II. INDIAN LANGUAGE.

[The following observations are part of a course of lectures on the grammatical structure of the Indian languages, delivered before the St. Mary’s Committee of the Algic Society.—H. R. S.]

I. LECTURES ON THE CHIPPEWA SUBSTANTIVE.

LECTURE I.

Observations on the Ojibwai Substantive. 1. The provision of the language for indicating gender—Its general and comprehensive character—The division of words into animate and inanimate classes. 2. Number—its recondite forms, arising from the terminal vowel in the word. 3. The grammatical forms which indicate possession, and enable the speaker to distinguish the objective person.

Most of the researches which have been directed to the Indian languages, have resulted in elucidating the principles governing the use of the verb, which has been proved to be full and varied in its inflections. Either, less attention has been paid to the other parts of speech, or results less suited to create high expectations of their flexibility and powers, have been attained. The Indian verb has thus been made to stand out, as it were in bold relief as a shield to defects in the substantive and its accessories, and as, in fact, compensating, by its multiform appendages of prefix and suffix—by its tensal, its pronominal, its substantive, its adjective, and its adverbial terminations; for barrenness and rigidity in all other parts of speech. Influenced by this reflection, I shall defer, in the present inquiry, the remarks I intend offering on the verb, until I have considered the substantive, and its more important adjuncts.

Palpable objects, to which the idea of sense strongly attaches, and the actions or condition, which determine the relation of one object to another, are perhaps, the first points to demand attention in the invention of languages. And they have certainly imprinted themselves very strongly, with all their materiality, and with all their local, and exclusive, and personal peculiarities upon the Indian. The noun and the verb not only thus constitute the principal elements of speech, as in all languages; but they continue to perform their first offices, with less direct aid from the auxiliary parts of speech, than would appear to be reconcileable with a clear expression of the circumstances of time and place, number and person, quality and quantity, action and repose, and the other accidents, on which their definite employment depends. But to enable the substantives and attributives to perform these complex offices, they are provided with inflections, and undergo changes and modifications, by which words and phrases become very concrete in their meaning, and are lengthened out to appear formidable to the eye. Hence the polysyllabic, and the descriptive character of the language, so composite in its aspect and in its forms.

To utter succinctly, and in as few words as possible the prominent ideas resting upon the mind of the speaker, appear to have been the paramount object with the inventors of the language. Hence concentration became a leading feature. And the pronoun, the adjective, the adverb and the preposition, however they may be disjunctively employed in certain cases, are chiefly useful as furnishing materials to the speaker, to be worked up into the complicated texture of the verb and the substantive. Nothing, in fact, can be more unlike, than the language, viewed in its original, elementary state,—in a vocabulary, for instance, of its primitive words, so far as such a vocabulary can now be formed, and the same language as heard under its oral, amalgamated form. Its transpositions may be likened to a picture, in which the copal, the carmine and the white lead, are no longer recognized as distinct substances, but each of which has contributed its share towards the effect. It is the painter only who possesses the principle, by which one element has been curtailed, another augmented, and all, however seemingly discordant, made to coalesce.

Such a language may be expected to abound in derivatives and compounds; to afford rules for giving verbs substantive, and substantives verbal qualities; to concentrate the meaning of words upon a few syllables, or upon a single letter, or alphabetical sign; and to supply modes of contraction and augmentation, and, if I may so say, short cuts, and by paths to meanings, which are equally novel and interesting. To arrive at its primitives, we must pursue an intricate thread, where analogy is often the only guide. We must divest words of those accumulated syllables, or particles, which, like the molecules of material matter, are clustered around the primitives. It is only after a process of this kind, that the principle of combination—that secret wire, which moves the whole machinery can be searched for, with a reasonable prospect of success. The labor of analysis is one of the most interesting and important, which the subject presents. And it is a labor which it will be expedient to keep constantly in view, until we have separately considered the several parts of speech, and the grammatical laws by which the language is held together; and thus established principles and provided materials wherewith we may the more successfully labor.

1. In a general survey of the language as it is spoken, and as it must be written, there is perhaps no feature which obtrudes itself so constantly to view, as the principle which separates all words, of whatever denomination, into animates and inanimates, as they are applied to objects in the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom. This principle has been grafted upon most words, and carries its distinctions throughout the syntax. It is the gender of the language; but a gender of so unbounded a scope, as to merge in it the common distinctions of a masculine and feminine, and to give a two-fold character to the parts of speech. The concords which it requires, and the double inflections it provides, will be mentioned in their appropriate places. It will be sufficient here to observe, that animate nouns require animate verbs for their nominatives, animate adjectives to express their qualities, and animate demonstrative pronouns to mark the distinctions of person. Thus, if we say, I see a man; I see a house, the termination of the verb must be changed. What was in the first instance wâb imâ, is altered to wâb indân. Wâb, is here the infinitive, but the root of this verb is still more remote. If the question occur, Is it a good man, or a good house, the adjective, which, in the inanimate form is onishish-í, is, in the animate onishish-in´. If the question be put, Is it this man, or this house, the pronoun this, which is mâ bum, in the animate, is changed to mâ ndun, in the inanimate.

Nouns animate embrace the tribes of quadrupeds, birds, fishes, insects, reptiles, crustaceæ, the sun and moon and stars, thunder and lightning, for these are personified; and whatever either possesses animal life, or is endowed, by the peculiar opinions and superstitions of the Indians, with it. In the vegetable kingdom, their number is comparatively limited, being chiefly confined to trees, and those only while they are referred to, as whole bodies, and to the various species of fruits, and seeds, and esculents. It is at the option of the speaker to employ nouns, either as animates or inanimates: but it is a choice seldom resorted to, except in conformity with stated exceptions. These conventional exceptions are not numerous, and the more prominent of them, may be recited. The cause of the exceptions it is not always easy to perceive. It may, however, generally be traced to a particular respect paid to certain inanimate bodies, either from their real or fancied properties,—the uses to which they are applied, or the ceremonies to which they are dedicated. A stone, which is the altar of sacrifice to their Manitoes; a bow, formerly so necessary in the chase; a feather, the honored sign of martial prowess; a kettle, so valuable in the household; a pipe, by which friendships are sealed and treaties ratified; a drum, used in their sacred and festive dances; a medal, the mask of authority; vermillion, the appropriate paint of the warrior; wampum, by which messages are conveyed, and covenants remembered. These are among the objects, in themselves inanimates, which require the application of animate verbs, pronouns, and adjectives, and are thereby transferred to the animate class.

It is to be remarked, however, that the names for animals, are only employed as animates, while the objects are referred to, as whole and complete species. But the gender must be changed, when it becomes necessary to speak of separate numbers. Man, woman, father, mother, are separate nouns, so long as the individuals are meant; but hand, foot, head, eye, ear, tongue, are inanimates. Buck, is an animate noun, while his entire carcass is referred to, whether living or dead; but neck, back, heart, windpipe, take the inanimate form. In like manner, eagle, swan, dove, are distinguished as animates, but beak, wing, tail, are arranged with inanimates. So oak, pine, ash, are animate; branch, leaf, root, inanimates.

Reciprocal exceptions, however, exist to this rule,—the reasons for which, as in the former instance, may generally be sought, either in peculiar opinions of the Indians, or in the peculiar qualities or uses of the objects. Thus the talons of the eagle, and the claws of the bear, and of other animals, which furnish ornaments for the neck, are invariably spoken of, under the animate form. The hoofs and horns of all quadrupeds, which are applied to various economical and mystic purposes; the castorum of the beaver, and the nails of man, are similarly situated. The vegetable creation also furnishes some exceptions of this nature; such are the names for the outer bark of all trees, (except the birch,) and the branches, the roots, and the resin of the spruce, and its congeners.

In a language, which considers all nature as separated into two classes of bodies, characterized by the presence or absence of life; neuter nouns, will scarcely be looked for, although such may exist without my knowledge. Neuters are found amongst the verbs and the adjectives, but it is doubtful whether they render the nouns to which they are applied, neuters, in the sense we attach to that term. The subject in all its bearings, is interesting, and a full and minute description of it, would probably elicit new light respecting some doubtful points in the language, and contribute something towards a curious collateral topic—the history of Indian opinions. I have stated the principle broadly, without filling up the subject of exceptions, as fully as it is in my power, and without following its bearings upon points, which will more properly come under discussion, at other stages of the inquiry. A sufficient outline, it is believed, has been given, and having thus met, at the threshold, a principle deeply laid at the foundation of the language, and one which will be perpetually recurring, I shall proceed to enumerate some other prominent features of the substantive.

2. No language is perhaps so defective, as to be totally without number. But there, are, probably, few which furnish so many modes of indicating it, as the Ojibwai. There are as many modes of forming the plural, as there are vowel sounds, yet there is no distinction between a limited and unlimited plural; although there is, in the pronoun, an inclusive and an exclusive plural. Whether we say man or men, two men or twenty men, the singular, inin´i, and the plural inin´iwug, remains the same. But if we say we, or us, or our men, (who are present,) or we, or us, or our Indians, (in general,) the plural we, and us, and our—for they are rendered by the same form—admit of a change to indicate whether the objective person be included or excluded. This principle, of which full examples will be given under the appropriate head, forms a single and anomalous instance of the use of particular plurals. And it carries its distinctions, by means of the pronouns, separable and inseparable, into the verbs and substantives, creating the necessity of double conjugations and double declensions, in the plural forms of the first person. Thus, the term for Our Father, which, in the inclusive form, is Kôsinân, is, in the exclusive, Nôsinân.

The particular plural, which is thus, by the transforming power of the language, carried from the pronoun into the texture of the verb and substantive, is not limited to any fixed number of persons or objects, but arises from the operations of the verb. The general plural is variously made. But the plural, making inflections take upon themselves an additional power or sign, by which substantives are distinguished into animate and inanimate. Without this additional power, all nouns plural, would end in the vowels a, e, i, o, u. But to mark the gender the letter g, is added to animates, and the letter n, to inanimates, making the plurals of the first class, terminate in âg, eeg, ig, ôg, ug, and of the second class in ân, een, in, ôn, un. Ten modes of forming the plural are thus provided, five of which are animate, and five inanimate plurals. A strong and clear line of distinction is thus drawn between the two classes of words, so unerring indeed, in its application, that it is only necessary to inquire how the plural is formed, to determine whether it belong to one, or the other class. The distinctions which we have endeavored to convey, will perhaps, be more clearly perceived, by adding examples of the use of each of the plurals.

Animate Plural.

a. Ojibwâi,a Chippewa.Ojibwaig,Chippewas.
e. Ojee,a Fly.Ojeeg,Flies.
i. Kosénân, Our father, (in.)Kosenân-ig,Our fathers, (in.)
o. Ahmô,a Bee.Ahm-ôg,Bees.
u. Ais,a Shell.Ais-ug,Shells.

Inanimate Plural.

a. Ishkôdai,Fire.Ishkôdain,Fires.
e. Waddôp,Alder.Waddôp-een,Alders.
i. Adetaig,Fruit.Adetaig-in,Fruits.
o. Nôdin,Wind.Nôdin-ôn,Winds.
u. Meen,Berry,Meen-un,Berries.

Where a noun terminates with a vowel in the singular, the addition of the g, or n, shows at once, both the plural and the gender. In other instances, as in peenai, a partridge—seebi, a river—it requires a consonant to precede the plural vowel, in conformity with a rule previously stated. Thus, peenai, is rendered peenai-wug—and seebi, seebi-wun. Where the noun singular terminates in the broad, instead of the long sound of a, as in ôgimâ, a chief ishpatinâ, a hill, the plural is ogim-ag, ishpatinân. But these are mere modifications of two of the above forms, and are by no means entitled to be considered as additional plurals.

Comparatively few substantives, are without number. The following may be enumerated.

Missun´,Fire wood.
Pinggwi,Ashes.
Méjim,Food.
Kôn,Snow.
Mishk´wi,Blood.
Ukkukkuzhas,Coals.
Ussáimâ,Tobacco.
Naigow,Sand.
Ahioun,Mist.
Kimmiwun,Rain.
Ossâkumig,Moss.
Unitshimin,Peas.

Others may be found, and indeed, a few others are known. But it is less an object, in this lecture to pursue exceptions into their minutest ramifications, than to sketch broad rules, applicable, if not to every word, to at least a majority of words in the language.

There is, however, one exception from the general use of number, so peculiar in itself, that not to point it out, would be an unpardonable remissness, in giving the outlines of a language, in which it is an object, neither to extenuate faults, nor to overrate beauties. This exception consists in the want of number in the third person of the declensions of animate nouns, and the conjugation of animate verbs. Not, that such words are destitute of number, in their simple forms, or when used under circumstances requiring no change of these simple forms—no prefixes and no inflections. But it will be seen, at a glance, how very limited such an application of words must be, in a transpositive language.

Thus mang and kâg (loon and porcupine) take the plural inflection wug, becoming mang wug and kag wug (loons and porcupines.) So, in their pronominal declension—

My loonNi mangoom
Thy loonKi mangoom
My porcupineNi gâgoom
Thy porcupineKi gâgoom
My loonsNi mangoomug
Thy loonsKi mangoomug
My porcupinesNi gâgoomug
Thy porcupinesKi gâgoomug

But his loon, or loons, (o mang oom un) his porcupine or porcupines, (o gâg oom un) are without number. The rule applies equally to the class of words, in which the pronouns are inseparable. Thus, my father and thy father, nôs and kôs, become my fathers and thy fathers, by the numerical inflection ug, forming nôsug and kôsug. But ôsun, his father or fathers is vague, and does not indicate whether there be one father or twenty fathers. The inflection un, merely denotes the object. The rule also applies equally to sentences, in which the noun is governed by, or governs the verb. Whether we say, I saw a bear—ningi wâbumâ mukwah, or a bear saw me—mukwah ningi wâbumig, the noun, itself, undergoes no change, and its number is definite. But ogi wâbum-ân muk-wun, he saw bear, is indefinite, although both the verb and the noun have changed their endings. And if the narrator does not subsequently determine the number, the hearer is either left in doubt, or must resolve it by a question. In fine, the whole acts of the third person are thus rendered questionable. This want of precision, which would seem to be fraught with so much confusion, appears to be obviated in practice, by the employment of adjectives, by numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence, by the use of the indefinite article, paizhik, or by demonstrative pronouns. Thus, paizhik mukwun ogi wâbumân, conveys with certainty the information—he saw a bear. But in this sentence both the noun and the verb retain the objective inflections, as in the former instances. These inflections are not uniformly un, but sometimes een, as in ogeen, his mother, and sometimes ôn, as in odakeek-ôn, his kettle, in all which instances, however, the number is left indeterminate. It may hence be observed, and it is a remark which we shall presently have occasion to corroborate, that the plural inflection to inanimate nouns, (which have no objective form,) forms the objective inflection to animate nouns, which have no number in the third person.

3. This leads us to the consideration of the mode of forming possessives, the existence of which, when it shall have been indicated by full examples, will present to the mind of the inquirer, one of those tautologies in grammatical forms, which, without imparting additional precision, serve to clothe the language with accumulated verbiage. The strong tendency to combination and amalgamation, existing in the language, renders it difficult, in fact to discuss the principles of it, in that elementary form which, could be wished. In the analysis of words and forms we are constantly led from the central point of discussion. To recur, however, from these collateral unravelings, to the main thread of inquiry, at as short and frequent intervals as possible, and thus to preserve the chain of conclusions and proofs, is so important that without keeping the object distinctly in view, I should despair of conveying any clear impressions of those grammatical features, which impart to the language its peculiar character.

It has been remarked that the distinctions of number, are founded upon a modification of the five vowel sounds. Possessives are likewise founded upon the basis of the vowel sounds. There are five declensions of the noun to mark the possessive, ending in the possessive in âm, eem, im, ôm, um, oom. Where the nominative ends with a vowel, the possessive is made by adding the letter m, as in maimai, a woodcock, ni maimaim, my woodcock, &c. Where the nominative ends in a consonant, as in ais, a shell, the full possessive inflection is required, making nin dais-im, my shell. In the latter form the consonant d, is interposed between the pronoun and noun, and sounded with the noun, in conformity with a general rule. Where the nominative ends in the broad, in lieu of the long sound of a, as in ogimâ, a chief—the possessive is âm. The sound of i, in the third declension, is that of i in pin, and the sound of u, in the fifth declension, is that of u in bull. The latter will be uniformly represented by oo.

The possessive declensions run throughout both the animate and inanimate classes of nouns, with some exceptions in the latter—as knife, bowl, paddle, &c.

Inanimate nouns are thus declined.

Nominative, Ishkôdai, Fire.

Possessive.

My,NinDishkod-aim.
Thy,KiDishkod-aim.
His,ODishkod-aim.
Our,KiDishkod-aim-inân. (in.)
—NiDishkod-aim-inân. (ex.)
Your,KiDishkod-aim-iwâ.
Their,ODishkod-aim-iwâ.

Those words which form exceptions from this declension, take the separable pronouns before them, as follows.

Môkoman,A Knife.
Ni môkoman,My Knife.
Ki môkoman,Thy Knife.
O môkoman,His Knife, &c.

Animate substantives are declined precisely in the same manner as inanimate, except in the third person, which takes to the possessive inflections, aim, eem, im, ôm, oom, the objective particle un, denoting the compound inflection of this person, both in the singular and plural, aimun, eemun, imun, ômun, oomun, and the variation of the first vowel sound, âmun. Thus, to furnish an example of the second declension, pizhik’i, a bison, changes its forms to nim, bizhik-im, my bison—ke bizhik-im, thy bison, O bizhik-imun, his bison, or bisons.

The cause of this double inflection in the third person, may be left for future inquiry. But we may add further examples in aid of it. We cannot simply say, The chief has killed a bear, or, to reverse the object upon which the energy of the verb is exerted, The bear has killed a chief. But, ogimâ ogi nissân mukwun, literally, Chief he has killed him bear, or, mukwah ogi nissân ogimân, Bear he has killed him chief. Here the verb and the noun are both objective in un, which is sounded ân, where it comes after the broad sound of a, as in nissân, objective of the verb to kill. If we confer the powers of the English possessive, (’s) upon the inflections aim, eem, im, ôm, oom, and âm respectively, and the meaning of him, and of course he, her, his, hers, they, theirs, (as there is no declension of the pronoun, and no number to the third person) upon the objective particle un, we shall then translate the above expression, o bizhik-eemum, his bison’s hisn. If we reject this meaning, as I think we should, the sentence would read, His bison—him—a mere tautology.

It is true, it may be remarked, that the noun possessed, has a corresponding termination, or pronominal correspondence, with the pronoun possessor, also a final termination indicative of its being the object on which the verb exerts its influence—a mode of expression, which, so far as relates to the possessive, would be deemed superfluous, in modern languages; but may have some analogy in the Latin accusatives am, um, em.

It is a constant and unremitting aim in the Indian languages to distinguish the actor from the object, partly by prefixes, and partly by inseparable suffixes. That the termination un, is one of these inseparable particles, and that its office, while it confounds the number, is to designate the object, appears probable from the fact, that it retains its connexion with the noun, whether the latter follow or precede the verb, or whatever its position in the sentence may be.

Thus we can, without any perplexity in the meaning say, Waimittigôzhiwug ogi sagiân Pontiac-un, Frenchmen they did love Pontiac him. Or to reverse it, Pontiac-un Waimittigôzhiwug ogi sagiân, Pontiac, he did Frenchmen he loved. The termination un in both instances, clearly determines the object beloved. So in the following instance, Sagunoshug ogi sagiân Tecumseh-un, Englishmen, they did love Tecumseh, or Tecumseh-un Sagunoshug oji sagiân, Tecumseh, he did Englishmen he loved.

In tracing the operation of this rule, through the doublings of the language, it is necessary to distinguish every modification of sound, whether it is accompanied, or not accompanied by a modification of the sense. The particle un, which thus marks the third person and persons, is sometimes pronounced wun, and sometimes yun, as the harmony of the word to which it is suffixed, may require. But not the slightest change is thereby made in its meaning.

Wâbojeeg ogi meegân-ân nâdowaisi-wun.

Wâbojeeg fought his enemies. L. W. he did fight them, his enemy, or enemies.

O sâgi-ân inini-wun.

He, or she loves a man. L. He, or she, loves him-man, or men.

Kigo-yun waindji pimmâdizziwâd.

They subsist on fish. L. Fish or fishes, they upon them, they live.

Ontwa o sagiân odi-yun.

Ontwa loves his dog. L. O. he loves him, his dog, or dogs.

In these sentences the letters w and y are introduced before the inflection un, merely for euphony’s sake, and to enable the speaker to utter the final vowel of the substantive, and the inflective vowel, without placing both under the accent. It is to be remarked in these examples, that the verb has a corresponding inflection with the noun, indicated by the final consonant n, as in sagiâ-n, objective of the verb to love. This is merely a modification of un, where it is requisite to employ it after broad a (aw,) and it is applicable to nouns as well as verbs whenever they end in that sound. Thus, in the phrase, he saw a chief, O wâbumâ-n O gimâ-n, both noun and verb terminate in n. It is immaterial to the sense, which precedes. And this leads to the conclusion, which we are, in some measure, compelled to state, in anticipation of our remarks on the verb. That verbs must not only agree with their nominatives in number, person and gender (we use the latter term for want of a more appropriate one,) but also with their objectives. Hence the objective sign n, in the above examples. Sometimes this sign is removed from the ending of the verb, to make room for the plural of the nominative person, and is subjoined to the latter. Thus,

O sagiâ(wâ)n.

They love them, him or them.

In this phrase the interposed syllable (wâ) is, apparently, the plural—it is a reflective plural—of he—the latter being, indicated as usual, by the sign O. It has been observed, above, that the deficiency in number, in the third person, is sometimes supplied “by numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence,” and this interposed particle, (wâ) affords an instance in point. The number of the nominative pronoun appears to be thus rendered precise, but the objective is still indefinite.

When two nouns are used without a verb in the sentence, or when two nouns compose the whole matter uttered, being in the third person, both have the full objective inflection. Thus,

Os-(un.) Odi-(yun.)

His father’s dog. L. His father—his dog or dogs.

There are certain words, however, which will not admit the objective un, either in its simple or modified forms. These are rendered objective in een, or ôn.

O wâbumâ-(n,) ossin-(een.)

He sees the stone. L. He sees him—stone or stones.

O wâbumâ-(n) mittig o mizh-(een.) L. He sees him, tree or trees.

He sees an oak tree.

O mittig wâb (een,) gyai o bikwuk-(ôn.)

His bow and his arrows. L. His bow him, and his arrows him or them.

Odyâ | wâ | wâ (n,) akkik-(ôn.)

They possess a kettle. L. They own them, kettle or kettles.

The syllable wâ, in the verb of the last example included between bars, (instead of parentheses,) is the reflective plural they, pointed out in a preceding instance.

I shall conclude these remarks, with full examples of each pronominal declension.

a. First declension, forming the first and second persons in aim, and the third in aimun.

Nominative.Pinâi, a partridge.
Pinâi-wug, partridges.
1 & 2d P.My Nim Bin-aim.
Thy Ki Bin-aim.
Our Ki Bin-aim inân. Inclusive plural.
Our Ni Bin-aiminân. Exclusive plural.
Your Ki Bin-aim wâ.
3rd P.His O Bin-aim, (un.)
Their O Bin-aim iwâ (n.)

e. Second declension forming the first and second persons in eem, and the third in eemun,

Nominative.Ossin, a stone.
Ossineen, stones.
1 & 2d P.Thy Ki Dossin-eem.
Our Ki Dossin-eeminân. (in.)
My Nin Dossin-eem.
Our Ni Dossin-eeminân. (ex.)
Your Ke Dossin-eemewâ.
3rd P.His O Dossin-eem(un.)
Their O Dossin-eemewâ (n.)

i. Third declension forming the first and second persons in im, and the third in imun.

Nominative.Ais, a shell.
Ais-ug, shells.
1 & 2d P.My Nin Dais-im.
Thy Ki Dais-im.
Our Ki Dais-iminân. (in.)
Our Ni Dais-iminân. (ex.)
Your Ki Dais-imiwâ.
3rd P.His O Dais-im (un.)
Their O Dais-imewâ (n.)

o. Fourth declension forming the first and second persons in ôm, and the third in ômun.

Nominative.Monidô, a Spirit.
Monidôg, Spirits.
1 & 2d P.My Ni Monid-ôm.
Thy Ki Monid-ôm.
Our Ki Monid-ôminân. (in.)
Our Ni Monid-ôminân. (ex.)
Your Ki Monid-ômiwâ.
3rd P.His O monid-ôm (un.)
Their O Monid-ômewâ (n.)

u. (oo) Fifth declension forming the first and second persons in oom, and the third in oomun.

Nominative.Môz, a Moose.
Môzôg, Moose.
1 & 2d P.My Ni Môz-oom.
Thy Ki Môz-oom.
Our Ki Môz-oominân. (in.)
Our Ki Môz-oominân. (ex.)
Your Ki Môz-oominân. (in.)
3rd P.His O Môz oom (un.)
Their O Môz oomiwa (n.)

aw. Additional declension, required when the noun ends in the broad, instead of the long sound of a, forming the possessive in âm, and the objective in âmun.

Nominative.Ogimâ, a Chief.
Ogimâg, Chiefs.
1 & 2d P.My Ni Dôgim âm.
Thy Ki Dôgim âm.
Our Ki Dôgim âminân. (in.)
Our Ni Dôgim âminân. (ex.)
Your Ki Dôgim âmiwâ.
3rd P.His O Dôgim âm (un.)
Their O Dôgim âmiwâ (n.)

The abbreviations, in. and ex. in these declensions, mark the inclusive and exclusive forms of the pronoun plural. The inflection of the third person, as it is superadded to the first and second, is included between parentheses, that the eye, unaccustomed to these extended forms, may readily detect it.

Where the inseparable, instead of the separable pronoun is employed, the possessive inflection of the first and second person is dispensed with, although the inflection of the third is still retained.

Os: Father.

S. singular.
Nos.My father.
Kos.Thy father.
Os-un,His father. Sing. and plural.
Nos-inân.Our father. (ex.)
Kos-inân.Our father. (in.)
Kos-iwâ.Your father.
Os-iwân.Their father. Sing. and plural.
S. plural.
Nos-ug.My fathers.
Kos-ug.Thy fathers.
Os-un.His fathers. Sing. and plural.
Nos-inân ig.Our fathers. (ex.)
Kos-inân ig.Our fathers. (in.)
Kos-iwâg.Your fathers.
Os-iwân.Their fathers. Sing. and plural.

The word dog, and this word alone, is declined in the following manner.

Annimoosh: a Dog.

S. singular.
NinDy (or Di)My dog.
KiDyThy dog.
ODy-unHis dog or dogs.
KiDy-inânOur dog (in.)
NiDy-inânOur dog (ex.)
KiDy-iwâYour dog.
ODy-iwânTheir dog, &c.
S. plural.
NinDy-ugMy dogs.
KiDy-ugThy dogs.
ODy-unHis dogs, &c.
KiDy-inânigOur dogs (in.)
NiDy-inânigOur dogs (ex.)
KiDy-iwâgYour dogs.
ODy-iwânHis dogs, &c.

The word Dy which supplies this declension is derived from Indyiàm mine. pron. an.—a derivative form of the word, which is, however exclusively restricted, in its meaning, to the dog. If the expression Nin Dy or N’ Dy, is sometimes applied to the horse, it is because it is thereby intended to call him, my dog, from his being in a state of servitude similar to that of the dog. It must be borne in mind, as connected with this subject, that the dog, in high northern latitudes, and even as far south as 42 deg. is both a beast of draught and of burden. He is compelled during the winter season to draw the odàban, or Indian sleigh; and sometimes to support the burden upon his back, by means of a kind of drag constructed of slender poles.

A review of the facts which have been brought together respecting the substantive, will show that the separable or inseparable pronouns under the form of prefixes, are throughout required. It will also indicate, that the inflections of the first and second persons which occupy the place of possessives, and those of the third person, resembling objectives, pertain to words, which are either primitives, or denote but a single object, as moose, fire. There is, however another class of substantives, or substantive expressions, and an extensive class—for it embraces a great portion of the compound descriptive terms—in the use of which, no pronominal prefixes are required, The distinctions of person are, exclusively, supplied by pronominal suffixes. Of this character are the words descriptive of country, place of dwelling, field of battle, place of employment, &c. The following example will furnish the inflexions applicable to this entire class of words.

Aindâd: Home, or place of dwelling.

S. singular.
Aindâ-yân.My home.
Aindâ-yun.Thy home.
Aindâ-d.His home.
Aindâ-yâng.Our home. (ex.)
Aindâ-yung.Our home. (in.)
Aindâ-yaig.Your home.
Aindâ-wâd.Their home.
S. plural.
Aindâ-yân-in.My homes.
Aindâ-yun-in.Thy homes.
Aindâ-jin.His homes.
Aindâ-yâng-in.Our homes. (ex.)
Aindâ-yung-in.Our homes. (in.)
Aindâ-yaig-in.Your homes.
Aindâ-wâdjin.Their homes.
LECTURE II.

Further Remarks on the Substantive. Local, diminutive, derogative, and tensal inflections. Mode in which the latter are employed to denote the disease of individuals, and to indicate the past and future seasons. Restricted or sexual terms. Conversion of the substantive into a verb, and the reciprocal character of the verb, by which it is converted into a substantive. Derivative and compound substantives. Summary of the properties of this part of speech.

In the view which has been taken of the substantive in the preceding lecture, it has been deemed proper to exclude several topics, which, from their peculiarities, it was believed, could be more satisfactorily discussed in a separate form. Of this character are those modifications of the substantive by which locality, diminution, a defective quality, and the past tense are expressed; by which various adjective and adverbial significations are given; and finally, the substantives themselves converted into verbs. Such are also the mode of indicating the masculine and feminine (both merged, as we have shown, in the animate class) and those words which are of a strictly sexual character, or are restricted in their use either to males or females. Not less interesting is the manner of forming derivatives, and of conferring upon the derivatives so formed, a personality, distinguished as either animate or inanimate, at the option of the speaker.

Much of the flexibility of the substantive is derived from these properties, and they undoubtedly add much to the figurative character of the language. Some of them have been thought analogous to case, particularly that inflection of the noun which indicates the locality of the object. But if so, then there would be equally strong reasons for establishing an adjective, and an adverbial, as well as a local case, and a plurality of forms in each. But it is believed that no such necessity exists. There is no regular declension of these forms, and they are all used under limitations and restrictions incompatible with the true principles of case.

It is under this view of the subject, that the discussion of these forms has been transferred, together with the other accidents of the substantive just adverted to, and reserved, as the subject matter of a separate lecture. And in now proceeding to express the conclusions at which we have arrived touching these points, it will be an object so to compress and arrange the materials before us, as to present within a small compass, the leading facts and examples, upon which each separate position depends.

1. That quality of the noun, which, in the shape of an inflection, denotes the relative situation of the object, by the contiguous position of some accessory object, is expressed in the English language, by the prepositions in, into, at, or on. In the Indian they are denoted by an inflection. Thus the phrase, In the box, is rendered in the Indian by one word, mukukoong. Of this word, mukuk, simply, is box. The termination oong, denoting the locality, not of the box, but of the object sought after. The expression appears to be precise, although there is no definite article in the language.

The substantive takes this form, most commonly, after a question has been put, as, Anindl ni môkoman-ais? where is my penknife? Mukukoong, (in the box,) addôpowin-ing, (on the table,) are definite replies to this question. But the form is not restricted to this relation. Chimân-ing n’guh pôz, I shall embark in the canoe; wakyigun n’guh izhâ, I shall go into the house, are perfectly correct, though somewhat formal expressions, when the canoe or the house are present to the speaker’s view.

The meaning of these inflections has been restricted to in, into, at, and on. But they are the more appropriate forms of expressing the three first senses, there being other modes beside these of expressing the preposition on. These modes consist in the use of prepositions and will be explained under that head. The choice of the one, or the other, is, however, with the speaker. Generally, the inflection is employed, when there is some circumstance or condition of the noun, either concealed, or not fully apparent. Thus, Muzzinyigun-ing, is the appropriate term for in the book, and may also be used to signify on the book. But if it is meant only to signify on the book, something visible being referred to, the preposition ogidj would be used, that word indicating with certainty on, and never in. Wakyigun-ing indicates with clearness, in the house; but if it is necessary to say on the house, and it be meant at the same time to exclude any reference to the interior, the expression would be changed to ogidj wakyigun.

It will be proper further to remark, in this place, in the way of limitation, that there is also a separate preposition signifying in. It is pinj. But the use of this word does not, in all cases, supersede the necessity of inflecting the noun. Thus the expression pindigain, is literally walk in, or enter. But if it is intended to say, walk in the house, the local, and not the simple form of house must be used; and the expression is—Pindigain waky´igun-ing, Enter in the house,—the verbal form which this preposition pinj puts on, having no allusion to the act of walking, but merely implying position.

The local inflection, which in the above examples, is ing and oong, is further changed to aing and eeng, as the ear may direct—changes which are governed chiefly by the terminal vowel of the noun. Examples will best supply the rule, as well as the exceptions to it.

Simple form.

Local form.

a. First inflection in aing.

IshkodaiFireIshkod-aingIn, &c. the fire.
MuskodaiPrairieMuskod-aingIn, &c. the prairie.
MukkuddaiPowderMukkud-aingIn, &c. the powder.
PimmedaiGreasePimmid-aingIn, &c. the grease.

e. Second inflection in eeng.[26]

SeebiRiverSeeb-eengIn, &c. the river.
NeebiWaterNeeb-eengIn, &c. the water.
MiskwiBloodMiskw-eengIn, &c. the blood.
UnneebElmUnneeb-eengIn, &c. the elm.

i. Third inflection in ing.

KônSnowKôn-ingIn, &c. the snow.
MinBerryMeen-ingIn, &c. the berry.
ChimânCanoeChimân-ingIn, &c. the canoe.
Muzziny´egunBookMuzziny´egun-ingIn, &c. the book.

o. Fourth inflection in oong.

AzhibikRockAzhibik-oongIn, &c. the rock.
GizhigSkyGizhig-oongIn, &c. the sky.
KimmiwunRainKimmiwun-oongIn, &c. the rain.
AkkikKettleAkkik-oongIn, &c. the kettle.
Throw it in the fire.
1. Puggidôn ishkod-aing.
Go into the prairie.
2. Muskôdaing izhân.
He is in the elm.
3. Unneeb-eeng iâ.
It is on the water.
4. Nib-eeng attai.
Put it on the table.
5. Addôpôwin-ing attôn.
Look in the book.
6. Enâbin muzziny´igun-ing.
You stand in the rain.
7. Kimmiwun-oong ki nibow.
What have you in that box.
8. Waigonain aitaig mukuk-oong.
Put it in the kettle.
9. Akkik-oong attôn, or Pôdawain.
My bow is not in the lodge; neither is it
in the canoe, nor on the rock.
10. Kâwin pindig iâsi ni mittigwâb;
kâwiuh gyai chimân-ing;
kâwin gyai âzhibik-oong.

An attentive inspection of these examples will show, that the local form pertains either to such nouns of the animate class, as are in their nature inanimates, or at most possessed of vegetable life. And here another conclusion presses upon us—that where these local terminations, in all their variety, are added to the names of animated beings, when such names are the nominatives of adjectives or adjective-nouns, these words are converted into terms of qualification, indicating like, resembling, equal. Thus, if we wish to say to a boy, he is like a man, the expression is, Inin-ing izzhinâgozzi; or if to a man, he is like a bear, Mukk-oong izzhinâgozzi; or to a bear, he is like a horse, Pabaizhikogâzh-ing izzhinâgozzi. In all these expressions the word izzhi, is combined with the pronominal inflection â (or nâ) and the animate termination gozzi. And the inflection of the nominative is merely an adjective correspondence with izzhi:—a term indicative of the general qualities of persons or animated beings. Where a comparison is instituted or a resemblance pointed out between inanimate instead of animate objects, the inflection gozzi, is changed to gwud, rendering the expression, which was, in the animate form, izzhinâgozzi, in the inanimate form, izzhinâgwud.

There is another variation of the local form of the noun, in addition to those above instanced, indicative of locality in a more general sense. It is formed by ong or nong—frequent terminations in geographical names. Thus from Ojibwai, (Chippewa), is formed Ojibwainong, Place of the Chippewas. From Wamittigozhiwug, Frenchmen, is formed Wamittigozhinong, Place of Frenchmen. From Ishpatinâ hill, Ishpatinong, Place of the hill, &c. The termination ing, is also sometimes employed in this more general sense, as in the following names of places.

Monomonikâning. In the place of wild rice.
Moninggwunikâning. In the place of Sparrows
Ongwashagooshing. In the place of the fallen tree. &c.

2. The diminutive forms of the noun are indicated by ais, eas, ôs, and aus, as the final vowel of the word may require. Thus Ojibwai, a Chippewa, becomes Ojibw-ais, a little Chippewa: Iniṅ´i, a man, inin-ees, a little man: Amik, a beaver, amik-ôs, a young beaver: Ogimâ, a chief, ogim-âs, a little chief, or a chief of little authority. Further examples may be added.

Simple form.

Diminutive form.

—ais.

A womanEekwâEekwâz-ais.
A partridgePinâPin-ais.
A woodcockMâimâiMâim-ais.
An islandMinnisMinnis-ais.
A grapeShôminShômin-ais.
A knifeMôkomanMôkoman-ais.

—ees.

A stoneOssinOssin-ees.
A riverSeebiSeeb-ees.
A pigeonOmimiOmim-ees.
A bisonPizhik´iPizhik-ees.
A potatoeOpinOpin-ees.
A birdPinâisiPinâish-ees.

—ôs.

A mooseMôzMôz-ôs.
An otterNigikNigik-ôs.
A reindeerAddikAddik-ôs.
An elkMushkôsMushkos-ôs.
A hareWâbôsWâbôs-ôs.
A boxMukukMukuk-ôs.

—aus.

A bassOgâOg-âs.
A medalShôniâShôni-âs.
A bowlOnâgunOnâg-âns.
A bedNibâgunNibâg-aûns.
A gunPâshkizzigunPâshkizzig-âns.
A houseWakyigunWakyig-àns.

In the four last examples, the letter n, of the diminutive, retains its full sound.

The use of diminutives has a tendency to give conciseness to the language. As far as they can be employed they supersede the use of adjectives, or prevent the repetition of them. And they enable the speaker to give a turn to the expression, which is often very successfully employed in producing ridicule or contempt. When applied to the tribes of animals, or to inorganic objects, their meaning, however, is, very nearly, limited to an inferiority in size or age. Thus, in the above examples, pizhik-ees, signifies a calf, omim-ees, a young pigeon, and ossin-ees, a pebble &c. But inin-ees, and ogim-âs, are connected with the idea of mental or conventional as well as bodily inferiority.

1. I saw a little chief, standing upon a small island, with an inferior medal about his neck.

Ogimâs n’gi wâbumâ nibowid minnisainsing onâbikowân shoniâsun.

2. Yamoyden threw at a young pigeon.

Ogi pukkitalwun omimeesun Yamoyden.

3. A buffalo calf stood in a small stream.

Pizhikees ki nibowi sibeesing.

4. The little man fired at a young moose.

Ininees ogi pâshkizwân môzôsun.

5. Several diminutive looking bass were lying in a small bowl, upon a small table.

Addôpowinaising attai onâgâns abbiwâd ogâsug.

Some of these sentences afford instances of the use, at the same time, of both the local and diminutive inflections. Thus the word minnisainsing, signifies literally, in the little island; seebees ing, in the little stream; addôpowinais ing, on the small table.

3. The preceeding forms are not the only ones by which adjective qualities are conferred upon the substantive. The syllable ish when added to a noun indicates a bad or dreaded quality, or conveys the idea of imperfection or decay. The sound of this inflection is sometimes changed to eesh oosh, or aush. Thus, Chimân, a canoe, becomes Chimânish, a bad canoe; Ekwai, a woman, Ekwaiwish, a bad woman; nibi, water, becomes nibeesh, turbid or strong water; mittig, a tree, becomes mittigoosh, a decayed tree; akkik, a kettle, akkikoosh, a worn-out kettle. By a further change, wibid, a tooth, becomes wibidâsh, a decayed or aching tooth, &c. Throughout these changes the final sound of sh is retained, so that this sound alone, at the end of a word, is indicative of a faulty quality.

In a language in which the expressions bad-dog, and faint-heart are the superlative terms of reproach, and in which there are few words to indicate the modifications between positively good, and positively bad, it must appear evident, that adjective inflections of this kind, must be convenient, and sometimes necessary modes of expression. They furnish a means of conveying censure and dislike, which though often mild, is sometimes severe. Thus if one person has had occasion to refuse the offered hand of another—for it must be borne in mind, that the Indians are a hand-shaking people, as well as the Europeans—the implacable party has it at his option in referring to the circumstance, to use the adjective form of hand, not onindj, but oninjeesh, which would be deemed contemptuous in a high degree. So also, instead of odâwai winini, a trader, or man who sells, the word may be changed to odâwai winini-wish, implying a bad or dishonest trader. It is seldom that a more pointed, or positive mode of expressing personal disapprobation or dislike is required, for, generally speaking, more is implied by these modes than is actually expressed.

The following examples are drawn from the inorganic as well as organic creation, embracing the two classes of nouns that the operation of these forms may be fully perceived.

Simple form.Adjective form.

—ish—

A bowlOnâgunOnâgun-ish.
A houseWakyigunWakyigun-ish.
A pipeOpwâgunOpwâgun-ish.
A boyKweewizaisKweewizais-ish.
A manIniniIniniw-ish.
WaterNeebiNeeb-ish.

—eesh—

A stoneOssinOssin-eesh.
A potatoeOpinOpin-eesh.
A flyOjeeOj-eesh.
A bowMittigwâbMittigwâb-eesh.

—oosh—

An otterNeegikNeegik-oosh.
A beaverAhmikAhmik-oosh.
A reindeerAddikAddik-oosh.
A kettleAkkeekAkkeek-oosh.
An axeWagâkwutWagâkwut-oosh.

—aush—

A footOzidOzid-âsh.
An armOnikOnik-âsh.
An earOtowugOtowug-âsh.
A hoofWunnussidWunnussid-âsh.
A rush matAppukwaAppukw-âsh.

These forms cannot be said, strictly, to be without analogy in the English, in which the limited number of words terminating in ish, as saltish, blackish, furnish a correspondence in sound, with the first adjective form.

It may subserve the purposes of generalization to add, as the result of the foregoing inquiries, that substantives have a diminutive form, made in ais, ees, ôs, or âs; a derogative form, made in ish, eesh, oosh, or âsh; and a local form, made in aing, eeng, ing, or oong. By a principle of accretion, the second, or third, may be added to the first form, and the third to the second.

Example.

Serpent, s.Kinai´bik.
——s. diminutive——ôns, implying Little serpent.
——s. derogative——ish, “ Bad serpent.
——s. local——ing, “ In (the) serpent.
——s. dim. & der.——ônsish “ Little bad serpent.
——s. dim. & lo.——ônsing “ In (the) little serpent.
——s. dim. der. & lo.——ônsishing, “ In (the) little bad serpent.

4. More attention has, perhaps, been bestowed upon these points, than their importance demanded, but in giving anything like a comprehensive sketch of the substantive, they could not be omitted; and if mentioned at all, it became necessary to pursue them through their various changes and limitations. Another reason has presented itself. In treating of an unwritten language of which others are to judge chiefly from examples, it appeared desirable that the positions advanced should be accompanied by the data upon which they respectively rest—at least, by so much of the data employed, as to enable philologists to appreciate the justice or detect the fallacy of our conclusions. To the few, who take any interest in the subject at all, minuteness will not seem tedious, and the examples will be regarded with deep interest.

As much of our time as we have already devoted to these lesser points of inquiry, it will be necessary, at this place, to point out other inflections and modifications of the substantive, to clear it from obscurities, that we may go into the discussion of the other parts of speech, unencumbered.

Of these remaining forms, none is more interesting than that, which enables the speaker by a simple inflection, to denote that the individual named has ceased to exist. This delicate mode of conveying melancholy intelligence, or alluding to the dead, is effected by placing the object in the past tense.

Aiekid-ôpun aieko Garrangula-bun.

So the deceased Garrangula spoke.

The syllable bun, in this sentence, added to the noun, and ôpun added to the verb, place both in the past tense. And although the death of the Indian orator is not mentioned, that fact would be invariably inferred.

Names which do not terminate in a vowel sound, require a vowel prefixed to the tensal inflection, rendering it ôbun, or ebun. Inanimate, as well as animate nouns take these inflections.

Present.Past Form.
Tecumseh,Tecumsi-bun.
Tammany,Tamani-bun.
Skenandoah,Skenandoa-bun.
Nôs, (my father)Nos-êbun.
Pontiac,Pontiac-ibun.
Waub Ojeeg,Waub Ojeeg-ibun.
Tarhe,Tarhi-bun.
Mittig, (a tree)Mittig-ôbun.
Akkik, (a kettle)Akkik-ôbun.
Môz, (a moose)Môz-ôbun.

By prefixing the particle Tah to these words, and changing the inflection of the animate nouns to iwi, and the inanimates to iwun, they are rendered future. Thus Tah Pontiac-iwi: Tah Mittig-iwun, &c.

The names for the seasons only come under the operation of these rules, when the year before the last, or the year after the next, is referred to. The last, and the ensuing season, are indicated as follows.

Present.Last.Next.
Spring,Seegwun,Seegwun-oong,Segwun.
Summer,Neebin,Neebin-oong,Neebing.
Autumn,Tahgwâgi,Tahgwâg-oong,Tahgwâgig.
Winter,Peebôn,Peebônoong,Peebông.
I spent last winter in hunting.
Ning`i nunda-wainjigai peebônoong.
I shall go to Detroit next spring.
Ninjah izhâ Wâwiâ´tunong seegwung.

5. Sexual nouns. The mode of indicating the masculine and feminine, having been omitted in the preceding lecture, as not being essential to any concordance with the verb or adjective, is nevertheless connected with a striking peculiarity of the language—the exclusive use of certain words by one or the other sex. After having appeared to the founders of the language, a distinction not necessary to be engrafted in the syntax, there are yet a limited number of words, to which the idea of sex, so strongly attaches, that it would be deemed the height of impropriety in a female to use the masculine, and in male to use the feminine expressions.

Of this nature are the words Neeji, and Nindongwai, both signifying my friend, but the former is appropriated to males, and the latter to females. A Chippewa cannot therefore say to a female my friend, nor a Chippewa woman to a male, my friend. Such an interchange of the terms would imply arrogance or indelicacy. Nearly the whole of their interjections—and they are numerous—are also thus exclusively appropriated; and no greater breach of propriety in speech could be committed, than a woman’s uttering the masculine exclamation of surprise Tyâ! or a man’s descending to the corresponding female interjection N’yâ!

The word neenimoshai, my cousin, on the contrary, can only be applied, like husband and wife, by a male to a female, or a female to a male. If a male wishes to express this relation of a male, the term is Neetowis: and the corresponding female term Neendongwooshai.

The terms for uncle and aunt, are also of a two-fold character, though not restricted like the preceding in their use. Neemishomai is my uncle by the father’s side: Neezhishai, my uncle by the mother’s side. Neezigwoos is my paternal aunt, neewishai my maternal aunt.

There are also exclusive words to designate elder brother, and younger brother: But what would not be expected after the foregoing examples, they are indiscriminately applied to younger brothers and sisters. Neesgai, is my elder brother, and neemissai my elder sister. Neeshemai, my younger brother, or younger sister, and may be applied to any brother or sister except the eldest.

The number of words to which the idea of sex is attached, in the usual acceptation, is limited. The following may be enumerated.

Masculine.

Feminine.

Irin´i,A man. Ekwai´,A woman.
Kwee´wizais,A boy. Ekwa´zais,A girl.
Oskinahwai,A young man. Oskineegakwai,A young woman.
Akiwaizi,An old man. Mindimô´ed,An old woman.
Nôsai,My father. Nin Gah,My mother.
Ningwisis,My son. Nin dânis,My daughter.
Ni ningwun,My son-in-law. Nis sim,My daughter-in-law.
Ni nâbaim,My husband. Nimindimôimish,My wife.
Nimieshomiss,My grandfather. Nôkômiss,My grandmother.
Ogimâ,A chief. Ogemâkwâ,A chiefess.
Addik,A reindeer. Neetshâni,A doe.
Annimoosh,A dog. Kiskisshâi,A bitch.

The sex of the brute creation is most commonly denoted by prefixing the words Iâbai, male; and nôzhai, female.

6. Reciprocal changes of the noun. The pronominal particles with which verbs as well as substantives, are generally encumbered and the habit of using them in particular and restricted senses, leaves but little occasion for the employment of either the present or past infinitive. Most verbs are transitives. A Chippewa does not say, I love, without indicating, by an inflection of the verb, the object beloved; and thus the expression is constantly, I love him, or her, &c. Neither does the infinitive appear to be generally the ultimate form of the verb.

In changing their nouns into verbs, it will not therefore be expected, that the change should uniformly result in the infinitive, for which there is so little use; but in such of the personal forms of the various moods as circumstances may require. Most commonly the third person singular of the indicative, and the second person singular of the imperative, are the simplest aspects under which the verb appears; and hence these forms have been sometimes mistaken for, and reported as the present infinitive. There are some instances, in which the infinitive is employed. Thus, although an Indian cannot say, I love, thou lovest, &c. without employing the objective forms of the verb to love: yet he can say I laugh, I cry, &c. expressions in which the action being confined to the speaker himself, there is no transition demanded. And in all similar instances the present infinitive, with the proper pronoun prefixed, is employed.

There are several modes of transforming a substantive into a verb. The following examples will supply the rules, so far as known, which govern these changes.

Indicative.Imperative.
Chimân, a canoe.Chimai, he paddles.Chimain, paddle thou.
Pashkizzigun, a gun.Pashkizzigai, he fires.Pashkizzigain, fire thou.
Jeesidyigun, a broom.Jeesidyigai, he sweeps.Jeesidyigain, sweep thou.
Weedjeeagun, a helper.Weedôkagai, he helps.Weedjeei-wain, help thou.
Ojibwâi, a Chippewa.Ojibwâmoo, he speaks Chippewa.Ojibwâmoon, speak thou Chippewa.

Another class of nouns is converted into the first person, indicative of a pseudo declarative verb, in the following manner.

Monido,A spirit. Ne Monidôw,I (am) a spirit.
Wassaiâ,Light. Ne Wassaiâw,I (am) light.
Ishkodai,Fire. Nin Dishkodaiw,I (am) fire.
Weendigô,A monster. Ni Weendigôw,I (am) a monster.
Addik,A deer. Nin Daddikoow,I (am) a deer.
Wakyigun,A house. Ni Wakyiguniw,I (am) a house.
Pinggwi,Dust, ashes. Nim Pinggwiw,I (am) dust, &c.

The word am, included in parentheses, is not in the original, unless we may suppose the terminals, ow, aw, iw, oow, to be derivatives from Iaw. These changes are reciprocated by the verb, which, as often as occasion requires, is made to put on a substantive form. The particle win added to the indicative of the verb, converts it into a substantive. Thus—

Keegido,He speaks.Keegidowin,Speech.
Pâshkizzigai,He fires.Pashkizzigaiwin,Ammunition.
Agindasoo,He counts.Agindasoowin,Numbers.
Wahyiâzhinggai,He cheats.Wahyiazhinggaiwin,Fraud.
Minnikwâi,He drinks.Minnikwâiwin,Drink.
Kubbâshi,He encamps.Kubbâishiwin,An encampment.
Meegâzoo,He fights.Meegâzoowin,A fight.
Ojeengai,He kisses.Ojeendiwin,A kiss.
Annôki,He works.Annôkiwin,Work.
Pâpi,He laughs.Pâpiwin,Laughter.
Pimâdizzi,He lives.Pimâdizziwin,Life.
Onwâibi,He rests.Onwâibiwin,Rest.
Annamiâ,He prays.Annamiâwin,Prayer.
Nibâ,He sleeps.Nibâwin,Sleep.
Odâwai,He trades.Odâwaiwin,Trade.

Adjectives are likewise thus turned into substantives.

Keezhaiwâdizzi,He generous.Keezhaiwâdizziwin,Generosity.
Minwaindum,He happy.Minwaindumowin,Happiness.
Keezhaizeâwizzi,He industrious.Keezhaizhâwizziwin,Industry.
Kittimâgizzi,He poor.Kittimâgizziwin,Poverty.
Aukkoossi,He sick.Aukkoossiwin,Sickness.
Kittimishki,He lazy.Kittimishkiwin,Laziness.
Nishkâdizzi,He angry.Nishkâdizziwin,Anger.
Baikâdizzi,She chaste.Baikâdizziwin,Chastity.

In order to place the substantives thus formed, in the third person, corresponding with the indicative from which they were changed, it is necessary only to prefix the proper pronoun. Thus, Ogeezhaiwâdizziwin, his generosity, &c.

7. Compound substantives. The preceding examples have been given promiscuously from the various classes of words, primitive and derivative, simple and compound. Some of these words express but a single idea, as, ôs, father—gah, mother—môz, a moose—kâg, a porcupine—mang, a loon—and appear to be incapable of further division. All such words may be considered as primitives, although some of them may be contractions of dissyllabic words. There are also a number of dissyllables, and possibly some trisyllables, which, in the present state of our analytical knowledge of the language, may be deemed both simple and primitive. Such are neebi, water; ossin, a stone; geezis, the sun; nodin, wind. But it may be premised, as a principle which our investigations have rendered probable, that all polysyllabic words, all words of three syllables, so far as examined, and most words of two syllables, are compounds.

The application of a syntax, formed with a view to facilitate the rapid conveyance of ideas by consolidation, may, it is presumable, have early led to the coalescence of words, by which all the relations of object and action, time and person, were expressed. And in a language which is only spoken, and not written, the primitives would soon become obscured and lost in the multiform appendages of time and person, and the recondite connexion of actor and object. And this process of amalgamation would be a progressive one. The terms that sufficed in the condition of the simplest state of nature, or in a given latitude, would vary with their varying habits, institutions and migrations. The introduction of new objects and new ideas would require the invention of new words, or what is much more probable, existing terms would be modified or compounded to suit the occasion. No one who has paid much attention to the subject, can have escaped noticing a confirmation of this opinion, in the extreme readiness of our western Indians to bestow, on the instant, names, and appropriate names—to any new object presented to them. A readiness not attributable to their having at command a stock of generic polysyllables—for these it would be very awkward to wield—but as appears more probable, to the powers of the syntax, which permits the resolution of new compounds from existing roots, and often concentrates, as remarked in another place, the entire sense of the parent words, upon a single syllable, and sometimes upon a single letter.

Thus it is evident that the Chippewas possessed names for a living tree mittig, and a string aiâb, before they named the bow mittigwâb,—the latter being compounded under one of the simplest rules from the two former. It is further manifest that they had named earth akki, and (any solid, stony or metallic mass) âbik, before they bestowed an appellation upon the kettle, akkeek, or akkik, the latter being derivatives from the former. In process of time these compounds became the bases of other compounds, and thus the language became loaded with double and triple, and quadruple compounds, concrete in their meaning and formal in their utterance.

When the introduction of the metals took place, it became necessary to distinguish the clay from the iron pot, and the iron, from the copper kettle. The original compound, akkeek, retained its first meaning, admitting the adjective noun piwâbik (itself a compound) iron, when applied to a vessel of that kind, piwâbik akkeek, iron kettle. But a new combination took place to designate the copper kettle, miskwâkeek, red-metal kettle; and another expression to denote the brass kettle, ozawâbik akkeek, yellow metal kettle. The former is made up from miskôwâbik, copper (literally red-metal—from miskwâ, red, and âbik, the generic above mentioned) and akkeek, kettle. Ozawâbik, brass, is from ozawâ yellow, and the generic âbek—the term akkeek, being added in its separate form. It may, however, be used in its connected form of wukkeek, making the compound expression ozawâbik wukkeek.

In naming the horse paibâizhikôgazhi, i. e. the animal with solid hoofs, they have seized upon the feature which most strikingly distinguished the horse, from the cleft-footed animals which were the only species known to them at the period of the discovery. And the word itself affords an example, at once, both of their powers of concentration, and brief, yet accurate description, which it may be worth while to analyse. Paizhik, is one, and is also used as the indefinite article—the only article the language possesses. This word is further used in an adjective sense, figuratively indicating, united, solid, undivided. And it acquires a plural signification by doubling, or repeating the first syllable, with a slight variation of the second. Thus, Pai-baizhik, denotes not one, or an, but several; and when thus used in the context, renders the noun governed, plural. Oskuzh, is the nail, claw, or horny part of the foot of beasts, and supplies the first substantive member of the compound gauzh. The final vowel is from akwaisi, a beast; and the marked o, an inseparable connective, the office of which is to make the two members coalesce, and harmonize. The expression thus formed becomes a substantive, specific in its application. It may be rendered plural like the primitive nouns, may be converted into a verb, has its diminutive, derogative and local form, and in short, is subject to all the modifications of other substantives.

Most of the modern nouns are of this complex character. And they appear to have been invented to designate objects, many of which were necessarily unknown to the Indians in the primitive ages of their existence. Others, like their names for a copper-kettle and a horse, above mentioned, can date their origin no farther back than the period of the discovery. Of this number of nascent words, are most of their names for those distilled or artificial liquors, for which they are indebted to Europeans. Their name for water, neebi, for the fat of animals, weenin, for oil or grease, pimmidai, for broth, nâbôb, and for blood, miskwi, belong to a very remote era, although all but the first appear to be compounds. Their names for the tinctures or extracts derived from the forest, and used as dyes, or medicines, or merely as agreeable drinks, are mostly founded upon the basis of the word âbo, a liquid, although this word is never used alone. Thus—

Shomin-âboWineFrom Shomin, a grape, âbo, a liquor.
Ishkodai-âboSpiritsFrom Ishkôdâi, fire, &c.
Mishimin-âboCiderFrom Mishimin, an apple, &c.
Tôtôsh-âboMilkFrom Tôtôsh, the female breast, &c.
Sheew-âboVinegarFrom Sheewun, sour, &c.
Annibeesh-âbo From Annibeeshun, leaves, &c.
Ozhibiegun-aubo From Ozhibiêgai, he writes, &c.

In like manner their names for the various implements and utensils of civilized life, are based upon the word Jeegun, one of those primitives, which, although never disjunctively used, denotes, in its modified forms, the various senses implied by our words instrument, contrivance, machine, &c. And by prefixing to this generic, a substantive, verb, or adjective, or parts of one or each, an entire new class of words is formed. In these combinations, the vowels e, and o, are sometimes used as connectives.

Keeshkeebô-jeegunA sawFrom Keeshkeezhun, v. a. to cut.
Seeseebô-jeegunA fileFrom Seesee, to rub off, &c.
Wassakoonen-jeegunA candleFrom Wassakooda, bright, biskoona, flame, &c.
Beeseebô-jeegunA coffee-millFrom Beesâ, fine grains, &c.
Minnikwâd-jeegunA drinking vesselFrom Minnekwâi, he drinks, &c.
Tâshkeebôd-jeegunA saw millFrom Taushkâ, to split, &c.
Mudwâiabeed-jeegunA violinFrom Mudwâwâi, sound, âiâb, a string, &c.

Sometimes this termination is shortened into gun, as in the following instances.

Onâ-gunA dish.
Tikkina-gunA cradle.
Neeba-gunA bed.
Puddukkyi-gunA fork.
Puggimmâ-gunA war-club.
Opwâ-gunA pipe.
Wassâitshie-gunA window.
Wakkyi-gunA house.
Pôdahwâ-gunA fire-place.
Sheema-gunA lance.

Another class of derivatives is formed from wyân, indicating, generally, an undressed skin. Thus—

Muk-wyânA bear skinFrom Mukwah, a bear, and wyaun, a skin.
Wazhusk-wyânA muskrat skinFrom Wazhusk, a muskrat, &c.
Wabôs-wyânA rabbit skinFrom Wabôs, a rabbit, &c.
Neegik-wyânAn otter skinFrom Neegih, an otter, &c.
Ojeegi-wyânA fisher skinFrom Ojeeg, a fisher, &c.
Wabizhais-ewyânA martin skinFrom wabizhais, a martin, &c.

Wâbiwyan, a blanket, and bubbuggiwyan, a shirt, are also formed from this root. As the termination wyân, is chiefly restricted to undressed skins, or peltries, that of waigin, is, in like manner, generally applied to dressed skins, or to cloths. Thus—

Monido-waiginBlue cloth, stroudsFrom Monido, spirit, &c.
Misk-waiginRed clothFrom Miskwâ, red, &c.
Nondâ-waiginScarlet.
Peezhiki-waiginA buffalo robeFrom Peezhiki, a buffalo, &c.
Addik-waiginA cariboo skinFrom Addik, a cariboo, &c.
Ozhauwushk-waiginGreen clothFrom Ozhâwushkwâ, green.

An interesting class of substantives is derived from the third person singular of the present indicative of the verb, by changing the vowel sound of the first syllable, and adding the letter d to that of the last, making the terminations in aid, âd, eed, id, ood. Thus, Pimmoossâ, he walks, becomes pâmoossâd, a walker.

aid—MunnissaiHe chopsMânissaidA chopper.
OzhibeigaiHe writesWâzhibeigaidA writer.
NundowainjeegaiHe huntsNândowainjeegaidA hunter.
âd—NeebâHe sleepsNâbâdA sleeper.
KwâbahwâHe fishes
(with scoop net)		KwyâbahwâdA fisher,
(with scoop net.)
PuggidowâHe fishes
(with sein)		PâgidowâdA fisher,
(with sein.)
eed—AnnokeeHe worksAnokeedA worker.
JeessakeaHe jugglesJossakeedA juggler.
MunnigobeeHe pulls barkMainigobeedA bark puller.
id—NeemiHe dancesNâmidA dancer.
WeesinniHe eatsWâssinidAn eater.
PimâdizziHe livesPaimaudizzidA living being.
ood—NugamooHe singsNaigumoodA singer.
KeegidoHe speaksKâgidoodA speaker.
KeewonimooHe liesKâwunimoodA liar.

This class of words is rendered plural in ig,—a termination, which, after d final in the singular, has a soft pronunciation, as if written jig. Thus, Nâmid, a dancer, nâmidjig, dancers.

The derogative form is given to these generic substantives by introducing ish, or simply sh, in place of the d, and changing the latter to kid, making the terminations in ai, aishkid, in â, âshkid, in e, eeshkid, in i, ishkid, and in oo, ooshkid. Thus, naindowainjeegaid, a hunter, is changed to naindowainjeegaishkid, a bad or unprofitable hunter. Naibâd, a sleeper, is changed to naibâshkid, a sluggard. Jossakeed, a juggler, to jossakeeshkid, a vicious juggler. Wâsinnid, an eater, to wâssinishkid, a gormandizer. Kâgidood, a speaker, kâgidooshkid, a babbler. And in these cases the plural is added to the last educed form, making kâgidooshkidjig, babblers, &c.

The word nittâ, on the contrary, prefixed to these expressions, renders them complimentary. For instance, nittâ naigumood, is a fine singer, nittâ kâgidood, a ready speaker, &c.

Flexible as the substantive has been shown to be, there are other forms of combination that have not been adverted to—forms, by which it is made to coalesce with the verb, the adjective, and the preposition, producing a numerous class of compound expressions. But it is deemed most proper to defer the discussion of these forms to their several appropriate heads.

Enough has been exhibited to demonstrate its prominent grammatical rules. It is not only apparent that the substantive possesses number, and gender, but it also undergoes peculiar modifications to express locality and diminution, to denote adjective qualities and to indicate tense. It exhibits some curious traits connected with the mode of denoting the masculine and feminine. It is modified to express person and to distinguish living from inanimate masses. It is rendered possessive by a peculiar inflection, and provides particles, under the shape either of prefixes or suffixes, separable or inseparable, by which the actor is distinguished from the object—and all this, without changing its proper substantive character, without putting on the aspect of a pseudo adjective, or a pseudo verb. Its changes to produce compounds, are, however, its most interesting, its most characteristic trait. Syllable is heaped upon syllable, word upon word, and derivative upon derivative, until its vocabulary is crowded with long and pompous phrases, most formidable to the eye.

So completely transpositive do the words appear, that like chessmen on a board, their elementary syllables can be changed at the will of the player, to form new combinations to meet new contingencies, so long as they are changed in accordance with certain general principles and conventional rules; in the application of which, however, much depends upon the will or the skill of the player. What is most surprising—all these changes and combinations, all these qualifications of the object, and distinctions of the person, the time, and the place, do not supersede the use of adjectives, and pronouns, and verbs, and other parts of speech woven into the texture of the noun, in their elementary and disjunctive forms.

2. A vocabulary of words and phrases in the Chippewa language.

A.

B.

[Circumstances prevent the insertion of the remainder of this vocabulary.]