History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[138] When Francisco Cortés entered the town, shortly after the fall of Mexico, he was met by a body of Indians with their hair tonsured like priests, and with crosses in their hands, headed by the chief in flowing white gown and scapulary. This, they explained, had been the practice of the shipwrecked crew, who had held up the cross as a recourse from all danger. Frejes, Hist. Conq., 63-4. This authority places implicit reliance in the story, and regards the strangers as a missionary party driven from the East Indies or China. Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 30-2.

[139] See Native Races, iii. and v., 25-6, for the myths relating to Quetzalcoatl, and to their interpretation, in which occur the characters of the Messiah and the apostle Saint Thomas, with whom some pious chroniclers have identified him. The Saint Thomas idea is advocated in Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. de Jesus, 234.

[140] The natives of Española are said to have received an oracle shortly before Columbus’ arrival, announcing the coming of bearded men, with sharp, bright swords. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 33. The Yucatec records abound in predictions to the same effect, more or less clear. The most widely quoted is that of Chilam Balam, high-priest of Mani, and reputed a great prophet, who foretold that, ere many years, there would come from the direction of the rising sun a bearded white people, bearing aloft the cross which he displayed to his listeners. Their gods would flee before the new-comers, and leave them to rule the land; but no harm would fall on the peaceful who admitted the only true God. The priest had a cotton mantle woven, to be deposited in the temple at Mani, as a specimen of the tribute required by the new rulers, and he it was who erected the stone crosses found by the Spaniards, declaring them to be the true tree of the world. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 99-101, gives the prophecy at length, which is not quite so clear as the version which he afterward quotes from Herrera. The latter calls the priest Chilam Cambal, and says: ‘Esta fue la causa que preguntauan a Francisco Hernandez de Cordoua, y a los suyos, si yuan de donde nacia el Sol.’ Dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. Alaman enters into a profound argument on the above, and interprets Chilam Cambal to be the Chinese for Saint Thomas. In seeking to give a date he mistakes the meaning of a Yucatec age and places the prophecy back at the beginning of the Christian era. The opening lines of the prophecy read, ‘at the end of the thirteenth age,’ which should be interpreted ‘at the end of two hundred and sixty years.’ The name is also given as Chilam Balan and Chilan Balam, the latter part savoring of the Canaanite divinity. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 245-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 203-4. A priest of Itzalan, named Patzin Yaxun Chan, is recorded as having urged his people to worship the true god, whose word would soon come to them; and the high-priest of the same place, Na Hau Pech, prophesied that within four ages—a Yucatec age equals twenty of our years—news would be brought of the supreme God, by men who must be received as guests and masters. Ah Ku Kil Chel, also a priest, spoke with sorrow of ills to come upon the people from the north and from the east. In the age following the date of his prediction no priest would be found to explain the will of their idols. Another temple guardian announced that in the last age idolatry would cease, and the world would be purified by fire. Happy he who repented! Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 97-101. Several prophecies therein quoted literally are reproduced in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 34-5, which also refers to Itzan predictions.

Among the Mexicans, says Mendieta, predictions were current some four generations before the conquest of the coming of bearded men dressed in raiments of different color, and with caskets on their heads. Then the idols would perish, leaving but one supreme God; war would cease, roads would be opened, intercourse established, and the husband would cherish but one wife. Hist. Ecles., 180; Torquemada, i. 235-6. This smacks of an elaboration of the Quetzalcoatl promise. Nezahualcoyotl, the wise Tezcucan monarch, who died in 1472, left poems in which chroniclers have discovered vague allusions to a coming race. The reader may, perhaps, be equally fortunate if he examine the specimens of his poems given in Native Races, ii. 494-7. His son Nezahualpilli, equally celebrated as a just king and a philosopher, versed in the occult arts, revealed to Montezuma that, according to his astrologic investigations, their towns would within a few years be destroyed and their vassals decimated. This, he added, would soon be verified by celestial signs and other phenomena. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 254-7. The precursor of these harbingers of evil appears to have been the famine of 1505, which compelled many a parent to sell his children for the means to obtain food, while others lined the road-side with their famished bodies. The cessation of smoke from the volcano Popocatepetl, for twenty days, was a feature seized upon by the diviners as a sign of relief; and true enough, in the following year, the suffering people were cheered with an abundant harvest. Soon again their fears were roused by an eclipse and an earthquake, in the very inaugural year of the new cycle, 1507, and by the drowning of 1800 soldiers during the Miztec campaign. Almost every succeeding year confirmed their apprehensions by one or more signs or occurrences of an ominous nature. One of the most alarming was the appearance, in broad day, of a comet with three heads, which darted across the sky, eastward, with such speed that the tails seemed to scatter sparks. ‘Salieron cometas del cielo de tres en tres ... parecian ... echando de sí brasas de fuego ... y llevaban grandes y largas colas.’ Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 179. ‘Cayó una cometa, parecian tres estrellas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 4; Native Races, v. 466. After this, in 1507 or 1510, a pyramidal light, which scattered sparks on all sides, rose at midnight from the eastern horizon till its apex reached the zenith, where it faded at dawn. This continued for forty days, or for a year, according to some accounts. ‘Diez años antes que viniesen los españoles ... duró por espacio de un año cada noche.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3. ‘Ocho años antes de la venida de los españoles, ... y esto se vió cuatro años.’ Id., Hist. Gen., ii. 271. It occurred in 1509, and lasted over forty days. Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., v. 154; vi. 144. The interpreter of the Codex enters into a lengthy argument to prove it a volcanic eruption, one of his points being that the original picture-writing places the light as appearing behind, or from, the mountains east of the city. In 1510, Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278, or year five, toxtli. Codex Chimalpopoca, MS.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 139. Torquemada, who had no other authority for the preceding comet than Herrera, considered that by the comet was meant this light, i. 234. Humboldt suggests that the fiery pyramid may have been a zodiacal light. Astrologers announced that it portended wars, famine, pestilence, mortality among the lords, every imaginable ill, in fact, and causing one general cry of fear and lament. Montezuma himself was so troubled that he applied for advice to Nezahualpilli, although they had not been on speaking terms for some time. This royal astrologer showed his apprehensions by ordering all campaigns then upon his hands to be suspended, and announced to his confrère that the disasters in store would be brought upon the empire by a strange race. Montezuma expressed his disbelief, and proposed a game of tlachtli to decide the interpretation. As if resigned to the fate predicted for himself, and desirous of showing how little he appreciated wealth and power, Nezahualpilli is said to have staked on the result his kingdom against three turkey-cocks. The wager was not so hazardous, however, as it seemed, for the king of Tezcuco was a good player. After allowing Montezuma to win the first two points, and raising high his hopes, he stopped his exultation by scoring the rest for himself. Still doubtful, Montezuma called on an astrologer famous for his many true announcements, only to receive confirmation of Nezahualpilli’s utterance, whereupon the irate monarch caused the house to be pulled down over the diviner, who perished in the ruins. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278-9; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 345-7. Clavigero, who connects the game with a comet, is quite earnest in asserting his belief in traditions and presages of the coming of Spaniards, as attested by native paintings and by witnesses of high standing. ‘Se il Demonio pronosticava le future calamità per ingannar que’ miserabili Popoli, il pietosissimo Dio le annunziava per disporre i loro spiriti al Vangelo.’ Storia Mess., i. 288-9. According to Duran, the summoning of Nezahualpilli was due to a comet with an enormous tail, which burst upon the view of a temple-watcher as it rose in the east and settled above the city. Montezuma, who had been roused to witness the phenomenon, called on his sorcerers for an explanation, and on finding that they had seen nothing, had them punished for their sloth. The wise Tezcucan then came and presaged dire calamities, which would also afflict himself. He was resigned, and would retire to await death. This was to be the last interview between the two kings. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 274-85. Torquemada compares the comet to that which, according to Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii., presaged the entry of Titus into Judea. When Nezahualpilli returned to his palace, a hare ran into the halls, pursued by eager domestics, but he bade them to leave it, saying that even so would a strange people enter into Anáhuac without resistance. Torquemada, i. 211-12, 214. Bernal Diaz speaks of a round sign in the eastern sky, of a reddish green, to which was attached a streak extending eastward. The consequent predictions of war and pestilence he finds fulfilled in the campaign of Cortés, and in the smallpox epidemic introduced by Narvaez. Hist. Verdad. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460-1. Among the accounts of celestial signs which may be based on the preceding is one by Camargo, describing a brightness observed in the east by the Tlascaltecs, three hours before dawn, accompanied by a whirlwind of dust from the summit of Mount Matlalcueje. Remesal refers probably to the same whirlwind under the guise of a white cloud, like a pillar, which often appeared in the east before sunrise, and afterward descended upon the cross erected in Tlascala by the Spaniards. The natives accepted this as an intimation that the new-comers were heaven’s chosen people, and received the cross. Hist. Chyapa, 304; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 140. Gomara appears to connect this eastern light with a thick smoke and with the fiery pyramid, which were followed by a battle in the sky between bodies of armed men, attended with great slaughter. Some of the courtiers surrounding Montezuma while he observed this phenomenon, pointed out that the arms and dress of the victorious faction resembled those in the chest which had been washed up on the coast. He declared his conviction, however, that they must be relics of his divine ancestors, not of mortal beings who fell on a battle-field, as these forms appeared to do. He proposed, as a test, that they should break the divine sword. This they tried, but in vain, and remained mute with wonder at its flexibility and strength. Hist. Mex., 214; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Mendieta places this sign in 1511. Hist. Ecles., 179. The last celestial sign, as described by Mendieta, is a large, brilliant comet, which appeared the very year of the Spaniards’ arrival, and remained immovable in the air for several days. Hist. Ecles., 180. Before Nezahualpilli returned to his capital, after interpreting the fiery signs, he was feasted by Montezuma, and the two monarchs thereupon retired to the diviners’ chamber to search into the legends of their forefathers for further light upon the omens. From this circumstance grew the story that the twain had made a journey to the ancient home of their race. Nezahualpilli, being a conjurer, took Montezuma through the air to the Seven Caves, where they conversed with the brethren of their ancestors. On learning that the first named was a descendant of the great Chichimecatl Xolotl, he was offered the government of this region, but declined, promising, however, to return at a later date. Torquemada, i. 212-13. Duran applies to the reign of Montezuma I. a similar story, which is more appropriate to the present subject. Eager to acquaint his ancestors with the glorious achievements of their progeny, and to learn something of the old home, this monarch sent a force of sixty sorcerers on a mission to Chicomoztoc, with numerous presents for Coatlicue, the mother of the divine Huitzilopochtli. Transforming themselves into animals, they reached the sacred region occupied by some Aztecs whom the god had left behind when he set out on his career of conquest. These venerable settlers were not a little surprised to behold in the effeminate and ephemeral specimens before them the descendants of that doughty leader and of his companions. On reaching the abode of the divine mother, the sorcerers found an old woman sorrowing over her lost son. The news of his glorious fate roused her interest, and she was induced to reveal several prophecies by her son, among them one concerning the coming of a strange people to wrest the land from the Mexicans. The messengers were dismissed with presents of food and clothing, and returned to their master with twenty of their number missing. Hist. Ind., MS., i. 467-86. Additional facts may be found in Native Races, v. 422-4, etc. Another visit to the spirit world is attributed to Papantzin, sister of Montezuma II., who, shortly after his accession, had married the lord of Tlatelulco. He soon died, and after ruling for a few years she, in 1509, followed him to the grave. She was buried with great pomp in her garden, in a vault closed by a flag-stone. The next morning she was discovered sitting on the steps of the bath adjoining the vault. Her niece, a child of five or six years, was the first to notice her. Too young to understand what would frighten older heads, she fearlessly approached the resurrected woman, and was told to call Papantzin’s mayordoma. This old dame, on receiving the summons, thought it a child’s prank, and would not stir, but at last she yielded, and on seeing the form of her late mistress, swooned with fear. Others proved more courageous, and carried her into the house. Papantzin now enjoined silence, and wished to call Montezuma, but no one daring to appear before the cruel and superstitious monarch, Nezahualpilli was summoned, and he brought the brother with him to her dwelling, together with several attendants. To them she related that, on being released from her earthly bonds, she had entered a boundless plain, upon a road which soon divided into several branches. On one side was a fiercely running stream, which she attempted to cross, but was motioned back by a youth of fine stature, dressed in a loose robe of dazzling whiteness. His face, bright as a star, was of fair complexion, the eyes grey, and the forehead marked with a cross. Taking her by the hand, he led her up the valley past heaps of dead men’s bones, from many of which rose the sound of lament. She also observed a number of black persons, with horns and deer legs, building a house. As the sun rose, large vessels could be seen ascending the river, bearing white and bearded men in strange attire, with shining head-gear, and standard borne aloft. They were children of the sun. The youth, in pointing them out, said that God did not yet wish her to pass the river, which could never be recrossed, but to wait and bear testimony to the faith coming with these men, who were destined to wage great wars with her people and become their masters. The lamenting bones were her forefathers—‘who had not received the faith,’ is the uncharitable term used by Torquemada—suffering for their evil deeds, and the house building was to hold the bones of those slain in battle by the fair-faced crews. She must return to earth, await these men, and guide her people to baptism. On being restored to her senses from the death or trance, whatever her listeners chose to term it, she removed the stone from the vault and returned to her chamber. Many of those present sneered at the story as originating in the brain of a sick woman, but Montezuma was more deeply moved than he cared to show. He never again saw his sister, who lived a retired life till the arrival of the Spaniards. She then came forward, the first woman in Tlatelulco to receive baptism, and under the name of María Papantzin rendered good aid in the missionary cause. This account, says Torquemada, has been taken from old native paintings, translated and sent to Spain, and was regarded as strictly true among the natives, Papantzin being well known in the town. ‘Esta Señora era del numero de los Predestinados,’ i. 238-9. Ixtlilxochitl, strangely enough, does not refer to the resurrection. According to him, the mother of Ixtlilxochitl, king of Tezcuco, was the first woman baptized, and this under compulsion from her husband. She received the name of María. After her came Papantzin, now wife of this king, who was named Beatriz. Cortés stood godfather to both. Sahagun refers briefly to the resurrection of a woman of Tenochtitlan, who issued, four days after her death, from the garden vault where she had been deposited. Appearing before Montezuma, she announced that with him would cease the Mexican empire, for other people were coming to rule and settle. This woman lived twenty-one years after this, and bore another child. Hist. Gen., ii. 270-1. At this rate she must have been alive when Sahagun arrived in the country; yet he fails to speak of her as a princess. Boturini applies the story to a sister of King Caltzontzin, of Michoacan, who died at the time the Spaniards were besieging Mexico, and rose within four days to warn her brother not to listen to the Mexican overtures for an alliance against the white invaders. The new-comers, she said, were destined by heaven to rule the land, and a testimony hereof would appear on the principal feast-day in the form of a youth, who, rising in the eastern sky, with a light in one hand and a sword in the other, would glide over the city and disappear in the west. This sign appearing, the king did as she bade him, rejected the Mexican advances, and received the Spaniards in peace. Catálogo, 27-8. Clavigero censures Boturini’s work, in this connection, as full of fables, and this after solemnly observing that the Papantzin incident ‘fu pubblico, e strepitoso, acaduto in presenza di due Re, e della Nobiltà Messicana. Trovossi altresi rappresentato in alcune dipinture di quelle Nazioni, e se ne mandò alla Corte di Spagna un attestato giuridico.’ Storia Mess., i. 289-92. He places the baptism of Papantzin in 1524. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 348-52; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 125-6. Torquemada gives the story of what occurred in the spirit land in her own words; so does Clavigero, though he differs slightly. See also his English translation by Cullen. As if in confirmation of her story, ominous signs became more numerous than ever. The big lake of Mexico began to boil and foam without apparent cause, the water rising high within the city and creating great damage. The date generally accepted for this occurrence is 1509, but Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 178, says 1499. The lake, like the sky, was connected with more than one mysterious occurrence. A troop of Huatuscan conjurers arrived shortly after this in the imperial city to exhibit tricks, in one of which they cut off their hands and feet, disclosing bleeding stumps, and then replaced the members. In order to test whether this was an illusion or not, the emperor ordered the severed members to be thrown into boiling water before they were returned to the performers. This unwarranted curiosity stirred the magicians to the very core, and before retiring they predicted that the lake would be tinged with blood, and that their avengers would soon appear in a strange people, the conquerors of the empire. Not long after, Montezuma noticed streaks of blood in the lake, mingled with a number of human heads and limbs. He called others to witness the sight, but none save himself could see it. Sending to the injured conjurers for an explanation, they replied that the vision denoted great and bloody battles to be waged in the city by the strange people. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. About the same time some fishermen caught a grey bird, like a crane, with a round comb or diadem, resembling a mirror. On being brought before Montezuma, he was startled by seeing reflected in this mirror the heavenly bodies, although none appeared in the sky, for it was yet daylight. The next moment the stars had vanished, and in their place were seen beings, half man and half deer, who moved about in battle array. Diviners were called to give their explanation, but when they came the bird had disappeared. Torquemada appears to date this as early as 1505, i. 235. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 139-40. Another great bird is referred to, with a human head, which soared above the lake uttering the prediction that speedily would come the new rulers of the empire. Other monsters were found in the shape of double-bodied and double-headed men, which dissolved in the air shortly after being brought to the sorcerers’, or black hall, of Montezuma. A horrible animal was caught near Tecualoia. Torquemada, i. 214. During all the years of these signs could be heard, at frequent intervals, a female voice lamenting, ‘Oh, my children, all is lost to us! My children, whither will you be taken?’ Id., 214, 233. A similar voice was heard before the fall of Jerusalem. Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 180; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 358; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., i. 5. In 1510 the imperial city was startled, one clear, quiet night, by a fire, which, bursting from the heart of the timbers in the temple of Huitzilopochtli, burned all the fiercer under the efforts made to quench it. A precursor of this had been the fall of a stone column close to the temple, coming no one knew whence. ‘El chapitel de un Cú de Vitzilopuchtli, que se llamaba Tlacoteca, se encendió.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3-4. Shortly after, the temple of the fire god Xiuhtecutli, at Zocomolco, was stricken by lightning and burned. This occurred without the usual accompaniment of thunder, and with but a sprinkle of rain; many regarded it as done by a sunbeam, and consequently as particularly ominous. ‘Los Indios decian ... el Sol ha quemado este Templo; porque ni hemos visto Relampago, ni hemos oido Trueno.’ Torquemada, i. 214, 234. Believing, or pretending to believe, the city attacked by enemies, the Tlatelulcans rushed to arms, for which excess of zeal they were punished by a suspension of all their townsmen who held positions at court. Native Races, v. 461-67.

[141] Torquemada assumes that the 12,210 victims comprised also those offered at the consecration of two new temples, Tlamatzinco and Quauhxicalli. See Native Races, v. 471. Tezozomoc relates that the laborers, after striving in vain to move the stone from its original site, heard it utter, in a muffled voice, ‘Your efforts are in vain; I enter not into Mexico.’ The incident finds a parallel in the vain effort of Tarquin to remove certain statues of the gods, to make room for Jupiter’s temple, and in the firm adherence of Apollo’s head to the ground, shortly before the death of the Roman ruler. But recovering from their alarm, they tried again, and now the stone moved almost of its own accord. Another halt is made, a second oracle delivered, and finally the stone reaches the bridge, where it disappears into the water. Amid the invocation of priests, divers descend in search, only to come back with the report that no vestige of it is to be found; but there is a fathomless pit extending toward Chalco. While diviners are cudgelling their brains for clues, in comes a messenger to announce that the stone, like the Penates of Æneas, had returned to its original site, arrayed in all the sacrificial ornaments. Observing in this occurrence the divine will, Montezuma let the stone remain, and recognizing at the same time a menace to himself, perhaps of speedy death, he ordered his statue to be at once sculptured by the side of his predecessors, on the rocky face of Chapultepec Hill. Tezozomoc describes the statue. Hist. Mex., ii. 204-7. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 313-27. Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 292-3. Among the troubles which after this fell upon the doomed people are mentioned: An earthquake in 1513. Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., v. 154. A locust plague. ‘Vieronse gran cantidad de mariposas, y langostas, que passauan de buelo hàzia el Occidente.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. A deluge in Tuzapan, and a fall of snow which overwhelmed the army en route for Amatlan. While crossing the mountains, rocks and trees came tumbling down upon them, killing a large number, while others froze to death. Ixtlilxochitl places this in 1514. Others say 1510. During the Soconusco campaign, see Native Races, v. 472, the ground opened near Mexico, and threw up water and fish. The Indians interpreted this to signify a victory, but the lord of Culhuacan intimated, with a shake of the head, that one force expelled another, whereat Montezuma’s delight somewhat abated. ‘Quando prendio Cortes a entrambos, se accordò (Montezuma) muy bien de aquellas palabras.’ Herrera, ubi sup.

[142] Meanwhile it came to pass that an eagle swooped down upon a peasant at work in a field not far from Mexico, and seizing him by the hair in full view of his neighbors, bore him out of sight. Landed high upon a mountain, the man found himself led by invisible hands through a dark cave into a hall of dazzling splendor, where Montezuma lay as if asleep. Less favored than Ganymede, he was permitted to see no other form, but voices around explained to him that this was a representation of the emperor intoxicated with pride and blinded by vanity. Tezozomoc writes that the eagle assumed the form of a lord and spoke; but a superior being can hardly be supposed to have assumed the office of carrying a low peasant. A lighted pipe with a rose was placed in his hand, with orders to burn a mark upon the monarch’s leg, and then proceed to court and relate to him what had occurred, pointing out the blister in testimony. The gods were annoyed at his conduct and rule, which had evoked the ills soon to overthrow him. Let him amend and use well the short term still allotted to him. The next moment the peasant found himself borne through the air by the eagle, which enjoined upon him to obey the command received. The man did so, and Montezuma, recalling a dream to the same effect, looked and found a wound, which now began to burn painfully. Throwing the man into prison as an evil sorcerer, he sought his doctors for relief. ‘Lo que vio el labrador, pudo ser que aconteciesse en vision imaginatiua porque ... no es increyble que Dios por medio de vn Angel bueno ordenasse ... que aquel auiso se diesse.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Montezuma now resolved to seek a refuge where none of the threatened evils might reach him. The place selected was Cicalco, ‘house of the rabbit,’ painted by the myths as an abode of delight, abounding in every product, sown with flowers, and flowing with crystal waters, a place where death never entered. As a preliminary step four human victims were flayed and their spirits sent to Huemac, the ruler of that region, to prepare the way for the living messengers. These consisted of sorcerers, accompanied by dwarfs and hunchbacks to carry the flayed skins as presents. Two hunchbacks were sent with the skins of ten flayed men, says Duran. Entering the cave leading to Cicalco, they were guided by its guardian into the bowels of the earth, and presented themselves before the Aztec Pluto. With humble reverence they proffered the skins with the prayer of Montezuma for admission into that abode of delight and into his service. Unwilling to make an exception to the rule for admission through death’s portals, Huemac sent the messengers back with presents, giving the evasive reply that their master should confide to him his sorrows and await relief. On receiving this report Montezuma angrily ordered the men to be cast into prison, and sent other messengers with fresh skins, repeating his request for admission, yet conforming in so far as to ask for an explanation of the many signs abroad. Huemac, again avoiding a direct answer, told them that Cicalco was quite a different place from what they supposed it to be. He and his comrades stayed not of their own accord, but were kept there by a superior power, steeped in abject toil and misery. This unsatisfactory report entailed upon the messengers the same punishment as before. Two Acolhuan chiefs were now entrusted with fresh skins and the request that Huemac should at least explain the signs which threatened the emperor, if he still refused him admission. Among these signs is mentioned a white cloud rising at midnight toward the sky. Propitiated by the higher rank or qualities of these messengers, or by the earnest perseverance of their master, Huemac explained that the sufferings and menaces were the result of his pride and cruelty. Let him amend, and as a preliminary task begin a fast of eighty days. This accomplished, Huemac would meet him at Tlachtonco, on the summit of Chapultepec. Montezuma was so delighted with this answer that he rewarded the chiefs most liberally, and made the necessary arrangements for the government of the empire during his seclusion. Going at the appointed time to Tlachtonco, a brilliant stone ordered him to make certain preparations and return in four days, when he would be conducted to Cicalco. This he did, after enjoining secrecy upon all who had assisted in the matter. Arrayed in a human skin adorned with precious stones, gold, and feathers, he seated himself upon a feathered throne, surrounded by his richly dressed dwarf and hunchback pages, and in this guise awaited Huemac. Soon a light in the distance, brilliant as the sun, announced the approach of the mysterious being, and hope leaped high in Montezuma’s breast. It stopped, however, and the emperor was devoured by anxiety. Suddenly a human voice recalled him from his absorption. It was that of the guardian of Tzoncoztli temple, who related that Huemac, interdicted by supreme command from approaching the emperor, had commissioned him to recall his master to duty. His presence is needed in Mexico to direct public affairs and to infuse respect among the hostile nations, who would rise the moment his disappearance became known. What will his subjects think? He must obey the divine command, and remember that he is emperor of the world. Montezuma yielded reluctantly and reëntered his palace, taking to his side the faithful Tzoncoztli guardian, and charging all to keep the secret. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 213-27; and in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., v. 469, et seq.; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 328-45.

[143] Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 35-6.

[144] ‘Besaron todos las proas de las naos en señal de adoracion, pensaron que era el Dios Quetzalcoatl que volvia.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 5.

[145] According to Tezozomoc, an Indian, with ears, thumbs, and big toes cut off, arrived from Mictlancuauhtla with the report that he had seen a round mountain on the sea moving to and fro without approaching the shore. The informant was placed under guard, and a chief with an attendant sent to Pinotl to verify the statement, and to chide him for neglect to report. They soon returned to say that from a tree they had seen two such mountains or towers, from one of which a canoe had set out on a fishing trip. The men on board had white faces and hands, long, thick beard, long hair, raiments of varied and brilliant colors, and round head-covering. The mutilated Indian being now called to answer further questions, his prison cell was found vacant. Hist. Mex., ii. 232-4; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-77.

[146] Torquemada, i. 379, names ten members, while Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 378, says there were twelve.

[147] Particularly at Nauhtla, Toztla, Mictla, and Quauhtla. Torquemada, i. 379; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 6, calls the districts Cuextecatl, Naulitlantoztlan, and Mictlanquactla. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 49, writes more correctly Nauthtlan, Tochtlan, and Mictlan-Quauhtla.

[148] Torquemada, i. 379-80, expresses his disapproval of Gomara and Herrera for following only Spanish versions, and ignoring the Indian records acquired by himself and others, including Sahagun. The latter assumes that Montezuma has been apprised of Grijalva’s departure before the embassy leaves, and this body is therefore not sent till Cortés arrives. Hist. Conq., i. 7. This is not unlikely, for council had to be first held and the future course determined, and messengers were always on the way between the subject provinces and the capital, ready to convey news. But most writers, followed by the Native Races, take the view presented in the text. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. ix., who is very brief on Grijalva’s visit, says, when it was learned that the Spaniards wanted gold, the governors on the coast were ordered to barter with it, and to find out what further object they had in coming. Ixtlilxochitl states that merchants from the coast fair brought the first news of Grijalva to Mexico. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377-8, is brief on the subject. Tezozomoc describes the necklace, bracelet, and other jewelry prepared as presents by four of the leading goldsmiths and lapidaries. With these the chief who had been to the coast to observe the floating towers is ordered to seek the white men. Pinotl must prepare food for them, and if they eat, they are surely Quetzalcoatl and his suite. ‘But if they prefer human flesh,’ says Duran, in his version, ‘and wish to eat you, let them do so; I promise to look to the future of your children and relatives.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 366-7. ‘If you are convinced that it is Quetzalcoatl,’ continued Montezuma, ‘adorn his person with these jewels made for the purpose, and say that I beg him humbly to come and take possession of the throne which I hold for him.’ Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 236-9. This author confounds Grijalva and Cortés, but allows the jewels and message to reach the latter. According to Duran, Montezuma tells the chief to ask the god for permission to finish his rule; after his death he is welcome to the throne. ‘Que me dege morir, y que despues de yo muerto venga muy de norabuena, y tome su Reyno pues es suyo y lo dejó en guarda á mis antepasados,’ ut supra. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 508-14 refers briefly to this subject, and to the various omens and visions, some of which he regards as dreams imparted by angels. Meanwhile fresh messengers arrive to report that the white captain had spread the wings of his floating mountains and faded away in the east. They bring later drawings and gifts, including beads, shirts, a hat, some biscuits and wine. The monarch crunches the biscuits and admits them to be good, but the wine, with its penetrating sweetness, lulling the senses and calling up happy visions, this delights him, and specimens of both are deposited upon the altar of Quetzalcoatl at Tula. Finally, on seeing the glass necklace, he declares the giver to be indeed the Acatl Ynacuitl, the travelling god of the reed; and deeming himself unworthy of so brilliant an adornment, he consecrates it to the gods. The best painters are called to give a superior representation of the strange visitors from the rude drawings brought by the messengers, and from their description, while the old and wise men are asked for recollections and ideas which may throw light upon the subject. After much search a tradition is raked up, wherein a race is to come from the east mounted on serpents or masted mountains, and with them a white, bearded people, astride of big deers and eagles, who will land at Tzonapan, and obtain possession of all the land. They are also described as a one-legged people, with the face in the middle of the body, of white complexion and with long beard. In confirmation thereof is produced an old painting, which agrees with those depicting the late arrivals. Convinced of the identity, Montezuma orders the governors of the coast provinces to maintain a close watch for the return of the strangers, so that he may receive speedy notice. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 241-50; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-92.

This chapter presents but a faint picture of the state of affairs within the Mexican empire at the time of the arrival of Cortés. As I said at the outset, all this I have given in my Native Races, and can not of course repeat it here. Further authorities on omens and on the state of the Aztec empire, most of them, however, of no value, are Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 5-12; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 137-9 and 142-3; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iii. 130-2; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 124-6; Bos, Leben der See-Helden, 4-5; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 505-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 127-34; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 192-237; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 73-5; Lafond, Voy., i. 105-7; Eggleston’s Montezuma, 11-17; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xiii. 289-91; Russell’s Hist. Am., i. 76-9; Laharpe, Abrégé, ix. 268-73; Du Perrier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 332-6; Burke’s Europ. Set., i. 71; Smollett’s Voy., i. 214-19; Chevalier, Mexique, 7-22; Mexique Études, 9-10; Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 17-18; Bussierre, L’Emp. Mex., 119-30; Manzi, Conq. di Mess. 14-19; Roure, Conquête du Mex., 211-20.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.
April-May, 1519.

The Embassy from the Shore—The New Interpreter—Marina—Her Appearance and Quality—Her Romantic History—She Cleaves to the Spaniards and to Cortés—And Becomes One of the most Important Characters of the Conquest—The Spaniards Land and Form an Encampment—The Governor Comes with Presents—The Spaniards Astonish the Natives—Who Report all to Montezuma—Cortés Sends the Monarch Presents—Council Called in Mexico—Montezuma Determines not to Receive the Strangers—Reciprocates in Presents a Hundredfold—Cortés Persists—Montezuma Declines more Firmly—Olmedo Attempts Conversion—Teuhtlile, Offended, Withdraws his People from the Camp of the Spaniards.

Under San Juan de Ulua the fleet of Cortés rests at anchor, lying lazily there, its fiery purpose clothed in peaceful white, like a snow-capped volcano basking in the sunlight. The ships had been watched from afar by expectant eyes; and now from the wondering multitude that lines the Chalchiuhcuecan[149] shore come two large canoes, whose occupants step to the deck of the flag-ship and reverentially ask for the Tlatoani. Their language is new to Aguilar; none of the company can understand it. What is to be done? Modestly speaks one of the female slaves, “These are Mexicans, sent by Cuitlalpitoc,[150] cacique of the nearest town, to welcome the white chief and offer their devotion. They would likewise know whence he comes, and why.”

Instantly all eyes are on the speaker, who under their continued gaze draws back, abashed at her own temerity, while the warm blood mantles beneath its clear olive confine, and the breath comes inconstant between parted lips. Cortés regards her as she stands there unconscious of the important service she has rendered him; for possessed she the power of Thetis, to assume any form she pleased, the fair interpreter could not at this juncture have appeared before the chief in any other aspect half so fascinating. Who is she? The one baptized Marina, at Tabasco; and who, being the greatest lady there, was given to Puertocarrero, the greatest gentleman present. Why had she been given to Puertocarrero? Why had not the chief chamberer himself taken her? Cortés had weightier matters on his mind. He was playing for empire, and would not now stop to divide the petty winnings with his men. By and by right royally will he reward the unsanctified within him for its abstinence. As for this girl, he seems now for the first time to see her.[151] Had Marina, the slave, been born in other lands, under different auspices, to what exalted sphere might not her personal loveliness and beauty of character have entitled her!

They say she was fair for an Indian; very beautiful she certainly is, and of that order of loveliness that captivates the understanding no less than the passions. The old as well as the young are ravished with her beauty, even as with Helen were the elders of Troy. She is about eighteen, and in form and features perfect; her long hair falling over smooth, round shoulders, and from large lustrous eyes radiating a tender melancholy that overspreads the face and tones to harmony whatever falls beneath its influence. Sweet and frank in her disposition, she is nevertheless resolute enough upon occasion; yet in her ordinary mood there is a rare grace and femininity, in which she is as liquid and pellucid as a passage in Herodotus. There is no shame in her blush, nothing bordering on conscious inferiority in her bearing; nothing that these or any other beings may do unto her can lessen her self-respect. She scarcely knows she is a slave, the plaything of passion; she finds the world made so, men the stronger and wickeder, and she has but to acquiesce.[152]

Cortés is deeply interested. As if from heaven some bright being had been sent to his assistance, so comes to him Marina now. What is her history? Strangely romantic. She is the daughter of a cacique, born at Painala, eight leagues from Goazacoalco. While yet a child her father died; and upon a son, the fruit of a second marriage, the mother centred all her affections. To secure to him the succession and inheritance which rightly belonged to the daughter, Marina was given as a slave to some travelling merchants of Xicalanco, while a slave girl who had just died was passed off for Marina and buried with the usual stately ceremonies.[153] Arrived at Tabasco, Marina was sold to the cacique, and by him transferred to the Spaniards. With a mind elastic and quick to learn, to her native Mexican tongue she added at Tabasco a knowledge of the Maya, becoming afterward proficient in Spanish. And now no longer slave, save to the passion love, she is to queen it for a while as consort of the conqueror, becoming in the conquest second only in power and importance to Cortés himself, whom with her whole soul she loves, and to whom alone she clings after the departure presently of Puertocarrero for Spain. Accompanying the invaders as interpreter and adviser, she shares their hardships and rejoices in their successes. For is not the daring commander lord of her heart and person? Moreover, what claim upon her has a nation which drives her into solitude beyond its border, and for no crime? Therefore, if her newly found friends sicken, she nurses them; if they despair, she comforts them. Nevertheless she cannot forget her people, but freely exerts her influence in their behalf, saving many a life and many a town from destruction. Toward the end both races vie in showing her their admiration, gratitude, and respect; and although to the Indian the invaders become more and more objects of execration, yet he never mentions with aught but loving reverence the name Malintzin, or Malinche, as in his tongue is called Marina.[154]

To the embassy of Cuitlalpitoc Cortés makes friendly answer. He will explain his purposes to the cacique in person. Meanwhile the messengers are regaled with food; presents are given them, and gold is shown as something Spaniards delight in. Then they return to the shore, which appears not very inviting, with its broad reach of sand and sandy hillocks whirled up by the northers. Likewise vegetation hereabout is stunted, larger trees appearing only in the distance. The place had been recommended by Grijalva, however, as possessing good anchorage, and the people as being rich and hospitable.[155]

Early on Good Friday Cortés landed, planted guns upon the hillock, and began the construction of a fortified camp, consisting of houses, huts, and sheds, high in the centre of which was placed a large cross. Informed of this, the cacique sent men to carry timber, plaster the walls, and put up awnings. Food was also provided, and feather-work and gold were presented Cortés, with the information that the governor would visit him presently. Meanwhile the natives flocked in to trade, so that on Saturday the place presented the appearance of a fair, rather than the encampment of an invading army.

On Easter Sunday, while preparations were made for mass, Cuitlalpitoc arrived with his chief, Teuhtlile, governor of the province, whose residence was at Cuetlachtlan, eight leagues away.[156] Attending them was a large retinue of nobles, and slaves[157] bearing presents. Cortés, with an escort, advanced to receive them, and after interchange of courtesies led the way to the altar, draped in native cotton fabrics, where Father Olmedo celebrated mass,[158] aided by Father Juan Diaz, Aguilar, and a trained choir. The service over, Cortés invited the chiefs to dinner, and there informed them that he was a captain of the greatest monarch the sun smiled on, Charles V. of Spain, who, hearing of Montezuma’s fame, had sent him presents and a message, which must be delivered in person immediately.[159] How easy the way to him who knows it! Had Cortés but spoken the simple word, “I am Quetzalcoatl, come to resume my rule,” he might possibly at one time have ridden midst hosannas to the capital, and seated himself without resistance on Montezuma’s throne.

But the minion of an earthly monarch is quite a different being from the fair god in the eyes of the Aztec officers, who answer somewhat haughtily, “Be it known to you that our master is the inferior of none; and for the present let these gifts suffice.” Saying which the signal is given; the slaves advance and deliver their burdens, consisting in part of food, cotton fabrics more than ten bales, brilliant feather-work, and a cacaxtli, or basket, filled with wrought gold set with rare stones and pearls. Cortés expressed thanks, and gave for Montezuma in return a carved and inlaid arm-chair, some engraved marcasite laid in musk-scented cotton, a bright red cap, a gold medal stamped with the figures of St George and the dragon, twisted strings of beads, and other articles; and would the emperor deign to wear the cap and occupy the chair when it became his pleasure to receive him? To the chiefs were also given some trifles. Teuhtlile promised to deliver to Montezuma the gifts and the message. Then pointing to the gilt helmet of a soldier, which resembled in form the head-dress of the idol Quetzalcoatl, he expressed a desire to show it to Montezuma. “Take it,” said Cortés, “and bring it back filled with gold-dust, that we may show our emperor what kind of metal you have.”[160]

Observing the native painters transcribing to amatl-paper the several novelties, and wishing to impress them further, Cortés mounted a horse, and ordered the troops to fall into line and the cannons to be charged. The infantry first passed in review to the sound of music with arms and banners displayed. Then came the cavalry with the best riders, led by Alvarado, dashing past in varied and swift evolutions. The graceful movements of the great animals, their rearing and prancing, and above all their speed; the flashing swords, the glittering armor, all seemed to these simple people like a scene from the supernatural. Their admiration was changed to terror, however, when the guns belched flames and smoke, and sent midst many thunderings the stone balls scudding along the beach or crashing among the trees. All, even their own fears, were faithfully depicted by the painters. On leaving, Teuhtlile gave orders to supply the Spaniards with every necessary, for which purpose two thousand of his people were detailed to attend them, particularly to bring wood, water, and food. For their accommodation another cluster of huts was erected, so that within these few days two towns arose on the sands of Chalchiuhcuecan. Cuitlalpitoc, who remained for a time to superintend the service, received from his guests the name of Ovandillo.[161]

Montezuma was quickly in possession of all these facts; and when he saw the gifts, and read the picture writings, and learned how a woman, beautiful as the sun, talked to his people in their own language; more particularly when he compared the helmet with that worn by Huitzilopochtli, and was told that the terrible strangers insisted on an interview, apprehension filled his soul.[162] Cuitlahuatzin, his brother, and Cacama of Tezcuco, were summoned to aid in telling him what to do. The council was divided. There was the popular belief regarding Quetzalcoatl with its attendant prognostics; on the other hand these strangers did not behave like gods. They had human appetites, overthrew the idols, claimed allegiance to another power, and had proved themselves vulnerable at Potonchan. Yet could beings wholly terrestrial so live without women, mount gigantic deer, and tame the lightning? Cacama thought they should have a hearing. The national honor demanded it; beside, refusal implied fear. Cuitlahuatzin saw in the visitation only evil to the commonwealth, and urged expulsion. The gods should decide; and very foolish gods they would have been to vote admission to their destroyers. And now behold the fatal folly of Montezuma! Instead of vigorous action toward the end determined on, he adopted a middle course. He would decline the interview, yet not rudely drive the strangers hence, lest, peradventure, they might be gods and successfully oppose him. He would send them liberal gifts, and beseech them to depart, thus exposing at once his weakness and his wealth.[163]

A diplomate of the first nobility was accordingly despatched to the sea-shore. With him went Teuhtlile, returning after only a week’s absence.[164] Numerous natives were in attendance, among them over a hundred slaves. Bowing low before Cortés, who had on this occasion put on greater pomp than usual, the envoy touched the earth with his hand, carrying it to his lips, and then he swung the copal censer.[165] Together with Teuhtlile he thereupon seated himself beside Cortés; and it was remarked how much alike they looked, the Spanish commander and the Aztec envoy, who, perhaps, had been selected for this reason, with the aid of the portraits made by the native painters, and as a mark of honor to the white captain. The soldiers not inappropriately called him the Mexican Cortés.[166]

The slaves were then directed to lay down the presents; among which were thirty bales of cotton fabrics, from gauzy curtains to heavy robes, white, colored, plain, and figured,[167] interwoven with feathers or embroidered with gold and silver thread; feathers and plumes of all colors, embroidered sandals, and marcasite mirrors. All these, however, were trifles beside the gold, the beautiful glittering gold which was now disclosed, and likewise the silver. First there was a disk of the yellow metal, representing the sun with its rays, as large as a carriage wheel, ten spans in diameter, ornamented in demi-relief and valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.[168] A companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and equally ornamented, represented the moon.[169] Then there were thirty golden ducks, well fashioned; a number of other pieces in form of dogs, lions, monkeys, and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with over one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies by the Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord stretched, two staves each five palms in length; fans, bracelets, and other pieces, all of fine gold, beside a number of silver. What could have delighted the Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not wanting—the gilt helmet returned full of virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, with a plentiful mixture of nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh from the placers. The value of this was three thousand pesos, and appreciation was attracted not so much by the amount as by the significance of the gift, as Bernal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure indication of the existence of rich mines in the country. “It was this gift which cost Montezuma his head,”[170] says Torquemada.

The words which followed fell on closed ears. These so greatly admired gifts are but a slight token of the high regard of the emperor, who would be pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he could not think of troubling Cortés to come to him through a hostile country; besides, he was ailing. Everything the visitors might wish to aid their departure would be instantly supplied. This and more. Poor, foolish monarch! As well might he ask the ravenous wolf to depart after giving it to lick a little blood from his scratched hand. For the gifts, a thousand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not face his master without having seen the great Montezuma. As for the road, its difficulties or dangers were nothing. Would the chiefs present their monarch these further articles, and bring speedy answer?[171]

Meanwhile discussion was in order among the Spaniards, and speculation as to what should be done. Some advised immediate advance on Montezuma’s capital; some, fearful of the nation’s strength, as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored return to Cuba for reinforcements. Cortés let them talk, but said little. Traffic at first was freely permitted among the men,[172] and as the result was meagre Cortés did not think it worth while to require of them a division. To this irregularity certain of the Velazquez leaders objected, demanding at least that the royal fifth should be deducted; the commander therefore ordered gold to be received only by Gonzalo Mejía, as treasurer.[173]

Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without the envoy,[174] but followed by a file of slaves bearing, among other things, as a present to the Spanish king, ten loads of rich feathers and robes, some gold figures valued at three thousand pesos, and four chalchiuite stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but of no value to Europeans.

Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to the emperor were useless, since the desired interview could not be granted. He hoped the Spaniards would content themselves with the promised supplies and depart in peace.

Turning to his companions, Cortés said: “Truly this must be a great lord, and rich; and, God willing, some day we will visit him.” Just then the bell struck for Ave María, and instantly, with uncovered heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross. The priests, ever ready to preach their faith where an opportunity presented, were soon at work. His words, however, made a bad impression on the governor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortés to his message. He bade a cold farewell, and the next morning the Spaniards awoke to find the native encampment deserted, and even the supplies carried away. Precautions were now taken against probable attack, by sending on board the provisions and all cumbrous articles, leaving embarkation easy at any moment.[175]