The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions (1594, 1595, and 1596)

by Gerrit de Veer

INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION.

BY

LIEUT^T. KOOLEMANS BEYNEN, R.N.N.

The re-publication by the Hakluyt Society of the first true polar voyage ever made, is very opportune, now that the people of England have revived their interest in maritime enterprise and are waiting with anxiety the results of the Government expedition up Smith’s Sound, where the brave explorers in the Alert and Discovery are enduring the hardships of an Arctic winter. A deep interest in this expedition, manifested in various ways, is felt throughout the whole civilised world, and never did ships sail to the Arctic Regions which were followed with greater sympathy or warmer wishes both at home and abroad. While we are waiting with increasing impatience for the first news of their proceedings, the voyages of the stout-hearted Dutch pioneers of Arctic exploration will be found exceedingly interesting, showing what the human constitution can endure under good leadership, and stimulated and controlled by [[ii]]faith and discipline. They have set an example to all other Arctic navigators, by showing the necessity for being well prepared to sustain a winter in the polar pack. If future explorers should find themselves surprised amidst the ice, and consequently be obliged to winter, let them bear their hardships as those Dutchmen did, under the command of Heemskerck and the leadership of William Barendsz.

The narrative of the three voyages undertaken by the Dutch, towards the close of the sixteenth century, with a view to the discovery of a north-east passage to China, was printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1853. Then the learned Dr. Beke, the eminent traveller and geographer, wrote the introduction. But since that time Novaya Zemlya has been circumnavigated, the house in which Barendsz and his gallant companions wintered has been found, whilst its true position and those of many other points along the coast have been accurately determined. Moreover, the researches into the Archives and old State papers of the Netherlands have thrown much new light on the proceedings of the early Dutch Arctic explorers, and on the circumstances under which these voyages were undertaken.

For these reasons, it has been thought advisable, in this second edition, to lay before the members of the Society the results of subsequent research.

It will not be necessary to recall to mind the condition of the Netherlands at the close of the sixteenth century, now that the fascinating work of Motley, [[iii]]on the Rise of the Dutch Republic, is familiar to every one. The heroic Dutchmen, assisted by their not less gallant English friends, had to fight against superior forces, composed of the best soldiers and led by the ablest generals of Philip of Spain. Disposing of resources such as no other prince of the period possessed, backed by the most renowned captains of the age, and aided by the religious fanaticism of his subjects, Philip was nevertheless unable to maintain his hold over the United Provinces, which sought to render their land independent of Spain, as they had formerly freed it from the sea. This land had been reclaimed by their fathers in ever recurring struggles, not only with the ocean, but likewise with the rivers Rhine, Maas, and Scheldt, which discharge their ice and waters into the North Sea. Their descendants still continue fighting against heavy odds to keep their land and property above water, notwithstanding the progress made in engineering and hydraulics. As an old ship at sea is kept afloat by continual pumping, caulking, and repairing, so, too, are the Low Countries preserved from destruction. This constant labour and enormous expense may be rendered useless at any moment by a sudden rise in the rivers, an equinoctial storm from the ocean, the breaking up of the ice, or the melting of the snow on distant mountains; so that, notwithstanding the indefatigable industry of the people, the bulwarks may be destroyed behind which they are never safe. In such a school were the old Dutchmen trained. They knew by sad experience [[iv]]that their country could only be held by hard fighting with the sea, and it was also by hard fighting that they were enabled to gain their political independence, and the liberty to worship God as they pleased. But the war against Philip was very expensive, and laid a heavy charge upon the already over-burdened shoulders of the people. Agriculture and dairy farming could scarcely supply the means to cover the indispensable outlay necessary for keeping their land above water. Already, in a petition for the remission of taxes, addressed by the States of Holland to the Emperor Charles V, we read as follows:—

“That Holland is very small, both in length and breadth, almost with three sides exposed to the sea, and full of downs, swamps, turf-moors, lakes, and other unfruitful places, where one can neither sow corn nor graze cattle; wherefore the inhabitants, to find food for their wives and children, are obliged to go and trade and traffic in foreign ports, and to export certain tissues, for which reasons the principal profession of the country is the art of navigation and the sea trade.”

Thus from the earliest times they had looked upon navigation and commerce as the great source of their wealth, and from this source they expected to get the means to carry on the war. It may be true that they worshipped the “almighty dollar”, but not for itself, not only from a hope of gain, but also from the purest patriotism, because they could not continue their struggle for independence without money, and this could only be gained by giving more expansion to commerce, and not despising small advantages. Hence their natural resolution to search in every [[v]]direction for new trade routes, and to risk so many lives and ships on their desperate exploring expeditions in frozen latitudes, hoping to reach Cathay and the Spice Islands by going north-about. In that direction they expected to avoid the superior Spanish naval forces, which in the infancy of the great struggle they could not expect to conquer, as very soon afterwards, in 1609, was done by Heemskerck. He burned the Spanish fleet on their own shores, and thirty years later the gallant Admiral Marten Harpertszoon Tromp carried his broom at the mast-head. The cosmographers of the Netherlands were among the very best in the world, and were well acquainted with all the fruitless endeavours to find a shorter route to the Indies by the north-west.

Several voyages had been made by Englishmen, mentioned in Dr. Beke’s introduction, towards the north-east, concerning which every particular was known in the Netherlands. This has since been proved by an irrefutable fact; for the so-called journals of Barendsz, which were in 1875 brought back to Norway, turned out to be a Dutch translation of the journals of the English navigators, Pet and Jackman, who, in 1580, endeavoured to find the north-east passage. This translation was found in the old wintering house of Barendsz in Novaya Zemlya, and consequently he must have taken it with him on his last voyage. There can, therefore, be no doubt that the Netherlanders had watched eagerly, and with intense interest, the attempts made by the English to find the north-east passage to [[vi]]the Indies. This may be the reason why a few Netherlanders tried at first to penetrate over-land in that direction, for a certain Olivier Brunel succeeded in reaching as far as the Obi river, travelling all the way on terra firma. Thanks to the industrious and intelligent researches of the historian of “De Noordsche Compagnie”, Mr. S. Muller, Fz., we now know a great deal more of this Olivier Brunel than Dr. Beke did in 1853.

The history of Brunel has especially roused Mr. Muller’s interest, and the facts discovered during his researches are so surprising that we think we cannot do better than give them nearly verbatim.

At the time that the English settled themselves at the mouth of the Dwina river, in the neighbourhood of the monastery of St. Nicholas, they had spared no trouble to maintain themselves continually in the exclusive possession of the trade in these regions. In this they succeeded but for a short period.

Twelve years after their arrival on the shores of the White Sea, the Dutch had found, at least partially, the track of their predecessors.

In the year 1565, a certain Philip Winterköning, an exile from Wardöhuis, entered upon a negotiation with the Netherlanders. By his intervention a ship was sent out from Enkhuizen, and arrived at a spot, where a settlement was soon formed, to which they gave the name of Kola.

In the following year, 1566, two merchants of Antwerp, Simon van Salingen and Cornelis de Meyer, steering from Kola along the coast, ventured [[vii]]to follow in the track of the English to the White Sea. They landed at the mouth of the Onega, and travelled, disguised as Russians, overland to Moscow. This courageous voyage was undertaken for no other object than to settle private affairs; and they did not avail themselves of the opportunity that thus occurred of establishing commercial relations with the White Sea.

However, the settlement at Kola now existed, and from thence efforts were made to carry on a direct trade with the Dwina. A trustworthy person was sent for that purpose on board of a Russian ship to Kholmogory, a town situated in the neighbourhood of the English settlement of Rose Island. He was instructed to learn the Russian language, and to try to obtain all possible information respecting the best manner of establishing commercial relations. That man was no other than Olivier Brunel, a character well known at that time, but in these days almost forgotten.

His name ought to be remembered and honoured as it deserves, for Brunel was not only the founder of the White Sea trade of the Dutch, but he was also their first Arctic navigator. For this reason a better account of him than has been given in the former edition, will not be found out of place here. Dr. Beke saw in Olivier Brunel and Alferius two distinct persons, and did not agree with Hamel that they were the same individual. It is, therefore, necessary in the first place to give Mr. S. Muller’s arguments as to why he considers Hamel’s opinion the most trustworthy. [[viii]]

We know (he says) that, in 1581, two persons, both going under the uncommon name of Olivier (of whom the one was “natione Belga”, the other “domo Bruxella”), lived on the shores of the White Sea. When it is remarked that, in 1578, only a few Netherlanders went to those shores, this conformity of name and country is indeed very remarkable. The scholarship of both was the same. The one, Alferius, was, as Balak says, no scholar, but a man of skilful practice; the other, Brunel, had passed his life as a commercial discoverer in the north. There is also a striking conformity in the condition of life of the two men. Alferius, “captivus aliquot annos vixit in Moscovitarum ditione, apud viros illic celeberrimos Jakonius et Unekius.” Brunel was for a few years a prisoner in Russia, and was delivered from his captivity by the Ameckers, who were very clever Russian merchants, living at Coolwitsogda, whom Brunel afterwards served. Jakonius and Unekius had already been taken by Lütke, who probably knew nothing of Brunel, to be the same as Jakov and Grigory Anikiew.

Hamel was convinced that by the “Ameckers” the Anikiews from Sol-Wütschegodsk only could be meant, although Scheltema, his authority, had changed arbitrarily “Coolwitsogda” (Sol-Wütschegodsk) into “Cool” (Kola).

To continue:—Alferius was sent to the Netherlands in 1581; Brunel went there every year. We find Alferius journeying along the coast of the Baltic; Brunel often travelled overland to Europe. [[ix]]Alferius, in the service of his masters, had often been at the Obi; Brunel had been for years commercial agent of the Russians, who yearly traded with the Obi. Alferius started from the Netherlands with the design of seeking out the north-east passage; Brunel is known as the first Dutch Arctic traveller.

In fine:—Brunel was one of the inciters of the Dutch Arctic voyages, and spoke, therefore, with the South-Netherlander Moucheron. Alferius is known to have had the intention of visiting the South-Netherlander Mercator, with whose co-operation Moucheron gave that impulse which resulted in the first expedition of the Netherlanders to the Arctic regions.

From all this circumstantial evidence we must draw the conclusion that Alferius is the same personage as Olivier Brunel, and, based upon this conclusion, the following history of Brunel has been given by Mr. S. Muller.—

Olivier Brunel was born at Brussels in the first part of the sixteenth century. Of the early years of his life absolutely nothing is known. It may be that he went in 1565 with the first ships of Enkhuizen to Kola, or that, escaping from the tyranny of the Spanish Duke of Alva, he came over to Holland, together with a number of South Netherland merchant families, such as the Moucherons, the Le Maires, the Usselins, and others. However, it is quite certain that, soon after the establishment of the Netherlanders at Kola, he undertook the voyage to Kholmogory already alluded to. He was not lucky [[x]]on that occasion, for, watched by the English, who feared him as a rival, he was handed over to the Russian Government as a spy, and remained for several years a captive at Jaroslav. At last assistance made its appearance in the persons of the brothers Jakov and Grigory Anikiew, who belonged to the celebrated commercial house of the Strogonoffs at Solvitchegodok. These latter asked and obtained his liberty of the Czar.

The generous merchants had every reason to felicitate themselves on the benefit conferred upon Brunel. Their protégé took a zealous and active part in the yearly expeditions which were made by the Russians towards the East.

Brunel passed overland through the territory of the Samoyeds to Siberia, as well as by sea along the coast, and in one of his voyages, crossing the river of Petchora, at last he reached the long-desired Obi river. In one of these expeditions, which probably now and then went through the Matthew’s Strait, a passage well known to the Russians, his guide, a Russian, brought him to Kostin Shar, a strait which by this means became known to Europe.

Soon, however, Brunel rendered himself of greater use to his masters by opening new roads for their trade. Being acquainted with the Dutch colony at Kola, and with the requisites for Dutch commerce, Brunel urged the plan of seeking towards the west for a mart to dispose of Russian produce. To put his plan into execution he himself started, accompanied by two relations of the Anikiews, and [[xi]]provided with passports from the Czar. He hired a Dutch ship, and arrived safely at the city of Dort. There the Russian visitors found a ready market for the greater part of their goods. The rest was advantageously sold at Antwerp and Paris, and when Brunel next year returned to his patrons, the latter were well contented with the results of the voyage. They decided upon entering into a negotiation with Kola, and from thence with the Netherlands. In this manner Brunel, as commercial agent of the Anikiews, yearly visited both places. This state of things did not last long. Brunel made use of his favourable position to put into execution the plan to accomplish which he had gone years before to Russia but with such bad success. He made arrangements with a certain Jan van de Walle, and in 1577 persuaded him to make a journey overland to Russia, accompanied by Brunel himself. Van de Walle made excellent use of the knowledge gained by him on this expedition, for the year following a Dutch ship under Captain Jan Jakobszmette Lippen, of Alkmaar, anchored for the first time in the Pudoshemsco mouth of the Dwina. This ship, having on board Van de Walle as agent, had sailed from Flushing and belonged to an Antwerp merchant named Gilles van Eychelenberg. Almost at the same time another ship arrived, belonging to the well-known Balthazar de Moucheron, and under the command of Adrian Crijt, a captain in the service of Balthazar. Thus the commerce of the Netherlands with the White Sea was established. [[xii]]

Soon after this, Melchior de Moucheron, as commercial agent of his relation Balthazar, settled at the mouth of the Dwina, and the trading establishment was then transferred to a harbour in the neighbourhood of the monastery of Saint Michiel. On this spot, a few years subsequently, rose the city of Nova Kholmogory, commonly known as Archangel.

After some hesitation the English left their settlement on Rose Island and betook themselves to the young, but already prosperous, city of Archangel.

Two years had hardly passed after Brunel had set the Dutch trade with Russia on a secure footing, when we find him occupied with still more gigantic and adventurous designs.

As we know, in the year 1580 the English expedition, under the commanders Pet and Jackman, set out in search of the north-east passage. It was accompanied by the good wishes of thousands of persons who assembled to see it start, whilst the whole scientific world awaited with breathless expectation the result of this further effort. The Russians, also, who at the mouth of the Dwina daily came into contact with the servants of the Muscovy Company, doubtless heard of the expectations which were fostered about the north-east passage.

This being the case, surely it is not surprising that the Russians, possessing much more accurate knowledge of the Siberian coast than the English, should try to make use of that knowledge and also form plans to find the desired passage.

A Swedish ship-builder, who had for some years [[xiii]]been occupied in the service of the Anikiews, received the order to construct two ships fitted up with everything requisite for the exigencies of an Arctic expedition; and, on the other hand, Brunel, the Dutch voyager, was instructed to proceed to Antwerp and there hire, at almost any price, hardy sailors and mates, with whom these vessels were to be manned.

On his way thither, Brunel, in 1581, arrived at the Island of Oesel, in the Gulf of Riga. Here he had an interview at Arensburg with a cosmographer named John Balak, a friend of the renowned Gerard Mercator.

Balak, who took much interest in voyages of discovery, and who seems to have appreciated the enterprising genius of Brunel, gave him a letter of recommendation to Mercator at Duisburg. From that letter, happily preserved by Hakluyt, we know the plans and intentions of Brunel.[1] But Brunel desired that his native country, and not his Russian benefactors, should have the advantage of his researches. Acting upon this impulse, he, immediately after his arrival in Holland, tried to find acceptance for his favourite scheme.

It may, therefore, be supposed that a few merchants, and amongst them, beyond all doubt, De Moucheron, influenced by the zealous persuasions of Brunel, proposed to the noble Prince William the Taciturn a project for sending out an expedition in order to try and discover the north-east passage to [[xiv]]the Indies. Probably they claimed the aid of the Government to support their efforts; but the political situation of the country was too unsettled to allow the States to risk their money in so doubtful an undertaking. Nevertheless, the prince himself was greatly in favour of the expedition; yet, to support it with the funds of the nation was out of the question.

However, two such enterprising men as Brunel and De Moucheron were not so easily daunted; for the first Netherland Arctic voyage was undertaken in 1584, and, in all probability, was fitted out entirely at the expense of De Moucheron. But to Brunel belongs the honour of the voyage. This indefatigable traveller sailed with a ship belonging to the city of Enkhuizen, towards the north, to reach the far-off Empire of Cathay. Brunel, like a true Dutchman of the period—for the Dutch were then merchants to the very core—occupied himself on the way with entering into commercial relations with the Samoyed tribes.

In the records of the Archives of Utrecht, among the papers of Buchelius, Mr. Muller has discovered an old letter, in which it is recounted that Brunel had tried in vain to pass through Pet Strait.

Be this as it may, it is quite certain that his expedition was most unfortunate. On his return home, his ship, freighted with a rich cargo of valuable furs, mountain-crystal, and Muscovy glass, was wrecked in the shallow mouth of the Petchora river. Brunel, after this sad occurrence, being [[xv]]perfectly aware that his country was unable at the moment to assist him in making a new effort, and not daring to return to the service of his former masters, the Russians, resolved to seek a new scene of action. Accordingly he presented himself to the King of Denmark, and offered him his services, in order to try and find the long-lost Greenland colonies. The proposal of the able Arctic traveller was eagerly accepted. Brunel immediately entered into the Danish service, and did not abandon the task before three vain attempts, made one after another, convinced him of the fruitlessness of his endeavours. But little more is known of the remaining period of his life.

Mr. Muller has called attention to some information furnished by Purchas’ Pilgrimes iii, p. 831, of which the following is an extract:—“The rest of this journall, from the death of Master John Knight, was written by Oliuer Browne” (or Brownel,[2] this last letter l is unfortunately not distinct).

It may appear strange that so distinguished a seaman should have been on board a ship in a subordinate position. Yet, in all likelihood, this is the true Brunel, for other reasons justify the idea that he was in English service.

Firstly, Josiah Logan, in 1611, knew very accurately how to describe the manner in which Brunel had found “Kostin Shar”.[3] Those particulars he could not have known from the very brief [[xvi]]details given in the Dutch accounts. Either he must have been personally acquainted with Brunel or have read something that was written by him.

And, secondly, the fact that Brunel, after his failure in his Arctic voyage (1584), had been constantly in Danish and English service, would account for his absence in the later Dutch Arctic voyages, and would sufficiently explain the want of acquaintance of Hessel Gerritsz with Brunel’s further researches.

It, therefore, is by no means impossible that Brunel, together with Knight, quitting the Danish for the English service, again visited the north-west. After this we lose sight of Brunel. It is a great pity that the evening of the life of this great man should be lost in total obscurity. Even the year of his death is not exactly known. However, it is supposed to have taken place in the first years of the seventeenth century, because, in 1613, Hessel Gerritsz wrote of Brunel’s voyage, as that of “Oliverii cuiusdam Brunelli”.

The above is the history of Brunel, as related by Mr. S. Muller.

If his views are correct, then, in all probability, the first Dutch Arctic expedition took place in 1584. Now, in that same year, the King of Spain prohibited to the inhabitants of the Netherlands all trade with Portugal. Thus it is easy to comprehend that attention was drawn towards the finding of a northern passage, which would have enabled the Dutch to open a direct trade with the Indies. Consequently [[xvii]]during three successive years we see different expeditions leaving the Netherland ports, and boldly penetrating into the Arctic seas.

Dr. Beke has given, in his introduction, the principal outlines of the route taken by these expeditions. However, led away by the example of the German geographer, Petermann, Dr. Beke has made a mistake in laying down the track of Barendsz in his third voyage. This can be proved almost mathematically by an extract taken from a log, probably of Barendsz himself, which is preserved in the very rare work, “Histoire du Pays, nommé Spitsbergen, etc., par Hessel Gerard, à Amsterdam, 1613.” This extract runs thus:—

“May 18, New Style. We set out from the Texel, and arrived on the 22nd at Fayril,[4] and in the neighbourhood of the Orkneys.

“June 5. We encountered ice, which, according to our estimation, came from Greenland; for we judged from our calculations that we were about 100 nautical miles distant from the said Greenland. The water was green with a brownish colour. Sounded without finding any bottom. The ice extended the whole length of the sea, south-east and north-west, and was either in pieces or in floes.[5]

“The next day we made our way N.E. and N.E. ¼ N. for a distance of 36 miles, and came upon a great ice-field, through which it was impossible to pass. Found no bottom at 120 fathoms. In our opinion, we were N.W. 220 miles [[xviii]]off Luffoden Island, and 400 to 460 miles from the North Cape.

“Turning thence towards the east, we arrived at Bear Island on the 10th of June, in 74° 35′ latitude, and sailing N.E. we came upon an ice-field, against which we were anchored, and were obliged to return under the island.

“From Bear Island we set out, shaping our course W.N.W., thinking to find towards the north a better passage; for those of the other vessel wished constantly to draw towards the west, whilst I desired to go more eastwardly. We made until night, W.N.W., 64 miles, and during the night till the morning, N.W., 60 miles.

“June 14. Made till night, N. ¼ W., 88 miles. Then the weather clearing up, we found ourselves in the neighbourhood of ice, and we fancied we could see land to the north, but we were not certain.

“June 15. We hove to, sounded, without finding bottom with 150 fathoms. Sailed until noon S.E. and S.E. ¼ E., 20 miles, having attained 78¼° latitude. Then we sailed, wind aft east, 28 miles; and afterwards, till night, N.N.E., 20 miles. We passed a large dead whale, on which were several sea-gulls.

“June 16. Foggy weather, wind west, we sailed until noon, N.N.E., 84 miles. Came into the ice, and we had to keep away in order to follow the edge of the ice, N.E. 20 miles. Again we had to put back S.E. 24 miles, clear of the ice, till shaping a course S.S.W. 16 miles, we came again in the ice, which was in the morning.

“June 17. Weather calm until noon. We then found the latitude of 80° 10′. We tacked, having the wind right ahead to keep clear from the ice (estoyons passe si, ou 6 lieues?) Wind till night, west; found bottom at 90 fathoms. During the whole watch we continued steering S.S.W. 16 miles, having wind from the S.E. We then saw land, but still kept on towards the W.S.W. The land trended for about 32 or 36 miles, from W. ¼ S., towards E. ¼ N. [[xix]]It was high land, and entirely covered with snow, and it extended from the N.W. to another point.

“June 18. S.W. ¼ W. 24 miles, and there we found the latitude of 80°. With wind W. and N.W. we sailed against the wind along the land till noon, the 20th. Then we had the western point of the land S.S.W. 20 miles. Continued to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 20 miles, and came close to a large bay, which extended into the land towards the south; and another bay, before which was an island, and that bay extended far towards the south. Then sailed anew from the land, and till night continued steering N.W. ¼ N., 8 miles, and came again in the ice, owing to which we had to return towards the south.

“June 21. It blew very hard and snowed much from the S.W., and we steered close to the wind, until night, anchored close under the land, near our companion, just before the entry of the channel. At 18 fathoms sandy bottom. At the east point of the mouth was a rock, which was moreover split, a very good landmark. There was also a small island or rock, about 1⅓ from that eastern one. On the west point also, was a rock, very near.

“June 22. Took in ballast of 7 boatsful of stones, thus much because our ship was little ballasted. And came a great bear, swimming towards the ship, which we pursued with three boats. He was killed, and his skin was 12 feet long. This day we entered with the boat into the entry, to find a better port, which was necessary, and found inside the land all separated and broken and some islands, where was good anchorage in several spots.

“June 23. Looked for our true meridian by means of the Astronomical Circle, and found before noon 11, and after noon 16 degrees declination, that the compasses, or the needle turned towards the N.W., so that the circle proved not correct. We went out of the bay to seek how far the coast could extend itself, for the weather was very clear. Could not perceive the end of the land, which extended itself S. ¼ E., 28 miles, as far as a high and mountainous cape, [[xx]]which looked as if it was an island. At midnight took the altitude of the sun 13°, so that we were at the latitude of 79° 24′.

“June 24. Before noon it was calm, with the wind S.W. The land (along which we shaped our course) was for the greatest part broken, rather high, and consisted only of mountains and pointed hills; for which reason we gave it the name of ‘Spitsbergen’.[6] We sailed about S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 28 miles, and then we were about 40 or 48 miles from the spot where we had anchored the first time more easterly.

“In the evening, we again kept out from the land, the north-western point of it was N.E. of us, and steered out of the coast W. and W. ¼ S., 32 miles. Until the end of the first watch, sailed towards the east, and steered S.E., 32 miles, until noon of the 25th. Then came close to the land, and sailed with wind aft, N.N.E., 8 miles. And anchored behind a cape in 18 fathoms sandy bottom; and it seamed to us there was ebb and flow, for we found in the time of 12 hours a current running from the S.W. and another running from the N.E., so strong that the buoys of our anchors hid themselves under the water. This bay, in which we were, ran rather far inland, with still another interior creek; on the south side there was a low cape, behind which one could sail, keeping along the northern coast and stopping behind the cape, having shelter from all winds. Our men found there teeth of walrus or sea-cows, for which reason we called that bay ‘Teeth-bay’. We also found there much dung of stags, and some wool as of sheep. Just south of the cape was a little creek, like a harbour.

“June 26. We had the wind north, made sail, and steered S. ¼ E., 40 miles. At noon we arrived between the mountainous cape and the terra firma, thinking that the mountainous cape was an island. We sailed within S. ¼ E. and S., and being a little distance inside the cape, we found the depth 12 and 10 fathoms good sandy bottom, and being [[xxi]]entered, 32 miles; there was a depth of 50 fathoms stony bottom, and the land was all covered with snow. Entering about 20 miles between the cape and the coast of the terra firma, we found that the cape, which we thought to be an island, was attached by a sand-bank to the land; for we found a depth of 5 fathoms. There was ice on the shallows, so that we were obliged to return. That cape, which we thought to be an island, lies at 79° 5′ latitude; we called it ‘Cape Bird’, because there were so many birds upon it and in the neighbourhood.

“June 27. It was calm, so that we remained floating, without being able to advance between Cape Bird and the land.

“June 28. We rounded it, and then sailed S.S.W., 24 miles, always keeping along the land, which was very mountainous and sharp, with a beautiful shore. We sailed south and S. ¼ E., 24 miles, and afterwards S. ¼ W., 12 miles. Found, at noon, the latitude to be 78⅓°, and we were then in the neighbourhood of ice. Sailed same distance seaward, to keep clear of the ice, and sailed thus along the edge of the ice and in the neighbourhood of the land S.E. ¼ S., 28 miles. And then we were close to a large bay, which extended itself in the land E.N.E., and was on both sides high and mountainous. Sailed with N.N.E. wind abaft till night all along the coast, S.S.E. and S. ¼ W., 20 miles. Then again there was a large bay, in which was much ice under the land. To keep out of the ice we steered a little W.S.W., and sailed S. ¼ W., 16 miles. Came into the ice, for which reason we sailed S.W. 12 miles.

“June 29. Continued, with a north wind, to sail S.E. ¼ E. and S.S.E. 20 miles. All along the coast, till noon, south 16 miles, and found at noon the latitude of 76° 50′. Sailed south and S.S.E. without finding land, until we saw Bear Island, on the first of July.”

This is all that Hessel Gerritsz has copied out of the log of Barendsz himself, as he earnestly assures us. [[xxii]]

Dr. Beke, speaking in his introduction of this extract, says:—

“Want of time and space prevents us from giving the subject any lengthened consideration. But from what we have been able to make out, our impression decidedly is, that it was never written by Barendsz, but was attributed to him solely for the purpose of giving to it an authority which it might otherwise not have possessed.”

Dr. Beke then gives his arguments in support of this opinion, and in order to refute them Mr. Muller makes the following remarks:—

I do not see (he says) why, after the death of Barendsz, the important ship’s log should have fallen into the hands of an inferior officer, even had he been a friend of the deceased. It would seem more probable, that after Barendsz’s death the skipper and supercargo, Jakob Heemskerck, would have taken all possible care of that interesting document, and, on his return to his native country, would have delivered it to Plancius, or others entitled to it. Admitting that the log came into the hands of Plancius, we are not at all surprised that he should allow the perusal of its contents by his friend Hessel Gerritsz, to assist him in his work of proving that the Dutch were the real discoverers of Spitsbergen.

Dr. Beke’s chief argument against the authenticity of the extract above given, is that in it, instead of Greenland, the newly discovered land is spoken of as being Spitsbergen, a name, according to him, only given to that island years afterwards. But Barendsz’s [[xxiii]]opinion that they sailed along Greenland is no reason why they should not have given the name of Spitsbergen to a part of that coast.

Mr. De Jonge, assistant-keeper of the Royal Archives at the Hague, and author of the “History of the Dutch East Indies Company”, sets at least this question at rest by making mention of evidence which he found in the Archives at the Hague, given by Barendsz’s companion, Captain Rijp, before the magistrates of Delft, in which it is said:—“And we gave to that land the name of Spitsbergen, for the great and high points that were on it.”

De Veer,[7] it is true, does not make any mention of this name in his account, but the extract from the ship’s log of William Barendsz, as Hessel Gerritsz gives it, contains other peculiarities, which are not found in “De Veer”.

Dr. Beke, moreover, brings a charge against Hessel Gerritsz of having intentionally invented wrong courses, but there is no reason why he should have done so. For, in order to prove the discovery of Spitsbergen by the Dutch, he had only to refer to the work of “De Veer”, and the invention of new courses would in no respect have [[xxiv]]strengthened his arguments. The difference in the statements of the courses, and here and there in the account of the circumstances, proves sufficiently that we have here to do with two quite distinct documents.

And then, as Mr. Muller remarks, the journal of Barendsz, which gives fewer anecdotes but more courses, merits even more confidence than the indistinct statements of De Veer. The very accurate account kept of the courses, as well as of the observations, the total neglect of all that could give the journal an agreeable form, everything, in fact, concerning it, marks the extract as being a log, that is to say, a work not destined to be used as a pleasant history of the voyage. Moreover, Barendsz’s statements are much more correct. Barendsz gives continually, and with great accuracy, the courses which are often changed several times on the same day, whilst De Veer says repeatedly: “The courses were about northerly”, without giving any further indication. Barendsz gives what happened every day, whilst De Veer sometimes omits a few days. But the journal of De Veer especially loses in value when we come to compare his account with that of Barendsz. At once we perceive that he did not keep a strict daily account, but rather that he had written it at different intervals during the voyage; for whilst in the main points both accounts quite coincide, the chronology of De Veer is entirely incorrect. Combining all these arguments, we may come to the final conclusion:—that the extract given [[xxv]]by Hessel Gerritsz is truly taken from Barendsz’s log, and as such merits more credit than the account of De Veer.

This granted, we see that Barendsz’s true track does not go north along the east coast, as Dr. Beke believes, but runs up along the west side of the land. Dr. Beke and Dr. Petermann have supposed Barendsz to have sailed up the east side, and to have circumnavigated the largest island in the group. This is not possible, for then Barendsz would have known it to be an island, and therefore could never have thought it to be a part of Greenland. The track as Dr. Petermann lays it down, has, up to the present day, never been followed by any known ship, although in the last ten years many attempts have been made.

One of the most successful of these voyages was that of Captain Nilsen, a Norwegian, who, in the remarkably favourable season of 1872, with his schooner De Freia, pushed as far as 79° 20′ N. latitude, the farthest point yet attained, on the east coast of Spitsbergen, coming from the south. Arriving at the very entrance of Hinlopen Strait, Captain Nilsen was prevented by impenetrable pack-ice from entering that strait, and had, after sighting Cape Torell, to retrace his steps.

The question whether Barendsz went north along the west or along the east coast of Spitsbergen, has been fully treated by Mr. P. A. Tiele, archivaris at Leyden, who has also demonstrated that the ship’s track, laid down in the chart of J. Hondius, “Tabula [[xxvi]]Geographica” of the year 1598,[8] has been printed after a drawing of William Barendsz himself.

With the extract from the log of Barendsz in our hand, and following the chart, we believe the true track of Barendsz’s third voyage to have been as follows:—

On the 18th of May, 1596, the two ships left the Netherlands, and arrived on the 10th of June at Bear Island; from whence they departed on the 13th, shaping their course in a north-westerly direction.

In the evening of the 14th, or in the morning of the 15th, they fancied they saw land.[9]

On the 15th they made more easting, till at the beginning of the first watch, when they began to steer again more north. On this course they made, till noon of the 16th, 84 nautical miles. The weather was foggy, and prevented their seeing any land towards the east. There they encountered ice, and sailed along the edge of it as much as the wind allowed, and late on the 17th they saw high land, entirely covered with snow.

Till noon of the 20th they continued, in latitude about 80°, to sail along that land, when they had the western point of the land S.S.W., only 20 miles. Continuing to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., they passed two bays, which both stretched into the land towards [[xxvii]]the south.[10] In the evening of that day they made a fresh effort towards the N.W., but were again hindered by the ice from pushing further north, and had to return, anchoring on the evening of the 21st close under the land, in 18 fathoms, sandy bottom, surrounded by several rocks, of which one was split, “very good to recognise”.[11]

On the 22nd they inspected, with one of their boats, the north-westerly point of the land, which they found to be only islands with many good anchorages.[12]

The following day they went out of the bay, and, the weather being very clear, they saw the coast stretching in a southerly direction, and found at midnight the latitude to be 79° 34′. In the evening they again made a vain effort to push farther in a more westerly direction.

On the 25th they anchored in a bay,[13] about 10 miles north of a high point, which they afterwards christened Cape Bird. That bay ran rather far inland, and by sailing round its northern shore, it was possible on the south side of the bay to find shelter from all winds behind a low point.

Early in the morning of the 26th they weighed the anchor, made sail, and arrived at noon between the [[xxviii]]mountainous cape and the terra firma.[14] After sailing about 20 miles in a southerly direction, they saw much ice aground, and on sounding they found only 5 fathoms. These shallows[15] obliged them to return, but having to strive with foul winds, and being becalmed, they only, on the 28th, rounded the mountainous cape, which they called “Cape Bird”, “because there were so many birds upon it and in the neighbourhood.” This cape lay in 79° 5′ N. latitude.[16] Steering about 60 miles in a southerly course, they came close to a large bay, which ran into the land E.N.E.[17] Twenty miles farther they passed another large bay,[18] in which was “much ice under the land.” To keep clear of the ice the course now became more westerly, and at noon on the 29th, in latitude 76° 50′, they lost sight of the land.[19] Sailing S. and S.S.E. they, on the 1st of July, returned to Bear Island, where they agreed to separate.

Barendsz, as we know, went to Novaya Zemlya, and Rijp steered again towards the north.

In deciding whether Rijp steered along the west, or went north along the east coast, opinions are again at variance. Hessel Gerritsz, in the same work, “Histoire de Spitsbergen, etc.”, speaking on this question, says:— [[xxix]]

“Rijp and Barendsz, anchoring at Bear Island on the first of July, differed much in their opinions. Rijp calculated that the spot where they were lay N.E. of the North Cape in Norway, whilst Barendsz, on the contrary, maintained that it was N.W. Whilst the calculations of Barendsz led him to believe that he was 1000 miles distant from the Ice Cape of Novaya Zemlya, Rijp pretended to be only 250 miles distant from the same point, and because Barendsz thought it better to extend his knowledge of a land already somewhat known, and thus render easier the passage to the Strait of Anian, they resolved to separate. They both agreed that Rijp should investigate towards the north-west and Barendsz towards the N.E. So that Rijp again set sail towards the north, and came, after marvellous accidents from ice and winds, to the spot where they had anchored for the first time in 80°. He had also been up again to Cape Bird, and he returned from thence with the intention of rejoining Barendsz.”

This statement of Hessel Gerritsz that Rijp proceeded to the same spot in 80°, where he had already been in company with Barendsz, agrees with the account of Pontanus in his work on Amsterdam, published in 1614; as well as with the information of Rijp himself, found in the old records by Mr. De Jonge.

Pontanus (p. 168), says: “That Rijp pretended they ought to retrace their steps till 80°.” Whilst Rijp himself says “that they returned to the same spot where they had first been” (et prévient au lieu où ils avoyent esté premièrement).

This granted, and with the experience of past navigators before us, to prove the almost impossibility of going north along the east coast of Spitsbergen, [[xxx]]one would be inclined to conclude that Rijp must again have gone up along the west coast.

Dr. Beke’s opinion, “that nothing worthy of remark can have occurred to him, or otherwise it could not have failed to be recorded”, seems fully borne out by later research.

Sailing up to 80° N. latitude, Rijp found his further passage again intercepted by that ice-barrier which (as we are now aware) yearly obstructs the sea north of Spitsbergen. Not long after he sailed to Kola, and from thence returned home.

It is perfectly clear why Barendsz and Rijp should have followed the west coast in preference to the east. In his previous expeditions towards Novaya Zemlya, Barendsz had had to contend with masses of ice constantly driven towards the west, so that he had a perfect knowledge of the western current; and, consequently, he could not expect to penetrate along the east coast, against which the ice would be accumulating.

Not daunted in his heroic purpose by the remembrance of all the difficulties with which he had to grapple along the coast of Novaya Zemlya in penetrating through the pack ice, Barendsz decided upon again trying what could be done in that direction.

Subsequent research has added nothing to Dr. Beke’s Introduction, as far as the further voyage of Barendsz is concerned; but we are able to lay before our readers the results of several other Arctic expeditions made by the Dutch after the return [[xxxi]]on the 29th of October, 1597, of the survivors of Barendsz’s heroic companions.

The results of the three voyages made before that date had been, as far as their real object was concerned, insignificant, and could not be called an encouragement to make another attempt to find the north-east passage; and, besides this, the necessity to search for it no longer existed.

In the same year in which Heemskerck and his companions entered the Maas, Houtman returned to the Netherlands with the first Dutch fleet coming from the East Indies. He had found, without great difficulty, his way to the East Indies, around the Cape of Good Hope, and consequently there was no longer any necessity to find a new route through the Polar ice.

But when, in 1602, the Dutch East India Company was established, and received, by its charter (to the detriment of all other Netherlands ship-owners), the exclusive permission to sail to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope or round Cape Horn, a new inducement was given to the interlopers to seek the northern passage. The East India Company saw the danger which threatened it on that side, and was compelled, in its own interests, if possible, to be the first to discover the north passage, hoping thus to obtain the monopoly of the northern, as it already possessed that of the southern route.

The origin of most of the subsequent expeditions can be traced back to the contest between monopoly and free trade. [[xxxii]]

Hudson, the celebrated English navigator, had just returned from his voyage in 1608, when the East India Company seized the opportunity, and invited him over to the Netherlands, desiring to retain him in their service. After long negotiations, an agreement was entered into, in which Hudson engaged to seek the north-east passage. Accordingly, on the 6th of April, 1609, Hudson started from the Texel in a small vessel called De Halve Maan (the Half Moon).

But among the interlopers was one Isaac le Maire, a clever merchant and an inveterate adversary of the Company, who, seeing the preparations made for the departure of Hudson, had not remained inactive. Thirty days later, by his zealous exertions, another ship was fitted out, in order, if possible, to out-do Hudson, and, consequently, the hated East India Company. This expedition was under the command of Melchior van Kerckhoven, who left the Dutch ports on the 5th of May, 1609.

Hudson had gone out with instructions to follow the example of Barendsz, in seeking for a passage north of Novaya Zemlya. On this occasion he was again unfortunate; for, as on his preceding voyage in 1608, he could not succeed in rounding Novaya Zemlya.

On the 5th of May he arrived at the North Cape of Norway; but before he had sighted Novaya Zemlya he was obliged by his mutinous crew to return.

On the 19th he again passed the North Cape, and [[xxxiii]]from thence sailed towards the N.W. to make new discoveries in that direction. In this he was much more successful.

On the other hand, the expedition of Isaac le Maire came to no better result. Melchior van Kerckhoven penetrated some distance into Pet Strait, but finding it perfectly blocked by ice of extraordinary thickness, he was obliged to return without having effected his object.

Both these expeditions tended to confirm the opinion already entertained of the great difficulty of finding, in that direction, the passage to the Indies. The number of those who maintained the possibility of finding a way straight across the Pole daily increased. So early as 1527 an Englishman, Robert Thorne, who lived at Sevilla, had strongly recommended this direction for reaching the Indies. A warm defender of his doctrines was found in the Dutch cosmographer Plancius. Maintainer of the existence of an open Polar Sea, Plancius argued that the cold gradually augmented as far as 66° latitude, but that from thence to the Pole it again decreased.

Accordingly, when in 1610 a certain Helisarius Roslin, medical doctor at Buchsweiler and court physician to the Count of Hanau, presented to the States a small book, in which he attributed the ill-luck of the former expeditions only to taking the wrong direction, this coincided with the views of the supporters of the doctrines proclaimed by Plancius.

Consequently, in the year following, two Netherlanders, [[xxxiv]]Ernst van de Wal and Pieter Aertsz de Jonge, requested the States-General and the Admiralty of Amsterdam to assist them in fitting out a new expedition. They positively believed they would find the northern passage, and jokingly remarked: “That the sun at the far north was rather a manufacturer of salt than of ice”. The plan, notwithstanding the disapprobation of many, found support, and in 1611 the Admiralty of Amsterdam decided on giving their sanction to the new expedition. Two ships, De Vos and De Craen, were fitted out for the voyage. As commander of the expedition, Jan Cornelisz May, surnamed “The Man-Eater”, was appointed. This experienced and skilful sailor had already been, in 1598, among the first Dutch navigators to round the Cape of Good Hope on his way to the Indies. On board of the ship De Vos Ernst van de Walle was appointed supercargo and Pieter Fransz mate. The ship De Craen, with Pieter Aertsz de Jonge as supercargo and Cornelis Jansz Mes as mate, was commanded by Symon Willemsz Cat.

On the 18th of March, 1611, the ships started; but, instead of going straight north, they again sailed towards Novaya Zemlya, visited Kostin Shar, but were prevented by the ice from penetrating into the Kara Sea. The ships were so damaged by their collisions with the ice, that they were obliged to return to Kildin to repair. From thence they sailed to North America, wintered there, and afterwards explored the coast-line between 47° and 42½′ N. latitude. [[xxxv]]In one of the attempts to land, Pieter Aertsz de Jonge was killed by the natives.

In the beginning of 1612 the De Craen returned to Holland, but Captain May, with his ship the De Vos, sailed again towards Novaya Zemlya, where he arrived on the 30th of June, 1612. Setting out from thence he sailed to the north, along the coast of the island; but, notwithstanding his great perseverance, he met with no better success. He was checked by a vast barrier of ice, which stretched itself from the land in a north-westerly direction. He followed the edge of it until the 14th of July, when he had attained the latitude of 77°, and then returned to the coast of Novaya Zemlya, where he arrived on the 20th.

Between the 29th of July and the 9th of August he renewed his endeavours, and came as far as 77° 45′ N. His attempt to sail straight to the Pole proved a complete failure.

On the 26th of August he resolved to give up his trials, and to return to Holland, where he safely anchored about the 15th of September. Yet all these misfortunes did not affect the courage of the enterprising Netherlands merchants.

The many ships which in the following years left the Dutch ports, bound on voyages of discovery, were, however, without one exception, sent towards the north-west, where Hudson, in the last years, had gathered such unfading laurels. All these trials to the north-west gave, however, no better results than those to the north-east, and after many fruitless expeditions [[xxxvi]]in a north-western direction, we see, in the year 1624, a return to the old plans of the sixteenth century, which were all based on the principle of following a coast-line.

A ship called De Kat, with twenty-four hands on board, and provided with stores for two years and a half, was fitted out to renew the investigations towards the north-east. Cornelis Fennisz Bosman was appointed commander of the expedition, whilst Willem Joosten Glimmer accompanied him as supercargo.

As late as the 24th of June they left the Texel with the design to sail along the Russian coast through Pet Strait, in the direction of the Obi. From thence they intended to try to reach Cape Fabin, and seek through Strait Anian the way to Cathay. The highest expectations were entertained of this expedition, but the result did not bear them out.

On the 24th of July, passing the island of Kalgojew, they reached Novaya Zemlya on the 28th in 70° 55′ N.

On the 10th of August they entered Pet Strait, and only by great exertion did they succeed in pushing through it.

But on the 17th, when the sails were frozen as hard as a plank, so as to render all working of the ship impossible, the wind drove the ice-floes with such force against the ship, that it was driven back in the direction of Pet Strait. Anchoring in the strait, they had to contend with very heavy storms. [[xxxvii]]The ship was parted from her anchors, and the strait getting choked with ice, they resolved to retreat.

Upon the return of Bosman to Holland in the beginning of September, without having effected his object, the public was greatly disappointed, and almost denied the strenuous efforts he had made to conquer all difficulties. It seems that after this bad success the Netherlands merchants gave up all trials towards the north-east.

The English and Russians who afterwards continued to seek for a passage in that direction did not meet with better success.

In the year 1676 an English expedition was sent towards the north-east; but the commander, Wood, only explored the edge of the ice between Spitsbergen and Novaya Zemlya, without rounding this latter island.

Russian walrus-hunters and fishermen have also made many excursions in the seas around Novaya Zemlya. The greater part of the Russian expeditions were made with the object of reaching the Siberian rivers. Seldom did they go along the east coast northward of Matthew’s Strait. In the Archiv für Wissenschäftliche Kunde von Russland, these excursions are described more or less completely. Chronological order is adhered to, and this rather detailed account of the Russian expeditions extends from the year 1690 down to the voyages of Lütke, Bäer, and Krüsenstern.

One of the most remarkable recorded is that of [[xxxviii]]the Russian navigator, Sawwä Löschkin, in 1760, of which it is written:—

“That in the year 1760 a certain Sawwä Löschkin from Olonoz, formed the bold design of exploring the east coast of Novaya Zemlya, because this coast, till then never visited by Russian hunters, would surpass all other places in abundance of fur-animals. From this account of the expedition, which in a nautical point of view has never been surpassed, we know that Löschkin sailed along the east coast from Burrough Strait, as far as the N.E. point of Novaya Zemlya in 76° 9′. During this unprecedented voyage he had to overcome so many obstacles, in consequence of the ice, that he was obliged to winter twice on the east coast, and to use three summers in sailing to the N.E. point.”

This information leads Mr. de Jonge to the conclusion that Löschkin must have wintered much more southwardly than Barendsz, else he would not have wanted three summers to reach the north-east point. For the rest, that the Russians seldom visited the north-east coast of Novaya Zemlya may be proved from the fact that, on a chart of the Northern Polar Sea of 1864, drawn after Russian data and published in the review of Erman, above alluded to, the north-east coast of Novaya Zemlya is laid down between 75° N. and 76° 59′, as being very uncertain and doubtful, and only with the three old Dutch names—“Ice Harbour, Cape Flessingue, and Cape of Desire”.[20]

The Russian admiral, Lütke, who was employed in surveying the coast of Novaya Zemlya from 1821 to 1824, made all his attempts along the west coast, without being able, however, to round Cape Nassau. [[xxxix]]All these trials, made towards the north-east, fully show us the great difficulties which Barendsz had to encounter, and the gallant perseverance which enabled him to penetrate thus far into the frozen seas. A greater proof of this exists in the fact that in 1872 we find that the steamer Tegethof, under the skilful command of Lieutenant Weyprecht, not only failed in rounding Novaya Zemlya, but was entirely closed in by the mighty ice-floes, and driven powerlessly towards the north-east. However, the sea north of Novaya Zemlya was not always found obstructed by the ice. During a favourable season ships could penetrate far to the north-east without the slightest difficulty. This was often proved by the old Dutch whalers or walrus-hunters, who, sailing north of Novaya Zemlya, even passed into the Kara Sea.

The journal of Gerrit de Veer sufficiently proves that the year 1596 was by no means a favourable season. The Dutch walrus-hunters, among others Theunis Ys, Cornelis Roule, and William de Vlamingh,[21] repeatedly frequented these seas north of Novaya Zemlya; but we find no mention made of their having discovered Barendsz’s winter quarters. Skipper William de Vlamingh seems to have passed nearest to it. Witsen, in his work, North and East Tartary, speaks of this skipper’s voyage thus:—[22] [[xl]]

“I was informed by skipper William de Vlamingh of Oost Vlielend, that when he sailed in the year 1664 to catch whales, he succeeded in passing along the northern shore of Novaya Zemlya, and rounded the N.E. point of the island in order to try and be more prosperous in his fishery than he had been towards the west. Steering S. and S.W. he came near or about the house in which Heemskerck had wintered in the year 1596. From the house he sailed E.S.E. till in about 74° latitude, where he saw nothing but open water. He afterwards sailed back in the same direction, and 16 days after having lost sight of Novaya Zemlya he again anchored in the Vlie.”

Combining all the information we find in the work of Witsen, there are reasons for believing that De Vlamingh went on shore on the west and on the north coasts of Novaya Zemlya, but not on the east coast.

Mr. de Jonge, speaking about this whaling cruise, remarks:—

“According to this account Vlamingh would have been near the house of Barendsz or thereabout, but Witsen does not say that Vlamingh went on shore there. This information leads us to conclude that Vlamingh did not see the wintering house at all, but simply presumed that he had been near to it or thereabout, or else surely he would not have failed to have mentioned it.”

For the rest, the account of Witsen is rather vague, and exclusively depends upon verbal communications. These old voyages of the Dutch walrus-hunters, as well as those of the Norwegian fishermen in the present day, clearly show us that here, as well as in every other part of the Arctic Regions, a favourable season might allow the fortunate [[xli]]navigator who happens to be on the spot to penetrate in a few days further than any of his predecessors, notwithstanding their unequalled perseverance and energy.

Within the last ten years the Norwegians, like the Dutch walrus-hunters of old, have been making continual inroads into the Kara Sea. This has been principally due to the discovery of rich fishing-grounds in that direction. The first of these Norwegian explorers was Captain Carlsen. With a small fishing-boat of Hammerfest he sailed through Pet Strait, and, following the Siberian coast, he reached White Island, near the mouth of the Obi river, without having fallen in with any signs of ice. It was, indeed, a bold undertaking to penetrate thus with so small a boat into the Kara Sea; but Captain Carlsen was fully rewarded for the risk he had run, in making a vast capture of blubber-yielding animals, which handed him over a profit of £1,100.

The voyage of the intrepid English walrus-hunter, Captain Palliser, who in that same season sailed as far as the north coast of Novaya Zemlya, was of no less importance. Being about half a degree north of Cape Nassau, he fell in with extensive ice-fields, which, however, were soon broken up by stormy weather.

Captain Palliser writes:—

“After the ice was broken up and driven away by the heavy gales, I believe I could have circumnavigated all Novaya Zemlya without much trouble. We were however prevented from doing so, on account of having on board [[xlii]]the crew of a wrecked fishing smack. For this reason a great decrease in our provisions had taken place, and consequently our store would not have been sufficient for so long a voyage.”

Captain Palliser then shaped his course south, came through Matthew’s Strait into the Kara Sea, and penetrated to within three or four miles of White Island.

However, both these voyages were surpassed in intrepidity by the interesting cruise of the Norwegian, Captain Johannesen.

On the 1st of May 1869, the schooner Nordland, Captain E. H. Johannesen, anchored at the Mersduscharsky Island, south of Kostin Shar. After sailing for some time in the direction of Burrough Strait, Captain Johannesen changed his course northwardly, and keeping the west coast continually in sight, he eventually passed Matthew’s Strait on the 9th of June.

Ten days later he was close to Cape Nassau, where he experienced a strong easterly current.

From here, turning south, the Nordland sailed on the 17th of July through Matthew’s Strait, and running south in the land-water along the east coast, Captain Johannesen was, on the 26th July, in Burrough Strait. At once he resolved to penetrate into the Kara Sea. He followed the low coast of the country of the Samoyeds in an easterly and afterwards north-easterly direction, and found himself on the 8th of August in the immediate neighbourhood of White Island without having been hindered by the ice. [[xliii]]

The day following he shaped his course north-west, and attained, on the 15th of August, the estimated latitude of 75° 6′ N. and 71° E. longitude, where he encountered his first ice. Thence, in a westerly direction, he returned to Novaya Zemlya, which he sighted on the 20th in 75° 10′ N. latitude and 64° E. longitude. He now sailed along the east coast, and passed through Burrough Strait on his homeward voyage. He had repeatedly encountered a heavy swell from the south-east, but had scarcely met with ice. He must, undoubtedly, have been close to Barendsz’s winter house, which is placed by Captain Carlsen in 76° 12′ N. latitude and 68° E. longitude.

Induced by these advantageous voyages, several Norwegian fishermen entered the Kara Sea in the following year.

Again the skilful Captain Johannesen made a cruise which almost surpassed his former one, having this time circumnavigated Novaya Zemlya, a feat never before achieved. He visited the east coast of that island, passing close to, but without perceiving, Barendsz’s winter quarters.

F. Torkildsen, commander of the schooner Alpha, was less fortunate. On the 24th of June he passed through Burrough Strait and entered the Kara Bay, where he, on the 13th of July, in 68° 40′ N. latitude and 68° E. longitude, lost his ship. The crew was, however, saved. Captain E. A. Ulve sailed with his schooner Samson along the west coast of Novaya Zemlya, and on the 1st of August attained the high [[xliv]]latitude of 76° 47′ in 59° 17′ E. longitude, without sighting any ice.

Entering on the 8th of August through Matthew’s Strait into the Kara Sea, and keeping between White Island and the Island of Vaigat, he, on the 24th of August, when homeward-bound, sailed through Burrough Strait.

F. E. Mack, with his schooner Polarstern, found, on the 5th of July, Matthew’s Strait blocked up with ice; but thirteen days afterwards he sailed through it, and after crossing the Kara Sea in all directions, returned on the 21st of August through Burrough Strait.

Another navigator, Captain P. Quale, pushed more eastwardly. With his yacht, the Johan Mary, he, in the latitude of 75° 20′ N., attained the longitude of 74° 35′, and thus found himself eastward of the meridian which goes across the mouth of the Obi River.

The following year, encouraged by the partial success of these cruises, we find the Norwegian seal-hunters again entering this new and prosperous ground. The southern entries being closed by the ice, the captains directed their course northwardly, in order to penetrate into the Kara Sea by rounding Novaya Zemlya.

Passing over in silence the cruises of Captain F. C. Mack and those of the brothers Johannesen, we come to the interesting voyage of Captain Carlsen, the first navigator, who, since 1597, has entered the Ice Harbour of Barendsz. Captain Elling Carlsen, with [[xlv]]his sloop The Solid, left the harbour of Hammerfest on the 22nd of May, 1871. When rounding the North Cape of Norway, he met with very heavy squalls and snow-storms from the north-west.

On the 28th he passed Vardo, and on the 10th of June, in 68° N. latitude and 40° 36′ E. longitude, at the northern outlet of the White Sea, he fell in with the first ice. On the 16th of June he met two other ships, of which the one had already killed five hundred and the other a thousand seals.

On the 19th of July Captain Carlsen reached the coast of Novaya Zemlya, in the neighbourhood of Mersduscharsky Island, and shaping his course towards the north, he passed Cape Nassau, rounded Novaya Zemlya, and anchored on the 18th of August at Cape Hooft, on the east coast.

On the 24th of August, when he had advanced in a southerly direction almost as far as 76° N. latitude, he observed much drift ice at a distance of forty miles from the coast.

On the 29th of August Carlsen again steered north, and anew anchored at Cape Hooft. North of Matthew’s Strait, Captain Carlsen had fallen in with Captain F. Mack, who was provided with better instruments, supplied by the Meteorological Institution at Christiania. By means of these instruments, both captains made very correct observations, with such success that they noted down the north-east point of Novaya Zemlya as lying in 67° 30′ E. longitude, instead of in 73°, as was given in the latest charts. They found that the land to the north-east [[xlvi]]of Novaya Zemlya lay pointing more towards the north than to the north-east, as given in the previous charts. These observations proved the calculations of the old Dutch navigators to have been perfectly correct, and restored to them the reputation of which they had been so long defrauded.

As for the subsequent part of Captain Carlsen’s voyage, we had better follow his own ship’s log. In it he says:—

“Sept. 7. Strong breeze from the south with weather overcast, and two reefs in the mainsail. Anchored in the afternoon under the land near Barendsz harbour, where Barendsz wintered. Pumped the ship free.

“Friday, 8. Gale from the west with detached sky. We began to flinch (the animals we had caught on the 6th). Afternoon we finished flinching and repaired the gaff, which was broken. Let go also our port anchor. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. During the night strong breeze.

“Saturday, 9. Strong breeze from the S.W. Sky overcast. 8 o’clock forenoon we went under sail and coursed south along the land. 6 o’clock in the afternoon, we saw walrus on the ice, boats were lowered, and we caught two of them; we also saw a house on shore, which had fallen down. At noon we observed the latitude 76° 12′, the distance from shore guessed. The house on shore was 16 metres long by 10 metres broad, and the fir-wood planks, of which it was composed, were 1½ inches thick by from 14 to 16 inches broad, and as far as we could make out they were nailed together. The first things we saw amongst the ruins of the house were two ships’ cooking pans of copper, a crowbar or bar of iron, a gun-barrel, an alarum, a clock, a chest in which was found several files and other instruments, many engravings, a flute, and also a few articles of dress. There were also two other chests, but they [[xlvii]]were empty, only filled up with ice, and there was an iron frame over the fire-place with shifting bar.

“Sunday, 10. Light breeze from the N.W., almost calm, clear sky, we sailed along the coast S.S.E. In the afternoon we caught two walrus. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. During the whole night calm.

“Monday, 11. Light breeze from the west. Sky overcast. In the afternoon the wind freshened from the west. We put three reefs in the mainsail. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. The whole night gale from the S.W.

“Tuesday, 12. Gale from the S.W. We are obliged to return to Ledenaji Bay (Ice Harbour), where, on the evening of the 9th we had found the ruined house. At noon we anchored in the bay, and went again on shore and found several things, viz., candlesticks, tankards with lid of zinc, a sword, a halberd head, two books, several navigation instruments, an iron chest already quite rusted.

“Wednesday, 13. Gale from the W.N.W. At noon we went under sail, but as we made a little south the wind shifted to the S.W., and in order to keep off we had to let go both anchors. Storm with snow. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. During the night, light breeze.

“Thursday, 14. Calm with clear sky. 4 o’clock in the morning we went ashore further to investigate the wintering place. On digging we found again several objects, such as drumsticks, a hilt of a sword, and spears. Altogether it seemed that the people had been equipped in a war-like manner, but nothing was found which could indicate the presence of human remains. On the beach we found pieces of wood which had formerly belonged to some part of a ship, for which reason I believe that a vessel has been wrecked there, the crew of which built the house with the materials of the wreck and afterwards betook themselves to the boats. Five sailors’ trunks were still in the house, which might also have been used as 5 berths, at least as far as we could make out. We now set to work to build a cairn, and erected a wooden pole 20 feet high. We placed in the [[xlviii]]cairn a description of what we had found, shut up in a double tin-case, after which we returned on board and went under sail. At noon the wind was N.E., observed latitude about 76° 7′ N., longitude 68° E. (Greenwich). We steered in the direction S. by W. along the land. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. The whole night light breeze.”

Thus far, we have let the log speak for itself. After having quitted the house, Carlsen intended to return home by circumnavigating the island. Following, therefore, the east coast in a southerly direction, he soon passed several icebergs.

On the 16th of September he fell in with much ice, which probably by the west and north-west wind was driven from the land.

On the 18th it froze so stiff that they had to cut their way through the ice.

On the 19th, being becalmed, the ship could move neither forward nor backward. During the afternoon the wind freshened from the south-west, upon which they tried to approach nearer to the land.

On the 20th they had again to cut their way through the ice, which was already strong enough to bear them. Till eight o’clock in the evening they worked to reach a lead close to the land.

On the 21st, Carlsen, in about 74° N. latitude, was, during a storm from the north-east, in great danger of losing his ship. Closed in by the ice, he drifted that and both the following days with the ice, in a south-western direction, during which time he could see from the crow’s nest open water towards the north-east and east. Not before the 30th of [[xlix]]September, in 72° 25′ N. latitude, did he again succeed in reaching open water, thus, fortunately, escaping a fate similar to that of Barendsz.

RELICS FOUND IN THE BARENTS’ HOUSE IN NOVAYA ZEMLYA.

The 3rd of October he sailed through Burrough Strait, and anchored on the 4th of November at Hammerfest, thanking God for his prosperous voyage. Thus Carlsen (like a true seaman) ends his log.

News of the discovery, by Captain Elling Carlsen, of a great number of relics on the beach of Ice Harbour, was soon spread in Hammerfest. In consequence, on the 12th of November, 1871, in the Hammerfest newspaper called Finmarksposten, there appeared a leading article entitled “Captain Elling Carlsen’s Voyage around Novaya Zemlya”. A detailed account was given in it of the old Dutch voyages towards the north-east. Notwithstanding some faults, the article was in its main points correct, and proved that in the far North of Europe the expeditions of Barendsz had attained a legendary celebrity.

RELICS FOUND IN THE BARENTS’ HOUSE IN NOVAYA ZEMLYA

About the discovery of the winter quarters at Novaya Zemlya the Finmarksposten communicates a few details which seem to have been given to the writer by Carlsen himself.

“After a lapse of 275 years” (says the Finmarksposten), “Captain Carlsen found himself in the very spot where, in 1596, Barendsz and his companions had come on shore, and near to the ruins of the simple hut constructed by the unfortunate Dutchmen. Captain Carlsen, as far as lay in his power, made researches on and about the spot, but the season being far advanced and the obligation he was under of circumnavigating Novaya Zemlya, obliged him to seize the first opportunity of proceeding on his voyage. Consequently [[l]]on the 10th of September, without having brought his work to a conclusion, he was obliged to sail.

“On the 10th and 11th he remained cruising, but in the evening of the latter day he found himself under the necessity of returning to Ice Harbour, and thus he was enabled to proceed with his investigations.

“On the 13th he set sail, but was again forced to return and anchor.

“On the 14th he was enabled to complete his researches. The house, fallen completely into decay, was so to speak covered and almost hermetically enclosed by a thick layer of ice. All the objects were likewise covered by a thick sheet of ice, and this explains the excellent condition in which many of the articles were found. Such was their unimpaired condition that one would be inclined to suppose that they had been placed there but a short time previously, and one never would believe that they had, during almost three centuries, been left uncared for. The house, as far as Captain Carlsen could make out, was 16 metres long by 10 broad, and nailed together out of fir-wood planks 1½ inches thick by from 14 to 16 inches broad. The house was in part constructed out of the materials of the wrecked ship, indications of which still existed in the remnants of a few oaken timbers scattered on the beach. The house seemed to have contained for the occupants 5 standing bed-places. There were 5 ship’s chests, which were however too decayed to be taken away. In two of the chests were found a few instruments, such as files, sledge-hammer, a borer, two pairs of compasses, a few caulking-irons, engravings, a flute, pieces of navigation instruments, as well as a few books in the Dutch language, which latter makes it almost certain that the relics belonged to Barendsz and his companions of the year 1596. In the centre of the house, where the fireplace had probably stood, a great iron frame was found, on which two ship’s copper cooking pans still remained. A few porringers were so rotten that one could only take away their copper mountings. In addition to [[li]]these were found candlesticks and tin-tankards, a crow-bar, two or more gunbarrels, a gunlock, an alarum with the clock and clock weight belonging to it, a great iron chest, a grindstone, a few spears and a halberd. Carlsen relates that round the house were found several large casks which had been provided with iron hoops, but the staves as well as the hoops were so rotten that no part of them could be brought home. Before Captain Carlsen left the place he erected in the neighbourhood of the house a cairn, on which he placed a pole 10 metres long. In the cairn was deposited a double tin case, containing a written account of his having been there on the 13th of September 1871, and of his having found articles belonging to the men of the Dutch expedition under Barendsz, who had wintered there in the years 1596–97.”

Such are the particulars about the discovery of the relics in the winter-house of Novaya Zemlya.

Up to February 1872, the public in Holland remained ignorant of the discovery of the winter quarters of Barendsz, and that several objects, including a few books written in the Dutch language, were brought home. This news, however, when spread, caused a general sensation throughout the Netherlands, and measures were immediately taken by the Government to obtain possession of these interesting relics. Information was at once obtained as to their whereabouts, and it became known that they were already in the possession of Mr. Ellis C. Lister Kay, who, travelling as an English tourist in Norway, and being by chance at Hammerfest on the arrival of Carlsen, had immediately bought them. Upon learning the interest which the Netherlands Government took in these relics, Mr. Kay kindly gave them [[lii]]up, accepting only the same amount as he had given to obtain possession of them. This courteous behaviour of Mr. Kay restored to the native land of the great explorer these precious relics, which had remained hidden for nearly three centuries. They were afterwards deposited in the model-room of the Naval Department at the Hague, where a model-house, having an open front, has been constructed for their reception. This is an exact imitation of the original at Novaya Zemlya. There these old and touching memorials of a noble achievement have found a final resting-place in the worthy company of a number of ancient objects, which each for itself silently points to some one of the many glorious pages in the annals of Dutch naval history. To demonstrate that these objects found by Captain Carlsen originally appertained to Barendsz and his companions, Mr. De Jonge says:—

“The relics bear in themselves the undeniable proof—1st, that they have belonged to Dutch navigators; and 2nd, that they must belong to the last period of the 16th century, and especially to that part included between 1592 and 1598, as I will prove out of the following description of the objects:—

“1. An iron frame on four iron feet, with three iron cross bars of which one is moveable (a kind of iron trivet), was found by Captain Carlsen in the centre of the house of Barendsz and Heemskerck, exactly resembling that iron frame which we see also represented in the centre of the house in the old illustration by Levinus Hulsius in 1598.

“2. A round copper cooking pan with handle. Found standing on the iron frames.

“3. A ditto larger one, with broken handle, the pan on [[liii]]the upper side a little dinted. Found standing on the same place.

“4. Three copper bands, remains most likely of porringers, found close to the three objects above alluded to.

“5. A fragment of a copper scoop with handle.

“6. A round grindstone with iron axis.

“7. Fragments of a chest with metal handle belonging to it, besides four other pieces of iron. An iron box made to fit within the chest, in order therein to deposit valuables. All these things were half crumbled away.

“8. The iron cover of the chest (spoken of in No. 7), with intricate lock-work.

“9. An iron crow-bar, bent in the middle, at the lower end a point, the upper end formed like the tail of a swallow. The part which opens out is worn in a circular shape, having in all probability served as a rest for the axis of a spit.

“10. The sieve of a copper scummer.

“11. A tin plate.

“12. An iron bar in two pieces. This bar was sawn across at Hammerfest, as it was presumed to be a gun-barrel.

“13. Iron striker or sledge-hammer; the handle is broken.

“14. A borer or auger, with auger-bit. Such an auger is represented in the illustration, ‘How made ready to sail back to Holland’.

“15. A ditto, one with larger auger-bit.

“16. Three gauges, without handles.

“17. A large chisel, with a wooden handle.

“18. An adze, of which the handle was broken.

“19. A caulking-iron.

“20. A borer, with the handle broken, and two other boring irons.

“21. Seven iron files, of different dimensions.

“22. A stone to whet tools.

“23. Two iron pairs of compasses.

“24. A broken pocket-knife or cutlass, with horn handle.

“25. A copper tap of a wine or beer cask. Excellently preserved. [[liv]]

“26. A wooden siphon of a beer or vinegar cask.

“27. A wooden trencher, painted red.

“28. An old Dutch earthenware jar, in which there was still a little grease. (See a similar jug in the illustration, ‘How we were wrecked, and with great danger had to betake ourselves to the ice’.)

“29. A tin tankard, with lid and handle. Decayed.

“30. The lower half of another tankard.

“31. Three tin spoons, of which one is broken. Of the form used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

“32. The inner works of a lock.

“33. A ditto, larger one, with a part of the key.

“34. An iron weight, of 8 lbs.

“35. A padlock.

“36. Two leathern shoes or slippers. These shoes are too small for a full-grown man. They must consequently have belonged to the ship’s boy, of whom there is mention in the journal of De Veer, on the 19th of October, 1596.

“37. Iron clock-work, in which are seven cog-wheels; the cover is of iron plates, but partly rusted. The dial-plate is lost, but one of the hands is still present. There is also a circular-shaped flexible piece of iron, quite rusted, probably the spring. In the journal of Gerrit de Veer, at the date of 27th of October, he makes mention, on that day: ‘They set up the dial and made the clock strike.’ On the 3rd of December, 1596, ‘The clock was frozen and might not go, although we hung more weight on it than before’. This clock agrees in form almost perfectly with the clock drawn in the illustration of Hulsius. A similar clock is also given in the work entitled: ‘Le Moyen-âge et la Renaissance, par P. Lacroix et F. Serré, Paris, 1851’. In the article ‘Corporations de Métier, par A. Monteil et Rabutanz’, is found a drawing: ‘L’horloger, facsimilé de planche dessinée et gravée, par Jost Ammon’. This drawing represents a clock of similar construction to that found in Novaya Zemlya. This print, in ‘Le Moyen-âge’, seems to have been copied out of the work of Hartin Schopperus, entitled ‘Panoplia, [[lv]]Omnium illiberalium, mechanicarum aut sedentariarum artium genera continens; Cum figuris a Jost Ammon. Francofurti, 1568’. Hence we come to the conclusion that the clock, with its weight, found at Novaya Zemlya, belongs, as is proved by its construction, to work of the sixteenth century. The application of the pendulum took place later, in 1658.

“38. One of the weights belonging to the clock.

“39. A metal clock. This clock, with four perches, stood probably upon the mechanism described in No. 37.

“40. A little iron hammer, without doubt part of the striking apparatus.

“41. Three copper scales of a balance, having served for weighing medicines. According to the journal of Mr. G. de Veer, ‘a barber-surgeon joined the crew of Heemskerck and Barendsz’.

“42. A six-holed German flute, of beechwood, but without the mouth-piece. It is broken at the end.

“43. A part of an instrument, of which one end is constructed of wood. In this end is found a groove, a round opening, and a wooden tongue. To this wooden tongue is fastened a copper one, opening out in three parts, and ending in a point. It is difficult to say to what instrument this belonged; but it is not quite improbable that it has been fastened on the axis of a globe, in order to prick the chart. Globes and plain charts were used at this period for want of Mercator’s projection.

“44. A wooden compass card, with moveable wooden hand, in the centre of which is found a round opening for the point of the axis.

“45. A wooden rectangle, with three circular segments one within the other, and subtending the rectangle. The longer arm is broken in three pieces.

“46. A semi-circular copper plate, whose case is curved in such a manner as to form a parallel. Through the middle of the plate runs a meridian, having in its centre a small screw, which was formerly moveable, but now fixed by rust. [[lvi]]On the left or on the west side of the meridian are drawn nine arcs, having their centre in the point of intersection of the meridian and parallel. On these arcs the degrees are indicated by ciphers, and between these arcs are found the Dutch words: Wassende Noordoostersche, Afgaande Noordoostersche, Wassende Noordwestersche, etc. It is difficult to say in what manner this instrument was used, but probably it is an instrument that has served for examining and determining the variations of the compass. If I dare express my opinion, I should say, that this is the instrument which Plancius, the master of Barendsz, invented to calculate the longitude at sea. Plancius was at that time much occupied with his theory of determining the longitude at sea, by means of the variation of the needle. For farther details see the work entitled: ‘Rise of the Dutch power in the East Indies,’ volume i, p. 86. According to Plancius there existed 8 meridians, under 4 of which there was no variation, and under the 4 others a maximum variation took place. Calculating upon these data Plancius imagined that the true longitude could be found. He therefore adapted a copper plate to the astrolabe employed at that period, and the object found by Carlsen is probably this very copper plate, the only one now extant.

INSTRUMENT FOR FINDING LONGITUDE.

“47. The handle of a sword beautifully formed. A similar handle is represented on drawing 61, letter B in the work of Mr. D. van der Kellen, Jr., entitled: ‘Antiquities of the Netherlands.’

“48. A sword with ditto handle.

“49. The point of a sword.

“50. A part of a spear, with iron spearhead.

“51. Ditto head without wood.

“52. The point of a halberd. A nearly equiform halberd is represented in the illustration. ‘The exact manner of the house wherein we wintered’.

“53. The barrel of a heavy musket or matchlock, with breach-pin, pan, matchstick, a sight on the fore part of the barrel. In the work ‘Le Moyen-âge et la Renaissance’, [[lvii]]par P. Lacroix et F. Seré, Paris, 1851, T. iv. in the article ‘Armurerie, armes à feu portatives’, folio xxiii, by F. de Saulcy, is the following passage: ‘L’arquebuse à mêche resta pendant longtemps l’arme ordinaire d’une partie de l’infanterie; seulement après en avoir diminué le poids on lui donna le nom de mousquet, et le mousquet à mêche était encore en usage dans les armées de Louis XIII’. To this kind of firearm belongs the barrel spoken of under No. 53. The mechanism, with which the match was brought on the panpowder was called ‘le serpentin’. ‘Le serpentin’, says de Saulcy, ‘exigeait que le soldat eût constamment sur lui une mêche allumée, ou le moyen de faire du feu: il fallait en outre compasser la mêche, etc. Pour remédier à cet inconvénient on inventa les platines à rouet, qui furent employées d’abord en Allemagne et fabriquées, dit on, pour la première fois en 1517 à Neuremberg. Dans la platine à rouet la complication du mécanisme avait trop d’inconvénients, pour qu’on ne cherchât pas à le perfectionner. Les Espagnols y parurent les premiers. La platine espagnole, appelée souvent platine de miquelet, présentait au dehors un ressort qui pressait à l’extrémité de sa branche mobile sur un bras du chien, l’autre bras de cette pièce lorsqu’on mettait le chien au bandé appuyait contre une broche, sortant de l’intérieur et traversant le corps de la platine. On retirait cette broche et le ressort poussait le chien, qui n’était plus retenu, et la pierre frappait sur un plan d’acier cannelé, qui faisait corps avec le couvercle du bassinet. Le choc de la pierre sur les cannelures de l’acier produisait le feu’. The matchlock under No. 57 seems to be a fragment of such a platine de miquelet.

“54. The barrel of a gun of smaller calibre, with three sights.

“55. Ditto.

“56. Ditto (broken).

“57. A part of a matchlock, with cock, and flint-stones.

“58. Nineteen copper powder horns, some of them covered with leather, and some still full of powder. These horns were suspended to a shoulder belt. [[lviii]]

“59. An iron cannon ball.

“60. A tin bracket pitcher, beautifully engraved. Style Renaissance. Probably it belonged to the merchandise of which, according to de Veer, the ship’s cargo partly consisted. The pitcher is in a perfect state of preservation.

“61. The upper half of another pitcher.

“62. Five tin candlesticks on pedestals, beautifully formed, as they were used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Probably merchandise.

“63. Five ditto, of another form, of which three are broken. Merchandise.

“64. Thirteen ditto, but again of another and smaller form; in three of them the upper part is wanting.

“65. Two tin boxes, each divided into four compartments, of which the lower part, if you turn it, can be used as a drinking cup, the centre as a saltcellar, whilst the upper part is fit for a pepper box, the top of which unscrews.

“66. Two ditto, of which only the drinking cups and the upper part of the pepper box have been preserved.

“67. Two ditto, of which only the lower part of the drinking cups has been preserved.

“68. A tin medallion, on which is represented: ‘Time that uplifts truth from the earth’, and on which a marginal inscription is to be read: ‘Abstrusam. Tenebris. Tempus. Me Educit. Tu Auras. H. G. (Henry or Hurbert Goltzius)’. Inside the margin is found: ‘Veritas filia temporis’. Probably also an object of merchandise. A description of similar medals is found in the Dutch work of C. Leemans, in ‘de Verslagen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen’.

“69. A ditto medallion in a small wooden frame, representing a woman seated, holding in her right hand a cross, and in her left a chalice or goblet, from which a flame like light arises. Behind her lies one of the tables of the law. A symbol of religion, or of the New Testament.

“70. Two ditto medallions, in wooden frames, representing a woman with a child in her lap, and another in her [[lix]]arms. A third child seeks refuge near her; this is probably a symbol of Mercy.

“71. Three copper parts of objects, the original destination of which is uncertain.

“72. Two wooden stoppers, either belaying pins, which are used on small ships to fasten ropes, or pieces of furniture. These objects have been erroneously taken by Captain Carlsen for drumsticks.

“73. Nine buttons, and the stopper of a tin bottle.

“74. The haft of a knife, and another object of carved wood. Not Dutch work, but apparently of Norwegian or Russian origin. Barendsz or one of his companions might have obtained these objects on the former expeditions. Moreover the trade with Archangel gave them opportunities of buying Russian or Norwegian articles.

“75. A great number of prints from copper engravings. These prints have been completely frozen together, and whilst in that state a beam or other part of the dwelling has fallen upon them, for they seem to have been broken whilst in congealed condition, and a thaw has reduced them to a compact mass. The prints are well executed, but the paper having become too weak, only some of the engravings have been removed, and those in a torn condition. Some of them represent Roman heroes, by Goltzius; the ‘Defenders of Harlem’, by Goltzius. 1857, subscribed Londerseel; ‘Paradise’, by Spranger, subscribed Bosscher; ‘Pallas, Juno, and Venus in presence of Paris’, with ‘Bosscher excudit’. Scenes taken from the Bible, such as ‘The meeting of Esau and Jacob’, ‘Tobias’, etc. Also representations of Asiatic or Persian horsemen, etc.; a large drawing, showing a reposing lion, with the monogram HTR. (The H and R written together, and the T interlaced in the H). The manner of engraving the names of the engravers proves that all these must have been the work of the sixteenth century. It may seem strange that Arctic navigators had prints or engravings on board, but it is not at all so, for Heemskerck and Barendsz intended to go as far as China, when they [[lx]]sailed to the North-East. For that purpose they had merchandise on board, and prints or engravings were often used as such. This had also been the case on the first voyage to the East Indies. On a list of goods and merchandise left at Patani, in Siam, in 1602, a great number of drawings by de Gheyn, Goltzius, Brengel, etc., are to be found, and among these, facsimiles of those discovered at Novaya Zemlya, namely, ‘The Three Goddesses’, ‘The Roman heroes’, etc.

“76. A folio book bound in leather, and with copper clasps, but half the binding has mouldered away. The beginning and the end of this book, as well as the edges, are much decayed, and the title of the first volume is quite obliterated. The book is divided into two parts; the first volume, of which the title is obliterated, has proved to be, after comparison with another specimen of this work, ‘Die Cronycke van Hollant, Zeeland ende Vrieslant, tot den jare 1517, etc., tot Delft, by Aelbert Hendricus, wonnende op ’t Meretveld, Anno 1585’.[23] The second volume, of which the title is intact, runs: ‘Short and true account of the Government, and the most remarkable facts that occurred in the country of Holland, Zeeland, and Friesland, by Albert Hendriksz, anno 1585’.

“77. A book in quarto (the edges of which are much decayed), entitled: ‘The Navigation, or the Art of Sailing, by the excellent pilote, Pieter de Medina, a Spaniard, etc.; with still another new Instruction on the Principal Points of Navigation, by Michel Coignet. ’t Hantwerpen, anno 1580’. At the bottom of the page, where the fifth chapter of the new instruction of Coignet begins, opposite to a copy of the Astrolabe (the number of the page is worn out), there is written in the old Dutch, ‘… y myn Jan Aerjanss … Pieter Janss … y (of 17) April ghinghen vij van … (lyberen [[lxi]]herte?)’. The two last words are almost illegible. Gerrit de Veer gives, at the end of his recital, the names of those who returned from Novaya Zemlya. Among these, the names of Jan Aerjanss and Pieter Janss are not to be found. These were, most likely, the names of two of the missing crew of whom the names are not mentioned. Of the seventeen persons who set out, only twelve returned safely to the Netherlands. A new translation, by Mr. Martin Everart Brug, of the work of Medina, had been published in 1598, by Cornelis Claesz, at Amsterdam, with Coignet’s new instructions. As the copy found at Novaya Zemlya is a publication of 1580, it follows, as a matter of course, that the Dutch navigators who had left this copy, dated 1580, at Novaya Zemlya, must have started before the year 1598, or they would assuredly have taken the latest edition of so important a work, especially when printed at Amsterdam, from whence they started.

“78. A little book, with parchment cover, in octavo, having the form of a pocket-book, entitled, ‘The History or Description of the great Empire of China’. This was first written in Spanish by Juan Gonzales de Mendoza, monk of the Order of St. Augustin, and then translated from the Italian into Dutch by Corn. Taemsz, and printed for Cornelis Claesz, book-seller, living at the Gilt Bible, in North Street, Hoorn, by Jacob de M——, printer, in the town of Alkmaar. The date of the edition of this copy cannot be given with exactitude, by reason of the mouldering away of the lower part of the title-page. The origin of the work can be deduced from the following facts: In the address to the Good Willing Reader, verso of the title-page, is written that ‘this little book was edited after Jan Huyghen van Linschoten had returned to the Netherlands, but somewhat before the publication of the account of his voyage’. Jan Huyghen van Linschoten returned to Holland in the autumn of 1592, and the account of his voyage was published by Cornelis Claesz in 1595. Thus the translation of Mendoza must have been published somewhere between [[lxii]]1592 and 1595. I even believe that we can fix the date of the publishing to be 1595; for the copy found at Novaya Zemlya is exactly similar, both in form and type, to another copy still extant, published in Amsterdam by Cornelis Claesz in 1595. The edition of Amsterdam is exactly similar to the edition of Hoorn, except the title and the first twelve pages of the preface, which in the edition of Amsterdam are of the same purport, but printed in another type. The only difference between the two works consists in the type of the preface.”

On the 17th of August, 1875, M. Gundersen, commander of the Norwegian schooner Regina, was the first after Carlsen who visited Barendsz’s Ice Harbour. In a chest, the upper part of which was quite mouldered, he found an old journal, two charts, and a grapnel with four flukes, three of which seemed to have been purposely broken off. The charts, pasted upon sail-cloth, are much injured. The words “Germania inferior” may be read on them. The journal has proved to be a manuscript Dutch translation of the narrative of the English expedition of Pet and Jackman, 1580.

For the numerous abridgements and summaries of De Veer’s work, I refer to the learned book of Mr. P. A. Fiele, at Leyden, entitled Mémoire Bibliographique sur les journaux des Navigateurs Néerlandais: Amsterdam, 1867. [[lxiii]]

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[1] See Dr. Beke’s Introduction. [↑]

[2] Brownel is the recognised English equivalent for Brunel. [↑]

[3] See Dr. Beke’s Introduction. [↑]

[4] Fair Island, an island half-way between the Orkneys and the Shetland Islands. [↑]

[5] Where, in the extract, miles are spoken of, they are nautical miles, or sixty in a degree of the equator. [↑]

[6] Spits- (pointed) Bergen (mountains). [↑]

[7] Gerrit de Veer, son of Albert de Veer and Cornelia van Adrichem, belonged to an old and illustrious Dutch family. He was a younger brother of Ellert de Veer, who occupied the position of Councillor of Amsterdam, when Gerrit de Veer undertook his voyage to Novaya Zemlya. In April 1610, Ellert de Veer was sent to England as plenipotentiary, on which occasion he was knighted by James I. Gerrit de Veer died, unmarried, abroad.—Heraldic Library, 1874. [↑]

[8] This chart is also to be found, with a few additions, in Asher’s Hudson the Navigator, and in Pontanus’ History of Amsterdam, 1614. [↑]

[9] The south point of Prince Charles’s Foreland? [↑]

[10] The Red Bay and the Zeemosche Bay, with the Archipelago and the Mauritius Bay? [↑]

[11] Cloven Cliff, and the other islands of the archipelago? [↑]

[12] The north-western archipelago, with Amsterdam and Danish Islands? [↑]

[13] Magdalena Bay. [↑]

[14] Sir Thomas Smith Bay. [↑]

[15] What is called in the chart, from Purchas’ His Pilgrimes, vol. iii, “The Barr”? [↑]

[16] Faire Forelaud, still known in the Dutch charts as Vogelhoek (Cape Bird)? [↑]

[17] Ice Sound? [↑]

[18] Bell Sound? [↑]

[19] The south point of Spitsbergen? [↑]

[20] Mr. De Jonge, Novaya Zemlya, p. 24. [↑]

[21] See “Notes on the Ice between Greenland and Novaya Zemlya”, by Captain M. H. Jansen, of the Dutch Navy (Proceedings of the R.G.S., vol. ix, No. IV, p. 170). [↑]

[22] Mr. de Jonge, Novaya Zemlya, p. 25. [↑]

[23] The second volume of the work “Die Cronycke van Hollant, Zeeland ende Vrieslant”, etc., was written by Ellert de Veer, the brother of Gerrit de Veer, and published by Lawrens Jacobsz at Amsterdam in 1591. [↑]

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