CONTENTS.
Page.
This book deals with the general character of slavery as an industrial system XV.—We confine ourselves to the phenomena of savage life XV.—The object of ethnology is not only to reconstruct the early history of mankind, but to find sociological laws XVI.—Bearing of the results of ethnological investigation upon the study of social phenomena in general XVI.—Our method: inductive and comparative XVII.—Ethnographical literature XVII.—This literature may not be used without a thorough criticism XVII.—“Statistical method” XVIII.—The facts must serve as a basis whereupon to found theories, not as mere illustrations of preconceived theories XVIII.—But we cannot do without leading ideas XIX.—We treat one subject thoroughly instead of many subjects superficially XIX.—Writers on the general history of slavery XIX.
PART I.—[DESCRIPTIVE].
CHAPTER I.—[DEFINITION AND DISTINCTION FROM KINDRED PHENOMENA].
§ 1. [Ordinary meaning of the term “slavery”] 3
It is necessary to know this meaning of the term, as both ethnographers and theorists use it in this sense 3.—“Slavery of women” and “wage-slaves” 4.—Three characteristics of slavery 5.
§ 2. [Use of the term “slavery” in theoretical literature] 6
Theorists agree that the chief characteristic of slavery consists in this, that the slave is the “property” or “possession” of his master.
§ 3. [Definition for scientific use] 7
We want a sociologically practical definition 7.—The function of slavery is a division of labour 7.—Voluntary and compulsory labour 7.—The slave the property of his master and compelled to work 8.—“Property” implies compulsory labour 8.—Our definition. Its advantages 9.
§ 4. [Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena]. I Wives in an abject condition 9
“Slavery of women” as spoken of by ethnographers and theorists 9.—Condition of women among the Australian aborigines. Bad, but not so much so as has sometimes been supposed 10.—Division of labour between the sexes not always so unreasonable as at first sight it seems 22.—Wives in an abject condition show much resemblance to slaves, but are not slaves, as their chief function is that of wives and mothers 24.—Slavery proper does not exist when there are none but female slaves 25. [[VIII]]
§ 5. [Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena]. II Children subjected to the head of the family 26
Treatment of children among savages; Dr. Steinmetz’s investigations 26—Patria potestas and potestas dominica 28.—Children, though entirely subjected to their father, are not slaves, as they occupy quite another place in the social system 28.—Adopted children sometimes difficult to distinguish from slaves 29.—Slavery only exists beyond the limits of the family proper 30.
§ 6. [Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena]. III Members of a society in their relation to the head of the community 30
The subjects “slaves of the king” 30.—A king has never a right of property over his subjects 31.—Penal servitude occurs in many countries where slavery does not exist 32.—“Property” better than “possession” 32.
§ 7. [Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena]. IV Subjected tribes; tributary provinces; lower classes; free labourers 33
“Slave tribes” and “slave districts” inappropriate names for tribes subjected en bloc and tributary districts 33.—Lower classes. The lack of details sometimes prevents us from determining, whether a labouring class consists of free labourers or slaves 34.
§ 8. [Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena]. V Serfs 34
Serfdom in Germany 34.—In France 36.—In Rome (colonatus) 37.—Opinions of theorists 37.—Serfs are not slaves, because they are not the property, in the sense of Roman law, of their masters 38.
§ 9. [Pawns or debtor-slaves] 39
The slave-state of pawns is conditional 39.—Pawns are not in a legal sense the property of their masters; but we may call them slaves, as they take the same place as other slaves in the social system 40.
CHAPTER II.—[GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVERY].
§ 1. [Introduction] 41
It is not so easy as at first sight it seems, to ascertain the existence or non-existence of slavery in every particular case 41.—Our method. 1º What if slavery is stated to exist? 42.—2º What if slavery is stated to be absent? 43.—3º What if our authorities are silent on the subject? 43.—We confine ourselves to savages 44.—Civilized and semi-civilized influence 45.—Geographical groups 46.—“Positive” and “negative cases” 46.—Use of the past and present tense 46.
§ 2. [North America] 47
1. Eskimos 47.—2. Nootka group 49.—3. Tinneh group 50.—4. Algonquin group 52.—5. Iroquois group 55.—6. Choctaw-Muskoghe group 56.—7. Dacotah group 58.—8. Oregon group 59.—9. Californians 61.—10. New Mexicans 63.—Negro slavery among the Indians 69.
§ 3. [Central and South America] 70
§ 4. [Australia] 83
§ 5. [Melanesia] 85
§ 6. [Polynesia] 97
§ 7. [Micronesia] 102 [[IX]]
§ 8. [Malay Archipelago] 110
I Malay Peninsula 110.—II Sumatra and neighbouring islands 110.—III Borneo 112.—IV Celebes 113.—V Little Sunda islands and Moluccas 114.—VI Philippines 115.—VII Madagascar 117.—Semi-civilized Malay peoples 120.
§ 9. [Indo-Chinese Peninsula] 123
§ 10. [India, Afghanistan, Himalaya] 124
§ 11. [Central Asia] 127
§ 12. [Siberia] 132
§ 13. [Caucasus] 136
§ 14. [Arabia] 138
§ 15. [Africa]. A. Bantu tribes 138
1. Caffres 138.—2. South-west Bantus 144.—3. East African Bantus 147.—4. Tribes on the Congo and in Lower Guinea 149.—5. Natives of the Wahuma states 152.
§ 16. [Africa]. B. Soudan Negroes 155
1. Coast of Guinea 155.—2. Haussa states 157.—3. Central Soudan 157.—4. Upper Nile 157.—Appendix: African Islands 159.
§ 17. [Africa]. C. Light-coloured South Africans and African pigmy—tribes 161
§ 18. [Africa]. D. Hamitic peoples 163
§ 19. [Recapitulation] 165
PART II.—[THEORETICAL].
CHAPTER I.—[METHOD AND DIVISIONS].
§ 1. [Method] 169
Stages of culture; Morgan’s and Vierkandt’s classifications 169.—Distinction of savages according to their general culture as yet impracticable 170.—Assertions about slavery being universal at some stages of culture 171.—The existence of slavery probably mainly depends on the economic state of society 171.—Opinions of theorists concerning slavery at several stages of economic life 172.
§ 2. [Distinction of economic groups] 174
We shall inquire next how many positive and negative cases there are in different economic groups 174.—We shall not give an ascending series of economic stages. Dargun’s view 175.—Our groups. 1. Hunting and fishing 176.—2. Pastoral nomadism 176.—3, 4, 5. Agriculture. Principle according to which the 3 agricultural groups will be distinguished 177.—Trading and cattle-breeding agriculturists 178. [[X]]
§ 3. [Hunting and fishing, pastoral, and agricultural tribes in the several geographical districts] 179
Our list gives no evidence as to the economic state of the geographical groups 179.—List 180.
CHAPTER II.—[HUNTERS AND FISHERS].
§ 1. [Why slaves are not of much use to hunters] 190
List of positive and negative cases 190.—The large prevalence of negative cases must be due to general causes 192.—Scarcity of food 192.—Hunting slaves can easily escape 194.—Living in small groups 194.—Hunting not fit to be performed by slaves because 1º hunters are highly esteemed 195,—2º hunting requires the utmost application 197.—Hunters and industrial peoples 198.—Why hunters do not keep slaves performing female labour 199.
§ 2. [The slave-keeping tribes of the Pacific Coast of North America] 201
Fishing not nearly so unfavourable to the existence of slavery as hunting 201.—Most of our positive cases are found on the North Pacific Coast of North America 203.—Circumstances which may account for the existence of slavery on the Pacific Coast. 1º Abundance of food 203.—2º Fishing the chief source of subsistence. Variety of food 204.—3º Fixed habitations, living in large groups, preserving of food 205.—4º Trade and industry 207.—5º Property and wealth 210.—The growth of slavery accelerated by these tribes forming a somewhat homogeneous group 214.—Work imposed on slaves. 1º They strengthen their masters’ force in warfare 215.—2º They are employed in hunting, fishing, and work connected with fishing 215.—3º They make canoes and build houses 217.—4º They perform domestic labour 217.—Why female labour is so highly valued 218.—Women prepare the articles of commerce 218.—Women hold a high position 219.—Dr. Grosse on the condition of women among “higher hunters” 222.—Slavery among the Abipones 225.—Tehuelches 226.—Kamchadales 226.
§ 3. [Experimentum crucis: Australia] 227
We want to prove that the circumstances furthering slavery on the Pacific Coast of N. America are wanting among the other hunters and fishers 227.—We confine ourselves to the three great groups: Australians, Indians of Central North America, and Eskimos 228.—Aboriginal life in Australia. 1º No abundance of food 228.—2º Variety of food. Fishing not the chief source of subsistence 229.—3º No fixed habitations, small groups, little food preserved. Improvidence of the Australians 229.—4º Trade and industry not highly developed 231.—5º Property and wealth play no great part 232.—6º Condition of women bad 235.—7º Militarism does not prevail to any great extent 236.—Conclusion 236.
§ 4. [Experimentum crucis: Central North America] 236
1º No great abundance of food 236.—2º They live chiefly by hunting 237.—3º No fixed habitations, rather small groups, food preserved though not to such an extent as on the Pacific Coast 237.—4º Trade and industry signify little 239.—5º Property and wealth are little developed 240.—6º Condition of women better than in Australia, but not so good as on the Pacific Coast 242.—7º War very frequent 245.—Conclusion 246.
§ 5. [Experimentum crucis: Eskimos] 246
1º No great abundance of food 246.—2º Fishing their chief source of subsistence 247.—3º Fixed habitations, groups not very large, food preserved though not in such great quantities as on the Pacific Coast 247.—4º The trade exists almost exclusively in exchanging raw products. Industry highly developed 248.—5º Property and wealth do not signify much 250.—6º Condition of women not so good as on the Pacific Coast 251.—7º Militarism does not prevail to any considerable extent 252.—Only highly skilled labour wanted 253.—Labour dependent upon capital 254. [[XI]]
§ 6. [Conclusion] 255
Enumeration of the conclusions to which the foregoing paragraphs have led us 255.—It seems convenient to systematically arrange them 256.—Principal factors: 1º Subsistence is or is not dependent on capital, 2º Subsistence is either easy or difficult to acquire 256.—Secondary factors: 1º Condition of women 258.—2º Preserving of food 259.—3º Trade and industry 259.—Militarism 259.—External causes: 1º Fixed habitations, 2º Large groups, 3º Preserving of food, 4º Existence of a homogeneous group of tribes 259.—Recapitulation 260.
CHAPTER III.—[PASTORAL TRIBES].
§ 1. [Capital and labour among pastoral tribes] 262
List of positive and negative cases 262.—Non-existence of slavery not due to an isolated or powerless state of the tribes concerned 263.—Can the positive cases be accounted for by the existence of agriculture among some pastoral tribes? 263.—Survey of slave labour among pastoral tribes 263,—and cattle-breeding agriculturists 265.—Slaves not only kept for agricultural purposes 266.—Among true pastoral tribes slavery, as a system of labour, is of little moment 267.—Subsistence among pastoral tribes entirely dependent on capital 268.—Wealth and poverty. Free labourers very frequent 268.—The same may be observed among cattle-breeding agriculturists 272.—The characteristic of pastoral life is not the existence of wealth, but of poverty 272.—Pastoral life does not require much labour; the men are often very lazy 273.—Among the Larbas pastoral life is not so easy; but it is warriors who are wanted here, rather than labourers 275.—In North-east Africa subjection of tribes en bloc serves as a substitute for slavery 276.—The same is the case among some pastoral tribes outside North-east Africa 280.
§ 2. [Slavery among pastoral tribes] 280
We have still to account for the positive cases. We shall first investigate the influence of secondary internal causes 281.—1º Slaves sometimes perform domestic, i.e. female labour 281.—2º Preserving of food has no influence 281.—3º Slavery does not seem to serve commercial purposes 281.—4º Slaves are often employed in warfare. Pastoral tribes live in rather small, independent groups; this, together with their warlike habits, makes reinforcement of the family desirable 282.—Slaves are also kept as a luxury 284.—Slaves preferred to free servants 284.—What is the difference between the slave-keeping and the other pastoral tribes? 286.—The difference consists in external circumstances, of which the principal are the slave-trade and the neighbourhood of inferior races 286.—Pastoral tribes are in a state of equilibrium; a small additional circumstance turns the balance 289.—Recapitulation 290.
CHAPTER IV.—[AGRICULTURAL TRIBES].
§ 1. [Numbers of positive and negative cases in the three agricultural groups] 292
§ 2. [Development of agricultural and development of slavery] 293
Slavery considerably more frequent among agriculturists of the higher stages than among hunting agriculturists 294.—Hunting agriculturists bear a strong resemblance to hunters 294.—Yet many hunting agriculturists keep slaves; this will have to be accounted for by secondary causes 296.—Slavery does not appear to be more frequent among fishing than among hunting agriculturists 296.
§ 3. [Capital and labour among agricultural tribes] 297
Where agriculture is carried on without the aid of domestic animals, subsistence does not depend on capital 297.—One apparent exception 297.—Agriculture does not require any peculiar skill 298.—Compulsion the only means, in primitive agricultural societies, of getting labourers 298.—Adam Smith’s view [[XII]]299.—Cairnes on cultivation by slaves and by peasant proprietors 299.—Cairnes’ argument does not hold with regard to primitive slavery 301.—“Retail” and “wholesale slavery” 301.
§ 4. [Land and population] 302
The general rule of the last paragraph does not obtain where all land has been appropriated 303.—Cairnes’ view 303.—Here again Cairnes’ argument does not apply to primitive slavery 304.—Loria’s argument 304.—Loria’s reasoning is not correct in all details, but in the main he is right 306.—Wakefield’s argument derived from the conditions of life in the colonies 306.—Merivale on colonization 308.—We shall only speak of self-dependent agricultural countries 310.—Meaning of “appropriation” 310.—Criteria from which we may infer whether all land has been appropriated 311.—Meaning of “land fit for cultivation” 312.—We shall confine ourselves to a survey of land tenure in Oceania 313.—Slavery in Oceania has never prevailed to any great extent. We shall try to account for this by all land having been appropriated 314.
§ 5. [Land tenure in Polynesia] 314
On most Polynesian islands all land has, or had been appropriated. In Samoa, New Zealand and Savage Island there was still free land. Manahiki is a doubtful case.
§ 6. [Land tenure in Micronesia] 321
Almost everywhere in Micronesia all land is held as property. Mortlock is perhaps an exception.
§ 7. [Land tenure in Melanesia] 324
On most of the Melanesian islands clearing is a modus acquirendi, which proves that there is still free land. In Fiji all land has been appropriated.
§ 8. [Landlords, tenants and labourers in Oceania] 328
Wherever in Oceania all land is held as property, there are nearly always people destitute of land 328.—The principal cause of this fact is probably the arbitrary conduct of chiefs and nobles, who appropriate the land of their enemies 329,—and even that belonging to their own subjects 331.—Condition of the lowest classes destitute of land. They perform the drudgery for the landlords, and are sometimes heavily oppressed 333.—In Melanesia there are no subjected lower classes, except in Fiji 338.—Subjected lower classes exist nearly always where all land is held as property, and are not found where there is still free land 341.—In some parts of Oceania the great depopulation has enabled many of the lower orders to obtain land 341.—The labouring classes of Oceania are not attached to the soil, but, being destitute of land, are obliged to apply to the landlords for employment 342.—Position of foreigners 342.—Over-population 343.—Skilled labourers are in a much better position and sometimes held in high esteem 343.—Oceanic labourers as compared with debtor-slaves: the former are compelled to work for others by circumstances, the latter by social regulations 344.—The state of labourers in Oceania would even be worse, but that they are employed in warfare 345.
§ 9. [Transition from serfdom to freedom in Western Europa] 346
Our theory must also hold with regard to civilized countries: as soon as all land is held as property slavery must disappear 347.—Wakefield’s opinion 347.—We shall not enter into a thorough investigation of this subject 347.—We limit our remarks to England and Germany 348.—Slavery in Western Europe 348.—Our argument applies to serfdom as well as slavery, for serfdom too is a system of compulsory labour 348.—Serfs and free tenants; Freizügigkeit 349.—Inaccurate use of the term “free tenants” 350.—Commutation of services for money not identical with transition from serfdom to freedom 351.—Hildebrand’s theory: natural economy leads to serfdom, money economy leads to freedom 352.—Why this theory is erroneous 354.—Hildebrand’s theory has been accepted by several writers 362. [[XIII]]
§ 10. [The rural classes of medieval England] 362
In the 11th century land was still abundant and servile labour prevailed; rent in the modern sense and free labourers dependent on wages were wanting 363.—During the 12th and 13th centuries the population increased and land became more scarce. Disafforesting controversy. Free tenants. Commutation. The landlords become mere receivers of rent instead of agricultural entrepreneurs. Free labourers 364.—The Black Death of 1349. Labour becomes scarce, much land goes out of tillage. Oppression of villeins by landlords. Assessment of wages. The stock and land lease 366.—1450–1550. Rise of sheep farming. Disastrous consequences: labourers thrown out of employment, commons and holdings of villeins inclosed and appropriated by the lords, depopulation, rise of pauperism 369.—Disappearance of serfdom. Copyhold 372.—Conclusion 372.
§ 11. [The rural classes of medieval Germany] 373
Merovingian period. Most of the land is covered with forests. A few slaves and lites; most cultivators are peasant proprietors 373.—Carolingian period. Much land is taken into cultivation, yet land remains abundant. Absorption of the free peasants by the great proprietors; rise of serfdom and manorial economy. “Freemen destitute of land” 374.—10th–12th centuries. Rise in the value of land. The whole of the population can still secure land to live upon. The class of peasant proprietors disappears. The use of labour becomes less. Free tenants arise, but free labourers are still wanting 375.—13th and 14th centuries. Extension of the arable area. More value than before is attached to uncultivated land. Rights of common restricted. Scarcity of meat. The use of labour continues diminishing. Lords set serfs free in their own interest. Bauernlegen. Free tenants. Obligations become territorial. Free servants and agricultural labourers 378.—15th century. Over-population. Reappearance of slavery (?) 380.—16th century. Evictions 382.—Serfdom in Eastern Germany. Conclusion 382.
§ 12. [Open and closed resources] 383
Slavery, as an industrial system, is not likely to exist where subsistence depends on material resources which are present in limited quantity 384.—All the peoples of the earth can be divided into peoples with open, and with closed resources. Definition of these terms. Generally speaking, among the former only can a system of compulsory labour (slavery or serfdom) exist 385.—Savages with open and with closed resources 386.—Closed resources in present Western Europe 386.—Lange on open and closed countries 386.—Regarding secondary causes we shall not enter into many details 387.
§ 13. [Condition of women] 388
Slaves often perform domestic, i.e. female labour. Compare Rome and Mohammedan countries 388.—Domestic labour is not probably among any agricultural tribe the chief business of all slaves 389.—Slaves help the women in agricultural labour 389.—“Slavery of women” 389.—Melanesian women held in a slave-like state 389.—Though the absence of slavery is perhaps one of the causes of this subjection of women, the latter again prevents the rise of slavery 393.
§ 14. [Commerce] 393
Numbers of positive and negative cases among commercial agricultural tribes 394.—The term “commercial tribes” used in a wide sense 394.—Commerce furthers the slave-trade, requires more work than would otherwise be wanted, and renders development of wealth possible 394.—The last point is very important. Luxury arises: the wants of the slave-owners, and accordingly the use of slave labour, become practically unlimited 394.—“Wholesale slavery” in the United States, and among some tribes of Africa and India 395.—We know little as yet of the general effects of trade 397.—Manufactured goods and raw products 397.—Three categories of commercial tribes 397.—Significance of trade 397.
§ 15. [Slaves employed in warfare] 398
Instances 398.—Slaves are generally excluded from military pursuits 399.—Causes 399.—Only among some agriculturists of the higher stages are slaves employed in warfare 400.—The coercive power of hunting agriculturists is not [[XIV]]great enough to admit of the employment of slaves in warfare 400.—Where political institutions are more highly developed, employment of slaves in the army becomes practicable 401.—Military function of slaves in ancient Rome 401.—Slaves holding high offices of state 402.
§ 16. [Slaves kept as a luxury] 403
The possession of many slaves is indicative of wealth and therefore considered an honour 403.—Slaves and cattle almost the only luxury of primitive times 404.—But this does not prove that slaves are a mere luxury 404.—In many countries part of the slaves are not productively employed 405,—but we have not found any instance of none of the slaves being employed for productive labour 405.
§ 17. [Other secondary internal causes] 406
Preserving of food as a circumstance furthering the growth of slavery calls for no special remark here 406.—Subjection of tribes does not seem to occur outside Oceania, except among cattle-breeding agriculturists 406.—The reason is the insufficiency of the military power of agricultural savages 407.
§ 18. [External causes, especially the slave-trade. Recapitulation.] 407
Fixed habitations, living in large groups, and preserving of food call for no remark here 407.—The slave-trade. Geographical survey 408.—Most slave-keeping agricultural savages are found in those parts where the slave-trade has been carried on by civilized and semi-civilized peoples 411.—These savages could not have adopted slavery, if it were inconsistent with their mode of life 411.—Effect of the slave-trade: it makes the keeping of slaves much easier, and breaks the vis inertiae 412.—Vicinity of inferior races does not seem to have any considerable influence here 414.—Recapitulation of the causes of slavery among agricultural tribes 415.
CHAPTER V.—[CONCLUSION].
§ 1. [General survey] 417
Internal and external causes 417.—Principal internal cause hindering the growth of slavery: the dependence of subsistence upon closed resources 418.—Compulsory as opposed to voluntary labour 419.—Why in modern Europe labourers are not held as property 420.—Personal and impersonal compulsion 422.—The working classes of modern Europe 422.—Slavery cannot exist, even where resources are open, if subsistence is very difficult to acquire 422.—Secondary internal causes. Condition of women 423.—Commerce 423.—Subjection of tribes 424.—Preserving of food 424.—Militarism 424.—Luxury 425.—External causes. Fixed habitations 425.—Living in large groups 425.—Preserving of food 425.—The slave-trade 425.—The neighbourhood of inferior races 425.—General recapitulation 426.
§ 2. [Outlines of a further investigation of the early history of slavery] 427
I The different ways in which people become slaves 428.—II The different ways in which people cease to be slaves 430.—III Treatment of slaves by their masters 431.—IV Legal status of slaves 432.—V The attitude of public opinion towards slaves 433.—VI Different kinds of slaves 433.—VII Slave labour 433.—VIII Serfdom 434.—IX Number of slaves 434.—X Happiness or unhappiness of slaves 434.—XI Consequences of slavery 435.—XII Development of slavery 437.
[SUBJECT-INDEX] 467 [[XV]]