Narrative of an Expedition Through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, the Actual Source of This River / Embracing an Exploratory Trip Through the St. Croix and Burntwood (or Broule) Rivers

by Henry Rowe Schoolcraft

III. OFFICIAL REPORTS.

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OFFICIAL REPORTS.

1. [Letter to E. Herring, announcing the return of expedition.]
2. [Letter to Gov. Porter, subject of Sauc disturbances.]
3. [Letter to E. Herring, transmitting report on vaccination.]
4. [Letter to E. Herring, transmitting report on population and trade.]
5. [Statistical tables of population, &c.]
6. [Report on the political state of the Indians on the U. Mississippi.]
7. [Dr. Houghton’s report on vaccination.]

ADDENDA.

1. [Letter to the Dept., transmitting plan and estimates for the Expedition of 1832.]
2. [Instructions.]
3. [Letter to Gen. Street, Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien.]
4. [Report of the previous Expedition of 1831, as laid before Congress.]
5. [Speech of six Chippewa chiefs on the Sioux war.]

[In the arrangement of the above reports and letters, the order of dates is observed.]

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OFFICIAL REPORTS.

I.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, August 15th, 1832.

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Elbert Herring, Esq.,
Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.

Sir: I hasten to inform you that I yesterday returned from my expedition to the northwest. On reaching the Mississippi I found the state of the water favorable for ascending. No difficulty was experienced in reaching the highest point, to which this stream has hitherto been explored. At this point, I procured canoes of the smallest class, and ascended, with Indian guides, to its actual source in Itasca Lake.

Upwards of two thousand Chippewas have been met in council, in their villages, or in detached parties on the way. At every point, vaccinations have been made, under the authority of the act of the last session of Congress. No opportunity has been omitted to enforce the objects of the instructions respecting their hostilities with each other, and to point out and make clear to their comprehension, their true relation to the United States. The efforts made to procure the assent of the Chippewas to the advice given them on this head, were stated to the Sioux in a council to which I invited them at the Agency of St. Peter’s.

The acquisition of data respecting the trade and population, and the geographical distribution of the bands, has been, with other details, resulting from my instructions, at all times, kept in view. I shall devote the earliest attention I can spare from the accumulated duties of the office, in drawing up a detailed report.

I am, Sir,
very respectfully,
your ob. serv’t,
Henry R. Schoolcraft.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, August 15th, 1832.

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II.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, August 15, 1832.

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His Excellency George B. Porter,
Governor of the Territory of Michigan,
and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Detroit.

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I returned from my visit to the Chippewa bands on the Upper Mississippi, yesterday evening. The state of feeling among them, partakes of the excitement growing out of a knowledge of the disturbances existing near their southern boundary. But their friendly position with respect to the United States, is not altered by events, thus far. Such of them as had received invitations to join in the Sauc league, have refused their assent. And notwithstanding the complacency with which some of the bands regard the hostile efforts of a people, with whom they are connected by the ties of language, and the decided preference others feel, and have expressed, for the counsels and government of Great Britain, as exercised in the Canadas, I feel a confidence in pronouncing the nation, as a whole, uncommitted in any negotiations with the hostile Indians, and satisfied to remain in their present pacific attitude. Several of their most influential chiefs are quite decided in this policy, and would view it as foolish and desperate in the extreme, to entertain propositions to give aid to the enemy.

The only portion of them, of whom there were reasons to apprehend hostilities, are the villages of Torch Lake, comprising the Chippewa population on the heads of the Wisconsin, Ontonagon, and Chippewa rivers. These bands murdered four of our citizens at Lake Pepin, in the spring of 1824. Several of the persons implicated were imprisoned at Mackinac, whence they escaped. And it has not been practicable to carry into effect the measures of punishment, which were determined on. Their position, on the head waters of remote streams, is an almost inaccessible one, and the offence has ceased to be the subject of any further efforts by the Department. They have never, however, been relieved from the fears entertained on this account, and these fears have confined them very much to their particular villages and hunting grounds.

A war message was transmitted to the Torch Lake (or du Flambeau) Indians by the Black Hawk, or his counsellors, in 1830. This message was repeated in 1831, and again in 1832. They were reminded by it, of their affinity by blood, their ancient alliance, and their being arrayed as common enemies of the Sioux. It was addressed to the whole Chippewa nation, and they were invited to take up arms. It is not known that this message has been accepted. The recent death of Mozobodo, their first chief, and a man of understanding, has diminished my confidence in his band. It has been stated to me, very lately, by neighboring chiefs, that the Lac du Flambeau Indians were not in alliance with the malcontent tribes. That section of country has not been within the track of my recent journey. I have seen and conversed with some of the Indians, including one of the minor chiefs. Little, or no definite information has, however, been obtained.

I feel convinced that should the Black Hawk pursue his flight thither, he would, from obvious circumstances, be received with, at least, negative friendship. He would be allowed to recruit his followers and succor himself upon their hunting grounds towards the Mississippi borders, where there is a comparative abundance of deer and elk. And it is not improbable that some of the young men would follow his fortunes. I think, however, the policy of Black Hawk has been to bend his course westward after passing the Wisconsin, with the view of crossing the Mississippi, at some point where this stream is wide and shallow, (say between the Painted Rock and Lake Pepin,) and withdrawing to the plains of the Des Moines, where he has resources.

I have found the Chippewas, generally, not inclined to be communicative on the subject of the disturbances. But in cases where information has been obtained, it evinces a full knowledge of passing events. Kabamappa, a decidedly friendly and respectable chief of the St. Croix, informed me that the league consisted originally of nine tribes. I requested him to name them. He commenced by mentioning Saucs, Foxes, and Iowas, and added cautiously, and with a pause that allowed him to double down a finger at each count, Kickapoos, Flatheads, Earthlodges,[27] Pottawattomies, Winnebagoes, and after some inquiry of the interpreter, Osages. Another Indian met on Lake Superior, said that the hostile Indians claimed to have killed 200 persons, since the war commenced.

Evidence has been furnished to me, that the Saucs who appear to be the principals, have taken much pains to form a league against the government,—that several tribes have assented to it, who have not boldly joined his standard, and that information favorable to their success, has been rapidly spread by them, among the northern Indians. This information they are prone to credit. Even the Sioux, whom I met in council at St. Peter’s, on the 25th of July, have been accused of being lukewarm in the contest, and rather favoring, than opposed to their active enemies. This, the Petite Corbeau, their venerable chief, pointedly denied. He said the insinuation was untrue—that the Sioux, who went to the theatre of the war, had not returned from friendly feelings to the Saucs; and that they stood ready to go again, if officially called on.

The British band of Chippewas near this place were formally invited to unite in the war. A painted war club and pipe accompanied the message. It was transmitted by the Saucs, and given, by one of their emissaries to one of the northern Chippewas at Penetanguishine. It was received here (St. Mary’s) by the Little Pine, (alias Lavoire Bart) a chief who co-operated with Tecumseh, in the late war, by leading a party of warriors from this quarter. He determined not to accept it, and communicated the fact to me in January last. He said the message was very equivocal. It invited him to aid them in fighting their enemies. He said he did not know whether the Sioux or Americans were intended.

Visits from the Indians within our lines to the British posts in Upper Canada, continue to be made. The Ottawas of L’arbre Croche, and the British band of the Chippewas of Lapointe, Lake Superior, have made their usual journey to Penetanguishine, during the present season. More than the ordinary numbers from this vicinity, have joined them.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
very respectfully,
your ob. servant,
Henry R. Schoolcraft, U. S. Indian Agent.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, August 15, 1832.

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III.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, October 20, 1832.

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Sir:

I herewith transmit a report for Dr. Douglass Houghton, who was employed to vaccinate the Indians, in the progress of the recent expedition to the sources of the Mississippi. I refer you to its details for the manner in which, so much of the instructions under which I acted, as relate to the subject, has been carried into effect, trusting that the result will prove as satisfactory to the Department, as it is to me.

I am, Sir,
very respectfully,
your ob serv’t,
Henry R. Schoolcraft.

E. Herring, Esq.
Office Indian Affairs,
War Department,
Washington.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, October 20, 1832.

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IV.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, November 21, 1832.

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Sir:

In obedience to such parts of the instructions of the third of May last directing me to proceed to the country on the heads of the Mississippi, as relates to the Indian population, and to the condition of the fur trade, I have the honor herewith to enclose a series of statistical tables which exhibit the geographical distribution of the lands, the name of each village or permanent encampment, its course and distance from the seat of the agency, the number of men, women and children, expressed in separate columns, the number of the mixed blood population, and the total population of districts. Also, the names and position of the trading posts established under the act of Congress of May 26th, 1824, the number and names of the clerks, and the number of interpreters and boatmen employed in the trade under licences from the Indian office, the amount of goods bonded for, agreeably to duplicates of the invoices on file, together with an estimate of the capital vested in boats and provisions, or paid out in men’s wages, and an estimate of the returns in furs and peltries, based on the outfits of 1832.

An examination of these tables will shew, that the entire Indian, mixed and trader population, embraced within the consolidated agency of St. Mary’s and Michilimackinac, is 14,279, of which number 12,467 are Chippewas and Ottawas, 1553 persons of the mixed blood, and 259 persons of every description engaged in the fur trade. That this population is distributed in 89 principal villages, or fixed encampments, extending by the route of Lakes Huron and Superior, through the region of the Upper Mississippi, to Pembina on Red River. That 302 of the whole number live in temporary encampments, or rather, migrate, along the bleak shores of Lake Huron west of the 2nd, or Boundary Line Detour; 436 occupy the American side of the straits and river St. Mary’s; 1006 are located on the southern shores of Lake Superior between the Sault of St. Mary’s and Fond du Lac; 1855 on the extreme Upper Mississippi, between Little Soc River, and the actual source of this stream in Itasca Lake; 476 on the American side of the Old Grand Portage, to the Lake of the Woods; 1174 on Red River of the North; 895 on the River St. Croix of the Mississippi; 1376 on the Chippewa River and its tributaries, including the villages of Lac du Flambeau and Ottawa Lake; 342 on the heads of the Wisconsin and Monominee rivers; 210 on the northern curve of Green Bay; 274 on the north-western shores of Lake Michigan between the entrance of Green Bay, and the termination of the straits of Michilimackinac, at Point St. Ignace; and 5,674, within the peninsula of Michigan, so far as the same is embraced within the limits of the Agency. The latter number covers an estimate of the Ottawa and Chippewa population indiscriminately.

For the accommodation of these bands, there have been established thirty-five principal trading posts, exclusive of temporary trading stations, occupied only in seasons of scarcity. These posts are distributed over six degrees of latitude, and sixteen degrees of longitude, and embrace a larger area of square miles, than all the states of central Europe. Much of it is covered with water, and such are the number and continuity of its lakes, large and small, that it is probable that this feature, constitutes by far, its most striking peculiarity. Its productions are fish, wild rice, and game. But such are the precariousness and dispersion of the supply as to keep the whole population of men, women, and children, in perpetual vacillation, in its search. The time devoted in these migrations, is out of all proportion, to the results obtained by agriculture, or by any other stated mode of subsistence. And the supply is after all, inadequate. Seasons of scarcity and want are the ordinary occurrences of every year; and a mere subsistence is the best state of things that is looked for.

Traders visit them annually with outfits of goods and provisions, to purchase the furs and peltries, which are gleaned in their periodical migrations. These persons purchase their outfits from capitalists resident on the frontiers, and make their payments during the spring or summer succeeding the purchase. They employ men who are acquainted with the difficulties of the route, and with the character and resources of the people amongst whom they are to reside. These men act as boatmen and canoe-men on the outward and inward voyage; they erect the wintering houses, chop wood, fish, cook for the bourgois, and are employed on durwin, or as runners during the hunting season. Much of the success of a trading adventure depends on their efficiency and faithfulness.

In the prosecution of this trade, the laws which have been prescribed by Congress for its regulation, are substantially observed. I am of opinion, however, that more efficiency would be given to the system, if a general revision of all the acts pertaining to this subject, were made. A legislation of thirty years, some of it necessarily of a hasty character, has multiplied the acts, which it is made the duty of Indian Agents to enforce, and the number of clauses which are repealed and modified, leave the original acts mutilated, and they do not, present as a whole, that clearness of intent, which is essential to their due and prompt execution. Some of the provisions have become obsolete; others are defective. A thorough and careful digest of the entire code, including the permanent treaty provisions, would present the opportunity for consolidation and amendment, and while leaving the laws easier of execution, adapt them more exactly to the present condition of the Indians, and to a just supervision of the trade.

The unconditional repeal by Congress, of every former provision relating to the introduction of ardent spirits, is a subject of felicitation to the friends of humanity. Of all the acts which it was in the power of the government to perform, this promises, in my opinion, to produce the most beneficial effects on the moral condition of the north-western tribes: And its enforcement is an object of the highest moral achievement. My recent visit, as well as former opportunities of remark, has afforded full proofs of the entire uselessness of ardent spirits as an article of traffic with the Indians, and I beg leave to add my voice, to the thousands which are audible on this subject, that the government may put into requisition every practicable means to carry into effect the act.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Henry R. Schoolcraft.

E. Herring, Esq.
War Department, Washington.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, November 21, 1832.

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V.

NATURE AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION.

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRICT.	Name of the Village or Periodical Encampment.	No. of Men.	No. of women.	No. of children.	No. of persons of the mixed blood all ages & sexes.	Population of villages, &c.	Population of geographical districts.
N. W. Coast of Lake Huron.	Michilimackinac ([See note A.])	18	29	51	146	244	308
	St. Martin’s Islands
	Chenos
	Drummond Island	16	18	23	7	64
St. Mary’s River, American side.	Mineeshco river ([B.])	58	73	144	161	436	436
	Muscoda Sagi ([C.])
	Sugar Island
	Little Rapids Kinibitunoong([D.])
	Sault Ste Marie ([E.])
Southern Shores of L. Superior.	Misconabies Creek	42	46	98			1006
	Tacquimenon
	Heart’s blood Lake
	Manistic River
	White Fish Point ([F.])
	Shelldrake River (Onzig)
	Two hearted River
	Grand Marais
	Miner’s River and Pictured Rocks
	Grand Island	7	6	23	14	50
	Presque Isle and Granite Point	4	4	12		20
	Huron Bay	4	6	4		14
	Keweena Bay ([G.])	31	38	43	28	140
	Ontonagon ([H.])	29	32	76	15	152
	Mouth of Montreal River	32	40	113	28	213
	Mauvais River
	Lapointe of Chegoimegen ([I.])
	Fond du Lac ([K.])	44	46	103	38	231
Extreme Upper Mississippi.	Sandy Lake.	70	83	127	35	315	1855
	Pine River and Red Cedar Lake	20	19	33	6	78
	Pierced Prairie and Noka Seepi ([L.])	22	26	52	12	112
	Peckagama Falls (Mississippi.)	4	6	14		24
	Lake Winnepec ([M.])	20	18	41	10	89
	Turtle Lake	20	21	44	14	99
	Cass Lake ([N.])	40	51	66	11	168
	Lac Traverse and Itasca Lake ([O.])
	Leech Lake. Mukkundwas ([P.])	139	194	373	34	730
	Bear Island of Leech Lake	26	32	44		102
	Mille Lac	38	43	57		138
	Rum River ([Q.])
Old Grand Portage to the L. of the Woods, American side.	Old Grand Portage ([R.])	12	11	27		50	476
	Rainy Lake	38	40	65	16	159
	Vermillion Lake	37	40	48	7	132
	Lake of the Woods	31	34	61	9	135
Red River of the North.	Red Lake	84	74	100	32	290	1174
	Pembina ([S.])	142	150	288	304	884
St. Croix River of the Upper Mississippi.	Falls of St Croix	80	88	133	38	339	895
	Snake River
	Yellow River ([T.])	106	114	120	42	382
	Rice Lake and Lac Vaseux
	Nama Kowagun	30	32	33		25
	Lake of the Cross of the Namakagun	6	6	14		26
	Pukwaewa (Odabossa’s V.)	11	14	28		53
Chippewa River of the Upper Mississippi.	Rice Lake of Red Cedar fork	46	38	58		142	1376
	Red Cedar Lake of Lac Chetac	19	20	31		70
	Lac Courtoreille (Ottowa L.)	117	136	195	56	504
	Red Devil’s band of the Ochasowa.	49	37	66		152
	Lac du Flambeau	112	137	168	50	457
	Trout Lake and Tomahawk Lake	15	15	21		51
Sources of the Wisconsin and Monomones Rivers.	La Lac or Upper Wisconsin. ([U.])	30	30	60		120	342
	Plover Portage and Post Lake	18	23	36		77
	Metawonga	28	30	43	10	111
	White Clay Portage	8	9	14	3	34
Northern curve of Green Bay.	Bay de Nocquet	29	34	60	15	138	210
	Wcequaidons
	White Fish Creek	16	18	38		72
N. W. coast of Lake Michigan.	Mouth of Manistic	46	54	120	14	234	274
	Mille au Coquin
	Choiswa
	Straits of Michigan
	Point St. Ignace
Peninsula of Michigan.	River au Sable (Arenac.)	1350	1566	2384	374	5674	5674
	Thunder Bay
	Cheboigon
	L’Arbre Croche, Upper and Lower ([V.])
	Grand Traverse Bay
	Rivière au Becsie
	Maskegon
	Grand River
		3,144	3,571	5,752	1,553	14,020	14,020

STATISTICAL FACTS RESPECTING THE FUR TRADE.

Geographical District.	Name of the Village or Periodical Encampment.	Trading posts estab-lished by Indian Dept.	Number of clerks licensed to trade.	Number of inter-preters, boatmen &c. employed by the clerks.	Total number of white persons engaged in the trade.	Amount of goods bonded for, agreeably to duplicates of the invoices on file in the Agency Office.	Estimated amount vested in boats, or paid in men’s wages, &c.	Aggregate amount of capital vested in the trade within the Agency.	Estimated amount of returns in furs and pletries on on the outfits of 1832, computed at the quoted New-York prices of 1831.	Computed distance of the Trading Post from the seat of the Agency.	Course of the Post from the Agency.	Names of the persons who have received licences to trade, and executed bonds, with sureties, under the several acts of Congress, regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, during the year.	Total population resident within the Agency in 1832, excluding inhabitants of M. T. at Sault Ste Marie & Michili-mackinac
N. W. Coast of L. Huron.	Michilimackinac,									Miles.
	St. Martin’s Islands,
	Chenos,									12	N.E.
	Drummond Island,	1	1	3	4					40	N.E.		306
St. Mary’s River, American side.	Mineeshco river,					$5,701,59	$5,701,59	$11,403,18	$15,204,24				436
	Muscoda Sagi,
	Sugar Island,
	Little Rapids, Kinibitunoong.
	Sault Ste Marie,
S. Shores of L. Superior.	Misconabies Creek,
	Tacquimenon,	1	1	4	5					120	N.N.E.	William Johnston.
	Heart’s blood Lake,											Edward Cadotte.
	Manistic River,											Ecstache Raussain.
	White Fish Point,	1	3	19	22					130	N.N.E.	Samuel Ashman.	1087
	Shelldrake River, Onzig.											Richardson May.
	Two hearted River,											William Johnston.
	Grand Marais,
	Miner’s River & Pictured Rocks,
	Grand Island,	1	2	8	10					180	N.N.W.	Louis Nolin. B. Marvin.
	Presque Isle & Granite Point,
	Huron Bay,											John Holiday.
	Keweena Bay,	1	3	16	19							William Holiday.
	Ontonagon,	1	1	10	11					500	N.W.	Jean Bt. Dubay.
	Mouth of Montreal river,	1	1	3	4					410	N.W.	George Bartlet. J. Brown.
	Mauvais River,									479	N.W.	Michael Cadotte, jun.
	Lapointe or Chegoimegon,	1	2	4	6					500	N.W.	L.M. Warren. M. Cadotte.
	Fond du Lac,	1	1	74	88	$13,817,00	$13,817,00	$27,634,00	$36,845,33	590	N.W.	W. Aitkin. W. Davenport.
Extreme Upper Miss.	Sandy Lake,	1	1							740	N.W.
	Pine River and Red Cedar Lake.	1	1							800	W.N.W.	John H. Fairbanks.
	Pierced Prairie & Noka Seepi,	1	1							940	W.N.W.	Benjamin F. Baker.
	Peckagama Falls, (Mississippi.)
	Lake Winipec,	1	2								N.W.	Alfred Aitkin.
	Turtle Lake,										N.W.	Jean Bt. Belonger.
	Cass Lake,										N.W.	James Ermatinger.
	Lac Traverse & Itasca Lake,	1	2								N.W.
	Leech Lake, (Mukkundwas.)	1	5								N.W.	Pierre Cota.
	Bear Island of Leech Lake,											J. W. Abbott. G. Bungo.
	Mille Lac,											Charles Chabattio.
	Rum River,	1	2									A. Morrison. Jean Bt. Roy.	1870
Old G. Portage to the L. of the Woods, American side.	Old Grand Portage,	1	1								N.N.W.	Ambrose Davenport.
	Rainy Lake,	1	3									J. Cadotte. S. Lecomble.
	Vermillion Lake,	1	1								N.N.W.	V. Roy. P. Craphesa.
	Lake of the Woods,	1									N.N.W.	F. Brunet & A. Belonger.	481
Red River of the North.	Red Lake,	1	1								N.W.	J. Bt. Dejardin. L. Dufault.
	Pembina,	1	1								N.W.	David Aitkin.	1250
St. Croix River of the Upper Miss.	Falls of St. Croix,										W.S.W.
	Snake River,	1	2	8	10						W.S.W.	Thomas Connor.	349
	Yellow River,	1	1	4	5						W.S.W.	Souvraign Dawnee.
	Rice Lake & Lac Vaseux,	1	1	2	3						W.S.W.	Louis Ladabouche.	387
	Nama Kowagun,										W.S.W.		95
	L. of the Cross of the Namakagun,										W.S.W.		26
	Pukwaewa, (Odabossa’s V.)										W.S.W.		53
Chippewa River of the Upper Miss.	Rice Lake of Red Cedar Fork,										W.S.W.		142
	Red Cedar Lake of Lac Chetac,	1	1	3	4						W.S.W.	Louis Corbin.	74
	Lac Courtoreille, (Ottowa L.)	1	2	9	11						W.S.W.	Benjamin Cadotte.	515
	Red Devil’s band of the Ochasowa,										W.S.W.		152
	Lac du Flambeau,	1	1	7	8						W.S.W.	Charles H. Oaks.	465
	Trout Lake & Tomahawk Lake,										W.S.W.	Paul Grignon.	51
Sources of the Wisconsin & Monomonee Rivers.	La Lac or Upper Wisconsin,	1	1	4	5						S.W.	G. D. Cameron.	125
	Plover Portage & Post Lake,										S.W.		77
	Metawonga,	1	1	6	7						S.W.		118
	White Clay Portage,										S.W.		34
Noth’n curve of Green Bay.	Bay de Nocquet,										S.W.
	Weequaidons,										S.W.
	White fish Creek,										S.W.		210
N. W. coast of L. Michigan.	Mouth of Manistic,	1	1	4	5	$1000,00	$1000,00	$2,000	$2,666,66		S.	Joseph Troque.
	Mille au Coquin										S.
	Choiswa,										S.		239
	Straits of Michigan,										S.
	Point St. Ignace,										S.E.		40
Peninsula of Michigan.	River au Sable, (Arenac.)	1									S.E.		5698
	Thunder Bay,										S.E.
	Cheboigon,										S.
	L’Arbre Croche, Upper & Lower,	1									S.
	Grand Traverse Bay,										S.
	Rivière au Becsie,										S.
	Maskegon,	1	1	4	5	$994,00	$994,00	$1,988,00	$2,650,66		S.	George Campeau.
	Grand River	1	5	14	19	$5000,00	$5000,00	$10,000,00	$13,333,33			Rix Robinson. Joseph Daily. Francis Lacroix. William Lesley.
		35	53	206	259	$26,512,59	$26,512,59	$53,025,18	$70,700,22				14,279

EXPLANATORY NOTES.

([A]) Michilimackinac is the seat of justice for Mackinac county, Michigan Territory, is 300 miles NW. of Detroit, has a U. S. circuit court, a population of 1053, by the census of 1830, has a military post, an Indian agency, a collector’s office, a flourishing missionary school, &c.

([B]) This river enters the head of Muddy Lake, and is partly the boundary between Michilimackinac and Chippewa counties.

([C]) This is a tributary of the south branch of the St. Mary’s, and is much resorted to by the Indians in their periodical fishing and hunting excursions.

([D]) Indian gardens at this place, two miles below St. Mary’s.

([E]) This place is the site of Fort Brady, is ten miles below the foot of Lake Superior, and ninety by water NW. of Mackinac. The Indian Agency of Vincennes, Indiana, was removed to this place, in 1822, and consolidated with the agency of Mackinac, in 1832. It is the seat of justice for Chippewa county, M. T. and has a population, by the census of 1830, of 918.

(F) The trading post, at this place, is occupied as a fishing station, during the autumn, by persons who proceed with boats and nets, from St. Mary’s. Bonds are taken by the Indian Office, and licences granted in the usual manner, as a precaution against the introduction of ardent spirits.

([G]) It is thirty leagues from Keweena Post to Ontonagon, by the most direct water route, but seventy-five leagues around the peninsula.

([H]) The population enumerated at this post, includes the villages of Ocogib, Lake Vieux Desert, Iron River and Petite Peche Bay.

([I]) The Chippewas of La Point have their gardens on this river, and reside here periodically. This is a good fishing station. A mission family has recently been located here.

([K]) This is the most western bay of Lake Superior.

([L]) Replaces the post of the Isle des Corbeau, which is abolished.

(M) The route of Rainy Lake, begins at the post on this lake, which is an expansion of the channel of the Mississippi, about ten miles across. Clear water and yields fish.

([N]) This lake has been so named in honor of the present Secretary of War, who terminated his exploratory journey there, in 1820.

([O]) Itasca Lake is the actual source of the Mississippi, as determined by myself, in the expedition, which furnishes occasion for this report.

([P]) This is a very large expanse of water, clear and pure in its character, and yields fine white fish. It was deemed the head of the Mississippi by Pike, who visited it in the winter of 1806, but it is not even one of the sources, as it has several large tributaries.

([Q]) Named Rum River by Carver, but called spirit river by the Indians, not using this word in a physical sense.

([R]) This route from Old Grand Portage to the Lake of the Woods, is chiefly used by the British traders, and the gentlemen connected with the Hudson’s Bay government; but has fallen into comparative disuse, as a grand channel of traders since the introduction of goods direct from England into the Hudson Bay.

([S]) The estimate of population at Pembina, includes all who are believed to be south of latitude 49 deg. and therefore within the limits of the United States.

([T]) Embraces all the population of the Fork of St. Croix, connected by a portage with the Brulé River of Lake Superior.

([U]) The Indians on these streams, rely much on wild rice. Their encampments are temporary. They come into contact with the Winnebagoes and Monomonees, who are their neighbors on the south.

([V]) The Indian population of the peninsula of Michigan, consists of Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottawattomies, who are not widely separated by language and habits. The Ottawas are however the most agricultural. No Pottawattomies are included in the estimate, and only that portion of Ottawas and Chippewas living north of Grand River, and northwest of Sagana, as the limits of the Mackinac and St. Mary’s joint agency, do not extend south of these places.

☞ The data respecting the fur trade, in the schedules, excludes the business transacted on the Island of Michilimackinac, and the village Sault Ste. Marie, these places being on lands ceded to the United States, and over which the laws of the Territory of Michigan, operate. They also exclude any amount of trade that may have been carried on, by the white inhabitants of Red River settlement, who may be located south of the national boundary on the north, as this place is too remote to have been heretofore brought under the cognizance of our Intercourse laws.

Office of Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie,
November 21, 1832.

HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT, Indian Agent.

VI.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, December 3, 1832.

}

Elbert Herring, Esq.,
Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.

Sir:

The condition of the Indians, situated in the area of country traversed by the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, has not essentially varied since the date of the report, which I had the honor to address to the Department, on the 22nd of September, 1831.[28] I beg leave now to solicit your attention to the observations made during my recent visit to the bands living northwest of that point in our geography.

From a very early period, war has existed between the Chippewas and Sioux, and although the condition of independent bands, separated by local position and local interests, has produced internal discord among themselves, they have united as nations, in defending their respective frontiers, and have not hesitated to make inroads, into the hunting grounds of each other, whenever circumstances have favored them.

The Chippewas assert, that their warfare has been one of self defence, and that their inroads have been the inevitable consequence of the determination to maintain their territorial rights. The Sioux complain that their hunting grounds have been intruded on, and that they cannot restrain their warriors. Each party lays claim to forbearance and generosity. Neither appears to omit any opportunity of inflicting injury on the other. Every blow is a fresh invitation to aggression. A state of perpetual insecurity and alarm is the consequence. Time has exasperated their feelings. And much of the severity of their present condition, is directly owing to the pertinacity with which the contest has been kept up.

In this state, the Chippewas, who are particularly the object of this report, were found by our government in 1806, who had, the year before, directed the late General Pike, to visit the Upper Mississippi. Owing to their remote position, little attention was, however, bestowed upon them till the summer of 1820, when the present Secretary of War, who then administered the government of Michigan, conducted an expedition through the country. By his recommendation a military post and agency were established on the avenue of their trade, at the foot of Lake Superior, and the usual means adopted to regulate the trade and intercourse of our citizens with them. They were counselled to remain at peace, to intermit their visits to the Canadian posts, and to pursue their usual occupations on their own lands. It was immediately found, however, that the force of their hostilities fell upon their western frontiers, where they border on the Sioux, and where the dispute respecting territorial boundaries gave scope to continual and afflicting aggressions.

In 1825 the Chippewas were invited to meet the other tribes in a general council at Prairie du Chien, which, after a full discussion, resulted in a treaty of territorial limits. This treaty was fully assented to, by the northern Chippewas convened at the treaty of Fond du Lac in 1826. The following year, deputations of this nation attended, and became one of the parties at the treaty of Bude des Morts. At this treaty the subject of boundaries was finally carried and adjusted between themselves and the Monomonees and the Winnebagoes. With the latter tribes there has been no subsequent controversy respecting limits. But the delineation on paper of the extensive line between them and the Sioux, without an actual survey and marking of it, gave rise to further difficulties. What could not be plainly seen, might be easily disputed, and the pretext was thus given for renewed aggressions. Several instances of this have constituted the subject of specific reports to the Department. The hardships of a people destitute of resources, were not only thus increased, but those of our citizens who had been licensed to trade among them complained of losses and want of protection. Many of the Indians, and several of the traders fell, either in actual conflict, or the consequences deducible from them.

During the summer of 1830, I was directed by the Department personally to visit the Indians, to endeavour to restore peace. The instructions were not, however, received until late in the year, and it was not practicable to carry them into effect until the following year. It was employed in visiting the bands situated intermediate between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, being south of St. Anthony falls. It was found impracticable to visit the more northern bands. Instructions were however received for this purpose in the spring of 1832. I immediately organized an expedition, and employed the summer season in visiting the remotest bands on the Upper Mississippi, and I will now proceed to detail such of its results, not heretofore communicated, as pertain to the present condition of the Indians.

It will be recollected that during the previous visit, general councils were held with the Chippewas at Chegoimegon on Lake Superior, and at Yellow River, Lac Courtorielle, and Rice Lake, in the region of St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers: that the subject of the treaty of peace and limits of 1825 was distinctly brought home to the chiefs, and their promise obtained to use their influence in keeping their warriors at peace: that messages were despatched by them to the principal Sioux chiefs, expressive of these sentiments, accompanied by messages from myself: that a Chippewa war party was encountered, and its object frustrated: and the subject of limits on the Red Cedar fork presenting itself as an obstacle to a firm peace on this border, was amicably referred by them to the President, with a request, by them, that he would use his influence to keep the Sioux at peace. From which auspicious results were anticipated.

I had the satisfaction to find, in the progress of this year’s visits, that these measures had been productive of good effects; that the fall and winter of 1831 had passed, without any war party’s going out of the region of the Chippewa and St. Croix, and that a peace-council had been held by the Chippewas of the Folle Avoine, and the Sioux of the Petite Corbeau’s band, which was also attended by the Upper Snake River Indians, and by deputations of the Mille Lac and Fond du Lac Chippewas, and that my counsels and admonitions had been extensively spread.

Other facts disclosed on my passing through Lake Superior may be adverted to. On casually meeting a party of Indians and traders at the Portail (June 11th), I heard of the existence of a feud at Lac Courtorielle, which had, during the previous winter, resulted in the murder of a Canadian named Brunet at Long Lake, and the murder of an Indian boy by the son of Mozojeed, the chief of the band. That the murderer had been apprehended by the Chippewas and traders, and brought out as far as the carrying-place on the head of the Mauvais River, where he had escaped.

On reaching the trading post at Kewena Bay (14th), I met Pezhicki, the chief of La Pointe, with several men going out to visit me at the sault. There was also, at this place, the speaker Mizi, being on his way, with a considerable retinue, to Penetanguishine, the British post on Lake Huron. I here learned the death of Mozobodo, the chief of Lac du Flambeau, and that his brother the White Crow, a man of inferior merit, had succeeded to the chieftainship, and was forming a war-party to descend the Chippewa River against the Sioux.

I reached the Ontonegon on the 19th, and found at this place Mushcoswun, or the Moose’s Tail, an elder brother of the White Crow of Lac du Flambeau, and Mozojeed, the chief of Lac Courtorielle, encamped with their followers, being all on their way to visit me at the sault. No further information was obtained of the state of affairs at Lac du Flambeau, except that a trader had clandestinely visited that post from the Mississippi with whiskey. Being nearest the theatre of the Sauc disturbances, I felt much anxiety to be particularly informed of the state of feeling in this numerous, warlike, and hitherto disaffected band. This I was, however, left to infer from the studied silence, or affected ignorance of Mushcoswun.

Mozojeed gave me reason to be satisfied that the Chippewas of his quarter were quite friendly, and that no disposition was felt to sanction, far less to aid, the confederated Saucs and Foxes in their schemes. He regretted, he said, the murders which had taken place in his vicinity, during the winter, which, he affirmed, arose wholly from private jealousies and bickerings. He said, he lamented the folly of the young men of his village who had committed the murders. He could not prevent it. He could not see through the distant forests, alluding to the difficulty of foreseeing and governing the acts of people at a distance. He could not absolutely govern those in his own village; but these murders were committed at Long Lake, and not at Ottowa Lake, where he lived.

He said that the murderer of Brunet had been apprehended, by the joint advice of himself and those who had grown old in wearing medals (meaning the elder chiefs). But he had escaped on the Mauvais portage. From that point the chief called Misco Monedo, or the Red Devil, and his people had returned, saying that they would punish the fugitive.

With respect to the murder committed by his son, he said that he had come out to give himself up for it, to be dealt with as might be dictated. He stood ready to answer for it. And he awaited my decision respecting it, as well as the other murder. He concluded his address by presenting a pipe.

Soon after passing Presque Isle river (20th), we met Mr. Warren, a trader, and his brigade of boats, on his annual return from his wintering ground. He confirmed the reports heard from the Indians, and added, that a trader from the Mississippi had entered the St. Croix River, and introduced ardent spirits among the Chippewas of Snake River. Mushcoswun followed me, with others, to Chagoimegon, or Lapointe, became a sharer in the presents distributed there, and expressed himself during the council in a speech of decidedly friendly terms.

At the mouth of the River Broule I encountered Ozawondib, or the Yellow Head, and Mainotagooz, or the Handsome Enunciator, two Chippewas from the Cassinian source of the Mississippi, being on their way to visit me at the seat of the agency. They reported that the Indians of Leech Lake had raised a war-party, and gone out against the Sioux of the Plains. Both these Indians returned with me to Cass Lake. The former afterward guided me from that remote point to the source of this river.

On reaching Fond du Lac (23d), I found the Indians of that post assembled, preparatory to the departure of the traders of the Fond du Lac department. Mr. Aitkin represented that the Hudson’s Bay clerks had been well supplied with high-wines, during the season of trade, which were freely used to induce our Indians to cross the boundary in quest of it, and that if the American government did not permit a limited quantity of this article to be taken by their traders, that part of their hunts would be carried to their opponents. His clerks from Rainy Lake presented me a pipe and ornamented stem, accompanying a speech of general friendship from Aissibun, or the Racoon, and another, with similar testimonials, from the son of the late chief Ainakumigishkung, both of the Rainy Lake band.

Mongazid, or the Loon’s Foot, the second chief and speaker of the Fond du Lac band, confirmed what I had previously heard, of a peace council having been held on the St. Croix, with the Petite Corbeau’s band of Sioux. He said that Kabamappa was at the head of the Chippewa party, and had been the prime mover in this pacific attempt. That he had himself been present, with a deputation of eleven men of the Fond du Lac band, including the elder chief Chingoop.

Dr. Borup, a clerk in the A. F. Company’s service, added, in relation to affairs on the Rainy Lake border, that five chiefs have been invested with medals and flags, by the British traders of Rainy Lake. That eighty kegs of high-wines were exhibited to the Indians at that post during the last season—that it was freely sent over the American lines, even within a few hours’ march of Leech Lake—having been sent west of the portage into Turtle Lake.

We had now reached the head of Lake Superior. Our route thence to the Mississippi was up the river St. Louis, and across the Savanne portage. We reached the trading-house at the junction of Sandy Lake River with the Mississippi during the afternoon of the 3d of July, and remained at that place until 6 o’clock in the evening of the 4th. The Indians have confirmed the reports of a war-party’s having gone out from Leech Lake. All accounts from that quarter indicated a state of extreme restlessness on the part of that band, and also among the Yanktons and Sessitons. Inineewi, or the Manly Man, acted as the speaker at the council which I held on the west banks of the river. He mingled, as is common, his private affairs with his public business. He said that he was not possessed of the authority of chieftainship, but that his father Kabigwakoosidjiga, had been a chief under the English government; that Chingoop, the chief of Fond du Lac, was his uncle, and Chamees, our guide, his nephew. He said that the Grosse Guelle, and most of the chiefs and hunters of the place, had dispersed from their encampment, and were now passing the summer months in the country near the mouth of L’aile de Corbeau, or Crow-wing River. That he would forthwith convey my message to them, &c.; confirming his words with the present of a pipe.

Having determined to ascend the Mississippi from this point, and being satisfied from my Indian maps that I could make a portage from Cass Lake into Leech Lake, and from the latter into the source of the Crow-wing river, so as to descend the latter to its junction with the Mississippi, I transmitted a message to the Grosse Guelle to meet me, with the Sandy Lake Indians, at Isle de Corbeau, in twenty days, counting from the 4th. I then deposited the provisions and goods intended for distribution at the council at Isle de Corbeau, with the person in charge of Mr. Aitkin’s house, making arrangements to have the articles sent down the Mississippi, in exact season to meet me there.

Relieved of this portion of the burden of transportation, we proceeded with more alacrity. We passed the falls of Pukaiguma on the 7th, and encamped at the trading-post at Lake Winnipec, above the savannas, on the 9th, having pursued the side route through Bogotowa Lake. While encamped at Point aux Chenes, in the savannas, a Frenchman arrived from Leech Lake, on his way to the post at Sandy Lake. He reported that the war-party had returned to Leech Lake, bringing three Sessiton scalps, having, in their engagement, lost one man, a brother-in-law of the Guelle Plat’s. That the Guelle Plat had led the party, and encountered the Sioux coming out against them. He also reported, that the Sioux had scalped a Chippewa girl near Pembina. That they were immediately pursued by a party of Chippewas, overtaken in the act of constructing a raft to cross a stream, and four of the number killed and scalped.[29]

Finding the waters favourable for ascending, and that our progress had been much accelerated thereby, I sent a verbal message by this man, to have the canoes with supplies destined for Isle de Corbeau set forward two days earlier than the time originally fixed.

The clerk in charge of the trading-post of Lake Winnipec, communicated a number of facts respecting the location and number of the Indians living in the middle grounds between that post and Rainy Lake. I proposed to him the following questions, to which I have annexed his answers.

1. Do the Hudson’s Bay clerks cross the American lines from the post of Rainy Lake, for the purposes of trade? Ans. No. They furnish goods to Indians who go trading into the American territory.

2. Do the partners or clerks of the H. B. Co. present flags and medals to Indians? Ans. Yes.

3. Do they give such flags and medals to Indians living within the American lines? Ans. No. I have heard that they took away an American flag given to an Indian on the U. S. borders of Rainy Lake, tore it, and burnt it, and gave him a British flag instead.

4. Was the H. B. Co.’s post on Rainy Lake supplied with ardent spirits last season? Ans. It was. They had about 60 kegs of high-wines, which were shown to some of our Indians, who went there, and Mr. Cameron, who was in charge of the post, said to them, that, although their streams were high from the melting of the snow, they should, swim as high with liquor, if the Indians required it.

5. What is the strength of the high-wines? Ans. One keg is reduced to four.

6. Have the Indians sent out on derwin by the H. B. Co. approached near to your post? Ans. They have come very near, having been on the Turtle portage with goods.

7. Did they bring liquor thus far? Ans. No. The liquor is kept at Rainy Lake, to induce the Indians to visit that place with their furs.

8. Did the disposition made of the liquor, which the Secretary of War permitted the principal factor of the Fond du Lac department, to take in last year, embrace the post of Winnipec? Ans. It did not. It was kept chiefly at Rainy Lake, and on the lines, to be used in the opposition trade.

On reaching Cass Lake, or Lac Cedar Rouge (July 10th), I found a band of Chippewas resident on its principal island. They confirmed the reports of the murder and subsequent affray at Pembina, and of the return of the war-party which went out from Leech Lake. Some of the warriors engaged in the latter were from the island in Cass Lake, including the person killed. His widow and her children attended the council, and shared in the distribution of presents which I made there. While encamped on this island, two of the Sioux scalps, which had been brought in as trophies on the late excursion, were danced with the ceremonies peculiar to the occasion, on an eminence adjacent to, and within sight of, my encampment. This painful exhibition of barbaric triumph was enacted without consulting me.

Finding it practicable, in the existing state of the waters, to visit the principal and most remote source of the Mississippi, above this lake, I determined to encamp my men, and leave my heavy baggage and supplies on the island, and to accomplish the visit in small canoes, with the aid of Indian guides. As the details of this expedition afford no political information of a character required by my instructions, beyond the observation of some evidences of a Sioux inroad in former years, and the statistical facts heretofore given, they are omitted. It will be sufficient to remark that the object was successfully accomplished, under the guidance of Oza Windib. I planted the American flag on an island in the lake, which is the true source of the Mississippi, 149 years after the discovery of the mouth of this stream by La Salle. I was accompanied on this expedition by Mr. Johnston of the Department; Dr. D. Houghton; Lieut. Allen, U. S. A.; and the Rev. W. T. Boutwell.

On returning to my encampment on the island in Cass Lake, I explained to the Indians, in a formal council, the object of my instructions from the Department, so far as these relate to their hostilities with the Sioux. I invested Oza Windib with a flag and medal, finding him to be looked up to as the principal man in the band, and there being, at present, no one who claimed, or appeared to be as well entitled, to the authority of chieftainship. Neezh Opinais, or the Twin Birds, who received a medal from Gov. Cass, through the intervention of his principal guide, in 1820, was formerly resident at this lake, but is now incorporated with the band at Red Lake. I sent him a flag, accompanied with a formal message, by his son, and acknowledged the receipt of a peace pipe and stem, from Waiwain Jigun of Red Lake, sent out by him through another hand. These attentions to the ceremonial messages of the Indians are of more importance, so far as respects their feelings and friendship, than might be inferred.

Cass Lake is about 15 miles long, in the direction that the Mississippi passes through it, and may be estimated to be twelve miles wide, exclusive of a spacious prolongation or bay, in the direction to Leech Lake. It is the second large lake below the primary forks of the Mississippi, and is decidedly the largest expanse assuming the character of a lake, in its entire length, covering a greater square superficies than Lake Pepin.

The Mississippi is but little used by traders going North West, and not at all beyond Lac Traverse. It is found to take its rise south of west from Cass Lake. In consequence, its source has seldom been visited, even by the traders, whose highest point of temporary location is Pamitchi Gumaug, or Lac Traverse, estimated to be forty miles W.N.W. of Cass Lake. And this point has been found to be the extreme N.W. point attained by its waters.

Representations having been made to the Department, on the subject of foreign interference in the trade on this frontier, I have addressed a number of queries on the subject to a clerk[30] engaged in the American trade, who has been many years a resident of Red Lake, and is well acquainted with the geography and resources of the adjacent country. I inquired of him, whether the American traders on that border were strenuously opposed in their trade by the inhabitants of the Red River colony, or by the partners and clerks of the Hudson’s Bay Company. He replied, that the inhabitants of Pembina made temporary voyages of trade to Voleuse, or Thief River, south of the parallel of 49°, but that they had not built, or made a permanent stand there. He said, that the open nature of the country about the Red River settlements gave great facilities for making short excursions into the Indian country, on horseback and in carts. But he did not know any place where permanent outfits had been sent, except to Rivière Souris, or Mouse River, west of Red River. He believes that this traffic was carried on exclusively by the inhabitants of the colony, and not by the Hudson’s Bay Company,

I asked him, whether the Indians of the Lake of the Woods visited the post of Red Lake, and whether our traders were annoyed in their trade from that quarter, by the servants of the H. B. Company. He replied, that the Lac du Bois Indians came across to Red Lake ordinarily; that it is a three days’ journey, but that no annoyance is experienced in the trade of that post from the H. B. Co. factors. He is of opinion, that they do not send outfits into any part of the territory south of the national boundary, beginning at Rat Portage, on the Lake of the Woods.

Assurances being given by the Indians that the portages of the overland route from Cass Lake to Leech Lake were not only practicable for my canoes and baggage, but that by adopting it a considerable saving would be made both in time and distance, I determined on returning by it. The first portage was found to be 950 yards. It lies over a dry sand plain. A small lake, without outlet, is then crossed; and a second portage of 4100 yards terminates at the banks of another small lake, which has a navigable outlet (for canoes) into an arm of Leech Lake. We accomplished the entire route, from the island in Cass Lake to the Guelle Plat’s village in Leech Lake, between ten o’clock A. M. and ten P. M. of the 16th July. Although the night was dark, and the Indians had retired to their lodges, a salute was fired by them, and an eligible spot for encampment pointed out. It was so dark as to require torches to find it. The next morning, I found myself in front of a village, numbering, when all present, upwards of 700 souls. They renewed their salute. The chief, Guelle Plat, sent to invite me to breakfast. During the repast, the room became filled with Indians, who seated themselves orderly around the room. When we arose, the chief assumed the oratorical attitude, and addressed himself to me.

He expressed his regret that I had not been able to visit them the year before, when I was expected. He hoped I had now come, as I had come by surprise, to remain some days with them. He said they lived remote, and were involved in wars with their neighbours, and wished my advice. They were not insensible to advice, nor incapable of following it. They were anxious for counsel, and desirous of living at peace, and of keeping the advice which had heretofore been given to them. They had been told to sit still on their lands. But their enemies would not permit them to sit still. They were compelled to get up and fight in defence. The Sioux continued to kill their hunters. They had killed his son during the last visit he had made to my office. They had never ceased to make inroads. And he believed there were white men among the Sioux who stirred them up to go to war against the Chippewas. He named one person particularly.

It was necessary, he continued, to take some decisive steps to put a stop to their inroads. This was the reason why he had led out the war-party which had recently returned. This was the reason why I saw the stains of blood before me.

He alluded, in this expression, to the flags, war-clubs, &c. which decorated one end of the room, all of which had vermilion smeared on them, to represent blood. I replied succinctly, stating the reasons which would prevent my making a long visit, and notified him, that in consequence of the length of my route yet to perform, I would assemble them to a general council at my camp as soon as I could be prepared, that notice would be given them by the firing of the military, and that I should then lay before them the advice I came to deliver from their great father the President, and offer them at the same time my own counsel on the subjects he had spoken of.

During the day, constant accessions were made to the number of Indians from neighbouring places. Among them were a party of nine Rainy Lake Indians, under the leadership of a man named Wai-Wizh-Zhe-Geezhig, or the Hole-in-the-Sky. He represented himself and party as resident at Springing-bowstring Lake; said that he had heard of my passing Lake Winnipec, with an intention to return by Leech Lake, and came to express his good will, in the hope that he would not be overlooked, &c. I presented him publicly with a flag, and clothing and tobacco for himself and party, committing to him a short address to be delivered to the Rainy Lake Indians.

The Muk Kund Wai, or Pillagers, being present, with their chiefs and warriors, women and children, I displayed the presents intended for this band, on blankets spread out on the grass in front of my tent. I called their attention to the subjects named in my instructions, to the desire of the government for the restoration of peace to the frontiers, and its paternal character, &c.; reminded them of their solemn treaty of peace and limits with the Sioux, signed at Prairie du Chien in 1825; enforced the advantages of it in relation to their hunting, their trades, &c. &c. I presented the presents, in bulk, to the chiefs, who immediately directed their distribution.

Aish Kee Buggi Kozh, or the Guelle Plat, was their speaker in reply. He called the attention of the warriors to his words. He thanked me for the presents, which reminded him, in amount, of the times when the British held possession in that quarter. He pointed across an arm of the lake in front to the position occupied by the North-West Company’s fort. He said many winters had now passed since the Americans first sent a chief to that post to visit them—alluding to Lieutenant Pike’s visit in the winter of 1805-6. He remembered that visit. I had come to remind them that the American flag was flying in the land, and to offer them counsels of peace, for which they were thankful. They had hoped I was to spend more time with them, to enter more fully into their feelings, but as they must speak on the instant, they would not lose the opportunity of declaring their sentiments.

He thought that the advice of the Americans resembled a rushing wind. It was strong and went soon. It did not abide long enough to choke up the road. He said, that at the treaty of Tipisagi, it had been promised that the aggressor should be punished. But that they had even that very year, and almost yearly since, been attacked by the Sioux, and some of their nation killed. He said that they had even been fired on under the walls of the fort at Ishki Buggi Seepi,[31] and four of their party killed. He had himself been present. He handed to me a small bundle of sticks, which, he said, exhibited the number of Leech Lake Chippewas who had been killed by the Sioux since they had touched the quill[32] at Tipisagi. The number was forty-three.

He lifted up four American medals, attached by a string of wampum, and smeared with vermilion. He said they were bloody. He wished me to wipe off the blood. He said he was himself unable to do it. He found himself irretrievably involved in a war with the Sioux. He said he believed that it had been intended by the Creator that they should be at war with this people. He was not satisfied with the result of the late war-party. His warriors were not satisfied. He complimented their bravery. He disclaimed any merit himself. He said that they had looked for help where they did not find it. They were determined to revenge themselves. If the United States did not aid them, he had it in mind to apply elsewhere for aid. He clearly referred to, but did not name, the English government in Canada. His warriors were in a restless state. He had sent out his pipe and invitations to the neighbouring bands to continue the war. Circumstances controlled him. He could not avoid it. His own feelings were enlisted deeply in the contest. When the enemy killed his son, he had resolved never to lay down the war-club. He had sought for death in battle, but had not met it. All he now could say was, that perhaps he should not lead the next war-party. He thought some other person would.

He accused persons on the waters of the Upper Mississippi, of giving advice to the Sioux to go to war against the Chippewas. He said it was the interest of persons in the trade to induce the Sioux to extend the territorial boundary. He evinced a familiarity with persons and places. He did not exempt some persons officially connected with the general government in that quarter, from participating in the course of mal-counsel.

He complained of the traders. He criticised their conduct with severity. He thought their prices exorbitant, and said that they were so intent on getting furs, that they did not deem it necessary to use much formality in their dealings with the Indians. He complained of the exclusion of ardent spirits, but at the same time admitted, that formerly it was brought in to buy up their wild rice—a practice that left them, at the beginning of cold weather, in a destitute situation.

Much of the sentiment of this address appeared to be uttered for popular effect on the young warriors, who stood an eager, gazing group around, and made loud responses of approbation at every pause. Such parts of it as were not given as a reply to my remarks, or contained allusions entitled to notice, I replied to, aiming to keep their attention fixed on the leading principles of the pacific policy which dictated my public instructions; and not meaning that they should forget them, nor mistake them, in any bursts of feeling, or appeals to the passions or prejudices of the young men, who only looked to the war-path as the avenue of personal distinction. I brought these principles back to their minds, and enforced them by obvious appeals to facts. I told the chief that his political sentiments should be faithfully reported to the government, whose object it was, in the employment of subordinate officers, to accumulate facts, which might form the basis of future action.

So far as related to the traders withdrawing the article of whiskey from the trade, I felt it due to say that no hard feelings should be entertained towards them. That it was excluded by the office. That the Indians should, in justice blame me, or blame the government, and not the traders. I was satisfied that the use of whiskey was very hurtful to them in every situation, and felt determined to employ every means which the control of the Agency of the North-West gave to me, to exclude the article wholly and rigidly from the Chippewas, and to set the mark of disapprobation upon every trader who should make the attempt to introduce it.

Having an engagement to meet the Sandy Lake Indians on the 22d (after a lapse of five days), and an unknown route to explore, I terminated the council by the distribution of provisions to the Rainy Lake Indians, guides, and chiefs, requested fresh guides for the route into the Ka Ga Gee, or De Corbeau River, and immediately embarked. We encamped on the southern shore of Leech Lake. During the following day (18th), we accomplished the whole route from this lake to the head waters of the De Corbeau. It consists of five portages of various length, separated by ten small lakes and ponds. The last of the portages terminates on the handsomely elevated banks of a lake called Kagi Nogum Aug. This lake is the source of this fork of the Mississippi. The Guelle Plat, with the secondary chief of his band, overtook me at the commencement of the fourth portage, and accompanied me to my encampment. He said he had many things which he still wished to consult me on, and spent the evening, until twelve o’clock, in conversation. I found him to possess a reflective intelligent mind. He stated to me his opinions on the Sioux war, the boundary line, the trade, location of trading-posts. &c. He evinced the gratified feelings created by the circumstances of my visit to his people, and said he should visit me at the agency, next year, if his life and health were spared.

We commenced the descent of the De Corbeau on the 19th. The channel is at first small and winding. It expands successively into eleven lakes, of various dimensions, and acquires considerable breadth and velocity before it forms its upper forks, by the junction with Shell River. We encountered in this distance no Indians, but observed, as we had the previous day, traces of the recent war-party. In passing out of the tenth of the series of lakes, the men observed a camp-fire on shore, but no person appeared. It was conjectured to indicate the presence of Sioux, who, perceiving the character of the party, had fled and concealed themselves.

The next day afforded no certain evidences of a fixed population. We observed continued traces of the recent war-party, and other signs of temporary occupancy, in the standing camp-poles and meat racks which frequently met the eye in our descent. We passed the entrance of Leaf River, a large tributary from the right, having its source near the banks of Otter Tail Lake; and the next day, had our attention directed to the entrance of Prauie River, on the same shore. The latter is also a tributary of the first class. It is the war-road, so to say, between the Chippewas and Sioux, having its source in a lake, which is designated in the treaty of Prairie du Chien as one of the points in the boundary line between these two nations.

The day following (21st), the monotony of vegetable solitude was broken by meeting a Chippewa and his family in a canoe. He informed me that we were within a few hours’ journey of the mouth of the river—that the Sandy Lake and Mille Lac Indians were assembled there, awaiting my arrival, and that they expected me this day. I found this information to be correct. We entered the Mississippi about noon, and saw the opposite shore lined with lodges, with the American flag conspicuously displayed. The long-continued firing and shouts of the Indians left me no reason to doubt that my arrival was both anticipated and desired. I was gratified on being told, within three hours of my arrival, that the canoe, with the goods and supplies from Sandy Lake, was in sight. And in a few moments found the event verified, in the safe arrival of the men, and the landing of the packages.

I determined to lose no time in assembling the Indians in council, addressed them on the objects of the expedition, and caused the presents to be prepared and distributed. I was addressed, in reply, by the elder chief, Gross Guelle, and also by the brother of the Strong Ground, by Waub Ojeeg, and by a young man called Nitum E’gabo Wai. Peculiarities in the address of each only require to be adverted to.

The Gross Guelle deemed it important that the line between them and the Sioux should be surveyed and marked. He said that much of it was a land line, and it could not be told by either party where it ran. This was true of it, in the section of country immediately west of them. The Sioux were in the habit of trespassing on it; and when their own hunters went out in the pursuit of game, they did not like to stop short of the game, and they saw no marked line to stop them. He said that it had been promised at the treaty that the line should be run, and he wished me to refer the subject to the President. He was in favour of peace now, as he had been at Tipisagi, and at Fond du Lac.

Soangikumig, or the Strong Ground, expressed his sentiments through the medium of his brother, who was the more ready speaker. He said he had taken a part in defending the lines, and he hoped that they might be made plain, so that each party could see them. As it is, a perpetual pretence is given for crossing the lines. It must be expected that peace would often be broken when it could be so easily done.

Waub Ojeeg, or the White Fisher, said that he had given his influence to peace counsels. He had been present at the treaty of Fond du Lac. But the Sandy Lake Indians had been lately reproached, as it were, for their pacific character, by hearing of the Leech Lake war-party’s passing so near to them. He hoped that the same advice that was given to them would be given to the Sioux. If the Sioux would not come over the lines, the Chippewas would promise not to go over them. He thought the lines might have been differently run, but as they had been agreed to by their old chiefs, who were now gone, it would be best to let them as they do. Their hunters, however, always came out of the mouth of Sauc River, which had been given up to the Sioux.

The young man said that he was the son of Pugu Sain Jigun, who had died recently at Sandy Lake. He said that the medal which he wore had been given to his father by me, at the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, in exchange for a British medal, surrendered by him. He did not profess to have any experience in political affairs. He had inherited his medal, and hoped to be considered by me worthy of it. He expected the respect due to it. He expressed his friendship, and confirmed his speech with a pipe.

Ascertaining the trading-house to be near my encampment, after closing the council, I descended the Mississippi about eighteen miles, and encamped at Prairie Piercée.

The distance from the mouth of the De Corbeau to St. Anthony’s Falls, may be computed to exceed 200 miles. The line between the Chippewas and Sioux crossed from the east to the west of the Mississippi, so as to strike and follow up the Wadub, or Little Soc River, which is the first river on the west banks of the Mississippi, above the mouth of Soc River. We passed several Chippewa hunters, with their families, along this part of the Mississippi, but encountered no Sioux, even on that portion of it lying south of their line. I was informed that they had in a measure abandoned this part of the country, and I observed no standing Sioux camp-poles, which are, with the people, a conspicuous sign of occupancy, and which were, in 1820, noticed to extend as high up the river as Little Rock. (Les Petite Roches).

I passed the portage of the Falls of St. Anthony, and reached Fort Snelling on the 24th July. There being no agent, nor sub-agent present, Captain Jouett, the commanding officer, on whom the charge of the agency had temporarily devolved, afforded me every facility for communicating to the Sioux the object of my visit to the Chippewas, and requesting their concurrence in its accomplishment. For this purpose the Wahpeton Sioux were called together, at the agency-house, on the 25th. I stated to them the object of the visit, and the means which had been used to persuade the Chippewas to give up war, and to confine themselves within their lines. I reminded them of the anxiety of their great father the President, to bring about a firm peace between them and the Chippewas, and of the numerous proofs he had given them of this anxiety, by calling them together at several councils, which had this object particularly in view. They had men of wisdom among them, and they would quickly see how utterly useless it would, however, be for the Chippewas to remain quiet, during any single season, if the Sioux did not also, at the same time, sit still. I appealed to them to resolve on peace; to take the resolution now; to take it sincerely, and to adhere to it firmly and for ever.

I stated to them the request made by Grosse Guelle, and other Chippewa chiefs, respecting the marking out of the lines, and invited them to express their opinion on this subject.

I announced to them the exclusion of whiskey.

The aged chief Petite Corbeau uttered their reply. I recognised in this chief one of the signers of the grant of land made at this place 26 years ago, when the site of the fort was first visited and selected by the late General Pike. He adverted to the agency, which he had exercised for many years, in managing the affairs of his people. They lived upon the river. They were constantly in sight. They were in the habit of being consulted. His ears had always been open to the Americans. He had listened to their counsels. He would still listen to them, although they were, at present, in a depressed situation. He adverted particularly to the existing war with the Saucs, and the accusations which had been thrown out against the Sioux party, who had gone down to join the American standard, but had returned. He denied that they felt any friendship for the Saucs and Foxes. He said they were willing to go against them again, if requested by the commanding officer.

He spoke on the subject of the Chippewa wars at some length, adverting to a time when this people did not approach so near to the river—when they dared not to approach so near to it. He thought the lines were drawn too close upon them, on the St. Croix—that the young men could not go out hunting, but quickly they found themselves beyond their lines. He thought they might even now be driven back, were it undertaken in earnest.

He said the chief of Leech Lake was wrong to appeal to me to wipe the blood off his medal. He ought to be able to wipe it off himself. It was pitiful to make this appeal, for men who were able to do a thing themselves. He referred to the late Chippewa war-party, and said that a relative of his had been killed. Blood would call for blood. He did not rule the Lessitons. He thought they would repay the blow.

His own advice had been pacific. He had received my wampum last year, and smoked the pipe with the St. Croix Chippewas. They were their neighbours. They were now at peace. They wished to remain so. They would act by my advice. He thanked me for the advice.

He warmly approbated the proposition to run out the lines. He said it had been mentioned at the treaty. And although the lines were not adjusted to the full satisfaction of all, perhaps they could never be settled better. He therefore united in requesting that the President might be asked to direct white men to establish them. It would be necessary, however, to have both parties by.

He again adverted to the difficulties between them and the Chippewas. He thought that these difficulties were kept alive by the visits of the Chippewas to their post. He said it put bad feelings into the hearts of the Sioux, to see the Chippewas share the bounties of government, which the Sioux believed the government intended exclusively for them. Besides, it was difficult to restrain their feelings of hostility when they came together. Both parties were mistrustful. It was only necessary to look back a few years, to perceive what the consequences had been. He believes that these tribes ought to be kept apart. And one of the best means of keeping them apart was to draw their lines plain, and to order presents to be given out on their own lands, and not on each other’s lands.

He spoke against the location of any trading-post on the St. Croix, which should be fixed so near to the lines as to bring the Sioux and Chippewas into contact. He also stated reasons why a post at the mouth of the St. Croix, which is exclusively in the Sioux country, was not necessary.[33] He wished to keep his band together, and not to give them excuses for going hither and yon. He requested me to stop at his village, and to use my influence in persuading his people to live in one village, and not to continue, as they now were, in two distinct villages, which were not, in consequence, so fully under his control.[34]

Wamidetunkar, or the Black Dog, followed him in a speech containing sentiments not at variance with those expressed by the Little Crow. Its distinguishing feature was, however, a reference to the indulgences formerly granted to the Sioux at this post. He thought it hard that these indulgences should be withdrawn, or curtailed. And he could not comprehend how such a course could be consistent with professions of friendship on the part of officers of the U. States. He referred, particularly, to indiscriminate visiting at the fort, and the purchase of ardent spirits from the settlers.

Cohmokar said that he had been present with the Petite Corbeau at the signing of the treaty of cession at St. Peters, and it was owing to this act that the American flag was now displayed there. He had sustained this chief in his public acts, and he concurred with him in what he had uttered about the Chippewa war, and also the existing troubles with the Black Hawk. He repelled the idea that the Sioux were friendly to the Saucs and Foxes in the present controversy. They were a people who were never at ease. They had often struck the Sioux. The Sioux war-club had also been often lifted against them, and it was ready to be lifted again. They were ready to hear the commanding officer, who was sitting present, say strike.

The details of my route through the St. Croix and Burntwood Rivers, do not essentially vary the aspect of North Western Indian affairs given above. Facts communicated expressive of the then existing state of feeling respecting the said disturbances, were promptly reported to his excellency George B. Porter, governor of Michigan, in a letter, of which I have the honour herewith to furnish a copy. The proposition of running out and marking their territorial lines, as a means of preserving peace, was approved; the recent meetings on the St. Croix, for the purpose of renewing pledges of peace, declared to be sincere on the part of the Chippewas; and sentiments of friendship to the government, and welcome to myself, expressed at each of the councils which I held with them.

In submitting to the Department this summary of facts, resulting from my visit to the source of the Mississippi, I take the occasion to remark, that whatever may be the present state of feeling of the tribes on that stream, above Prairie du Chien, respecting the government of the United States, causes are in silent, but active operation, which will hereafter bring them into contact with our frontier settlements, and renew, at two or three separate periods in their history, the necessity of resorting to arms to quell or pacify them. The grounds of this opinion I need not now specify, further than to indicate that they exist in the condition and character of opposite lines of an extensive frontier population, which will inevitably impel the one to press, and the other to recede or resist. This process of repulsion and resistance will continue, if I have not much mistaken the character of that stream, until the frontier shall have become stationary about five hundred miles above the point I have indicated. I advert to this topic, not in the spirit of exciting immediate alarm, for there are no reasons for it, but for the purpose of calling the attention of the Secretary of War, through you, sir, to the importance of keeping up, and not withdrawing or reducing, the north western posts and agencies. And to express the opinion, that the advice and influence of the government upon these tribes would fall nearly powerless, without ready and visible means upon the frontiers of causing its counsels to be respected. Christianity, schools, and agriculture will do much to meliorate their condition and subdue their animosities, but it is a species of influence which has not yet been felt in any general effects in this quarter. Among the means of securing their friendship, and preserving peace, I have the honour to suggest, that beneficial effects would result from following out the system of exploratory visits, by extending it to the region of Lac des Flambeau, and to that portion of the peninsula of Michigan lying north of Grand River. A deputation of the Chippewas from the sources of the Mississippi and Lake Superior to the seat of government, would also be advantageous.

So far as respects the state of hostilities among the Sioux and Chippewas, it must be expected that continued efforts will be necessary effectually to check it. Nothing could, perhaps, now be done, which would tend so directly to promote this end, as the surveying of the lines agreed on between themselves at the treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1825.

I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Henry R. Schoolcraft.

Office Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, December 3, 1832.

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VII.

Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1832.

H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., U. S. Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.

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Sir:

In conformity with your instructions, I take the earliest opportunity to lay before you such facts as I have collected, touching the vaccination of the Chippewa Indians, during the progress of the late expedition into their country; and also “of the prevalence, from time to time, of the small-pox” among them.

The accompanying table will serve to illustrate the “ages, sex, tribe, and local situation” of those Indians who have been vaccinated by me. With the view of illustrating more fully their local situation, I have arranged those bands residing upon the shores of Lake Superior; those residing in the Folle Avoine country (or that section of country lying between the highlands south-west from Lake Superior, and the Mississippi River); and those residing near the sources of the Mississippi River, separately.

Nearly all the Indians noticed in this table were vaccinated at their respective villages; yet I did not fail to vaccinate those whom we chanced to meet in their hunting or other excursions.

I have embraced, with the Indians of the frontier bands, those half-breeds, who, in consequence of having adopted more or less the habits of the Indian, may be identified with him.

H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., U. S. Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.

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CHIPPEWA INDIANS.		Males.						Females.
	Bands.	Under 10	10 to 20	20 to 40	40 to 60	60 to 80	Over 80	Under 10	10 to 20	20 to 40	40 to 60	60 to 80	Over 80	Males.	Females.	Total.
Lake Superior.	Sault Ste. Marie,	93	22	19	8	2	1	75	28	21	10	3	1	145	138	283
	Grand Island,	17	9	7	2			12	5	7				35	24	59
	Keweena Bay,	23	11	10	6	1		20	12	17	5	2	1	51	57	108
	Ontonagon River,	7	8	10	3			13	5	12	6	1		28	37	65
	La Pointe,	37	32	40	6	2	1	38	25	28	12	2		118	106	224
	Fond du Lac,	50	21	45	10	2		41	18	35	13	6	2	128	115	243
Folle Avoine Country.	Lac du Flambeau,	6	2	6	1	1		2	3	4	2	2		16	13	29
	Ottowa Lake,	11	4	8	1			10	7	3	2			24	22	46
	Yellow River,	11	2	6	1			11	3	6	2	1		20	23	43
	Nama Kowagun of St. Croix River,	4	1	2	1			4		3	2			8	9	17
	Snake River,	14	3	7	4	1	1	25	3	12	1	1		30	42	72
Sources of the Mississippi River.	Sandy Lake,	75	21	47	10	2		86	19	48	23	6	2	155	184	339
	Lake Winnipeg,	4	4	10	3			1	1	1	2			21	5	26
	Cass or Upper Red Cedar Lake,	18	5	11	6		1	18	3	8	5	1	1	41	36	77
	Leech Lake,	76	43	73	16	4	1	96	41	61	25	2	1	213	226	439
	Lake Superior,	227	103	131	35	7	2	199	93	120	46	14	5	505	477	982
	Folle Avoine County,	46	12	29	8	2	1	52	12	32	9	4		98	109	207
	Sources of the Mississippi,	173	73	141	35	6	2	201	64	118	55	9	4	430	451	881
	Total,	446	188	301	78	15	5	452	169	270	110	27	9	1033	1037	2070

But little difficulty has occurred in convincing the Indians of the efficacy of vaccination; and the universal dread in which they hold the appearance of the small pox among them, rendered it an easy task to overcome their prejudices, whatever they chanced to be. The efficacy of the vaccine disease is well appreciated, even by the most interior of the Chippewa Indians, and so universal is this information, that only one instance occurred where the Indian had never heard of the disease.

In nearly every instance the opportunity which was presented for vaccination was embraced with cheerfulness and apparent gratitude; at the same time manifesting great anxiety that, for the safety of the whole, each one of the band should undergo the operation. When objections were made to vaccination, they were not usually made because the Indian doubted the protective power of the disease, but because he supposed (never having seen its progress) that the remedy must nearly equal the disease which it was intended to counteract.

Our situation, while travelling, did not allow me sufficient time to test the result of the vaccination in most instances; but an occasional return to bands where the operation had been performed, enabled me, in those bands, either to note the progress of the disease, or to judge from the cicatrices marking the original situation of the pustules, the cases in which the disease had proved successful.

About one-fourth of the whole number were vaccinated directly from the pustules of patients labouring under the disease; while the remaining three-fourths were vaccinated from crusts, or from virus which had been several days on hand. I did not pass by a single opportunity for securing the crusts and virus from the arms of healthy patients; and to avoid as far as possible the chance of giving rise to a disease of a spurious kind, I invariably made use of those crusts and that virus, for the purposes of vaccination, which had been most recently obtained. To secure, as far as possible, against the chances of escaping the vaccine disease, I invariably vaccinated in each arm.

Of the whole number of Indians vaccinated, I have either watched the progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven hundred. An average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person labouring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed to take effect—when the disease did not make its appearance after vaccination, I have invariably, as the cases came under my examination, revaccinated until a favourable result has been obtained.

Of the different bands of Indians vaccinated, a large proportion of the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone thoroughly the effects of the disease: viz. Sault Ste. Marie, Keweena Bay, La Pointe, and Cass Lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight, of other bands, I think it may safely be calculated that more than three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by themselves.

Upon our return to Lake Superior I had reason to suspect, on examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by the surgeon-general in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was communicated. Nearly all those Indians vaccinated with those two crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly through the vaccine disease.

The answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction, progress, and fatality of the small-pox, would lead me to infer that the disease has made its appearance, at least five times, among the bands of Chippewa Indians noticed in the accompanying table of vaccination.

The small-pox appears to have been wholly unknown to the Chippewas of Lake Superior until about 1750; when a war-party, of more than one hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake, having visited Montreal for the purpose of assisting the French in their then existing troubles with the English, became infected with the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes—It does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others of the tribe.

About the year 1770, the disease appeared a second time among the Chippewas, but unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to the more northern bands.

The circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as follows.

Some time in the fall of 1767 or 8, a trader, who had ascended the Mississippi and established himself near Leech Lake, was robbed of his goods by the Indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his exertions in defending his property, he died soon after.

These facts became known to the directors of the Fur Company, at Mackinac, and each successive year after, requests were sent to the Leech Lake Indians, that they should visit Mackinac, and make reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. In the spring of 1770 the Indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a deputation from the band visited Mackinac, with a quantity of furs, which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken. The deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. When this was effected, a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the Indians as a token of friendship. They were at the same time strictly enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag, until they had reached the heart of their own country. This they promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the Indians of the band at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, upon which occasion he unsealed the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. The Indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation during several days. The rioting was over, and they were fast recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with violent pain. This was attributed to the liquor they had drunk; but the pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before the real cause was suspected. Other like cases occurred; and it was not long before one of the war-party which had visited Montreal in 1750, and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognised the disease as the same which had attacked their party at that time. It proved to be so; and of those Indians then at Fond du Lac, about three hundred in number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. Nor did it stop here, for numbers of those at Fond du Lac, at the time the disease made its appearance, took refuge among the neighbouring bands, and although it did not extend easterly on Lake Superior, it is believed that not a single band of Chippewas north or west from Fond du Lac escaped its ravages. Of a large band then resident at Cass Lake, near the source of the Mississippi River, only one person, a child, escaped. The others having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for dispersing was offered. The Indians at this day are firmly of the opinion that the small-pox was, at this time, communicated through the articles presented to their brethren, by the agent of the Fur Company at Mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them more severely for their offences.

The most western bands of Chippewas relate a singular allegory of the introduction of the small-pox into their country by a war-party, returning from the plains of the Missouri, as nearly as information will enable me to judge, in the year 1784. It does not appear that, at this time, the disease extended to the bands east of Fond du Lac; but it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and west from there.

In 1802 or 3, the small-pox made its appearance among the Indians residing at the Sault Ste. Marie, but did not extend to the bands west from that place. The disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ of the North West Fur Company, who had just returned from Montreal; and although all communication with him was prohibited, an Indian imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted the disease to others of the band. When once communicated, it raged with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain marking the situation they occupied. From this band the infection was communicated to a band residing upon St. Joseph’s Island, and many died of it; but the surgeon of the military post then there succeeded, by judicious and early measures, in checking it, before the infection became general.

In 1824 the small-pox again made its appearance among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie. It was communicated by a voyager to Indians upon Drummond’s Island, Lake Huron; and through them several families at Sault Ste. Marie became infected. Of those belonging to the latter place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. The disease is represented to have been extremely fatal to the Indians at Drummond’s Island.

Since 1824, the small-pox is not known to have appeared among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, nor among the Chippewas north or west from that place. But the Indians of these bands still tremble at the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol) has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them since their first communication with the whites. The disease, when once communicated to a band of Indians, rages with a violence wholly unknown to the civilized man. The Indian, guided by present feeling, adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation), which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. An attack is but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death, which will almost assuredly soon follow. His situation under these circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even, with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope of gaining relief. The intoxicating draught (when it is within his reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce a lethargy from which he is never to recover. Were the friends of the sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are, perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single person to minister to their wants. Death comes to the poor invalid, and perhaps even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering.

By a comparison of the number of Indians vaccinated upon the borders of Lake Superior, with the actual population, it will be seen that the proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as to secure them against any general prevalence of the small-pox; and perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to the bands beyond, through this channel. But in the Folle Avoine country it is not so. Of the large bands of Indians residing in that section of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other bands not a single person has passed through the disease.

Their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. Their situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the southern and north-western bands of Chippewas; and while on the south they are liable to receive the virus of the small-pox from the whites and Indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that time, completely separated. Every motive of humanity towards the suffering Indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad experience, the fatal effects. The protection he will prize highly, and will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving; the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart.

I have the honour to be,
Very respectfully, sir,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed,) Douglass Houghton.

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ADDENDA—I.

Office of Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, February, 13, 1832.

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Elbert Herring, Esq., Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.

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Sir,

Events growing out of the political condition of the Indian tribes on the head waters of the Mississippi, call for the continued interposition of the friendly influence of the government on that remote part of our north-western frontier. It has been long known that desperate and deep-rooted feuds continue to harass the tribes whose local position brings them into frequent contact. These contests operate to divert their attention from hunting, and to abstract their minds from objects essential to their well-being. They embarrass every effort to better their condition. They repel the advance of teachers. They deaden the effect of counsel. And by keeping the Indian mind in a state of perpetual alarm, destroy its capacities of healthful action. Every year is giving new proofs of the inveteracy of their hatred for each other, and the deteriorating effects of cultivating, as they do, the passion for warlike achievement. It is destructive to the industry of the young, and paralyzing to the counsels of the old.

The effect of the expedition ordered by the government last year, into the country of the Chippewas, is believed to have been efficacious in checking this spirit of predatory warfare, and impressing upon their minds the true character of our government, its benevolent intentions towards them, and its watchfulness, power, and resources. It was not practicable, however, to go over the whole area proposed to be visited, the effect of the expedition having been directed exclusively to the bands located south of the latitude of St. Anthony’s Falls. It is believed that a similar mission to the tribes of the Upper Mississippi, living north of that point in our geography, would result in effects equally useful to them and to the government. And I therefore submit to the Department the propriety of authorizing it.

Additional weight is given to the reasons applicable to this subject, by the increased hazards at which the trade of our citizens is conducted in that quarter, and the influence they have to contend with, from the proximity of a foreign and a rival frontier. The agents of the Hudson’s Bay Company are wakeful and active opponents, and there is reason to believe that the measure of control which they exercise over the Indian population, is irrespective of an imaginary territorial line. At any rate, our traders complain loudly of infractions and losses from this source. Merely to visit the Indians and the traders at their posts, will be to encourage and to sustain them.

It is proposed to perform the journey in a single canoe, manned by engages, accompanied with an escort of soldiers, and with such auxiliary aid from the native population as may be necessary. It would give additional utility to the effort, if the Engineer Department should judge proper to subjoin an officer to take observations for latitude, and to collect the materials for a correct map. The moral condition of the native population is such as to render it an interesting field for evangelical observation, and I propose to offer to a clergyman in the service of the A. B. F. Missions, now on the frontier, the opportunity of exploring it.

The route from the head of Lake Superior will extend, through the River St. Louis and its connecting waters, to the Mississippi at Sandy Lake, and by the way of Leech Lake to the sources of the Mississippi. From the point where navigation is checked a portage is proposed to be made into Red Lake (a remote tributary of Hudson’s Bay). And the route by Ottertail Lake, and the river De Corbeau, will be pursued so as to re-enter the Mississippi at the confluence of the latter. Thence by the Falls of St. Anthony to St. Peters, and through the St. Croix, the Chippewa, or the Wisconsin, to the lakes. Circumstances may require changes in this programme.

The extent of the country to be traversed requires an early departure from this place, and the toil of interior transportation makes it desirable that as little baggage, and as few men, should be taken, as may suffice for the certain accomplishment of the object. Under this view of the subject, I have prepared a detailed estimate of expenditures, on an economical scale, which is herewith submitted.

I have the honour, &c.

Office of Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie, February, 13, 1832.

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Elbert Herring, Esq., Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.

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II.

Department of War, Office Indian Affairs, May 3, 1832.

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Sir,

Your letter of February 13th has been received, and its general views are approved. The Secretary of War deems it important that you should proceed to the country upon the heads of the Mississippi, and visit as many of the Indians in that, and the intermediate region, as circumstances will permit. Reports have reached the Department from various quarters, that the Indians upon our frontiers are in an unquiet state, and that there is a prospect of extensive hostilities among themselves. It is no less the dictate of humanity than of policy, to repress this feeling, and to establish permanent peace among these tribes. It is also important to inspect the condition of the trade in that remote country, and the conduct of the traders. To ascertain whether the laws and regulations are complied with, and to suggest such alterations as may be required. And generally to inquire into the numbers, situations, dispositions, and prospects of the Indians, and to report all the statistical facts you can procure, and which will be useful to the government in its operations, or to the community in the investigation of these subjects.

In addition to these objects, you will direct your attention to the vaccination of the Indians. An act for that purpose has passed Congress, and you are authorized to take a surgeon with you. The compensation fixed by law is six dollars per day, but this includes all the expenses. As the surgeon with you must necessarily be transported and subsisted at the public expense, the whole sum of six dollars per day will be allowed for this service, but of that sum only three dollars per day will be paid to the surgeon, and the residue will be applied to the expenses of the expedition.

Vaccine matter, prepared and put up by the surgeon-general, is herewith transmitted to you; and you will, upon your whole route, explain to the Indians the advantages of vaccination, and endeavour to persuade them to submit to the process. You will keep and report an account of the number, ages, sex, tribe, and local situation of the Indians who may be vaccinated, and also of the prevalence, from time to time, of the small-pox among them, and of its effects as far as these can be ascertained.

The following sums will be allowed for the expenses of the expedition, &c.

Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Elbert Herring.

Henry R. Schoolcraft, Esq., Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.

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Department of War, Office Indian Affairs, May 3, 1832.

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Henry R. Schoolcraft, Esq., Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.

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III.

St. Peters, July 25, 1832.

Gen. Joseph M. Street, Indian Agent, Prairie du Chien.

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Sir,

I arrived at this place yesterday from the sources of the Mississippi, having visited the Chippewa bands and trading-posts in that quarter. Much complaint is made respecting the conduct of the persons licensed by you last year, who located themselves at the Granite Rocks, and on the St. Croix. No doubt can exist that each of them took in, and used in their trade, a considerable quantity of whiskey. And I am now enabled to say, that they each located themselves at points within the limits of my agency, where there are no trading-posts established. My lowest trading-post on the Mississippi, is the Pierced Prairie, eighteen miles below the mouth of the De Corbeau. It embraces one mile square, upon which traders are required to be located. On the St. Croix, the posts established and confirmed by the Department are Snake River and Yellow River, and embrace each, as the permanent place of location, one mile square. I report these facts for your information, and not to enable you to grant licenses for these posts, as the instructions of the Department give to each agent the exclusive control of the subject of granting licenses for the respective agencies.

Much solicitude is felt by me to exclude ardent spirits wholly from the Chippewas and Ottowas, the latter of whom have, by a recent order, been placed under my charge. I am fully satisfied that ardent spirits are not necessary to the successful prosecution of the trade, that they are deeply pernicious to the Indians, and that both their use and abuse is derogatory to the character of a wise and sober government. Their exclusion in every shape, and every quantity, is an object of primary moment; and it is an object which I feel it a duty to persevere in the attainment of, however traders may bluster. I feel a reasonable confidence in stating, that no whiskey has been used in my agency during the last two years, except the limited quantity taken by special permission of the Secretary of War, for the trade of the Hudson’s Bay lines; and saving also the quantity clandestinely introduced from Prairie du Chien and St. Peters.

I know, sir, that an appeal to you on this subject cannot be lost, and that your feelings and judgment fully approve of temperance measures. But it requires active, persevering, unyielding efforts. And in all such efforts, judiciously urged, I am satisfied that the government will sustain the agents in a dignified discharge of their duties. Let us proceed in the accomplishment of this object with firmness, and with a determination never to relinquish it, until ardent spirits are entirely excluded from the Indian country.

I am sir,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Henry R. Schoolcraft.

P.S. Capt. Jouett, commanding at this post, has recently seized sixteen kegs of high-wines. His prompt, decisive, and correct conduct in this, and other transactions relating to Indian affairs, merit the approbation of government.

The Petite Corbeau has requested that no trader may be located at the month of the St. Croix.

Gen. Joseph M. Street, Indian Agent, Prairie du Chien.

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IV.

Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, in obedience to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th ultimo, information in relation to an expedition of Henry R. Schoolcraft into the Indian country.

Department of War, March 7, 1832.

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Sir,

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th ultimo, directing the Secretary of War to furnish that House with “copies of any reports which may have been received at the War Department, communicating an account of the recent expedition of Henry R. Schoolcraft into the Indian country,” I have the honor to transmit, herewith, the documents required.

I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Lew. Cass.

Hon. Andrew Stephenson, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

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Department of War, March 7, 1832.

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Hon. Andrew Stephenson, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

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Documents transmitted to the House of Representatives, in compliance with a resolution of February 24, 1832.

No. 1.

Sault Ste. Marie, October 1, 1831.

His Excellency George B. Porter, Governor of Michigan, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

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Sir,

I have now the honor, through your intervention, to forward to the Department my report of the late tour through the Huron Territory. It has not been possible to prepare the map referred to in season to accompany the report, but it will be forwarded as soon as it can be completed. In the mean time, I send a sketch of portions of the country intermediate between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, from which you will be enabled to trace my particular route, and the location of the principal streams, lakes, and villages. The imperfect state of public information respecting the geography of this region, and the numerous errors which still continue to characterize our maps, render something of this kind essential.

With the limited means assigned for the accomplishment of the object, it became necessary that every moment of time should be used in pushing forward. This will account for the great space travelled in a comparatively short time. I am of the opinion, however, that little or nothing has been lost from the efficacy of the movement by its celerity. Lakes, rivers, and villages succeeded each other, with short intervals. But, in ascending each river, in crossing each lake and portage, the object of the expedition was definitely impressed upon the natives who witnessed our progress; and it was acquiesced in by the chiefs and warriors, at the several councils which I held with them. For a general detail of these councils, the report may be consulted.

It will be perceived that new topics for discussion arose from a recent misunderstanding between the Chippewas and Menomonies; and from the uncertainty as to the spot where the boundary line between the Chippewas and Sioux strikes the falls on the Red Cedar fork, agreeably to a just construction of the treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1825. With respect to the first, I am of opinion that time will only serve to increase the difficulty of restoring a perfect understanding.

The line on the Red Cedar is important, as opposing an obstacle to a firm peace between the Sioux and Chippewas; and I doubt whether any steps could be taken by the government to induce them to live peaceably near each other, with so little cost of time and money as the taking post, with a small military force, on the frontier in dispute, at some suitable point between Prairie du Chien and St. Peters. With this impression, I have brought the subject to the consideration of the Secretary of War; and I shall be gratified, if, on a review of it, you shall concur in opinion with,

Sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
H. R. Schoolcraft.

His Excellency George B. Porter, Governor of Michigan, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

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No. 2.

Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1831.

To Elbert Herring, Esq. Office of Indian Affairs, War Department.

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Sir,

In compliance with instructions to endeavour to terminate the hostilities between the Chippewas and Sioux, I proceeded into the Chippewa country with thirteen men in two canoes, having the necessary provisions and presents for the Indians, an interpreter, a physician to attend the sick, and a person in charge of the provisions and other public property. The commanding officer of Fort Brady furnished me with an escort of ten soldiers, under the command of a lieutenant; and I took with me a few Chippewas, in a canoe provided with oars, to convey a part of the provisions. A flag was procured for each canoe. I joined the expedition at the head of the portage, at this place, on the 25th of June; and, after visiting the Chippewa villages in the belt of country between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, in latitudes 44° to 70°, returned on the 4th of September, having been absent seventy-two days, and travelled a line of country estimated to be two thousand three hundred and eight miles. I have now the honor to report to you the route pursued, the means employed to accomplish the object, and such further measures as appear to me to be necessary to give effect to what has been done, and to ensure a lasting peace between the two tribes.

Reasons existed for not extending the visit to the Chippewa bands on the extreme Upper Mississippi, on Red Lake, and Red River, and the river De Corbeau. After entering Lake Superior, and traversing its southern shores to Point Chegoimegon and the adjacent cluster of islands, I ascended the Mauvaise River to a portage of 8¾ miles into the Kaginogumac or Long Water Lake. This lake is about eight miles long, and of very irregular width. Thence, by a portage of 280 yards, into Turtle Lake; thence, by a portage of 1,075 yards, into Clary’s Lake, so called; thence, by a portage of 425 yards, into Lake Polyganum; and thence, by a portage of 1,050 yards, into the Namakagon River, a branch of the river St. Croix of the Upper Mississippi. The distance from Lake Superior to this spot is, by estimation, 124 miles.

We descended the Namakagon to the Pukwaewa, a rice lake, and a Chippewa village of eight permanent lodges, containing a population of 53 persons, under a local chief called Odabossa. We found here gardens of corn, potatoes, and pumpkins, in a very neat state of cultivation. The low state of the water, and the consequent difficulty of the navigation, induced me to leave the provisions and stores at this place, in charge of Mr. Woolsey, with directions to proceed (with part of the men, and the aid of the Indians) to Lac Courtorielle or Ottowa Lake, and there await my arrival. I then descended the Namakagon in a light canoe, to its discharge into the St. Croix, and down the latter to Yellow River, the site of a trading-post and an Indian village, where I had, by runners, appointed a council. In this trip I was accompanied by Mr. Johnson, sub-agent, acting as interpreter, and by Dr. Houghton, adjunct professor of the Rensselaer school. We reached Yellow River on the 1st of August, and found the Indians assembled. After terminating the business of the council (of which I shall presently mention the results), I re-ascended the St. Croix and the Namakagon to the portage which intervenes between the latter and Lac Courtorielle. The first of the series of carrying-places is about three miles in length, and terminates at the Lake of the Isles (Lac des Isles); after crossing which, a portage of 750 yards leads to Lac du Gres. This lake has a navigable outlet into Ottowa Lake, where I rejoined the advanced party (including Lieutenant Clary’s detachment) on the 5th of August.

Ottowa Lake is a considerable expanse of water, being about twelve miles long, with irregular but elevated shores. A populous Chippewa village and a trading-post are located at its outlet, and a numerous Indian population subsists in the vicinity. It is situated in a district of country which abounds in rice lakes, has a proportion of prairie or burnt land, caused by the ravages of fire, and, in addition to the small fur-bearing animals, has several of the deer species. It occupies, geographically, a central situation, being intermediate, and commanding the communications between the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, and between Lake Superior and the Upper Mississippi. It is on the great slope of land descending towards the latter, enjoys a climate of comparative mildness, and yields, with fewer and shorter intervals of extreme want, the means of subsistence to a population which is still essentially erratic. These remarks apply, with some modifications, to the entire range of country (within the latitudes mentioned) situated west and south of the high lands circumscribing the waters of Lake Superior. The outlet of this Lake (Ottowa) is a fork of Chippewa River, called Ottowa River.

I had intended to proceed from this lake, either by following down the Ottowa branch to its junction with the main Chippewa, and then ascending the latter into Lac du Flambeau, or by descending the Ottowa branch only to its junction with the North-West fork, called the Ochasowa River; and, ascending the latter to a portage of sixty pauses, into the Chippewa River. By the latter route time and distance would have been saved, and I should, in either way, have been enabled to proceed from Lac du Flambeau to Green Bay by an easy communication into the Upper Ouisconsin, and from the latter into the Menomonie River, or by Plover Portage into Wolf River. This was the route I had designed to go on quitting Lake Superior; but, on consulting my Indian maps, and obtaining at Ottowa Lake the best and most recent information of the distance and the actual state of the water, I found neither of the foregoing routes practicable, without extending my time so far as to exhaust my supplies. I was finally determined to relinquish the Lac du Flambeau route, by learning that the Indians of that place had dispersed, and by knowing that a considerable delay would be caused by reassembling them.

The homeward route by the Mississippi was now the most eligible, particularly as it would carry me through a portion of country occupied by the Chippewas, in a state of hostility with the Sioux, and cross the disputed line at the mill. Two routes, to arrive at the Mississippi, were before me—either to follow down the outlet of Ottowa Lake to its junction with the Chippewa, and ascend the latter to its mouth, or to quit the Ottowa Lake branch at an intermediate point, and, after ascending a small and very serpentine tributary, to cross a portage of 6,000 yards into Lake Chetac. I pursued the latter route.

Lake Chetac is a sheet of water about six miles in length, and it has several islands, on one of which is a small Chippewa village and a trading-post. This lake is the main source of Red Cedar River (called sometimes the Folle Avoine), a branch of the Chippewa River. It receives a brook at its head from the direction of the portage, which admits empty canoes to be conveyed down it two pauses, but is then obstructed with logs. It is connected by a shallow outlet with Weegwos Lake, a small expanse which we crossed with paddles in twenty-five minutes. The passage from the latter is so shallow, that a portage of 1,295 yards is made into Balsam of Fir or Sapin Lake. The baggage is carried this distance, but the canoes are brought through the stream. Sapin Lake is also small; we were thirty minutes in crossing it. Below this point, the river again expands into a beautiful sheet of water, called Red Cedar Lake, which we were an hour in passing; and afterward into Bois Francois, or Rice Lake. At the latter place, at the distance of perhaps sixty miles from its head, I found the last fixed village of Chippewas on this stream, although the hunting camps, and other signs of temporary occupation, were more numerous below than on any other part of the stream. This may be attributed to the abundance of the Virginia deer in that vicinity, many of which we saw, and of the elk and moose, whose tracks were fresh and numerous in the sands of the shore. Wild rice is found in all the lakes. Game, of every species common to the latitude, is plentiful. The prairie country extends itself into the vicinity of Rice Lake; and for more than a day’s march before reaching the mouth of the river, the whole face of the country puts on a sylvan character, as beautiful to the eye as it is fertile in soil, and spontaneously productive of the means of subsistence. A country more valuable to a population having the habits of our North-Western Indians, could hardly be conceived of; and it is therefore cause of less surprise that its possession should have been so long an object of contention between the Chippewas and Sioux.

About sixty miles below Rice Lake commences a series of rapids, which extend, with short intervals, 24 miles. The remainder of the distance, to the junction of this stream with the Chippewa, consists of deep and strong water. The junction itself is characterized by commanding and elevated grounds, and a noble expanse of waters. And the Chippewa River, from this spot to its entrance into the Mississippi, has a depth and volume, and a prominence of scenery, which mark it to be inferior to none, and superior to most of the larger tributaries of the Upper Mississippi. Before its junction, it is separated into several mouths, from the principal of which the observer can look into Lake Pepin. Steamboats could probably ascend to the falls.

The whole distance travelled, from the shores of Lake Superior to the mouth of the Chippewa, is, by estimation, 643 miles, of which 138 should be deducted for the trip to Yellow River, leaving the direct practicable route 505 miles. The length of the Mauvaise to the portage is 104; of the Namakagon, from the portage, 161; of the Red Cedar, 170; of the Chippewa, from the entrance of the latter, 40. Our means of estimating distances was by time, corrected by reference to the rapidity of water and strength of wind, compared with our known velocity of travelling in calm weather on the lakes. These estimates were made and put down every evening, and considerable confidence is felt in them. The courses were accurately kept by a canoe compass. I illustrate my report of this part of the route by a map protracted by Dr. Houghton. On this map our places of encampment, the sites and population of the principal Indian villages, the trading-posts, and the boundary lines between the Sioux and Chippewa, are indicated. And I refer you to it for several details which are omitted in this report.

The present state of the controversy between the Sioux and the Chippewas will be best inferred from the facts that follow. In stating them, I have deemed it essential to preserve the order of my conferences with the Indians, and to confine myself, almost wholly, to results.

Along the borders of Lake Superior, comparatively little alarm was felt from the hostile relation with the Sioux. But I found them well informed of the state of the difficulties, and the result of the several war-parties that had been sent out the last year. A system of information and advice is constantly kept up by runners; and there is no movement meditated on the Sioux borders, which is not known and canvassed by the lake bands.

They sent warriors to the scene of conflict last year, in consequence of the murder committed by the Sioux on the St. Croix. Their sufferings from hunger during the winter, and the existence of disease at Torch Lake (Lac du Flambeau), and some other places, together with the entire failure of the rice crop, had produced effects, which were depicted by them and by the traders in striking colours. They made these sufferings the basis of frequent and urgent requests for provisions. This theme was strenuously dwelt upon. Whatever other gifts they asked for, they never omitted the gift of food. They made it their first, their second, and their third request.

At Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior (or La Pointe, emphatically so called), I held my first and stated council with the Indians. This is the ancient seat of the Chippewa power in this quarter. It is a central and commanding point, with respect to the country lying north, and west, and south of it. It appears to be the focus from which, as radii from a centre, the ancient population emigrated; and the interior bands consequently look back to it with something of the feelings of parental relation. News from the frontiers flies back to it with a celerity which is peculiar to the Indian mode of express. I found here, as I had expected, the fullest and most recent information from the lines. Mozojeed, the principal man at Ottawa Lake, had recently visited them for the purpose of consultation; but returned on the alarm of an attack upon his village.

The Indians listened with attention to the message transmitted to them from the President, and to the statements with which it was enforced. Pezhickee, the venerable and respected chief of the place, was their speaker in reply. He lamented the war, and admitted the folly of keeping it up; but it was carried on by the Chippewas in self-defence, and by volunteer parties of young men, acting without the sanction of the old chiefs. He thought the same remark due to the elder Sioux chiefs, who probably did not sanction the crossing of the lines, but could not restrain their young men. He lived, he said, in an isolated situation, did not mingle in the interior broils, and did not deem himself responsible for acts done out of his own village, and certainly not for the acts of the villages of Torch Lake, Ottawa Lake, and the St. Croix. He had uniformly advised his people to sit still and remain at peace, and he believed that none of his young men had joined the war-parties of last year. The government, he said, should have his hearty co-operation in restoring peace. He referred to the sub-agency established here in 1826, spoke of its benefits, and wished to know why the agent had been withdrawn, and whether he would be instructed to return? In the course of his reply, he said, that formerly, when the Indians lived under the British government, they were usually told what to do, and in very distinct terms. But they were now at a loss. From what had been said and done at the treaty of Fond du Lac, he expected the care and protection of the American government, and that they would advance towards, instead of (as in the case of the sub-agency) withdrawing from them. He was rather at a loss for our views respecting the Chippewas, and he wished much for my advice in their affairs.

I thought it requisite to make a distinct reply to this point. I told him that when they lived under the British Government, they were justified in shaping their course according to the advice they received; but that, on the transfer of the country, their allegiance was transferred with it. And when our government hoisted its flag at Mackinac (1796), it expected from the Indians living within our boundaries the respect due to it; and it acknowledged, at the same time, the reciprocal obligations of care and protection. That it always aimed to fulfil these obligations, of which facts within his own knowledge and memory would afford ample proofs. I referred him to the several efforts the government had made to establish a lasting peace between the Chippewas and Sioux; for which purpose the President had sent one of his principal men (alluding to Gov. Cass), in 1820, who had visited their most extreme north-western villages, and induced themselves and the Sioux to smoke the pipe of peace together at St. Peters. In accordance with these views, and acting on the information then acquired, the President had established an agency for their tribe at Sault Ste. Marie, in 1822. That, in 1825, he had assembled at Prairie du Chien all the tribes who were at variance on the Upper Mississippi, and persuaded them to make peace, and, as one of the best means of ensuring its permanency, had fixed the boundaries of their lands. Seeing that the Chippewas and Sioux still continued a harassing and useless contest, he had sent me to remind them of this peace and these boundaries, which, I added. you, Perikee, yourself agreed to, and signed, in my presence. I come to bring you back to the terms of this treaty. Are not these proofs of his care and attention? Are not these clear indications of his views respecting the Chippewas? The chief was evidently affected by this recital. The truth appeared to strike him forcibly; and he said, in a short reply. that he was now advised; that he would hereafter feel himself to be advised, &c. He made some remarks on the establishment of a mission school. &c., which, being irrelevant, are omitted. He presented a pipe, with an ornamented stem. as a token of his friendship, and his desire of peace.

I requested him to furnish messengers to take belts of wampum and tobacco, with three separate messages, viz. to Yellow River, to Ottawa Lake, and to Lac du Flambeau, or Torch Lake; and also, as the water was low, to aid me in the ascent of the Mauvaise River. and to supply guides for each of the military canoes, as the soldiers would here leave their barge, and were unacquainted with the difficulties of the ascent. He accordingly sent his oldest son (Che-che-gwy-ung) and another person, with the messages, by a direct trail. leading into the St. Croix country. He also furnished several young Chippewas to aid us on the Mauvaise, and to carry baggage on the long portage into the first intermediate lake west of that stream.

After the distribution of presents, I left Chegoimegon on the 18th July. The first party of Indians met at the Namakagon, belonging to a Chippewa village called Pukwaewa, having, as its geographical centre and trading-post, Ottowa Lake. As I had directed part of the expedition to precede me there, during my journey to Yellow River, I requested these Indians to meet me at Ottowa Lake, and assist in conveying the stores and provisions to that place—a service which they cheerfully performed. On ascending the lower part of the Namakagon, I learned that my messenger from Lake Superior had passed, and on reaching Yellow River, I found the Indians assembled and waiting. They were encamped on an elevated ridge, called Pekogunagun, or the Hip Bone, and fired a salute from its summit. Several of the neighbouring Indians came in after my arrival. Others, with their chiefs, were hourly expected. I did not deem it necessary for all to come in, but proceeded to lay before them the objects of my visit, and to solicit their co-operation in an attempt to make a permanent peace with the Sioux, whose borders we then were near. Kabamappa, the principal chief, not being a speaker, responded to my statements and recommendations through another person (Sha-ne-wa-gwun-ai-be). He said that the Sioux were of bad faith; that they never refused to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and they never failed to violate the promise of peace thus solemnly made. He referred to an attack they made last year on a band of Chippewas and half-breeds, and the murder of four persons. Perpetual vigilance was required to meet these inroads. Yet he could assert, fearlessly, that no Chippewa war-party from the St. Croix had crossed the Sioux line for years; that the murder he had mentioned was committed within the Chippewa lines; and although it was said at the treaty of Prairie du Chien that the first aggressor of territorial rights should be punished, neither punishment was inflicted by the government, nor had any atonement or apology thus far been made for this act by the Sioux. He said his influence had been exerted in favour of peace; that he had uniformly advised both chiefs and warriors to this effect; and he stood ready now to do whatever it was reasonable he should do on the subject.

I told him it was not a question of recrimination that was before us. It was not even necessary to go into the inquiry of who had spilt the first blood since the treaty of Prairie du Chien. The treaty had been violated. The lines had been crossed. Murders had been committed by the Chippewas and by the Sioux. These murders had reached the ears of the President, and he was resolved to put a stop to them. I did not doubt but that the advice of the old chiefs, on each side, had been pacific. I did not doubt but that his course had been particularly so. But rash young men, of each party, had raised the war-club; and when they could not go openly, they went secretly. A stop must be put to this course, and it was necessary the first movement should be made somewhere. It was proper it should be made here, and be made at this time. Nothing could be lost by it; much might be gained; and if a negotiation was opened with the Sioux chiefs while I remained, I would second it by sending an explanatory message to the chiefs and to their agent. I recommended that Kabamappa and Shakoba, the war-chief of Snake River, should send jointly wampum and tobacco to the Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, the leading Sioux chiefs on the Mississippi, inviting them to renew the league of friendship, and protesting their own sincerity in the offer. I concluded, by presenting him with a flag, tobacco, wampum, and ribands, to be used in the negotiation. After a consultation, he said he would not only send the messages, but, as he now had the protection of a flag, he would himself go with the chief Shakoba to the Petite Corbeau’s village. I accompanied these renewed offers of peace with explanatory messages, in my own name, to Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, and a letter to Mr. Taliaferro, the Indian agent at St. Peter’s, informing him of these steps, and soliciting his co-operation. A copy of this letter is hereunto annexed. I closed the council by the distribution of presents; after which the Indians called my attention to the conduct of their trader, &c.

Information was given me immediately after my arrival at Yellow River, that Neenaba, a popular war-leader from the Red Cedar fork of Chippewa River, had very recently danced the war-dance with thirty men at Rice Lake of Yellow River, and that his object was to enlist the young men of that place in a war-party against the Sioux. I also learned that my message for Ottowa Lake had been promptly transmitted through Neenaba, whom I was now anxious to see. I lost not an hour in re-ascending the St. Croix and the Namakagon. I purchased two additional canoes of the Indians, and distributed my men in them, to lighten the draught of water, and facilitate the ascent; and, by pushing early and late, we reached Ottowa Lake on the fifth day in the morning. Neenaba had, however, delivered his message, and departed. I was received in a very friendly and welcome manner, by Mozojeed, of the band of Ottowa Lake; Wabezhais, of the Red Devil’s band of the South Pukwaewa; and Odabossa, of the Upper Namakagon. After passing the usual formalities, I prepared to meet them in council the same day, and communicate to them the objects of my mission.

In the course of the conference at this place, I obtained the particulars of a dispute which had arisen between the Chippewas of this quarter, which now added to their alarm, as they feared the latter would act in coincidence with their ancient enemies, the Sioux. The reports of this disturbance had reached me at the Sault, and they continued, with some variations, until my arrival here. The following are the material facts in relation to this new cause of disquietude: In the summer of 1827, Okunzhewug, an old woman, the wife of Kishkemun, the principal chief of Torch Lake, a man superannuated and blind; attended the treaty of Butte des Morts, bearing her husband’s medal. She was treated with the respect due to the character she represented, and ample presents were directed to be given to her; among other things a handsome hat. The latter article had been requested of her by a young Menomonie, and refused. It is thought a general feeling of jealousy was excited by her good reception. A number of the Menomonies went on her return route as far as the Clover Portage, where she was last seen. Having never returned to her village, the Chippewas attributed her death to the Menomonies. Her husband died soon after; but she had numerous and influential relatives to avenge her real or supposed murder. This is the account delivered by the Chippewas, and it is corroborated by reports from the traders of that section of the country. Her singular disappearance and secret death at the Clover Portage, is undisputed; and whether caused or not by any agency of the Menomonies, the belief of such agency, and that of the most direct kind, is fixed in the minds of the Chippewas, and has furnished the basis of their subsequent acts in relation to the Menomonie hunting-parties who have visited the lower part of Chippewa River. Two women belonging to one of these parties were killed by a Chippewa war-party traversing that part of the country the ensuing year. The act was disclaimed by them as not being intentional, and it was declared they supposed the women to be Sioux.[35] On a close inquiry, however, I found the persons who committed this act were relatives of Okunzewug, which renders it probable that the murder was intentionally perpetrated. This act further widened the breach between the two hitherto fraternal tribes; and the Chippewas of this quarter began to regard the Menomonie hunting-parties, who entered the mouth of the Chippewa River, as intruders on their lands. Among a people whose means of verbal information is speedy, and whose natural sense of right and wrong is acute, the more than usual friendship and apparent alliance which have taken place between the Menomonies and Sioux, in the contest between the Sacs and Foxes, and the murder by them jointly of the Fox chief White Skin and his companions at a smoking council, in 1830, have operated to increase the feeling of distrust; so much so, that it was openly reported at Chegoimegon, at Yellow River, and Ottowa Lake, that the Menomonies had formed a league with the Sioux against the Chippewas also, and they were fearful of an attack from them. A circumstance that had given point to this fear, and made it a subject of absorbing interest, when I arrived at Ottowa Lake, was the recent murder of a Menomonie chief by a Chippewa of that quarter, and the demand of satisfaction which had been made (it was sometimes said) by the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, and sometimes by the commanding officer, with a threat to march troops into the country. This demand, I afterward learned from the Indians at Rice Lake, and from a conversation with General Street, the agent at Prairie du Chien, had not been made, either by himself or by the commanding officer; and the report had probably arisen from a conversation held by a subaltern officer in command of a wood or timber-party near the mouth of the Chippewa River, with some Chippewas who were casually met. Its effects, however, were to alarm them, and to lead them to desire a reconciliation with the Menomonies. I requested them to lose no time in sending tobacco to the Menomonies, and adjusting this difference. Mozojeed observed that the murder of the Menomonie had been committed by a person non compos, and he deplored the folly of it, and disclaimed all agency in it for himself and his band. The murderer, I believe, belonged to his band; he desired a reconciliation. He also said the measures adopted at Yellow River, to bring about a firm peace with the Sioux, had his fullest approbation, and that nothing on his part should be wanting to promote a result in every view so wise and so advantageous to the Indians. In this sentiment, Wabezhais and Odabossa, who made distinct speeches, also concurred. They confirmed their words by pipes, and all the assembly made an audible assent. I invested Mozojeed with a flag and a medal, that he might exert the influence he has acquired among the Indians beneficially for them and for us, and that his hands might thus be officially strengthened to accomplish the work of pacification. I then distributed presents to the chiefs, warriors, women, and children, in the order of their being seated, and immediately embarked, leaving them under a lively and enlivened sense of the good-will and friendship of the American government, on this first official visit to them, and with a sincere disposition, so far as could be judged, to act in obedience to its expressed and known wishes.

The Indians at Torch Lake being dispersed, and my message to them not having been delivered, from this uncertainty of their location, I should have found reasons for not proceeding in that direction, independent of the actual and known difficulties of the route at that time. I was still apprehensive that my appearance had not wholly disconcerted the war-party of Neenaba, and lost no time in proceeding to his village on the Red Cedar fork. We found the village at Lake Chetac, which in 1824 was 217 strong, almost totally deserted, and the trading-house burnt. Scattering Indians were found along the river. The mutual fear of interruption was such that Mr. B. Cadotte, sen., the trader at Ottowa Lake, thought it advisable to follow in our train for the purpose of collecting his credits at Rice Lake.

While at breakfast on the banks of Sapin Lake, a returning war-party entered the opposite side of it: they were evidently surprised, and they stopped. After reconnoitring us, they were encouraged to advance, at first warily, and afterward with confidence. There were eight canoes, with two men in each; each man had a gun, war-club, knife, and ammunition bag: there was nothing else except the apparatus for managing the canoe. They were all young men, and belonged to the vicinity of Ottowa Lake. Their unexpected appearance at this place gave me the first information that the war-party at Neenaba had been broken up. They reported that some of their number had been near the mill, and that they had discovered signs of the Sioux being out in the moose having been driven up, &c. In a short conference, I recited to them the purpose of the council at Ottowa Lake, and referred them to their chiefs for particulars, enjoining their acquiescence in the proposed measures.

I found at Rice Lake a band of Chippewas, most of them young men, having a prompt and martial air, encamped in a very compact form, and prepared, at a moment’s notice, for action. They saluted our advance with a smartness and precision of firing that would have done honour to drilled troops. Neenaba was absent on a hunting-party; but one of the elder men pointed out a suitable place for my encampment, as I intended here to put new bottoms to my bark canoes. He arrived in the evening, and visited my camp with forty-two men. This visit was one of ceremony merely; as it was late, I deferred any thing further until the following day. I remained at this place part of the 7th, the 8th, and until 3 o’clock on the 9th of August. And the following facts present the result of several conferences with this distinguished young man, whose influence is entirely of his own creation, and whose endowments, personal and mental, had not been misrepresented by the Indians on my route, who uniformly spoke of him in favourable terms. He is located at the most advanced point towards the Sioux borders, and, although not in the line of ancient chiefs, upon him rests essentially the conduct of affairs in this quarter. I therefore deemed it important to acquire his confidence and secure his influence, and held frequent conversations with him. His manner was frank and bold, equally free from servility and repulsiveness. I drew his attention to several subjects. I asked him whether the sawmill on the lower part of the Red Cedar was located on Chippewa lands? He said, Yes. Whether it was built with the consent of the Chippewas? He said, No; it had been built, as it were, by stealth. I asked him if any thing had been subsequently given them in acknowledgment of their right to the soil? He said, No; that the only acknowledgment was their getting tobacco to smoke when they visited the mill: that the Sioux claimed it to be on their side of the line, but the Chippewas contended that their line ran to a certain bluff and brook below the mill. I asked him to draw a map of the lower part of Chippewa River, with all its branches, showing the exact lines as fixed by the treaty at Prairie du Chien, and as understood by them. I requested him to state the facts respecting the murder of the Menomonie, and the causes that led to it; and whether he or any of his band received any message from the agent or commanding officer at Prairie du Chien, demanding the surrender of the murderer? To the latter inquiry he answered promptly, No. He gave in his actual population at 142; but it is evident that a very considerable additional population, particularly in men, resort there for the purpose of hunting a part of the year.

The day after my arrival, I prepared for and summoned the Indians to a council, with the usual formalities. I opened it by announcing the objects of my visit. Neenaba and his followers listened to the terms of the message, the means I had adopted to enforce it, and, finally, to the request of co-operation on the part of himself and band, with strict attention. He confined his reply to an expression of thanks; allusions to the peculiarity of his situation on an exposed frontier; and general sentiments of friendship. He appeared to be mentally embarrassed by my request to drop the war-club, on the successful use of which he had relied for his popularity, and whatever of real power he possessed. He often referred to his young men, over whom he claimed no superiority, and who appeared to be ardently attached to him. I urged the principal topic upon his attention, presenting it in several lights. I finally conferred on him, personally, a medal and flag, and directed the presents intended for his band to be laid, in gross, before him.

After a pause, Neenaba got up, and spoke to the question, connecting it with obvious considerations, of which mutual rights, personal safety, and the obligation to protect the women and children, formed the basis. The latter duty was not a slight one. Last year the Sioux had killed a chief on the opposite shore of the lake, and, at the same time, decoyed two children, who were in a canoe, among the rice, and killed and beheaded them. He said, in allusion to the medal and flag, that these marks of honour were not necessary to secure his attention to any requests made by the American government. And after resuming his seat awhile (during which he overheard some remarks not pleasing to him, from an Indian on the opposite side of the ring), he finally got up and declined receiving them until they were eventually pressed upon him by the young warriors. Every thing appeared to proceed with great harmony, and the presents were quickly distributed by one of his men. It was not, however, until the next day, when my canoes were already put in the water, that he came with his entire party, to make his final reply, and to present the peace-pipe. He had thrown the flag over one arm, and held the war-club perpendicular in the other hand. He said, that although he accepted the one, he did not drop the other; he held fast to both. When he looked at the one, he should revert to the counsels with which it had been given, and he should aim to act upon those counsels; but he also deemed it necessary to hold fast the war-club; it was, however, with a determination to use it in defence, and not in attack. He had reflected upon the advice sent to the Chippewas by the President, and particularly that part of it which counselled them to sit still upon their lands; but while they sat still, they also wished to be certain that their enemies would sit still. And the pipe he was now about to offer, he offered with a request that it might be sent to the President, asking him to use his power to prevent the Sioux from crossing the lines. The pipe was then lit, handed round, the ashes knocked out, and a formal presentation of it made. This ceremony being ended, I shook hands with them, and immediately embarked.

On the second day afterward, I reached the sawmill, the subject of such frequent allusion, and landed there at 7 o’clock in the morning. I found a Mr. Wallace in charge, who was employed, with ten men, in building a new dam on a brook of the Red Cedar, the freshet of last spring having carried away the former one. I inquired of him where the line between the Sioux and Chippewas crossed. He replied that the line crossed above the mill, he did not precisely know the place; adding, however, in the course of conversation, that he believed the land in this vicinity originally belonged to the Chippewas. He said it was seven years since any Sioux had visited the mill; and that the latter was owned by persons at Prairie du Chien.

The rapids of the Red Cedar River extend (according to the estimates contained in my notes) about twenty-four miles. They commence a few miles below the junction of Meadow River, and terminate about two miles below the mills. This extension of falling water, referred to in the treaty as a fixed point, has led to the existing uncertainty. The country itself is of a highly valuable character for its soil, its game, its wild rice, and its wood. We found the butter-nut among those species which are locally included under the name of Bois franc by the traders. The land can, hereafter, be easily brought into cultivation, as it is interspersed with prairie; and its fine mill privileges will add to its value. Indeed, one mile square is intrinsically worth one hundred miles square of Chippewa country, in some other places.

The present sawmills (there are two), are situated 65 miles from the banks of the Mississippi. They are owned exclusively by private citizens, and employed for their sole benefit. The boards are formed into rafts: and these rafts are afterward attached together, and floated down the Mississippi to St. Louis, where they command a good price. The business is understood to be a profitable one. For the privilege, no equivalent has been paid either to the Indians or to the United States. The first mill was built several years ago, and before the conclusion of the treaty of Prairie du Chien, fixing boundaries to the lands. A permit was given for building, either verbal or written, as I have been informed, by a former commanding officer at Prairie du Chien. I make these statements in reference to a letter I have received from the Department since my return, but which is dated June 27th, containing a complaint of one of the owners of the mill, that the Chippewas had threatened to burn it, and requesting me to take the necessary precautionary measures. I heard nothing of such a threat, but believe that the respect which the Chippewas have professed, through me, for the American government, and the influence of my visit among them, will prevent a resort to any measures of violence; and that they will wait the peaceable adjustment of the line on the rapids. I will add, that wherever that line may be determined, in a reasonable probability, to fall, the mill itself cannot be supplied with logs for any length of time, if it is now so supplied, without cutting them on Chippewa lands, and rafting them down the Red Cedar. Many of the logs heretofore sawed at this mill, have been rafted, up stream, to the mill. And I understood from the person in charge of it, that he was now anxious to ascertain new sites for chopping; that his expectations were directed up the stream, but that his actual knowledge of the country, in that direction, did not embrace a circumference of more than five miles.

The line between the Chippewa and Sioux, as drawn on the MS. map of Neenaba, strikes the rapids on Red Cedar River at a brook and bluff a short distance below the mill. It proceeds thence, across the point of land between that branch of the main Chippewa, to an island in the latter; and thence, up stream, to the mouth of Clearwater River, as called for by the treaty, and from this point to the bluffs of the Mississippi valley (where it corners on Winnebago land), on Black River, and not to the “mouth” of Black River, as erroneously inserted in the 5th article of the treaty; the Chippewas never having advanced any claims to the lands at the mouth of Black River. This map, being drawn by a Chippewa of sense, influence, and respectability, an exact copy of it is herewith forwarded for the use of the Department, as embracing the opinions of the Chippewas on this point. The lines and geographical marks were drawn on paper by Neenaba himself, and the names translated and written down by Mr. Johnston.

It is obvious that the adjustment of this line must precede a permanent peace on this part of the frontiers. The number of Chippewas particularly interested in it is, from my notes, 2,102; to which, 911 may be added for certain bands on Lake Superior. It embraces 27 villages, and the most influential civil and war chiefs of the region. The population is enterprising and warlike. They have the means of subsistence in comparative abundance. They are increasing in numbers. They command a ready access to the Mississippi by water, and a ready return from it by land. Habits of association have taught them to look upon this stream as the theatre of war. Their young men are carried into it as the natural and almost only means of distinction. And it is in coincidence with all observation, to say that they are now, as they were in the days of Captain Carver, the terror of the east bank of this river, between the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers. No other tribe has now, or has had, within the memory of man, a village or permanent possession on this part of the shore. It is landed on in fear. It is often passed by other nations by stealth, and at night. Such is not an exaggerated picture. And with a knowledge of their geographical advantages, and numbers, and distribution, on the tributary streams, slight causes, it may be imagined, will often excite the young and thoughtless portion of them to raise the war-club, to chant the war-song, and follow the war-path.

To remove these causes, to teach them the folly of such a contest, to remind them of the treaty stipulations and promises solemnly made to the government and to the Sioux, and to induce them to renew those promises, and to act on fixed principles of political faith, were the primary objects committed to me; and they were certainly objects of exalted attainment, according as well with the character of the government as with the spirit and moral and intellectual tone of the age. To these objects I have faithfully, as I believe, devoted the means at my command. And the Chippewas cannot, hereafter, err on the subject of their hostilities with the Sioux, without knowing that the error is disapproved by the American government, and that a continuance in it will be visited upon them in measures of severity.

Without indulging the expectation that my influence on the tour will have the effect to put an end to the spirit of predatory warfare, it may be asserted that this spirit has been checked and allayed; and that a state of feeling and reflection has been produced by it, which cannot fail to be beneficial to our relations with them, and to their relations with each other. The messages sent to the Sioux chiefs, may be anticipated to have resulted in restoring a perfect peace during the present fall and ensuing winter, and will thus leave to each party the undisturbed chase of their lands. The meditated blow of Steenaba was turned aside, and his war-party arrested and dispersed at the moment it was ready to proceed. Every argument was used to show them the folly and the insecurity of a continuance of the war. And the whole tenor and effect of my visit has been to inform and reform these remote bands. It has destroyed the charm of their seclusion. It has taught them that their conduct is under the supervision of the American government; that they depend on its care and protection; that no other government has power to regulate trade and send traders among them; finally, that an adherence to foreign counsels, and to antipacific maxims, can be visited upon them in measures of coercion. That their country, hitherto deemed nearly inaccessible, can be penetrated and traversed by men and troops, with baggage and provisions, even in midsummer, when the waters are lowest; and that, in proportion as they comply with political maxims, as benevolent as they are just, will they live at peace with their enemies, and have the means of subsistence for an increased population among themselves. The conduct of the traders in this quarter, and the influence they have exerted, both moral and political, cannot here be entered upon, and must be left to some other occasion, together with statistical details and other branches of information not arising from particular instructions.

It may be said that the Indians upon the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, and their numerous branches, have been drawn into a close intercourse with government. But it will be obvious that a perseverance in the system of official advice and restraints, is essential to give permanence to the effects already produced, and to secure a firm and lasting peace between them and the Sioux. To this end the settlement of the line upon the Red Cedar fork is an object which claims the attention of the Department; and would justify, in my opinion, the calling together the parties interested, at some convenient spot near the junction of the Red Cedar River with the Chippewa. Indeed, the handsome elevation, and the commanding geographical advantages of this spot, render it one which, I think, might be advantageously occupied as a military post. Such an occupancy would have the effect to keep the parties at peace, and the point of land, on which the work is proposed to be erected, might be purchased from the Sioux, together with such part of the disputed lands near the mills as might be deemed necessary to quiet the title of the Chippewas. By acquiring this portion of country for the purposes of military occupancy, the United States would be justified in punishing any murders committed upon it; and I am fully convinced, that no measure which could, at this time, be adopted, would so certainly conduce to a permanent peace between the tribes. I therefore beg leave, through you, to submit these subjects to the consideration of the honorable the Secretary of War, with every distrust in my own powers of observation, and with a very full confidence in his.

I have the honor to be, sir,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. R. Schoolcraft.

To Elbert Herring, Esq. Office of Indian Affairs, War Department.

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No. 3.

Yellow River, Aug. 1, 1831.

Lawrence Taliaferro, Esq., Indian Agent at St. Peters.

}

Sir:

It is in accordance with the instructions under which I am acting, to solicit your co-operation in keeping the Sioux and Chippewas at peace, and to induce them to adhere, in good faith, to the articles of the treaty of Prairie du Chien. Blind to their true interests, these tribes continue a warfare as hopeless in its termination as it is inglorious in its results. Notwithstanding every pains which has been taken by the government to convince them of the erroneous policy of such a contest, and to inspire in them fidelity to their public treaties with each other, restless and ambitious young men, on either side, continue to lead war-parties into the territories of the other, and to waylay the unsuspecting. I am satisfied that the authority of the chiefs is not always sufficient to restrain the incursions of these young warriors, who are led on by the thirst of fame, and stimulated by hereditary animosity. Such a course is not surprising among savages. But it is the dictate of humanity to restrain this false ardor, and to make use of every practicable means to put a stop to scenes at which the heart sickens. It is but recently that a Mr. Cadotte, a young half-breed of the Sault Ste. Marie, another young man of mixed blood, called the Little Frenchman, living as an Indian, and two Chippewas, one a female, travelling down the St. Croix in a canoe, were fired upon from an ambush by the Sioux, and killed. And this injury still remains unredressed.

The Chippewas complain of this mode of warfare, which it would be an idle affectation to designate by any other term than murder. They say the Sioux are indeed ready to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and never fail to do so when it is presented to them; but that a confidence, on their part, in these smoking councils, is paid with the loss of lives.

I have despatched a message to the Sioux chief, Petite Corbeau, and another to Wabisha, reminding them of their treaty engagements with the Chippewas, and of the recent violation of them above referred to, and requesting them to use their influence efficaciously to terminate further inroads. These messages are accompanied by others from Shakoba and from Kabamappa, Chippewa chiefs on the St. Croix and Snake Rivers.

I am, sir,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
H. R. Schoolcraft.

Lawrence Taliaferro, Esq., Indian Agent at St. Peters.

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No. 4.

Mozobodo’s speech, in relation to the murder of the Menomonie woman.

My father at the Sault Ste. Marie: I have not forgot what was told me at Prairie du Chien, Fond du Lac, and Butte des Morts. I have kept always what you told me until the last summer. My young men were foolish, and went to war.

My father: The war-club was sent to them from Lac Chetac twice, before they accepted it. They did not go to war of their own accord. I did all I could to prevent them.

My father: They did not kill our friends intentionally. They supposed them to be their enemies, and killed them accidentally.

My father: This pipe I send to you in token of peace. My young men will hereafter keep quiet.

My father: I hope you will not take our traders away from us. If you do, our little children will suffer; and not only they, but all of us.

Mozobodo.

Lac du Flambeau, May 28, 1831.
Interpreted by Charles H. Oaks.

No. 5.

Report of Doctor Houghton on the Copper of Lake Superior.

Fredonia, N. Y., November 14, 1831.

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War.

Sir:

In fulfilment of the duties assigned to me in the late expedition into the Indian country, under the direction of H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., Indian agent, I would beg leave to transmit to you the following observations relative to the existence of copper in the country bordering on the southern shore of Lake Superior.

It is without doubt true that this subject has long been viewed with an interest far beyond its actual merit. Each mass of native copper which this country has produced, however insulated, or however it may have been separated from its original position, appears to have been considered a sure indication of the existence of that metal in beds; and hence we occasionally see, upon maps of that section of our country, particular portions marked as containing “copper mines,” where no copper now exists. But while it is certain that a combination of circumstances has served to mislead the public mind with regard to the geological situation and existing quantity of that metal, it is no less certain that a greater quantity of insulated native copper has been discovered upon the borders of Lake Superior, than in any other equal portion of North America.

Among the masses of native copper which have engaged the attention of travellers in this section of country, one, which from its great size was early noticed, is situated on the Ontonagon River, a stream which empties its waters into the southern part of Lake Superior, 331 miles above the falls of the Ste. Marie. The Ontonagon River is, with some difficulty, navigable by bateaux 36 miles, at which place by the union of two smaller streams, one from an easterly, and the other from a westerly direction, the main stream is formed. The mass of copper is situated on the western fork, at a distance of six or eight miles from the junction.

The face of the country through the upper half of the distance from Lake Superior is uneven, and the irregularity is given it by hills of marly clay, which occasionally rise quite abruptly to the height of one or two hundred feet. No rock was observed in situ, except in one place, where, for a distance, the red sandstone was observed, forming the bed of the river.

The mass of copper lies partly covered by water, directly at the foot of a clay hill, from which, together with numerous boulders of the primitive rocks, it has undoubtedly been washed by the action of the water of the river. Although it is completely insulated, there is much to interest in its examination. Its largest surface measures three and a half by four feet, and this, which is of malleable copper, is kept bright by the action of the water, and has the usual appearance of that metal when worn. To one surface is attached a small quantity of rock, singularly bound together by threads of copper, which pass through it in all directions. This rock, although many of its distinctive characters are lost, is evidently a dark colored serpentine, with small interspersed masses of milky quartz.

The mass of copper is so situated as to afford but little that would enable us to judge of its original geological position. In examining the eastern fork of the river, I discovered small water-worn masses of trap-rock, in which were specks of imbedded carbonate of copper and copper black; and with them were occasionally associated minute specks of serpentine, in some respects resembling that which is attached to the large mass of copper; and facts would lead us to infer that the trap formation which appears on Lake Superior east of the Ontonagon River, crosses this section of country at or near the source of that river and at length forms one of the spurs of the Porcupine Mountains.

Several smaller masses of insulated native copper have been discovered on the borders of Lake Superior, but that upon Ontonagon River is the only one which is now known to remain.

At as early a period as before the American revolution, an English mining company directed their operations to the country bordering on Lake Superior, and Ontonagon River was one point to which their attention was immediately directed. Traces of a shaft, sunk in the clay hill, near a mass of copper, are still visible, a memento of ignorance and folly.

Operations were also commenced on the southern shore of Lake Superior, near the mouth of a small stream, which, from that circumstance, is called Miners’ River. Parts of the names of the miners, carved upon the sandstone rock at the mouth of the river are still visible. What circumstance led to the selection of this spot does not now appear. No mineral traces are at this day perceptible, except occasional discolorations of the sandstone rock by what is apparently a mixture of the carbonate of iron and copper; and this is only to be observed where water, holding in solution an extremely minute portion of these salts, has trickled slowly over those rocks.

It does not, in fact, appear that the red sandstone, which constitutes the principal rock formation of the southern shore, of Lake Superior, is in any instance metalliferous in any considerable degree. If this be true, it would require but little reflection to convince one of the inexpediency of conducting mining operations at either of the points selected for that purpose; and it is beyond a doubt true, that the company did not receive the least inducement to continue their labors.

In addition to these masses of native copper, an ore of that metal has long been known to the lake traders as the green rock, in which the characteristic substances are the green and blue carbonate of copper, accompanied by copper black. It is situated upon Keweena Point, 280 miles above the falls of the Ste. Marie. The ore is embraced by what is apparently a recently formed crag; and although it is of a kind, and so situated as to make an imposing appearance, there is little certainty of its existence in large quantities in this formation. The ore forms a thin covering to the pebbles of which the body of the rock is composed, and is rarely observed in masses separate from it. The crag is composed of angular fragments of trap-rock; and the formation is occasionally traversed by broad and continuous belts of calc. spar, here and there tinged with copper. Although the ore was not observed in any considerable quantity, except at one point, it apparently exists in minute specks through a greater part of the crag formation, which extends several miles, forming the shore of the lake.

This examination of the crag threw new interest upon the trap formation, which had been first observed to take the place of the sandstone at the bottom of a deep bay, called Montreal Bay, on the easterly side of Keweena Point. The trap-rock continues for a few miles, when the crag before noticed appears to lie directly upon it, and to form the extremity of the point; the crag, in turn, disappears, and the trap-rock is continued for a distance of six or eight miles upon the westerly side of the point, when the sandstone again reappears.

The trap-rock is of a compact granular texture, occasionally running into the amygdaloid and toadstone varieties, and is rich in imbedded minerals, such as amethystine quartz, smoky quartz, cornelian, chalcedony, agate, &c., together with several of the ores of copper. Traces of copper ore in the trap-rock were first noticed on the easterly side of Keweena Point, and near the commencement of the trap formation. This ore, which is an impure copper black, was observed in a vein of variable thickness, but not in any part exceeding 2½ inches; it is sufficiently compact and hard to receive a firm polish, but it is rather disposed to break into small irregular masses. A specimen furnished, upon analysis, 47.5 per cent. of pure copper.

On the western side of Keweena Point, the same ore appears under different circumstances, being disseminated through the body of the trap-rock, in grains varying in size from a pin’s head to a pea. Although many of these grains are wholly copper black, they are occasionally only depositions of the mineral upon specks of cornelian, chalcedony, or agate, or are more frequently composed, in part, of what is apparently an imperfect steatite. The ore is so connected with, and so much resembles in colour the rock, of which it may be said to be a constituent part, that they might easily, during a hasty examination, be confounded. A random specimen of the rock furnished, upon analysis, 3.2 per cent. of pure copper. The rock continues combined with that mineral for nearly the space of three miles. Extremely thin veins of copper black were observed to traverse this same rock; and in enlargements of these were discovered several masses of amorphous native copper. The latter mineral appeared in two forms—the one consisting of compact and malleable masses, carrying from 4 to 10 ounces each; and the other, of specks and fasciculi of pure copper, binding together confused masses of copper green, and partially disintegrated trap-rock: the latter was of several pounds’ weight. Each variety was closely embraced by the rock, although the action of the water upon the rock had occasionally exposed to view points of the metal. In addition to the accompanying copper green, which was in a disintegrated state, small specks of the oxyd of copper were associated in most of the native specimens.

Circumstances would not permit an examination of any portion of the trap formation, except that bordering directly upon the lake. But facts would lead us to infer that that formation extends from one side of Keweena Point to the other, and that a range of thickly wooded hills, which traverses the point, is based upon, if not formed of, that rock. An Indian information which, particularly upon such a subject, must be adopted with caution, would sanction the opinion that the prominent constituents are the same wherever the rock is observed.

After having duly considered the facts which are presented, I would not hesitate to offer, as an opinion, that the trap-rock formation was the original source of the masses of copper which have been observed in the country bordering on Lake Superior; and that at the present day, examinations for the ores of copper could not be made in that country with hopes of success, except in the trap-rock itself; which rock is not certainly known to exist upon any place upon Lake Superior, other than Keweena Point.

If this opinion be a correct one, the cause of failure of the mining company in this region is rendered plain. Having considered each insulated mass of pure metal as a true indication of the existence of a bed in the vicinity, operations were directed to wrong points; when, having failed to realize their anticipations, the project was abandoned without further actual investigation. We would be induced to infer, that no attempts were made to learn the original source of the metal which was discovered, and thus, while the attention was drawn to insulated masses, the ores, ordinary in appearance, but more important in situ, were neglected; and perhaps from the close analogy in appearance to the rock with which they were associated, no distinction was observed.

What quantity of ore the trap-rock of Keweena Point may be capable of producing, can only be determined by minute and laborious examination. The indications which were presented by a hasty investigation are here imbodied, and, with deference, submitted to your consideration.

I have the honor to be,
Sir, your obedient servant,
Douglass Houghton.

V.

Speech of Six Chippewa Chiefs[36] on the Sioux War, delivered at
Michilimackinac, in July, 1833.

My father: listen to your children. Look upon the blood that is shed by our enemies. I hold in my hand the wampum belt, and the articles of the treaty of Prairie du Chien. This belt is stained by blood. It has passed through all our bands. We have all taken hold of it with our hands. So have we in our hearts taken hold of the words of the treaty. You have told us to sit still, and we have done it. But what have our enemies done? Six times we have been attacked by them. Twice on Sioux land and four times on our own. Look on us, father; our mouths are full of blood. You are the cause of this. It is owing to our listening to your advice. You bade us sit still. You told us that your arm was long and strong, and that you would reach it out and pull back any that crossed the lines. We believed it. We remained quiet. Even when struck, we ceased to revenge ourselves, as we formerly revenged ourselves.

We have been again struck. Our people have been killed on their own lands. Yet we are told to keep quiet. We have been killed while relying upon your flag, thinking our enemies came to smoke the pipe of peace. Father, think not that we are fools. We have right hearts. We cannot sit with our eyes shut. But we will keep them open. They are looking upon the lines. They are looking upon you. We will wait one summer more, in hopes that our voices will reach you.[37]

No. IV.

Remarks on the Lead Mine Country on the Upper Mississippi.

[Addressed to the Editors of the New-York Mirror.]

Gentlemen:

Time admonishes me of my promise to furnish you some account of my journey from Galena to Fort Winnebago. But I confess, that time has taken away none of those features which make me regard it as a task. Other objects have occupied so much of my thoughts, that the subject has lost some of its vividness, and I shall be obliged to confine myself more exclusively to my notes than I had intended. This will be particularly true in speaking of geological facts. Geographical features impress themselves strongly on the mind. The shape of a mountain is not easily forgotten, and its relation to contiguous waters and woods is recollected after the lapse of many years. The succession of plains, streams, and settlements is likewise retained in the memory, while the peculiar plains, the soils overlaying them, and all the variety of their mineral and organic contents, require to be perpetuated by specimens and by notes, which impose neither a slight nor a momentary labor.

Limited sketches of this kind are furthermore liable to be misconceived. Prominent external objects can only be brought to mind, and these often reveal but an imperfect notion of the pervading character of strata, and still less knowledge of their mineral contents. Haste takes away many opportunities of observation; and scanty or inconvenient means of transporting hand specimens, often deprive us of the requisite data. Indeed, I should be loath to describe the few facts I am about to communicate, had you not personally visited and examined the great carboniferous and sandstone formation on the Mississippi and Wisconsin, and thus got the knowledge of their features. The parallelism which is apparent in these rocks, by the pinnacles which have been left standing on high—the wasting effects of time in scooping out valleys and filling up declivities—and the dark and castle-looking character of the cherty limestone bluffs, as viewed from the water, while the shadows of evening are deepening around, are suited to make vivid impressions. And these broken and denuded cliffs offer the most favorable points for making geological observations. There are no places inland where the streams have cut so deep. On gaining the height of land, the strata are found to be covered with so heavy a deposite of soil, that it is difficult to glean much that can be relied on respecting the interior structure.

The angle formed by the junction of the Wisconsin with the Mississippi is a sombre line of weather-beaten rocks. Gliding along the current, at the base of these rocks, the idea of a “hill country,” of no very productive character, is naturally impressed upon the observer. And this impression came down, probably, from the days of Marquette, who was the first European, that we read of, who descended the Wisconsin, and thus became the true discoverer of the Mississippi. The fact that it yielded lead ore, bits of which were occasionally brought in by the natives, was in accordance with this opinion; and aided, it may be supposed, in keeping out of view the real character of the country. I know not how else to account for the light which has suddenly burst upon us from this bank of the Mississippi, and which has at once proved it to be as valuable for the purposes of agriculture as for those of mining, and as sylvan in its appearance as if it were not fringed, as it were, with rocks, and lying at a great elevation above the water. This elevation is so considerable as to permit a lively descent in the streams, forming numerous mill-seats. The surface of the country is not, however, broken, but may be compared to the heavy and lazy-rolling waves of the sea after a tempest. These wave-like plains are often destitute of trees, except a few scattering ones, but present to the eye an almost boundless field of native herbage. Groves of oak sometimes diversify those native meadows, or cover the ridges which bound them. Very rarely does any rock appear above the surface. The highest elevations, the Platte mounds, and the Blue mound, are covered with soil and with trees. Numerous brooks of limpid water traverse the plains, and find their way into either the Wisconsin, Rock River, or the Mississippi. The common deer is still in possession of its favorite haunts; and the traveller is very often startled by flocks of the prairie-hen rising up in his path. The surface soil is a rich, black alluvion; it yields abundant crops of corn, and, so far as they have been tried, all the cereal gramina. I have never, either in the west or out of the west, seen a richer soil, or more stately fields of corn and oats, than upon one of the plateaux of the Blue mound.

Such is the country which appears to be richer in ores of lead than any other mineral district in the world—which yielded forty millions of pounds in seven years—produced a single lump of ore of two thousand cubic feet—and appears adequate to supply almost any amount of this article that the demands of commerce require.

The river of Galena rises in the mineral plains of Iowa county, in that part of the North-Western Territory which is attached, for the purposes of temporary government, to Michigan. It is made up of clear and permanent springs, and has a descent which affords a very valuable water-power. This has been particularly remarked at the curve called Millseat-bend. No change in its general course, which is south-west, is I believe apparent after it enters the north-west angle of the state of Illinois. The town of Galena, the capital of the mining country, occupies a somewhat precipitous semicircular bend, on the right (or north) bank of the river, six or seven miles from its entrance into the Mississippi. Backwater, from the latter, gives the stream itself the appearance, as it bears the name, of a “river,” and admits steamboat navigation thus far. It is a rapid brook immediately above the town, and of no further value for the purpose of navigation. Lead is brought in from the smelting furnaces, on heavy ox-teams, capable of carrying several tons at a load. I do not know that water has been, or that it cannot be made subservient in the transportation of this article from the mines. The streams themselves are numerous and permanent, although they are small, and it would require the aid of so many of these, on any projected route, that it is to be feared the supply of water would be inadequate. To remedy this deficiency, the Wisconsin itself might be relied on. Could the waters of this river be conducted in a canal along its valley from the portage to the bend at Arena, they might, from this point, be deflected in a direct line to Galena? This route would cut the mine district centrally, and afford the upper tributaries of the Pekatolika and Fever River as feeders. Such a communication would open the way to a northern market, and merchandise might be supplied by the way of Green Bay, when the low state of water in the Mississippi prevents the ascent of boats. It would, at all times, obviate the tedious voyage, which goods ordered from the Atlantic cities have to perform through the straits of Florida and Gulf of Mexico. A railroad could be laid upon this route with equal, perhaps superior advantages. These things may seem too much like making arrangements for the next generation. But we cannot fix bounds to the efforts of our spreading population, and spirit of enterprise. Nor, after what we have seen in the way of internal improvement, in our own day and generation, should we deem any thing too hard to be accomplished.

I set out from Galena in a light wagon, drawn by two horses, about ten o’clock in the morning (August 17th), accompanied by Mr. B. It had rained the night and morning of the day previous, which rendered the streets and roads quite muddy. A marly soil, easily penetrated by rain, was, however, as susceptible to the influence of the sun, and in a much shorter period than would be imagined, the surface became dry. Although a heavy and continued shower had thoroughly drenched the ground, and covered it with superfluous water, but very little effects of it were to be seen at this time. We ascended into the open plain country, which appears in every direction around the town, and directed our course to Gratiot’s Grove. In this distance, which on our programme of the route, was put down at fifteen miles, a lively idea of the formation and character of the country is given. The eye is feasted with the boundlessness of its range. Grass and flowers spread before and beside the traveller, and on looking back, they fill up the vista behind him. He soon finds himself in the midst of a sylvan scene. Groves fringe the tops of the most distant elevations, and clusters of trees—more rarely, open forests—are occasionally presented. The trees appear to be almost exclusively of the species of white oak and roughbark hickory. Among the flowers, the plant called rosin-weed attracts attention by its gigantic stature, and it is accompanied, as certainly as substance by shadow, by the wild indigo, two plants which were afterward detected of less luxuriant growth on Fox River. The roads are in their natural condition, they are excellent, except for a few yards where streams are crossed. At such places there is a plunge into soft, black muck, and it requires all the powers of a horse harnessed to a wagon to emerge from the stream.

On reaching Gratiot’s Grove, I handed letters of introduction to Mr. H. and B. Gratiot. These gentlemen appear to be extensively engaged in smelting. They conducted me to see the ore prepared for smelting in the log furnace; and also the preparation of such parts of it for the ash furnace as do not undergo complete fusion in the first process. The ash furnace is a very simple kind of air furnace, with a grate so arranged as to throw a reverberating flame upon the hearth where the prepared ore is laid. It is built against a declivity, and charged by throwing the materials to be operated upon, down the flue. A silicious flux is used; and the scoria is tapped and suffered to flow out, from the side of the furnace, before drawing off the melted lead. The latter is received in an excavation made in the earth, from which it is ladled out into iron moulds. The whole process is conducted in the open air, with sometimes a slight shed. The lead ore is piled in cribs of logs, which are roofed. Hammers, ladles, a kind of tongs, and some other iron tools are required. The simplicity of the process, the absence of external show in buildings, and the direct and ready application of the means to the end, are remarkable, as pleasing characteristics about the smelting establishment.

The ore used is the common sulphuret, with a foliated, glittering and cubical fracture. It occurs with scarcely any adhering gangue. Cubical masses of it are found, at some of the diggings, which are studded over with minute crystals of calcareous spar. These crystals, when examined, have the form of the dog-tooth spar. This broad, square-shaped, and square-broken mineral, is taken from east and west leads, is most easy to smelt, and yields the greatest per centum of lead. It is estimated to produce fifty per cent. from the log furnace, and about sixteen more when treated with a flux in the ash furnace.

Miners classify their ore from its position in the mine. Ore from east and west leads, is raised from clay diggings, although these diggings may be pursued under the first stratum of rock. Ore from north and south leads, is termed “sheet minerals,” and is usually taken from rock diggings. The vein or sheet stands perpendicularly in the fissure, and is usually struck in sinking from six to ten feet. The sheet varies in thickness from six or eight inches, in the broadest part, to not more than one. The great mass found at “Irish diggings,” was of this kind.

I observed among the piles of ore at Gratiot’s, the combination of zinc with lead ore, which is denominated dry bone. It is cast by as unproductive. Mr. B. Gratiot also showed me pieces of the common ore which had undergone desulphuration in the log furnace. Its natural splendor is increased by this process, so as to have the appearance of highly burnished steel. He also presented me some uniform masses of lead, recrystallized from a metallic state, under the hearth of the ash furnace. The tendency to rectangular structure in these delicate and fragile masses is very remarkable. Crystallization appears to have taken place under circumstances which opposed the production of a complete and perfect cube or parallelogram, although there are innumerable rectangles of each geometric form.

In the drive from Gratiot’s to Willow Springs, we saw a succession of the same objects that had formed the prominent features of the landscape from Galena. The platte mounds, which had appeared on our left all the morning, continued visible until we entered the grove that embraces the site of the springs. Little mounds of red earth frequently appeared above the grass, to testify to the labors of miners along this part of the route. In taking a hasty survey of some of the numerous excavations of Irish diggings, I observed among the rubbish small flat masses of a yellowish white amorphous mineral substance of great weight. I have not had time to submit it to any tests. It appears too heavy and compact for the earthy yellow oxide of lead. I should not be disappointed to find it an oxide of zinc. No rock stratum protrudes from the ground in this part of the country. The consolidated masses thrown up from the diggings, appear to be silicated limestone, often friable, and not crystalline. Galena is found in open fissures in this rock.

We reached the springs in the dusk of the evening, and found good accommodations at Ray’s. Distance from Galena thirty miles.

The rain fell copiously during the night, and on the morning (eighteenth) gave no signs of a speedy cessation. Those who travel ought often, however, to call to mind the remark of Xenophon, that “pleasure is the result of toil,” and not permit slight impediments to arrest them, particularly when they have definite points to make. We set forward in a moderate rain, but in less than an hour had the pleasure to perceive signs of it mitigating, and before nine o’clock it was quite clear. We stopped a short time at Bracken’s furnace. Mr. Bracken gave me specimens of organic remains, in the condition of earthy calcareous carbonates, procured on a neighbouring ridge. He described the locality as being plentiful in casts and impressions such as he exhibited, which appeared to have been removed from the surface of a shelly limestone. At Rock-branch diggings, I found masses of calcareous spar thrown from the pits. The surface appears to have been much explored for lead in this vicinity. I stopped to examine Vanmater’s lead. It had been a productive one, and affords a fair example of what are called east and west leads. I observed a compass standing on the line of the lead, and asked Mr. V. whether much reliance was to be placed upon the certainty of striking the lead by the aid of this instrument. He said that it was much relied on. That the course of the leads was definite. The present one varied from a due east and west line but nine minutes, and the lead had been followed without much difficulty. The position of the ore was about forty feet below the surface. Of this depth about thirty-six feet consisted of the surface rock and its earthy covering. A vein of marly clay, enveloping the ore, was then penetrated. A series of pits had been sunk on the course of it, and the earth and ore in the interstices removed, and drawn to the surface by a windlass and bucket. Besides the ore, masses of iron pyrites had been thrown out, connected with galena. In stooping to detach some pieces from one of these masses, I placed my feet on the verge of an abandoned pit, around which weeds and bushes had grown. My face was, however, averted from the danger, but on beholding it, I was made sensible that the least deviation from a proper balance would have pitched me into it. It was forty feet deep. The danger I had just escaped fell to the lot of Mr. B.’s dog, who, probably, deceived by the growth of bushes, fell in. Whether killed or not, it was impossible to tell, and we were obliged to leave the poor animal under a promise of Mr. V., that he would cause a windlass to be removed to the pit, to ascertain his fate.

At eleven o’clock we reached Mineral Point, the seat of justice of Iowa county. I delivered an introductory letter to Mr. Ansley, who had made a discovery of copper ore in the vicinity, and through his politeness, visited the locality. The discovery was made in sinking pits in search of lead ore. Small pieces of green carbonate of copper were found on striking the rock, which is apparently silico-calcareous, and of a very friable structure. From one of the excavations, detached masses of the sulphuret, blue and green mingled, were raised. These masses are enveloped with ochery clay.

In riding out on horseback to see this locality, I passed over the ridge of land which first received the appellation of “Mineral Point.” No digging was observed in process, but the heaps of red marly clay, the vigorous growth of shrubbery around them, and the number of open or partially filled pits, remain to attest the labour which was formerly devoted in the search for lead. And this search is said to have been amply rewarded. The track of discovery is conspicuously marked by these excavations, which often extend, in a direct line, on the cardinal points, as far as the eye can reach. Everywhere the marly clay formation appears to have been relied on for the ore, and much of it certainly appears to be in situ in it. It bears no traces of attrition; and its occurrence in regular leads, forbids the supposition of its being an oceanic arrangement of mineral detritus. At Vanmater’s, the metalliferous clay marl is overlaid by a grayish sedimentary limestone. Different is the geological situation of what is denominated gravel ore, of which I noticed piles, on the route from Gratiot’s. This bears evident marks of attrition, and appears to have been uniformly taken from diluvial earth.

On returning to the village from this excursion, I found Mr. B. ready to proceed, and we lost no time in making the next point in our proposed route. A drive of five miles brought us to the residence of Colonel Dodge, whose zeal and enterprise in opening this portion of our western country for settlement, give him claims to be looked up to as a public benefactor. I here met the superintendent of the mines (Captain Legate), and after spending some time in conversation on the resources and prospects of the country, and partaking of the hospitalities politely offered by Colonel D. and his intelligent family, we pursued our way. The village of Dodgeville lies at the distance of four miles. Soon after passing through it some part of our tackle gave way, in crossing a gully, and I improved the opportunity of the delay to visit the adjacent diggings, which are extensive. The ore is found as at other mines, in regular leads, and not scattered about promiscuously in the red marl. Masses of brown oxide of iron were more common here than I had noticed them elsewhere. Among the rubbish of the diggings, fragments of hornstone occur. They appear to be, most commonly, portions of nodules, which exhibit, on being fractured, various discolorings.

Night overtook us before we entered Porter’s Grove, which is also the seat of mining and smelting operations. We are indebted to the hospitality of Mr. M., of whom my companion was an acquaintance, for opening his door to us, at an advanced hour of the evening. Distance from Willow Springs, twenty-five miles.

There is no repose for a traveller. We retired to rest at a late hour, and rose at an early one. The morning (19th) was hazy, and we set forward while the dew was heavy on the grass. Our route still lay through a prairie country. The growth of native grass, bent down with dew, nearly covered the road, so that our horses’ legs were continually bathed. The rising sun was a very cheerful sight, but as our road lay up a long ascent, we soon felt its wilting effects. Nine miles of such driving, with not a single grove to shelter us, brought us to Mr. Brigham’s, at the foot of the Blue Mound, being the last house in the direction to Fort Winnebago. The distance from Galena is sixty-four miles, and this area embraces the present field of mining operations. In rapidly passing over it, mines, furnaces, dwellinghouses, mining villages, enclosed fields, upland prairies (an almost continued prairie), groves, springs, and brooks, have formed the prominent features of the landscape. The impulse to the settlement of the country was first given by its mineral wealth; and it brought here, as it were by magic, an enterprising and active population. It is evident that a far greater amount of labor was a few years ago engaged in mining operations; but the intrinsic value of the lands has operated to detain the present population, which may be considered as permanent. The lands are beautifully disposed, well watered, well drained by natural streams, and easily brought into cultivation. Crops have everywhere repaid the labors of the farmer; and, thus far, the agricultural produce of the country has borne a fair price. The country appears to afford every facility for raising cattle, horses, and hogs. Mining, the cardinal interest heretofore, has not ceased in the degree that might be inferred from the depression of the lead market; and it will be pursued, with increased activity, whenever the purposes of commerce call for it. In the present situation of the country, there appear to be two objects essential to the lasting welfare of the settlements:—first, a title to their lands from Congress; second, a northern market for the products of their mines and farms. To these, a third requisite may be considered auxiliary, namely, the establishment of the seat of territorial government at some point west of Lake Michigan, where its powers may be more readily exercised, and the reciprocal obligations of governor and people more vividly felt.

Mr. Brigham, in whom I was happy to recognise an esteemed friend, conducted us over his valuable plantation. He gave me a mass of a white, heavy metallic substance, taken as an accompanying mineral, from a lead of Galena, which he has recently discovered in a cave. Without instituting any examination of it but such as its external characters disclose, it may be deemed a native carbonate of lead. The mass from which it was broken weighed ninety or one hundred pounds. And its occurrence, at the lead, was not alone.

From the Blue Mound to Fort Winnebago is an estimated distance of fifty-six miles. The country is, however, entirely in a state of nature. The trace is rather obscure; but, with a knowledge of the general geography and face of the country, there is no difficulty in proceeding with a light wagon, or even a loaded team, as the Indian practice of firing the prairies every fall has relieved the surface from underbrush and fallen timber. After driving a few miles, we encountered two Winnebagoes on horseback, the forward rider having a white man in tie behind him. The latter informed us that his name was H., that he had come out to Twelve-mile Creek, for the purpose of locating himself there, and was in pursuit of a hired man, who had gone off, with some articles of his property, the night previous. With this relation, and a boshu[38] for the natives, with whom we had no means of conversing, we continued our way, without further incident, to Duck Creek, a distance of ten miles. We here struck the path, which is one of the boundary lines, in the recent purchase from the Winnebagoes. It is a deeply marked horse path, cutting quite through the prairie sod, and so much used by the natives as to prevent grass from growing on it; in this respect, it is as well-defined a landmark as “blazed tree,” or “saddle.” The surveyor appointed to run out the lines, had placed mile-posts on the route, but the Winnebagoes, with a prejudice against the practice which is natural, pulled up many, and defaced others. When we had gone ten miles further, we began to see the glittering of water through the trees, and we soon found ourselves on the margin of a clear lake. I heard no name for this handsome sheet of water. It is one of the four lakes, which are connected with each other by a stream, and have their outlet into Rock River, through a tributary called the Guskihaw. We drove through the margin of it, where the shores were sandy, and innumerable small unio shells were driven up. Most of these small species appeared to be helices. Standing tent-poles, and other remains of Indian encampments, appeared at this place. A rock stratum, dark and weather-beaten, apparently sandstone, jutted out into the lake. A little farther, we passed to the left of an abandoned village. By casting our eyes across the lake, we observed the new position which had been selected and occupied by the Winnebagoes. We often assign wrong motives, when we undertake to reason for the Indian race; but, in the present instance, we may presume, that their removal was influenced by too near a position to the boundary path.

We drove to the second brook, beyond the lake, and encamped.

Comfort in an encampment depends very much upon getting a good fire. In this we totally failed last night, owing to our having but a small piece of spunk, which ignited and burned out without inflaming our kindling materials. The atmosphere was damp, but not sufficiently cooled to quiet the ever-busy musquito. Mr. B. deemed it a hardship that he could not boil the kettle, so as to have the addition of tea to our cold repast. I reminded him that there was a bright moon, and that it did not rain; and that, for myself, I had fared so decidedly worse, on former occasions, that I was quite contented with the light of the moon and a dry blanket. By raising up and putting a fork under the wagon tongue, and spreading our tent-cloth over it, I found the means of insulating ourselves from the insect hordes, but it was not until I had pitched my musquito net within it that we found repose.

On awaking in the morning (20th), we found H., who had passed us the day before in company with the Winnebagoes, lying under the wagon. He had returned from pursuing the fugitive, and had overtaken us, after twelve o’clock at night. He complained of being cold. We admitted him into the wagon, and drove on to reach his camp at Twelve-mile Creek. In crossing what he denominated Seven-mile Prairie, I observed on our right a prominent wall of rock, surmounted with image-stones. The rock itself consisted of sandstone. Elongated water-worn masses of stone had been set up, so as to resemble, at a distance, the figures of men. The allusion had been strengthened by some rude paints. This had been the serious or the sportive work of Indians. It is not to be inferred hence, that the Winnebagoes are idolaters. But there is a strong tendency to idolatry in the minds of the North American Indians. They do not bow before a carved image, shaped like Dagon or Juggernaut; but they rely upon their guardian spirits, or personal manitos, for aid in exigencies, and impute to the skins of animals, which are preserved with religious care, the power of gods. Their medicine institution is also a gross and bold system of semi-deification connected with magic, witchcraft, and necromancy. Their jossakeeds are impostors and jugglers of the grossest stamp. Their wabenos address Satan directly for power; and their metais, who appear to be least idolatrous, rely more upon the invisible agency of spirits and magic influence, than upon the physical properties of the medicines they exhibit.

On reaching Twelve-mile Creek, we found a yoke of steers of H., in a pen, which had been tied there two days and nights without water. He evinced, however, an obliging disposition, and, after refreshing ourselves and our horses, we left him to complete the labours of a “local habitation.” The intermediate route to Fort Winnebago afforded few objects of either physical or mental interest. The upland soil, which had become decidedly thinner and more arenaceous, after reaching the lake, appears to increase in sterility on approaching the Wisconsin. And the occurrence of lost rocks (primitive boulders), as Mr. B. happily termed them, which are first observed after passing the Blue Mound, becomes more frequent in this portion of the country, denoting our approach to the borders of the north-western primitive formation. This formation, we have now reason to conclude, extends in an angle, so far south as to embrace a part of Fox River, above Apukwa Lake.

Anticipated difficulties always appear magnified. This we verified in crossing Duck Creek, near its entrance into the Wisconsin. We found the adjoining bog nearly dry, and drove through the stream without the water entering into the body of the wagon. It here commenced raining. Having but four miles to make, and that a level prairie, we pushed on. But the rain increased, and poured down steadily and incessantly till near sunset. In the midst of this rain-storm we reached the fort, about one o’clock, and crossed over to the elevated ground occupied by the Indian Department, where my sojourn, while awaiting the expedition, was rendered as comfortable as the cordial greeting and kind attention of Mr. Kinzie, the agent, and his intelligent family could make it.

A recapitulation of the distances from Galena makes the route as follows, viz. Gratiot’s Grove, fifteen miles; Willow Springs, fifteen; Mineral Point, seven; Dodgeville, nine; Porter’s Grove, nine; Blue Mound, nine; Duck Creek, ten; Lake, ten; Twelve-mile Creek, twenty-four; Crossing of Duck Creek, eight; and Fort Winnebago, four; total, one hundred and twenty miles.

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ERRATA.

• Page 12, line 5. For Koginogumoc read Kaginogumoc.
• “ 12, “ 12. For Courtonelle read Courtorielle.
• “ 25, “ 4. For Feebyains read Jeebyains.
• “ 27, “ 16. For troncard read broncard.
• “ 28, “ 2. For and read at.
• “ 36, “ 16. For Saskatchawino read Saskatchawine.
• “ 41, “ 28. For Goulle read Gueule.
• “ 44, “ 3 of Note. For t read not.
• “ 60, “ 24. For these read there is.
• “ 64, “ 34. For Ocant read Ocaut.
• “ 66, “ 35. Do. Do.
• “ 66, “ 18. For Jah read Tah.
• “ 77, “ 7. For Guella read Gueule.
• “ 81, “ 8. For broiled read boiled.
• “ 96, “ 5. For separated read separately.
• “ 103, “ 32. For and read or, and for country read county.
• “ 106, “ 19. For Colamba migratons read Colomba migratoris.
• “ 106, Note. For asmadonta read alasmadonta.
• “ 115, “ 24. For Pipisagi read Tipisagi.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Detached pieces of calcareous tufa were found, imbedded in the soil, at the mouth of the river Brule, in 1832.

[2] Relation des traverses et des aventures d’un Marchand Voyageur dans les territoires Sauvages de l’Amérique Septentrionale, parti de Montreal, le 28 de Mai, 1783. Par Jean Baptiste Pérault.

[3] Wabidea.

[4] He had returned with the Expedition, from Lake Superior.

[5] It is believed that the American Fur Company, did, however, submit such a proposition to the Directors of the Hudson’s Bay Company in London, which was not acceded to by the latter.

[6] Or Pami-tascodiac.

[7] From the data, above given, the descent of the Mississippi, will average a fraction over five inches, per mile, a result not essentially different from that furnished by the data, which I submitted in my Narrative Journal in 1820, but which was differently stated from haste and inadvertence. For a prompt notice of the error, I feel indebted to Hamilton Fulton, Esqr., who, soon after the appearance of the work, wrote to my publishers, on the subject.

[8] Onzig, of the Chippewas.

[9] So called in honor of Lieut. James Allen, U. S. A. who, on his return down the Mississippi, was the first to explore it.

[10] A few years ago, a Mr. Beltrami, returning from the settlement of Pembina, by the usual route of the traders from Red Lake to Turtle Lake, published at New Orleans, a small 12mo volume under the title of “La découverte des sources du Mississippi, et de la Rivière Sanglante,” a work which has since been expanded into two heavy 8vo volumes by the London press.

[11] Composed of the initials of the names of the gentlemen of the party.

[12] Among the dead, Wahb Ojeeg, Cadiwabida, or the Brèche, Chingaba Wossin, and Mozobodo, are the Chippewa patriarchs of modern days.

[13] It has been stated in the “Preliminary Observations,” that it became impracticable to visit these bands, during the expedition of 1831.

[14] Prairie du Chien.

[15] St. Peter’s.

[16] Family mark, or coat of arms—a kind of surname.

[17] Report of the proceedings connected with the disputes between the Earl of Selkirk and the North West Company, at the assizes held at York in Upper Canada, Oct. 1818. Montreal. 8vo. 564 p.

[18] Genera Unio, Anodonta, alasmadonta.

[19] This Chief attacked a Sioux war party, which imprudently ventured in the vicinity, in the fall of this year, (1832,) and achieved a victory, in which he killed forty persons, and lost not a single man.

[20] The total descent of the river at these falls, including the rapids above and below them, is stated in my “Narrative Journal of Travels to the Sources of the Mississippi,” at 65 feet, an estimate which it is believed may exceed the actual aggregate descent, and certainly does so, in the hasty estimate which is given of the perpendicular fall.

[21] I am not certain that I fully comprehend the brevity of Mr. Eaton’s division of this formation of the English geologists; but if I do so, he deduces from it, or from its equivalent in American geology, 1. Second graywake, 2. Calciferous sand-rock, 3. Silicious lime rock, 4. Metalliferous limerock.

[22] Alluding to a mound on an eminence at the mouth of the river.

[23] Vide Letter to his Excellency Gov. Porter, in the Appendix.

[24] This island has been the scene of a subsequent murder, in which an Indian was excited to kill his father-in-law.

[25] The Crane is the totem of the reigning chiefs of the band of Sault Ste. Marie.

[26] The double vowel is here employed to indicate the long sound of i, as i in machine.

[27] Perhaps Aurikerees, and Ornapas.

[28] Vide sequel.

[29] See this reported, as modified by subsequent accounts.

[30] Louis Dufault.

[31] St. Peters.

[32] Signature is expressed by the ceremony of making their mark.

[33] On my arrival at the Petite Corbeau’s village his people fired a salute with ball, and after making further remarks on the state of their affairs, he presented me a peace-pipe and stem.

[34] I enclose the copy of a letter on the subject of posts, &c., addressed by me to Gen. S. M. Street, Agent at Prairie du Chien.

[35] I annex the speech of Mozobodo, chief of Torch Lake, on this subject.

[36]

Buffalo, of Folle Avoine.
Chäcopi, of Snake River.
Nodin, of do.
Läbaince, of Yellow River.
The Little Frenchman, of Folle Avoine.
Keeshkitowug, of Yellow River.

[37] The Indians personify the government in the agent, commissioner, &c. they are addressing.

[38] This term is in use by the Algic or Algonquin tribes, particularly by the Chippewas. The Winnebagoes, who have no equivalent for it, are generally acquainted with it, although I am not aware that they have, to any extent, adopted it. It has been supposed to be derived from the French bon jour.

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Transcriber’s Note:

• Blank pages have been removed.
• Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.
• Table of contents added.
• In tables starting page 220 large curly braces were replaced by cell borders as best I could, many seemed to have no relevance.
• All errata have been applied.
• The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.