XXXV.
Making my way down to the House on the occasion of my next appearance in London, I obtained admission to the Lobby—admission was then an easier matter than now—and encountered Mr. J. J. O’Kelly in my search for Mr. Parnell. The late envoy of the Clan-na-Gael, who, unfaithful to his trust, had got into Parliament with skirmishing money instead of attending to the shipping of arms for “active” work, had a long chat with me over the situation, before the Irish leader put in an appearance. While we talked in this way, O’Kelly complained bitterly of the opposition which the open or constitutional movement known as the Land League was still receiving from the Irish Republican Brotherhood or secret organisation in Ireland, and he stoutly advocated coercion on the part of the directors of the American branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish malcontents into line.
His remarks, however, were cut short by the appearance of Mr. Parnell, who, leading the way, conducted us to a corridor outside the Library of the House, where an interview of over an hour took place, O’Kelly remaining for a little until the conversation was well under way. O’Kelly, while he remained, did almost all the talking. His remarks were a repetition of what he had already said to me in private. When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the same line of complaint, speaking in low tones, as we walked up and down the corridor, to prevent any one being continually within ear-shot. I was told detectives were watching us, and that spies held a place in every corner. As I afterwards learnt, the statement was not without foundation, for every movement of myself and my companion was noted, with details as regards time, and duly reported to Government officials within twenty-four hours.
The whole matter, said Mr. Parnell, following up O’Kelly’s remarks, rested in our hands in America. We had the money, he said, and if we stopped the supplies the home organisation would act as desired. He expressed his belief that Devoy could do more than any one else to bring about a clear understanding and alliance; and he commissioned me to use my influence with Devoy, and to arrange for his presence in Paris at as early a date as possible. So anxious was he to bring Devoy over that he undertook to pay all his expenses. Still speaking in this connection, he asked me to at once proceed from New York, after seeing Devoy, to other prominent members of the organisation, mentioning particularly the names of Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes, the presence of either of whom, upon this side of the water, he desired for the purpose of bringing about a thorough understanding and complete harmony of working. Special reference was also made to Dr. William Carroll of Philadelphia, and his attitude towards the open movement. Dr. Carroll, I may here explain, had been elected Chairman of the Executive Body at the Wilkesbarre Convention of 1879, but had resigned in 1880 in consequence of his opposition to the way in which the New Departure was being worked, and the treatment he received. This was the same Dr. Carroll who had spent the previous year in Europe, having been specially charged with the carriage of negotiations between the V.C. and the Russian Government.
After arranging these matters with me, Mr. Parnell entered into details regarding the position of the Irish Question at this time. His remarks on this point were a veritable bombshell to me. He started off by stating that he had long since ceased to believe that anything but the force of arms would accomplish the final redemption of Ireland. He saw no reason why, when we were fully prepared, an open insurrectionary movement could not be brought about. He went carefully into the question of resources and necessaries. He stated what the League could furnish in the way of men and money, and informed me as to the assistance which he looked for from the American organisation. He spoke of having in the League Treasury at the end of that year an available sum of £100,000. He discussed with me the details of the position occupied by the home and American Revolutionary organisations, and defended the American policy for the time being. I parted with him with the assurance that I would do all he wished.
The interview had certainly proved a startling one for me; and as I proceeded to my seat under the gallery of the House, I pondered over the manner and method of my late companion, to discover, if I could, any incident in the course of our hour’s talk which would materially affect all that he had said. But there was none. The manner of the League chief had been grave and impassive, as was his wont; he had been business-like all through; there was no uncertainty, no indistinctness in his utterance. He had certainly made a plunge, but it was a plunge taken with all deliberation and premeditation. I went over all the points in my own mind again, carefully impressed them on my memory, and took my seat in the house beside General Roberts, with whom I had an interesting talk in an undertone, and to whom I pointed out some of the celebrities on both sides. If I remember aright, it was the occasion of a vote of thanks to General Roberts for his march on Candahar; and when the vote had been recorded, a large number of members crowded round to speak to him, whereupon I left.
Reaching the street, I called a hansom at once, and late hour though it was, I drove direct to Mr. Anderson’s private house in order to acquaint him with what had happened, while the facts were fresh in my memory. Carefully I went into every detail, and as carefully Mr. Anderson followed, taking a note as I went along of the principal points. The early dawn had crept upon us ere my report was finished, and concluding at last, I took my departure, to lose no time in getting that sleep for which I commenced to pine, and which I considered I had very fairly earned.