XXXIV.
All this time Egan and I had been constantly together. My desire was, of course, to make a study of the man, and to get to know as much about him as I possibly could. Everything played into my hands. Egan was ignorant both of the geography and the language of the French capital, and he very largely availed himself of the help which I was enabled to render him, as the result of my supposed French nationality and knowledge of the city. My position, altogether, was a very pleasant one at this period. Egan lived in a most extravagant fashion, and as he would pay for everything and would not allow me to share in any outlay, I had the best of all things without any strain on my pocket whatever. He frequented the most expensive cafés, had the choicest of dishes, would only be content with the best boxes at places of entertainment, and, in a word, spent his money right royally. The information should be pleasant reading for the poor dupes in America and Ireland who subscribed the funds over which he was then presiding.
We cemented a strong friendship, and I was with him almost at all times. I made a point of being in his rooms when his letters arrived, and he was certainly very frank and open in acquainting me with their contents. As a result, I obtained full and accurate information as to the position and progress of affairs in Ireland during my stay. There was not the faintest shadow of a suggestion of secrecy between us as to our attitude towards Revolutionary matters. I remember well on one occasion Egan summing up his own position in these words—which I noted at the time—“I am a Land Leaguer, and something else when the opportunity presents itself.” He boasted to me of his having been the backbone of the Fenian organisation in Dublin for many years, and admitted the fact, with which I was acquainted, that he was a member of the Supreme Council or executive body there.
“NUMBER ONE”
P. J. TYNAN
In our talks on Revolutionary organisations, I found Egan an enthusiastic advocate of the “active” policy spoken of by Devoy, and he heartily entered into a discussion with me as to the ways and means of carrying it out. In this connection reference was made to Mr. Parnell, and he assured me most emphatically that “Parnell was all right as a Revolutionist.” In support of this statement he cited the fact that some twelve months previously Mr. Parnell sought admission into the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, but was refused. “Parnell,” remarked Egan with a wise look, “thought a good deal of the organisation, but it was not then in a flourishing condition, and we thought he would think a great deal more of it by being on the outside rather than in it.”
Our conversations naturally tended in the direction of finance; and when the topic cropped up, Egan dealt with it in no nervous spirit, regarding me as quite a worthy recipient of his confidence. About this time a demand was being made for a public audit of the accounts of the League. He explained that an audit committee of three members of the League had already gone over his books, and this was all the audit that could possibly take place. His reasons for such a strong statement were very frankly given. A public audit would, he said, be the very thing Dublin Castle—meaning the Irish Government—would like to have, but this was out of the question. It was impossible for him to make public many of the items of his expenditure! I laughed to myself as he said this, wondering whether the expenses of our many extravagant trips about Paris came under this head.
But he was dealing with far more dangerous matters. He stated explicitly, in a very significant way, that the money had been used for other purposes than those of constitutional agitation. Amongst these sources of outlay were the expenses of the Dutch officers from Amsterdam to assist the Boers in their revolt against British control in South Africa; and coming nearer home, the varied expenditure in connection with parties attached to the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland. Altogether our talks on this branch of the subject enlightened me on many points, and supplied me with sufficient material to form a fixed belief in my mind that his idea, at least, was identical with that held in the States—that the open agitation was but a branch of the movement to obtain the separation of Ireland from England.
I use the phrase “his idea,” but to be really accurate I should say “their idea,” for Egan always spoke on behalf of his colleagues—with one exception, which I can recall—and represented that a complete harmony of view prevailed. And in everything that happened subsequently during my stay in England, I found this representation of his sustained by fact, save the single exception of which I speak—namely, in the case of Mr. A. M. Sullivan. I had not long to wait for an opportunity of putting the statement to the test as far as several of the M.P.’s were concerned; for very shortly after this conversation, Egan and I travelled to London, and by him I was introduced into the House of Commons, and to several Irish M.P.’s, with the significant description “one of our friends from America.” I well remember that amongst those I first met in this way was Mr. Parnell himself, from whom I received a very warm greeting. On this occasion I was accommodated with a seat under the gallery of the House. This was but one of several visits I paid to the House at this time, in the course of which I constantly came in contact with Egan. When alone I generally sent in my card to Mr. Parnell, and he obtained the necessary admission for me, much to his disgust, I am sure, when a later day came and I put in an appearance in the witness-box of Probate Court No. 1, London.
At every point I, of course, made careful notes of what occurred, and, either verbally or in writing, reported them to my chief, so that the Government were not really so deplorably ignorant as the Parnellites then proudly hoped and believed. In fact, not one occurrence of importance with which Egan became acquainted—and he really knew everything, and kept nothing back from me—was delayed by a single post from headquarters at the Home Office in London. To resume, however. After this first visit to London, Egan and I returned to Paris by different routes and on arriving there the same close intercourse prevailed between us. I had not been very long back, when Egan informed me that Mr. Parnell had written him expressing a very strong desire to see me before my return to America. Nothing loth, I promised to call upon the Irish leader when next in London, and I duly carried out my promise.