern, which may be continued for the whole length of the trunk, and even extend on to the main branches. To make the cuts the tool is either used in one hand or is held in the left and driven by blows on the end of the handle, given with the palm of the right hand. The flow of latex commences at once, and is directed down the vertical channel into a calabash placed at the base of the tree, into which the latex is guided by a lip of clay or a chip of wood. The illustration shows a native in Ashanti tapping a tree ([Fig. 18]). The quantity of latex procured at the one tapping varies; an exceptionally large amount being about two quarts from a large tree. The tree is not tapped again for several months and until the wounds have healed. On the second tapping the same form of cuts is made upon the opposite side of the tree, and the transverse channels often intersect those made previously; besides this, owing to the want of regulation in the depth of the cuts, the inner or cambium layer of the bark may be so damaged that the intersecting cuts may ring the tree and cause death. Few trees probably survive the third or fourth tapping.
“ODUM” TREES CHLOROPHORA EXCELSA.
Fig. 19, [p. 72.]
PARA RUBBER TREE (HEVEA BRASILIENSIS), TAPPED AT ABURI.
Fig. 20, [p. 66.]
RUBBER TREE TAPPED, HERRING-BONE SYSTEM IMPERFECT, ABURI.
Fig. 21, [p. 61.]
If the herring-bone cuts were made carefully upon the lower part of the trunk, and attention given to their depth and direction, the tree might be preserved for a longer period. An illustration given shows the incorrect mode of tapping, where the transverse cuts are opposite instead of alternate ([Fig. 21]). Experiments seem to show that there is not the same “wound response” in the case of Funtumia trees as is found in that of the “Para” tree (Hevea brasiliensis); the paring of the wounds some days after tapping yielding no flow of latex similar to that procured in the first instance. On cutting the bark area between the transverse channels, the latex cells appeared to be empty and to indicate that a large area is drained on the first tapping. Further investigation is necessary in order to compare the results obtained from this tree with those of Hevea.
The latex of Funtumia will remain in an uncoagulated state for a longer time than that of Hevea, but it may become damaged by fermentation if a quantity is kept in bulk for a lengthened period. The native does not usually produce a pure Funtumia rubber, but mixes with the latex the latices of several other plants, among which may be named “Odum” (Chlorophora excelsa), “Osese” (Funtumia africana), “Ofo,” “Okre,” “Sindru” (Conopharyngia crassa and Alstonia sp.). Having mixed some of these latices with that of the Funtumia, the whole is heated and poured into a hole in the ground, which has been prepared to serve as a mould. Coagulation and decomposition proceed together at a slow rate, and finally produce a rubber containing a number of holes which serve as receptacles for the liquefied decomposed constituents. The rubber mass is black outwardly, but whitish within, and is more or less sticky. It is said that the latex of Landolphia owariensis, the vine from which “Krepi ball” rubber is made, is sometimes mixed with the rest to hasten coagulation.
Improved Methods.—In 1906 attention was drawn to the use of a plant called “Niama” in the Ivory Coast, by which Funtumia rubber latex was coagulated by adding a hot decoction of the leaves. This plant was subsequently found to be Bauhinia reticulata, which bears the name of “Otakataka” in the Gold Coast. Experiments with this afforded excellent results. An examination of the plant made at the Imperial Institute proved that the tannin contained in the leaves was responsible for the coagulation of the latex, and that the infusion of any plant containing tannin is equally effective. The obstacle to the general use of B. reticulata for coagulation, is that the plant does not occur in the same localities as the wild Funtumia tree. Doubtless other tannin-yielding plants may be found in the rubber forests which would answer the purpose equally well, among them the pods of Acacia arabica. A simple method of coagulation, which was demonstrated to the chiefs and rubber collectors in 1908, is that of diluting the latex with about four or more times the volume of water, straining and boiling it, when the rubber quickly separates and can be collected from the surface of the water by means of a stick and immediately pressed into a rough biscuit.
The rubber made in the manner mentioned above has been valued at more than twice the price obtained for the adulterated stuff, but it appears difficult to persuade the local merchants to offer a higher price for it, and it therefore suits the rubber collector better to make the inferior quality. So long as this state of things continues, it is to be feared that instruction in the improvement of quality will not lead to the adoption of better methods.
In 1908 a Commission of Enquiry was appointed and made certain recommendations for legislation for the protection of the industry. Articles on Gold Coast rubber will be found in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vols. viii. (1910), x. (1912), xi. (1913), xii. (1914), xii. (1915) and xv. (1917).
Plantations.—Large numbers of Funtumia seedlings have been grown at and distributed from the Government Botanic Gardens at Aburi, Tarkwa, and Kumassi, and some of the Ashanti kings and chiefs, who have expressed a wish to attempt to renovate their rubber forests, have obtained assistance from the officers of the Agricultural Department, who have conducted planting operations in the forests in the presence of those interested. Plantations under European management and with European capital are in progress in the vicinity of Axim and Sekondi. Most of the recently made plantations are said to consist more of Para than of Funtumia rubber trees, although in 1913 one of these in the Dunkwa district of Ashanti was reported to contain 20,000 trees of the latter kind. The tree appears to thrive well when planted closely, and straight trunks are soon formed.
Insect Pest.—At Aburi and elsewhere the Funtumia tree is found to be attacked by the larva of a moth of the family Pyralidæ, identified as Glyphodes ocellata, Hampson, which denudes it of leaves. No severe damage seems to be done by this pest, which has only been observed in plantations, and was destroyed at Aburi by repeated applications of lime and ashes.
Fungoid Pest.—A sooty fungoid growth is sometimes seen upon the leaves, similar to that occurring on orange trees in the country, and probably belongs to the genus Meliola. It is destroyed by the application of sprays of Bordeaux mixture.
Rubber Machinery.—A fully equipped installation of rubber-washing and crêpeing machinery was exhibited at the Kumassi Agricultural Exhibition of 1908, and was subsequently taken over by one of the leading mercantile firms at that place, where the local rubber is now washed, crêped, and pressed before export. It might prove advantageous to come to an arrangement with the rubber collectors to bring the latex to Kumassi, where, under proper supervision, it could be made into rubber of high quality. As the latex will remain for a considerable time without alteration, it should not be difficult to bring it in from places several days’ journey distant.
Vine Rubber.—Several species of vines, belonging to the Natural Order Apocynaceæ, produce rubber in Africa, but the only one of commercial importance occurring in the Gold Coast is Landolphia owariensis, Pal. Beauv., from which “Krepi” or “White ball” is obtained. Unless the plant is observed during the flowering as well as the fruiting season, it is difficult to distinguish it from some nearly allied, but useless, species of the same genus, which are found commonly in the same localities.
The vine is found throughout the forest region of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, climbing over and interlacing the main branches of large forest trees; but an apparently terrestrial form of the same species has recently been discovered in the ultra-forest region, where the stunted habit in which it grows is probably occasioned by the annual grass fires.
Under different atmospheric conditions the latex of L. owariensis behaves differently. In the drier regions it coagulates upon the wound almost immediately upon exposure to the air, whereas in other and moister places it runs from the cut in such a manner as to allow it to be collected in a vessel. The acid juices of some of the local wild fruits are added to hasten coagulation, when this is necessary, or the collector is said to smear the fresh latex upon his naked body, until enough has been coagulated to form a small ball, which serves as a nucleus for winding on the strings of fresh latex as the new cuts are made. There is a quantity of “scrap rubber” formed on the wedge-shaped cuts which it is usual to make, and this is added to the ball, which attains a diameter of three or four inches when complete. The crushing of the root and stem for the manufacture of so-called “root-rubber” does not appear to be practised in this country, although common elsewhere in West Africa.
On account of the colour and form of this rubber, the name of “White ball” is usually applied to it, although, from the fact that the Krepi tribes, living on the east bank of the Volta river, produce a large quantity of it, the name of “Krepi ball” is frequently given.
White ball rubber is seldom adulterated by the addition of other latices, as these would retard coagulation and interfere with the preparation of it in the manner mentioned. For this reason the rubber sold under this name usually obtains a higher price than other rubber.
Landolphia owariensis presents many disadvantages for cultivation in plantations, and the yield is small in proportion to the space which the plant occupies. Several species of this and allied genera are being grown experimentally at the Aburi Botanic Gardens.
“Flake rubber” is a name given to a very inferior quality of rubber which is produced upon a small scale in many parts of West Africa, but it has not been determined from which species of vine that exported from the Gold Coast is obtained. In Northern Nigeria Carpodinus hirsutus, Hua, is said to be the source of the exported rubber of this name.
Fig Rubber.—One or more species of wild fig trees (Ficus sp.) are tapped for the production of what is locally termed “Memeluku” rubber, and it is generally supposed that F. Vogelii is that mostly employed. The trees attain a large size, and the rubber is composed of the scrap, collected from a large number of small cuts made on the trunk and branches. This scrap rubber is pressed together into thick biscuits. The rubber has usually little resiliency and breaks easily; it is, in consequence, of small value.
Introduced Species.—Experiments have been carried on for several years with “Para” rubber (Hevea brasiliensis), “Ceara” (Manihot Glaziovii), and Castilloa elastica, all indigenous to South America. The last-named has been so badly attacked in the Botanic Stations by boring beetle larvæ that it has shown no promise of success. Ceara grows well, but for some reason the production of latex from it is uncertain, and this has caused little value to be attached to it in the Gold Coast, although in the drier region of Togoland this species is being planted. Para rubber seems to show much better results, although, up to the present, no extensive experiments to ascertain the yield of rubber have been made. Tapping two trees growing at Aburi, Mr. Johnson obtained a larger quantity of latex than from Funtumia elastica under the same conditions; and following this an extensive area was planted with Hevea trees at the Tarkwa Botanic Gardens, where the experiment appears to be proving successful. Views are given of a tree at Aburi ([Fig. 20]). Large plantations of Hevea are being made near Tarkwa, Axim and Sekondi as well as in the Kwahu district, where the tree seems to thrive remarkably well. A few of these plantations made returns in 1913 showing promise of success. At one, on the Offin river, there were said to be 90,000 Para trees of different ages, 20,000 Funtumia and 6,000 coffee (C. robusta). At another the yield of rubber from a number of mature trees gave an average of 1·08 lb. of dry rubber per tree in eight months’ tapping, and a third had 22,000 Para trees of which about 8,450 had been tapped and yielded 10,565 lbs. of rubber, or 1¼ lb. per tree tapped. Labour was reported plentiful and good. There are said to be many more rubber plantations in the country from which returns had not been received. Up to 1913 the Agricultural Department had distributed 250,000 Para seedlings and 1,500,000 seeds.
Commenting on the fluctuation in the exported amounts of rubber, His Excellency the Governor (Sir Hugh Clifford), in his message to the Legislative Council in October 1918, explained the recrudescence during 1916 and 1917 as due to the development of rubber plantations under European control. It remains to be seen whether the Gold Coast will be able to successfully compete in this work with the Far East. Articles on Para rubber from the Gold Coast are to be found in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. x. (1912), vol. xi. (1913), vol. xii. (1914), vol. xv. (1917) and vol. xvii. (1919).
PALM OIL AND KERNELS.—Records are available showing that the export of palm oil from West Africa has continued for over one hundred years, but the quantity shipped from the Gold Coast during the last fifteen years shows a rapid decrease from the average of the twenty years previous.
The tree which yields the oil of commerce is known as Elæis guineensis, Jacq., and is placed in the Tribe Cocoineæ of the Natural Order Palmæ, together with the genus Cocos, to which the Coconut palm belongs. (Cf. Bull. Imp. Inst., 1909, p. 357; 1920, p. 209.)
Habits of the Oil Palm.—The oil palm occurs most plentifully in the moist regions near the coast, although it will not thrive on land which is perpetually marshy. The palm becomes scarcer when the dense forests of Ashanti are reached, but it is not entirely absent until the ultra-forest tract commences.
The tree often bears fruit when it has only attained the height of ten feet, which it is said to do about the seventh year, but the yield is supposed to increase annually until the tree is thirty or more years old, often continuing for a much longer time. It is not possible to give any positive assurance on this point, as observations have not been recorded for any length of time.
Although the oil is principally obtained from wild trees, one extensive plantation in the Krobo Hills has been successfully carried on for many years by the chief of Odumassi. His trees are planted at regular intervals and care is given to their upkeep and cleanliness. Concessions have recently been granted to Europeans for planting as well as exploiting the wild palms, and experimental work in the mechanical extraction of pericarp and kernel oil have given some promise. Two British companies that have erected extraction plants in the Western Province have laid tram-lines designed to keep them constantly supplied with the palm fruit.
Trees that have become old and practically barren are usually tapped for the extraction of “palm wine,” being frequently cut down for the purpose. In some parts of the country fruitful trees are tapped while standing, and, as this necessitates the base of the terminal shoot being cut into, the tree is generally killed in consequence.
Two crops of fruiting heads are yielded by a tree in full bearing each year, but the autumn crop is heavier than the earlier one, and the aggregate weight of fruit yielded by a tree in one year is generally estimated at 40 lbs.
The fruiting heads consist of large bunches which hang from near the crown of the tree, and each fruit is partly enveloped in a husk-like covering. When removed from this it is found to be smooth, somewhat conical or irregularly compressed, tapering towards an abrupt point. The colour when fresh varies from orange-red to nearly white, with a more or less broad black apex. In section it appears to be composed of a thick fibrous layer over a hard, somewhat rounded stone, which contains a whitish kernel. It is from the fibrous portion, which is included in what is botanically termed the pericarp, that the oil is obtained, but the kernel also contains another valuable oil, for the extraction of which it is shipped to Europe to a large extent.
Preparation of Palm Oil.—When the ripe head has been cut from the tree, it is left upon the ground for a few days in order that a shrinkage in the fruits may occur, which renders them more easily dislodged from their husk-lined places. The fruit also becomes slightly dull in colour. The heads bearing the fruit are often beaten to remove the latter, or they are individually broken out by hand. In order to facilitate the extraction of the fruit kernels, the fruits are usually buried in the ground in a pit lined with plantain leaves. Here they remain for from three weeks to a month, during which time decomposition is set up. The subsequent quality of the oil is dependent upon the degree to which this is allowed to proceed, rancid and thick oils resulting when it has been overdone. On the other hand, the higher the state of decomposition the greater is the facility for separating the fibrous pulp from the stones. On removing the fruits from the ground they are placed in an open vat ([Fig. 15]) and pounded by a number of people using long poles, after which they are covered up for several hours in order that the oil may drain into the small well shown at the side. Several consecutive poundings are applied, until the fibrous pulp is quite separated and most of the oil has drained out, after which the stones are combed out with the fingers, and the pulp is placed in a bag and pressed on a horizontal bar until the oil flows from it into a pit below. The oils from these extractions are boiled and cleared, and the residual pulp is often placed in the boiling pot so as to extract as much oil as possible. This is the method employed at the Krobo Plantations, but the operation varies slightly in different districts.
Kernel Oil—The value of the kernel for the extraction of oil was recognised at a much later date than the pericarp, although, in a few places in the Gold Coast, oil had probably been expressed from kernels for local consumption for some time. Among the Krobos the medicine-men prevented the trade in kernels from becoming established for several years, but they were finally overruled by the chiefs. A large and increasing trade in kernels continued for a number of years, but this has fallen off to a small extent more recently. The shell of the variety of kernel which appears to be the most common in this country is usually thick, and the laborious work of cracking each stone individually between two stones, in such a manner that the kernel is extracted in an unbroken state, prevents a larger quantity being prepared for sale, and results in much waste. Nut-cracking machines have been brought into the country, and are said to prove successful to some extent, but the native is not in a position to use machinery, and most of the material shipped is extracted in the primitive method mentioned. Cf. Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vols. vii., viii. and xv. (1909-17). Before the cracking can be accomplished without breaking the interior, the kernel requires to be exposed to the sun and thoroughly dried. Kernel oil prepared in a native way is of two kinds, one which expressed without heat being white, whilst that made from the roasted kernels is dark brown. Both are made by pounding and grinding the kernel into fine meal, the extraction of the one being effected by cold and the other by boiling water.
In 1916 a Special Committee was appointed to consider the position of the palm-kernel trade, chiefly with reference to the protection of the newly-established British oil-crushing industry against German competition; and it was considered advisable to recommend the imposition of a differential export duty of £2 per ton on all palm kernels from British West African ports. The Colonies concerned imposed the duty at the rate mentioned and in some instances have since supplemented it by a direct revenue-producing tax.
Commercial Uses.—The chief commercial uses of the oils are for the manufacture of soap, candles, and glycerine, some qualities of palm oil being made use of in the manufacture of tin plates. With improved methods the supply of palm oil and kernels could be largely increased.
Varieties of Oil Palms.—In 1907 information was obtained from the Imperial Institute that a variety of oil palm was being propagated in the Kameruns the fruit of which contained a thin-shelled kernel and was called “Lisombe.” Further investigation in the British West African countries led to the discovery that a number of well-marked varieties of Elæis guineensis were distinguished by the natives, and were called by distinct names. Among these one possessed a thin-shelled kernel, and, together with about eight others, has been under investigation at the Imperial Institute, with the object of ascertaining their respective merits. The thin-shelled “Lisombe” and the “Gamopale” varieties from the Kameruns have recently been tried experimentally in the Gold Coast, and the advantages they possess over the other kinds have been clearly established. From the descriptions given below of the more important varieties found on the Gold Coast, it will be seen that particulars of the comparative weight of the fruit crop and the quality of the oil yielded are required to determine the relative values. In addition the proportions of fruit- and kernel-oil of each as well as the facilities for extracting the kernel must be considered.
A reference is given below to six varieties, which have been fully examined at the Imperial Institute. The native names are given, and the percentages have been calculated for comparison, from the more elaborate figures which have been published (Bulletin Imperial Institute, vol. vii. [1909], p. 366; cf. also vol. xi. [1913], p. 208).
The characteristic variations of each variety are as follows:—
1. “Abe-pa.” Fruit large, orange-red, with or without black tip, pericarp thin, nut large with thick shell. This is the commonest form in the country, and is probably identical with the variety found in Sierra Leone.
2. “Abe-dam.” Fruit of irregular shape, fairly large, bright red, pericarp slightly thicker than the last, nut large with a thick shell. This is not uncommon.
3. “Abe-tuntum.” Fruit moderately large, dark purplish-black, pericarp very thin, and nut with thick shell. Uncommon.
4. “Abe-bobe.” Fruit usually rather small, red and black, pericarp thick and soft, nut with a thin kernel (easily broken in the teeth). Trees rather scarce. This is probably identical with the “Lisombe” variety from the Kameruns.
5. “Intermediate form between 2 and 4.” Similar to the last but with a thicker shell to the nut.
6. “Seedless kind.” A very rare kind, nearly corresponding with the “Difumbe” variety from Angola, which, however, possesses a kernel but no shell.
The following are the percentages based on the total weight of the fruit, in each case taken as 100:—
| Name | Pulp | Contg. oil | Fibre etc. | Nut | Contg. Kernel | Shell |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. “Abe-pa” | 30 | 20·13 | 9·87 | 70 | 19·6 | 50·4 |
| 2. “Abe-dam” | 37·5 | 24·03 | 13·14 | 62·5 | 16·87 | 45·63 |
| 3. “Abe-tuntum” | 32·5 | 14·33 | 18·17 | 67·5 | 17·55 | 49·95 |
| 4. “Abe-bobe” | 63 | 36·02 | 26·98 | 37 | 19·98 | 17·02 |
| 5. “Interm. 2 and 4” | 51 | 30·34 | 20·66 | 49 | 20·58 | 28·42 |
| 6. “Seedless” | 100 | 76·00 | 24·00 | rarely a trace | ||
Nos. 4 and 5 seem to be most valuable from a commercial standpoint, although at present Nos. 1 and 2 are the most commonly used, owing to the comparative scarcity of the first two mentioned. No. 6 is chiefly interesting from a botanical aspect, and is probably incapable of reproduction. The sacred palm known in the Gold Coast as “Abe-ohene,” and identical with “Ope-Ifa” of Southern Nigeria, belongs to a new species called E. Thompsonii, Chev., but the fruits are not employed for the extraction of oil.
OTHER OIL SEEDS.—Experiments were conducted at the Imperial Institute in 1908 with the kernels of the “Crabnut” (Carapa procera, D.C.). The kernels were found to contain nearly 50 per cent. of oil, which was reported to be worth about £20 10s. per ton, but the residual cake could not be used for feeding purposes, owing to the presence in it of a bitter constituent, and, on account of the rather low manurial value, was estimated as worth only £2 per ton (Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. vi., 1908, p. 362).
The oil seemed to be well suited for soap-making, but would not be suitable for lubricating or for edible purposes. The nut does not occur in such profusion as to warrant profitable exportation from localities where the oil palm is found.
TIMBER. Mahogany.—The most valuable and commonly exported timber is that known in the European and American markets as “African Mahogany.” The value of that shipped from the Gold Coast in 1913 was estimated at £366,000.
Several red woods are included under the name of Mahogany, but the best quality is said to be obtained from Khaya senegalensis, a large tree of the Natural Order Meliaceæ. This tree is known by the native (Fanti) name of “Dubini.” In the same language the names “Okumankra” and “Akwabohori” are applied to two trees which are said to be exported as Mahogany, but of these the identity has not yet been determined.
Other Timber-trees.—The “Odum” tree (Chlorophora excelsa) produces a hard and useful wood, which is much used in the forest region, but is not often shipped ([Fig. 19]). In the dry country of the Northern Territories Pseudocedrela Kotschyi may be found of value as a red wood for decorative purposes.
Among the other trees which show evidence of yielding hard and useful woods are “Ahedua” (Cyanothyrsus sp.), “Opapeh” (Afzelia africana), and “Bako” (Mimusops sp.). Information about the working-quality and suitability for export of these and other Gold Coast timbers is given in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. viii., 1910. p. 232.
The largest, and consequently the most valuable, trees belonging to the different species mentioned, are found in the western part of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, and most of the mahogany logs are shipped from Sekondi, Axim, and other places farther to the westward. The Pra and Ankobra rivers are utilised to float down the squared logs, which are then moored at the river mouths, to await shipment. The export of logs is only limited by the facilities with which they can be brought to a river or the railway, and large, valuable trees are plentiful in many of the forests, although they would be unprofitable to fell and trim in some cases, owing to their remote situations and the difficulties connected with conveyance.
KOLA.—Kola-nut is the name usually applied to the fruit of a tree belonging to the Natural Order Sterculiaceæ, and the wild as well as the cultivated forms found in the Gold Coast and Ashanti are, probably, all referable to the species Kola acuminata, R. The fruits or nuts are borne in large pods, each of which contains a variable number. The nuts themselves are irregular in form, and have an inconstant number of cotyledons, or seed divisions, varying from two to five. Some confusion seems to have been caused owing to this variation, as well as on account of the colour and shape of the nuts. In some trees they are red, in others white, and others again pink, and they may be elongate or nearly round. These, however, are not reliable as distinguishing characters, since nuts of the three colours have been found on the same tree, and even in the same pod. Analyses and commercial valuations of several varieties of kola nuts from the Gold Coast are published in Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute, Part III., “Foodstuffs” (Colonial Reports, Misc., Cd. 5137, 1910), pp. 259-61; vide also Bull. Imp. Inst., vols. x. (1912) and xvii. (1919).
In the forests to the north of Kumassi large wild kola trees are found, and the nuts are collected by the natives inhabiting the villages in the vicinity, where they are sold at from 6d. to 9d. a hundred. In other places the trees are planted, commonly on the outskirts of villages, especially in Akim and Kwahu.
Kola nuts are used in tropical Africa in the same manner as betel nuts are in Asia. Their taste is somewhat bitter, and the mastication of fresh nuts seems to increase the flow of saliva. Chewing kola nuts is resorted to by the natives in order to allay thirst, or even hunger, and for this reason they are in great demand among the inhabitants of the Sudan, to which country they are largely exported, being carried by men and donkeys in caravans, which travel from the forest limits of Ashanti through the Northern Territories. The donkeys, which are chiefly used to transport the nuts, do not generally enter the forests, but the kola nuts are packed in elongated head-loads, in bamboo or palm-stalk frames, in which form they are carried to the place where the donkeys have been left. The caravans bring shea-butter, guinea corn, cattle, and skins, which they exchange for kola.
The weight of nuts exported from the Gold Coast is about 50 per cent. above that of Sierra Leone, but, in value, the latter are worth from three to five times as much per ton. The fresh nuts are shipped to Lagos and are transported far into the interior by Haussa traders.
COTTON.—No record is available to show when the tribes of the forest country commenced to cultivate and use cotton for local requirements. It has been stated that the people of the kingdoms of the Western Sudan were acquainted with the uses of the fibre, and have cultivated the plant, from a remote period, and it is probable that contact with these people, during their expeditions against the tribes to their south, led to the adoption by the latter of cotton-growing upon the small scale in which it still remains at present. Cruickshank, writing of the Fantis in 1853, says: “They spin the thread from the cotton which grows in the country, but they more commonly make use of the thread out of English cloths, which they pick to pieces.” In speaking of the Appolonians, a tribe inhabiting the coast region near Axim, Cruickshank remarks that they “make fine grass cloths, which are strong and durable.” In Ashanti, until recently, a cloth was commonly made from the inner bark of a tree, generally supposed to be Antiaris toxicaria var. africana, which was produced by the removal of the woody portions by beating, leaving a pliable material composed of the interlacing fibres. These instances are cited to show that the value of cotton for cultivation has not been recognised by some of the large and dominant tribes in comparatively recent times. Since cotton clothing has begun to be appreciated, the necessity of growing the plant and weaving has been somewhat checked by the large imports of finished material from Europe.
Throughout the forest region occasional plants of cotton may be seen growing near villages, but the systematic cultivation of the plant is only met with on the outer northern boundary of the dense forest and in the Krepi country to the east of the Volta river. The inhabitants of the northern forest boundary are a mixed people, many of whom have probably been driven from the countries farther north, where cotton is a recognised field crop, whence they have introduced the cultivation. The adoption of cotton-growing by the Krepi tribes may be due to similar reasons, although there appears to be no evidence in support of this conjecture.
In the last-named places the seed is sown in rows on the tops of ridges, on the sides of which maize plants may be also grown, but it is not uncommon to find cotton plants growing alone. This is especially the case on the northern limits of Ashanti. The large varieties grown in these places are often left in the ground for a second season and produce two crops, the last of which is said to be inferior. No system of rotation has been observed, although it is probable that the cotton is planted during the early years of cultivation immediately following the yam crop, which is the practice in some other West African countries.
Three distinct forms or varieties of cotton are cultivated in the forest region. The first variety is usually referred to as “Green seed,” and is the commonest one grown. The lint is long-stapled and nearly white, but experiments seem to show that this form does not yield heavily. The second form is recognised by the seed being dark brown or black, without any fuzz, except a small brown tuft at the apex, which has a sharp spike. The lint of this kind is creamy white, and the plant is known as “Volta.” The third form differs in having the dark brown seeds adjoining one another, and forming a conical mass, from which it is difficult to separate the individual seeds. At the point of connection each seed bears a small light brown patch. This form is generally known to the officers at the British Cotton Growing Association plantation as “Kidney.” All these varieties are cultivated throughout the forest country, and extend to some distance beyond; being replaced in the drier parts of the Northern Territories by a small plant with a white woolly seed. No cotton in a wild state has been seen in the country, and isolated plants, found springing up in open places surrounded by forest, are generally easily traceable to formerly existing cultivation.
The “Green seed,” “Volta,” and “Kidney” cottons, which are grown in the Gold Coast, are different in habit from the American and Indian plants, although in form they are similar to Sea Island and Egyptian, having, perhaps, arisen from the same original stock. The forms mentioned as cultivated locally attain the height of from seven to ten feet in nine months from the time of planting, and the stem near the base is often thicker than a man’s wrist. The cotton bolls continue to open for three months or more, and often as many as two hundred bolls are produced on a single plant in one season. If left for a second year the bolls are generally diminished in size. The soil which appears most favourable for growth is a sandy loam containing much humus.
From January to April the bolls ripen continuously, and the cotton is placed in the sun as soon as it is picked, in order that the “Seed bugs” may be driven out. In native markets small quantities are usually exposed for sale in an unginned form throughout the harvesting season. No gin seems to be in use in the Gold Coast for native work, and the lint is pulled off the seeds by hand when a supply is required for spinning.
The greatest damage is done by “Seed bugs” of three species—Oxycarenus hyalinipennis, O. Dudgeoni, and O. gossipinus—that infest the lint as soon as the bolls open, and undergo their complete and rapid metamorphoses during the period between the opening and the throwing out of the cotton, feeding meanwhile upon the juices which they suck from the seeds. The injury caused by the puncturing of the seed often renders it unfertile. A “cotton stainer” is also common on the plants, and damages the unopened bolls by puncturing, and the lint by a yellowish stain which it makes. This insect is known as Dysdercus nigrofasciatus, and it is at least four times as large as any of the species of Oxycarenus, on which it may possibly feed to some extent.
An attempt was evidently made, in the middle of the last century, to establish the cultivation of cotton for export, and Cruickshank mentions that an association had taken the matter up, and that several of the native chiefs were beginning to give it their attention about that time. Very little success seems to have attended these efforts.
About 1903 the Government of the Gold Coast commenced the plantation of an area in the Krepi country, at a place called Anum, and, under the control of the Agricultural Department, this was transferred to a better site soon afterwards, at a place named Labolabo on the east bank of the Volta river. In addition to the extension of about two hundred acres of land, which were planted with native and American varieties of cotton, encouragement was given to the natives in the vicinity to grow more, on the understanding that their crops would be purchased from them at one penny per pound. Unfortunately no arrangements had been made to store or gin a large quantity of seed cotton, and the entire native crop could not be taken over when brought in. This seems to have induced the native growers to convey most of their cotton into Togoland, where they were able to dispose of it at a fair price. Arrangements had to be made with a local firm possessing a ginning machine, which was erected about sixty miles lower down the Volta river, by which, on payment of a certain rate, the seed cotton grown on the Labolabo plantation was ginned and prepared for shipment. It was soon recognised that the expense of transport of the seed cotton for this distance, and the price charged for ginning, prevented the production of cotton for export except at a heavy financial loss. The co-operation of the British Cotton Growing Association was asked for, in order to supply gins at Labolabo, and in 1906 three hand gins were sent from the Gold Coast Exhibition, which had just been held. The machines were much damaged in transit, and it was some time before the large stock of seed cotton, which had accumulated, could be worked off. Soon after this the Labolabo plantation was transferred entirely to the British Cotton Growing Association, and an annual grant was made by the Government to assist in the working. In 1907 a large steam-power ginnery was put up, and the native farmers again began to bring in their seed cotton for sale, but still a considerable quantity was reported to be diverted to Togoland, where the price offered was a fraction higher than that paid by the Association.
The cotton bales are transported from the ginnery by means of native canoes as far as Amedika, which is the highest point on the Volta to which small steamers can ascend, but great risk is entailed in descending the rapids between Labolabo and this place. The cost of carriage by native canoe is arranged at twenty shillings a ton, and the bales are pressed into a suitable form for conveyance.
American and other Exotic Cottons at Labolabo.—A large number of different kinds of American cottons have been tried at Labolabo, but most of them have proved unsuccessful. Those which yielded a good crop for the first year have generally been found to produce seed, which, owing to the greater susceptibility of the plants to the attacks of insects, refused to germinate in the following year. Some of the lint produced was, apparently, of excellent quality and sold well, but the necessity for the renewal of seed each year formed a serious obstacle to the establishment of a new variety. The plants from American seed are not so hardy as those from native seed, and the necessity for greater care in cultivation renders them unsuitable for use by the natives. Sea Island and various Egyptian cottons have not proved successful. See British Cotton Cultivation, by Professor Dunstan (“Colonial Reports,” Miscellaneous, Cd. 3997, 1908, pp. 28-30), and the Bulletins of the Imperial Institute, vols. vii., x., xi., xiii., xiv. (1909-16).
Attempts at Hybridisation.—In the early days of the plantation the Agricultural Department made several experiments with a view to the establishment of a cross between the native and the American plants, but the subsequent changes in the management of the plantation resulted in the disappearance of most of these; subsequently several others were attempted in 1906 and 1907 by Mr. Fisher.
In all cases plants of the “Green seed” or the “Volta” native forms were made use of as female parents, and the descendant plants partook of the characters of the native forms in every way for the first generation, but in later generations seem to have produced a number of various types, from which it is now necessary to make a careful selection. The quantity of lint yielded by the first generation of plants, from the experiments made by Mr. Fisher in 1906, is said to have reached a higher figure, per acre, than that of any other form grown on the plantation, and the quality was satisfactory; but that of the second generation appeared to be unequal in type, and could scarcely be compared for quantity owing to the unfavourable season. The American plants used for pollination in the 1906 crosses were those which have given the best results among the exotic forms planted, and are called “Black Rattler” and “Richmond.” Of the four crosses attempted in that year, that of “Black Rattler” × “Volta” was said to have proved the most successful in point of yield.
Small plots of native and American cottons have been planted at Kumassi, and experimental plants at Aburi, but the conditions have not been so favourable at these places as at Labolabo. At Obuassi, in Ashanti, an attempt was also made, but the soil seemed too stiff and the plants were not healthy. Land suitable for native cotton farms seems to be that on the west bank of the Volta river, north of the Labolabo plantation.
Valuations of Samples examined at the Imperial Institute.—The following selection of specimens of Gold Coast cottons examined and reported on at different times by the Imperial Institute will give some indication of the relative values:—
| Place | Variety | Staple | Value | Standard at time of valuation “Middl.Amer.” |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Labolabo | Volta clean-seed | 0·8-1·4 | 5-5½d. | 5·05d. |
| „ | Green-seed | 1-1·4 | 5d. | 5·05d. |
| „ | Black Volta, small woolly seeded from N. Terr. | 1-1·4 | 5½-6d. | 6·43d. |
| „ | Black Rattler | 1·2-1·8 | 7d. | 6·7d. |
| „ | Native × Allens | 1·2-1·6 | 6d. | „ |
| „ | Native × Russels | 1·2-1·5 | 4½d. | „ |
| „ | Native × Peruvian | 1·2-1·6 | 7d. | „ |
| „ | Native × Culpepper | 1·1-1·5 | 6½-7d. | „ |
| „ | Volta × Black Rattler | 1·1-1·5 | 5d. | „ |
| „ | Volta × Richmond | 1·1-1·6 | 6-6½d. | „ |
| „ | Greenseed × Black Rattler | 1-1·4 | 5d. | „ |
| „ | Greenseed × Richmond | 1-1·4 | 7d. | „ |
| Tamale, N. Terr., Native | 0·7-1·0 | 5½d. | „ | |
The cottons from native varieties crossed with American represent the first generation only, as in no case were the following generations found constant.
The large profits which have been made from cocoa in the forest country have caused cotton-growing to be neglected, and it seems improbable that large quantities of cotton will be exported from this region during the next few years. In the same part of the country palm oil and rubber are easily collected, and, besides being more remunerative products, require comparatively small exertion in preparation. An attempt to establish cotton cultivation upon a commercial scale, among the industrious people of the Northern Territories, was made by the British Cotton Growing Association, but the immense distances of the inhabited tracts from a shipping port and the consequent expense of transport, combined with the uncertainty of the rainfall in these ultra-forest regions, compelled the abandonment of the venture in 1916.
FIBRES.—Piassava fibre, which has sometimes been called “vegetable whalebone,” is prepared from the sheath of the lower parts of the leaf-stem of a tree belonging to the Natural Order Palmæ, and classified as Raphia vinifera, P. Beauv. This tree is found growing in the vicinity of streams, and occurs commonly in the forest regions near the coast.
The natives prepare the fibre, which is sold in the European markets under the name of “Piassava,” by cutting the stem-sheaths and steeping them in water for a considerable time until the fibrous strands are easily separated by beating. After being extracted in this manner they are dried in the sun. Only a small quantity is exported from the country, but it is a more important article of export from Sierra Leone and Liberia. As the specific name denotes, wine is extracted from the tree, by tapping the standing or felled tree, in the last case with the aid of fire.
On the estate of the African Plantations, Ltd., near Axim, a fibre of excellent quality, commercially allied to jute, has been prepared from the stems of a herbaceous plant, which was supposed to be Triumfetta semitriloba, Linn., but which has since been determined at Kew to be T. cordifolia var. Hollandii, Sprague. The plant belongs to the same Natural Order as Indian jute—namely, Tiliaceæ. A description of this fibre is given in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. vi. (1908), p. 241.
This species has been observed commonly in a wild state in the forests near Sekondi and Axim, but does not seem to be present in the interior of Ashanti or in the country towards the Volta river.
Experiments made at the estate of the African Plantations, Ltd., are said to show that the best fibre is obtained from stalks which have been retted or steeped in water for five days, but it will probably be found that the period required for the operation is dependent to a great extent upon the age of the stalks used.
The fibre may be prepared by stripping the bark layers from the soaked stalks and beating these upon the surface of the water until the actual bark is removed, when the fibre may be dried in the sun; being finally picked over to get rid of the small remaining bark particles.
The plant exhibits some advantages for cultivation over jute, in that it may be cropped twice in one year and treated as a perennial. Collection of the wild growths would be unsatisfactory for the production of the fibre upon a large scale, owing to the time occupied in searching for the plants, but it seems probable that the plant would repay planting, especially if some better method of extraction were devised.
The composition, quality, and commercial value of a large number of fibres obtained from plants indigenous to, or cultivated in, the Gold Coast are discussed in Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute, Part I., “Fibres” (Colonial Reports, Miscellaneous, Cd. 4588, 1909), pp. 43, 51, 84, 89, 90, 115.
SILK.—A species of wild silkworm is commonly distributed throughout the forests to the north of Kumassi, and has been identified as Anaphe venata. The silk cocoons of this species and those of Anaphe infracta are used in Nigeria for spinning into yarn for weaving the “Saṉyaṉ” cloths of that country, but no use is apparently made of them in Ashanti. The worms live in small colonies, and form their cocoons in a common envelope of silk, from which two or three somewhat tubular processes project to enable the moths to emerge when the time arrives. The food plant of the silkworm has not been definitely ascertained, but, as the cocoons are found on a large number of herbaceous plants as well as trees, it seems probable that several plants are eaten by it. The quality of the silk is said to be good, and the colour is usually a golden or light brown.[3]
COPAL.—The tree which produces this resin, often miscalled “gum,” which is commercially known as “Accra copal,” occurs throughout the forests of Ashanti and Akim, and has not yet been specifically determined. Investigations have shown that it is allied to Cyanothyrsus oblongus, Oliver, which yields the “Ogea” resin of Lagos, and which belongs to the Natural Order Leguminosæ. The flowers obtained from the Ashanti trees are of a similar construction to those of Cyanothyrsus.
Locally the resin is commonly used for torches and for the preparation of a scented pigment called “Krobo,” which is used for elaborating patterns upon the skin, being commonly employed by the Akim people for this purpose. For export the chief value is for the preparation of varnish.
The quantity exported reached 178 tons in 1907, after which it declined, and now no longer reaches a significant figure. The overwhelming interest attracted by cocoa has led to its disappearance. Cf. Selected Reports Imperial Institute, pt. ii., “Gums and Resins” (Col. Rep. Misc., Cd. 4971, 1909), pp. 172-5; Bull. Imp. Inst., vol. xii. (1914), p. 220.
The copal-yielding trees are generally of immense size, and the resinous liquid may be observed exuding from the main trunk as well as the branches, in such a way as to form elongated “tears” or slabs, which harden on exposure to the air. When these become brittle they are broken off by wind and fall to the ground. Often the flow of resinous liquid seems to be so profuse that quantities reach the ground and form what is termed “fossil copal,” owing to the fact that it is dug from the ground beneath the trees.
There is evidence to show that in some instances the original flow of the resinous liquid is caused by deep borings in the sap wood made by insect larvæ (probably Coleoptera—beetles), signs of which are commonly apparent on old trees, which yield the most copal. Specimens of branches, which have been tunnelled by these larvæ, have been collected, exhibiting all the cavities filled with hardened resin.
Compared with the copal produced by Copaifera Guibourtiana, a tree which is found in Sierra Leone, the Ashanti product is much inferior, although the price paid renders it sufficiently valuable for collection and export. Several different types of the Accra copal are known, some of which appear to be of less value than others, although apparently yielded by the same tree. That which is deemed preferable is clear and pale yellow; milky pieces should be sorted out, as they are valued at a lower figure. Blocks have been obtained which weighed over twenty pounds. Sorting is said to have been adopted by some of the local merchants, and as high a price as 60s. per cwt. is reported to have been obtained for sorted copal.
COPRA.—Some special attention has been given to the extension of the copra industry on the coast, and it will be observed that the average annual exports have nearly doubled during the last eight years. The coconut (Cocos nucifera) is found on the greater part of the coastline, and the dried contents of the nut constitute the product known as copra. (Cf. Oil Seeds and Feeding Cakes, Imp. Inst. Monograph, 1915.) No use is apparently made of the fibrous covering of the nuts, which is exported from other parts of the world under the name of coir. Locally the nuts are cut down in an unripe condition, and the “milk” from the interior is used as a drink.
DYES AND PIGMENTS.—Camwood is the trade name applied to the wood of a tree known as Baphia nitida, Afzelius, belonging to the Natural Order Leguminosæ. It has been suggested that the bright red colouring-matter is produced by decomposition on exposure to air, the material shipped from different places in West Africa being apparently in this condition, but investigations in other parts of West Africa show that the fresh wood is frequently used in making the colouring-matter. A very small quantity is exported from the Gold Coast, but the natives make some use of it for staining different materials.
Indigo.—This is prepared from two or three species of Indigofera, which are found growing near villages, but the process of preparation in the Gold Coast does not appear to have been recorded, though probably similar to that employed in the other West African countries.
The resin from the copal tree, mentioned above, is crushed, together with the bark of a tree called “Krobo,” in Akim especially, and the balls formed from this mixture are rubbed down, with the addition of a little water, into a fine sort of lather, when a greenish-grey-coloured thin paste is procured. With this designs are traced upon the body and arms as an adornment for women, the resin imparting to the mixture a pleasant odour.
FIELD CROPS.—The soil throughout a large part of the forest country is very fertile, and no difficulty is experienced in producing sufficient crops for local needs from a small area of ground. The usual method is to cut down a piece of forest, leaving those trees which are too large to be removed or burnt, or which may yield one of the wild fruits which is appreciated. The stumps and roots are not removed when only maize (Zea mays) is intended to be grown, but are, to some extent, when yams (Dioscorea sp.), or groundnuts (Arachis hypogea), are to be cultivated. The cut “bush” is permitted to dry in the sun for several weeks, when it is burned, and the ashes are sometimes scattered over the land. For plantations of maize, the soil is only turned up at the spots where the seed is to be put in, and very little cultivation is given for the remainder of the year, although weeding and earthing up are resorted to in a few places. For the cultivation of yams or groundnuts, the larger roots are dug out, and the whole field is dug with small hoes, the soil being scraped together into small mounds, on the top of which the yams or groundnuts are planted. In the case of the former, stakes are also put in, upon which the yams are trained to grow. In addition to this it is usual, in most places, to plant maize upon the sides of the mounds, and okra (Hibiscus esculentus) and peppers (Capsicum sp.) in various parts of the field. Guinea corn (Sorghum vulgare) is rarely seen within the forest limits. Between the mounds, at wide intervals, plantains (Musa sapientum) are generally grown, and occupy the ground after all the other crops have been removed. In the country near the coast, as well as in the Volta district, cassava (Manihot utilissima) is a common terminal crop, although it is not frequently grown in Ashanti. The length of time during which the land usually continues to yield a grain or root crop, of the kinds above mentioned, seems limited to about three years. Koko yams (Colocasia antiquorum) are planted in damp places near the villages or beside streams, and, in the Volta district, sweet potatoes (Ipomœa batatas) are cultivated to a small extent. Small gourds (Cucurbitaceæ) are cultivated in the villages, but are not common, and pineapples, paw-paws, guavas, oranges, custard apples, sour-sops, and limes may be found growing in the places near the older European settlements.
Plantains and yams seem to form the chief food of the people in the interior, but maize is largely used by those near the coast, who are better cultivators. Plantains are prepared by roasting or by chopping up and boiling. In some parts, especially in the Krepi country, the fruits are split and cut in pieces, after which they are dried in the sun. They become hard and white in the process, and can be kept for some time. Yams of several kinds are cut up after peeling, and boiled with peppers or made up with palm oil, when they form a favourite dish. They are sometimes pounded in a wooden mortar and made into balls. Maize is ground on flat or grooved stones by means of a stone hand-roller, after which the flour is made into dough and baked, a little palm wine having been added to make it rise. Cassava is treated in the same manner as yams, but the former requires long soaking before cooking. Palm oil or groundnut oil is generally used for cooking, and the pulp of the palm fruit, after the oil has been removed, is eaten. A fermented drink is made from maize, which is said to taste like weak beer, but the chief intoxicant made locally is the fermented juice of the oil and the fibre palms.
With the exception of cotton, which has been separately referred to, groundnuts appear to have been the only field crop of importance that has been exported. In 1908 a substantial figure was reached, but has since declined.