History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[149] See Native Races, iv. 434. Duran’s native records call this the ‘port’ of Chalchuihqueyacan. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different authorities differs greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377, give April 21 as the date of arrival, while Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1845), 135, makes it the 22d. Year Ce Acatl. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7., says 13 conejos.

[150] Torquemada, i. 387. Bernal Diaz writes Pitalpitoque, named by the Spaniards Ovandillo. Hist. Verdad., 25. Herrera, Pitalpitoc. Solis, followed by Robertson, Pilpatoe. Bernal Diaz and Gomara name Teuhtlile, the chief governor of the province, who lived farther in the interior, as the sender.

[151] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 40, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv., this new interpreter is not discovered until four days later.

[152] ‘Entremetida, é desembuelta,’ slabbers that lecherous old soldier Bernal Diaz. To call women loose comes well from men who spend their lives in making them so. If, as has been stated, the women of her native district have borne a reputation not altogether enviable, whose fault is it? Not theirs, truly. That this girl was the mistress of men, under the circumstances, detracts not one iota from her good name in the minds of right-thinking persons; nay, it detracts nothing from her purity of mind, her honesty, or her innate morality. ‘Reprehensible medio de asegurarla en su fidelidad,’ says Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., i. 119, otherwise so ready to cover up the defects of his hero.

[153] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24-5. According to Gomara she was born in Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco, the daughter of rich parents, related to the cacique. From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco. Hist. Mex., 40. The town and district may be a corruption of Huilotlan, in Xalatzinco, which Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287, gives as her native place, and this may be identical with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan, on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Painala is no longer known. Fossey, who travelled through the region, states that tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birthplace, and in support of this belief a mountain is pointed out, close to the town, bearing the name of Malinche. Mexique, 26-7; Gomara, Hist. Mex. (Bustamante ed.), i. 41; Berendt, in Salazar, Méx. en 1554, 178; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. i. 15, mentions Teticpac, and Oviedo names Mexico as Marina’s native place, iii. 259, while Saavedra undertakes to reconcile the different statements by supposing that her family came originally from Jalisco, west of Anáhuac, to Mexico city, and thence to Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she was educated in the capital. Dic. Univ., ix. 774.

[154] Mexicans being unable to pronounce the ‘r,’ Marina became Malina, to which the tzin was added in respect, equivalent to doña or lady. Malinche was a Spanish corruption, which was at times applied by the Indians to Cortés, as the lord and companion of Marina, and Juan Perez de Arteaga had also the appellation added to his name, from being so often with her. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52. Another conjecture is that her original name was Malina, or Malinalli, signifying ‘twisted thing,’ the term for one of the Mexican days, applied in accordance with a native custom of giving children the name of their birthday. The name indeed is not uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco, for instance, being called Malinal or Malinaltzin. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 31, 40. On finding her own name so similar to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her this at the font. The Indians usually acquired a surname after they grew up, and Tenepal is that found for Marina. Sigüenza y Góngora, Paraiso Occid., 38; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 217; Arróniz, Orizaba, 171, 182. To Cortés she bore a son, who was recognized by his father and raised to the rank of a knight of Santiago. While on the way with Cortés to Honduras, in 1524, she was legally married to Captain Juan Jaramillo. This took place at Ostoticpac, near Orizaba, and excited no little comment. Some believe that the arrival of Cortés’ wife was the cause of the marriage; but although this may have led to his separation from Marina, it could not have affected the marriage, since the wife was already dead. Cortés no doubt found her an incumbrance, and sought to be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least. Gomara accuses him of having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose. Hist. Mex., 251; but this Bernal Diaz corrects. He knew one of the witnesses at the ceremony. Hist. Verdad., 25. Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander of one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico, and in other affairs, and is said to have been an hidalgo. Ixtlilxochitl marries her to Aguilar, probably because this seemed a fit union. Hist. Chich., 287. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 143. Shortly after her marriage the army halted at Goazacoalco, whither all the chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to tender submission and to receive instruction in the faith. Among them was a young cacique with his mother, whose resemblance to Marina at once called the attention of all acquainted with the story, and led to her recognition as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life, but Marina reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her conduct as controlled by the deceased stepfather, and cheered her with a number of presents. She presented her husband, and referred with fond pride to the son she had given to Cortés. Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving the name of Lázaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate name for one who perhaps lived long enough to lament the ruin of her people and country, an indirect result of her unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who witnessed all this, and became further acquainted with the family, declares Gomara wrong, and says: ‘Conoci á su madre, y á su hermano,’ concluding ‘todo esto que digo, se lo oî muy certificadamente, y se lo jurò, amen.’ Hist. Verdad., 25; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 12-14; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 38. Returning to Mexico, she received lands there and in her native province, but took up her residence in the capital, where her husband held a prominent position through his wealth and offices, such as regidor and as the first alférez of the city. ‘Recibieron p^r Alferes de esta Ciudad a Juan Xaramillo.’ ‘Primer Alferes.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS., 216. Reference is made to lots and other grants made to him and his wife Doña Marina, on March 14, 1528, and other dates. Id. Both held repartimientos, one of which lay in Xilotepec. Marina appears to have been still living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing her memory upon the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she even now watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently encountered in its twilight flights on errands of mercy and consolation, issuing from the ancient groves of Chapultepec, where centres the recollection of Aztec glories. Ballads still perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature’s monument bears proudly the beloved name of Malintzin. Tradition also transforms her into a naiad who daily rises from the pool of Chapultepec, singing divinely. Rodriguez, Anáhuac, 461. She appears to have had several children by Cortés. Peralta mentions five besides Martin, of whom two died while young. The three remaining were daughters, of whom two became nuns, and the third, Leonor, the wife of Martin de Tolosa. Nat. Hist., 75. This is not wholly correct, however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza is a document, dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants a petition from her in favor of her grandson, Don Alonso de Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra, deceased, and encomendero of Tilantongo town. Alaman’s notes, in Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 268-9. In Cortés, Residencia, i. 123, ii. 70, 101, witnesses refer also to a daughter of the interpreter Marina, with whom Cortés is accused of having tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly be Saavedra’s wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina’s master would not have presented a woman incumbered with a child when he sought to do honor to the Spaniards. Saavedra allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband, who procured for her a high position at court. Here she died, leaving several children, from whom descended some of the first families in Spain. Dic. Univ., ix. 778. But this authority is too full of blunders to be relied upon. Ideal portraits are given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 65, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 350.

[155] I have said, as the native record interpreted by Tezozomoc and Duran relates, that the fleet is sighted and reported long before it reaches San Juan de Ulua—from Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 114. Montezuma, who had already begun to hope that the strangers would never return, becomes sad with apprehension; yet he orders special relays to be stationed on the route to the coast, in order to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish the strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the messenger who met Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He is instructed to declare that Montezuma holds the throne as mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for he supposes that it is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to proceed to Mexico the roads will be cleaned, and the towns and stations prepared for his accommodation. Tlillancalqui delivers his message, together with a necklace of gold set with precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the strange beings he offers fowl and tortilla to horses as well as men. Cortés signifies his wish to go to Mexico, and asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui hurries back with the message, leaving orders to supply the Spaniards with all they desire. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389-96; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 250-3. According to the version by Sahagun and Torquemada, Montezuma sends the same messengers whom he despatched the year before to seek Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are Yohualychan, the leader, Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl, and Hueycamecatleca. With them are sent the presents already prepared for Grijalva, and the sacerdotal vestments of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they inquire for their king and god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised, Cortés the next moment catches the clue. Seating himself on an improvised throne, surrounded by a large suite, he orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the personage whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing the deck. The leader thereupon addresses him: ‘Welcome, god and master; long have we, your servants and vassals, waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant, sends us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small present and these precious ornaments, once used by you as our king and god.’ They now array him in the vestments of Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments pertaining to the gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him the greatest of the gods. The most attractive pieces are a bejewelled and plume head-dress, and a necklace of precious stones. ‘Is this all the gift of welcome that you bring?’ asks Cortés. ‘Lord and king, it is all that was given us for your Majesty,’ was the reply. They are given food and accommodation for the night. In order to impress upon them the full extent of Spanish power, they are tied hands and feet while the horses are exhibited, the arms displayed, and the guns fired. They are then told that the white men have heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome ten or even twenty times superior numbers, and desire a proof thereof by fighting them in equal force. Swords and shields are given them, but they decline, pleading their character as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and told that the white men will descend upon their country, kill all who resist, take possession of the government, and secure better presents than those sent them. The messengers now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one on the way of what has occurred. Torquemada, i. 381-4; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7-11; Sigüenza y Góngora, El Fenix, MS., 273-8.

[156] Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara’s corrupt form. Hist. Mex., 39. Herrera calls Teuthlille the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief. dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe, governor. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 119. Teotlili arrives on Monday. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 286. ‘Tendile, y Pitalpitoque eran Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque, Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo, y de otros pueblos que nueuamẽte teniã sojuzgados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. He means, however, that Tendile is the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left. Cuetlachtlan province appears to have extended from Rio Papaloapan, or Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.

[157] Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending at over 4,000.

[158] Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting that mass had been already said on Friday. Hist. Mex., i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon the soldier, whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.

[159] ‘All Gomara’s fictions,’ sneers Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 484, who ignores Marina’s ability to interpret, and thinks the interview was limited to the simplest expressions conveyed by signs.

[160] Carta del Ayunt., ubi sup., 19. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 39-41, while he does not refer to a helmet, states that Cortés asked for gold, as a remedy for heart disease, from which he and his men were suffering.

[161] ‘Dexo alli dos hombres principales, como capitanes, con hasta dos mil personas entre mugeres y hombres de servicio, y fuese a Cotosta.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41. He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over 1000 to carry supplies. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 482; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person to Mexico, but not so Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.

[162] ‘Y desque viò el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos, tuuo por cierto, que eramos del linage de los que les auian dicho sus antepassados, que vendrian á señorear aquesta tierra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. This statement is followed by a cut at Gomara for giving unreliable information. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141. The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes how the messengers are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as customary with important bearers of news, before presenting themselves before Montezuma. They arouse his admiration by speaking of the wonders beheld, of the penetrating swords, the sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and of the intoxicating food; but when they relate how outrageously they have been treated and how the strangers threatened to conquer the country, then the emperor wept, and with him all the city. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 12-13; Torquemada, i. 385-6; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 515-18. Brasseur de Bourbourg incorporates all this native version in his narrative, and allows Teuhtlile to reach Mexico with his report a few days after these messengers, thus confirming their account. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 75-6. Duran writes that on hearing of Cortés’ eagerness to obtain guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to grieve deeply over the prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy consoled him by representing the benignity of the white gods, but he nevertheless set about to arrange for the safety of his children. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 396-7; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 253.

[163] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King Hezekiah of Judea, in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth, and thus attracting invaders, i. 391, 404.

[164] This seems an incredibly short time in a country without horses, for Mexico lies over 200 miles by road from this part of the coast; but with numerous relays of runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take long to cover. ‘Estas mensajerias fuerõ en vn dia, y vna noche del real de Cortés a Mexico, que ay setenta leguas y mas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41.

[165] Torquemada. 389, assumes this to have been in token of divine adoration, but the ceremony was a quite common mark of respect for distinguished persons. See Native Races, ii. 284. ‘Nos llamaron Teules ... ó dioses.’ ‘Hence when I say Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,’ says Bernal Diaz with conscientious pride. Hist. Verdad., 32. But the teu or teo prefix to names must be accepted in the same light as the incense burning, and in this case equivalent to ‘hero.’ See also Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 19. ‘Demonios’ is Oviedo’s translation of teules, iii. 500.

[166] Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to have given a sufficiently accurate portrait; but with the aid of explanatory signs there was little difficulty.

[167] Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr is a sufficient proof that the Mexicans played chess, dec. v. cap. x.

[168] Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 29. ‘Pessaba la de oro quatro mill y ochoçientos pessos ... tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura é treynta de çircunferençia,’ says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at Seville, evidently with mathematical precision, iii. 259. ‘Pesaua cien marcos, hecha como Sol, y con muchos follajes, y animales de relieue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., describes the central figure as a king enthroned, surrounded with foliated ornaments. In the above Carta del Ayunt. a peso de oro and a castellano are shown to be equivalent, and a marco contains fifty castellanos. Writers differ widely in their calculations to reduce these coins to modern values, Prescott estimating the castellanos at $11.67 in United States money, and Ramirez, in a critical note thereupon, at $2.93. Prescott’s Mex., i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845, app. ii. 79-92. See note on coins in Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i. 192-3. Clemencin, in Mem. Real Acad. de Hist., vi. illust. 20, 525-45, enters fully into the subject.

[169] Weighing 48 marcos. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit. ‘De cincuenta y tantos marcos, ternia de gordor como un toston de á 4 reales,’ says Las Casas, who examined the gifts in Spain. Hist. Ind., iv. 485-6. ‘Otra mayor rueda de plata.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 16, 449, misunderstanding Diaz, places the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.

[170] Monarq. Ind., i. 390. ‘Valdria el oro y la plata que allí habia 20 ó 25,000 castellanos, pero la hermosura dellas y la hechura, mucho más.’ Las Casas, ubi sup. ‘Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas. El qual present tenian para dar a Grijalua.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. ‘Q’lo reparta cõ los Teules que cõsigo trae,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, intimating that another present was coming for the white emperor; but it was applied to the expedition treasury like nearly everything obtained by trade or seizure. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. v; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk alone at 357,380 francs. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 85. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., gives a detailed description of several of the presents.

[171] This time the presents for the chiefs were some embroidered shirts, silk sashes and other things, while to the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt and enamelled with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles, not a very costly return for what he had received. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them. ‘Teudilli ... le rogo mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el cãpo y arenales, se fuesse con el a vnos lugares seys o siete leguas de alli.’ But Cortés declined to leave the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 43.

[172] ‘Y aquel oro que rescatauamos dauamos â los hombres que traiamos de la mar, que iban â pescar, â trueco de su pescado.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. If so it was probably after the Indians deserted.

[173] Gomara refers to an order to stop all barter for gold, with a view to let it appear that the Spaniards cared not for the metal, and thus to induce the Indians to make no secret of the manner in which it was obtained. Hist. Mex., 39. As if the natives had not already learned what we wanted, sneers Bernal Diaz.

[174] ‘Que se dezia Quintalbor, no bolvió mas, porque auia adolecido en el camino.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.

[175] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45, Cortés told the governor that he would not leave without seeing Montezuma. Solis elaborates this as usual into a long speech, to which Teuhtlile replies with threats, and turning his back stalks out of the camp. Conq. Mex., i. 153-5; Herrera, dec. i. lib. v. cap. vi.

CHAPTER IX.
THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.
May, 1519.

Serious Dilemma of Cortés—Authority without Law—Montejo Sent Northward—Recommends another Anchorage—Dissensions at Vera Cruz—Prompt and Shrewd Action of Cortés—A Municipality Organized—Cortés Resigns—And is Chosen Leader by the Municipality—Velazquez’ Captains Intimate Rebellion—Cortés promptly Arrests Several of Them—Then he Conciliates them all—Important Embassy from Cempoala—The Veil Lifted—The March to Cempoala—What was Done there—Quiahuiztlan—The Coming of the Tribute Gatherers—How They were Treated—Grand Alliance.

At this point in his career Hernan Cortés found himself less master of the situation than suited him. The color of his command was not sufficiently pronounced. He had no authority to settle; he had no authority to conquer; he might only discover and trade. He did not care for Velazquez; anything that pertained to Velazquez he was prepared to take. But Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him further. Cortés cared little for the authorities at Española; the king was his chief dependence; the king to whose favor his right arm and mother wit should pave the way. Some signal service, in the eyes of the monarch, might atone for slight irregularities; if he failed, the severest punishments were already come. But where was the service? Had Montezuma granted him an interview, he might make report of that, and find listeners. As it was, he could land and slay a few thousand natives, but his men would waste away and no benefits accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant himself somewhat more firmly on this soil than his commission seemed to justify, chance might offer opportunity, and the signal service find achievement. Such were the thoughts that just now filled his sagacious brain, but the way was by no means clear before him.

While the events narrated in the preceding chapter were in progress, Montejo, with two vessels, had been sent northward to seek a harbor less unwholesome than the present, where many of those wounded at Tabasco had died.[176] As second in command went Rodrigo Álvarez Chico, and as pilots, Alaminos, and Álvarez el Manquillo. On reaching the extreme point attained by Grijalva, the strong current prevented further advance, as in the former attempt.[177] They were obliged by a gale to throw overboard part of their cargo. Water failed, and in the attempt to land an artilleryman perished. Prayer was now their only recourse, and this not only changed the wind, but brought rain. After a fortnight of misadventures[178] they returned to San Juan de Ulua, and hastened bareheaded to the cross to offer thanks. More wholesome airs were not difficult to find, but good harbors were not abundant thereabout. The only favorable spot found by Montejo lay some ten leagues north of the camp, close to the native fortress of Quiahuiztlan.[179] A high rock affording shelter from north winds gave the place some resemblance to the Spanish harbor of Bernal, which name was accordingly applied to it. Extending inland were green fields fringed with fine timber, and supplied with creeks of good water.[180]

The fifty men comprising the expedition of Montejo had been picked from the adherents of Velazquez, in order that by weakening this faction Cortés might be allowed to develop his plans. For the army was slowly but surely drifting into division, as we have so often found in adventures of this kind, and the Velazquez party comprised all who desired immediately to return. In this clique were many wealthy and influential men who cared no more for Velazquez than for Cortés, but who had possessions in Cuba, and were becoming impatient to return to them. Nor was there much difficulty in giving form to discontent. There were grave suspicions afloat as to the loyalty of the commander; but these, which assuredly were more conspicuous in Cuba than here, were of little moment when they harmonized with the wishes of the men. What stupidity in forming camp amidst such malaria, and in so early making enemies of the people. It was evident, so they argued, that the commander intended to sacrifice the company to his ambition.

The action of Cortés here as elsewhere marks the great man, the man of genius, the born master of men, and rightfully places him beside the Cæsars and the Napoleons of the world. The commander wished to remain. All his fortune, all the fortunes of his friends were staked on this adventure, and he would rather die than return unsuccessful. Little hope there would be of his obtaining command again; he would not return, neither would he just at present die. In desperate cases spirited counsels and spirited actions are usually safest.

Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puertocarrero, Alvarado and his brothers, Ávila, Olid, Escalante, and Francisco Lugo, he laid the situation fairly before them. Shortly after these captains were out among the men, holding forth to them privately on the wealth of the country, the ease and glory of conquest, and the prospect of repartimientos. Where was the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely they might as well hold the country for themselves as to abandon it and let others step into their places. It would be much easier to increase the present force by adding to it than to raise a new army better appointed or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argument of religion, which, however hollow in practice, was weighty enough in theory. “Elect therefore to remain,” they said in conclusion; “and choose the able and generous Cortés for your general and justicia mayor till the emperor decides in the matter.”[181]

The opposition was by no means ignorant of these manœuvres, and Ordaz was commissioned to remonstrate with Cortés. He dwelt on the danger of present colonization, denounced any attempt to ignore Velazquez, and insisted on instant return. Suppressing the anger naturally arising from these insinuations, true as they were, Cortés disavowed any intention of exceeding the instructions of his commission. For himself he preferred to remain, as, among other reasons, the only means of reimbursing himself for his heavy expenditures. If, however, it was the will of the army to return, he would yield. A few hours later appeared an order to embark the following day for Cuba. This, as was intended, brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their visions of honors and repartimientos dispelled; even the men so lately clamorous to return were not prepared to find their request so readily granted. Would it not be well to think further of the matter, and perhaps devise a plan to cover the emergency? After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared in force before the captain-general and demanded the revocation of the order. They had left Cuba with the declared understanding that a colony was to be planted, and now they were informed that Velazquez had given no authority to settle. And if he had not, were not the interests of God and the king paramount to the order of any governor? And did not this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobeying instructions in this very regard? With no small satisfaction Cortés saw that he was safe; then urging calm deliberation he graciously promised delay,[182] which was employed first of all in impressing on their minds how indispensable he was to their success.

Finally before the assembled army the captain-general appeared and said: That he had invested his whole fortune in the fleet, and controlled it; yet he was willing to subordinate his individual interest to that of the whole. He had given the order to return because he understood such to be the will of the majority. As this was not the case, he would gladly remain; for God who had ever been with them was now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any wished to return, let them freely speak, and a vessel would be at their disposal. What magic power ruled, that, when the disaffected majority were thus given their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander remained more potent than ever?

A colony being thus decided on, the founding ceremony was performed by the quasi laying out of a town, the planting a pillory in the plaza, and a gallows at some distance outside,[183] though strictly speaking, the town was not properly located or laid out till afterward. Referring to the treasures here obtained, and to the day of landing, the new town was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.[184] Cortés, as commander, appointed the municipal officers,[185] naming for alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious selection, both for his own interests and as likely to meet general approval. And here again is displayed the subtle policy of Cortés, who to this important position nominates but one from among his own faction, Montejo being for Velazquez. Thus of an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at the same time the entire Velazquez party.[186] The regidores were Alonso de Ávila, Pedro and Alonso de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval; procurador general, Francisco Álvarez Chico; alguacil mayor, Juan de Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside these were appointed, in the interests of the military department, as capitan de entradas Pedro de Alvarado; maestre de campo, Cristóbal de Olid; alférez, Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; tesorero, Gonzalo Mejía; contador, Alonso de Ávila.[187] Nearly all these men were devoted to Cortés, and were therefore a powerful point d’appui for his project.

Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and the men of Cortés, Spaniards all, for the same God and the same king, had of their own volition determined here to plant a Spanish settlement, and had so planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the absence of any higher authority, the captain-general had chosen temporary officers for the new commonwealth. This was all. These men had elected to transform the army into a civil society, for temporary or permanent purposes as the case might be; and they had done so. But about their leader? What position did he occupy? A general without an army, de facto at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let him cut his own knot.

Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortés appeared and surrendered his commission. Authority, chief and absolute, was now vested alone in the ayuntamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus he retired.

It was then in order, on the part of the municipality, to choose a chief ruler and representative of royal authority. This could be done by the council alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons, it would be better to secure the appointment by popular vote. Cortés felt safe enough either way. A glowing eulogy delivered by a fluent speaker was followed by such noisy demonstrations that the opposition found no opportunity to express their opinion.[188] The following day a committee was sent to apprise Cortés of his election,[189] in the name of their Catholic Highnesses, to the offices of captain-general, and of justicia mayor of the town. On appearing before the council to take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortés, giving as reason for the appointment his loyalty, his worth, and his talents. The commission which was then given granted him one fifth of all treasure acquired by trade or conquest, after deducting the royal fifth. This was in consideration chiefly for his services as leader.[190] Exitus acta probat. Las Casas insists that, since Cortés had no authority to form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento was illegal, and consequently their election of him. No one supposed for a moment, least of all Cortés, that these proceedings were regular. They were but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara’s version Las Casas failed to understand that the appointment was conferred by the popular majority in the name of the king, which though not strictly legal threw over all the color of law. Beside, with consummate skill Cortés made it appear that the expedition obliged him to act as he did; and if these manœuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were the means of weaving a strong bond between the men and their leader, such as King Charles and all his ordinance-makers never could have created. Cortés was no longer the chief of Velazquez’ expedition, but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as the army might now be termed, and removable only by the power that placed him there, or by the emperor.[191]

Although opposition was now in vain, the adherents of Velazquez loudly denounced the whole affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and refused to acknowledge Cortés as their leader. So abusive did they become that open rupture was imminent. The leaders of this faction were Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and the priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt action, Cortés seized the first two, with a few others, and sent them on shipboard in irons, while Alvarado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly adherents of the disaffected leaders.[192] They found a fertile country, and several small towns. The inhabitants fled at their approach, leaving signs of recent human sacrifices in the temple. In one building, with pyramidal foundation several feet in height, were found a number of fine rooms, some filled with grain, beans, honey, and other provisions; others with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned in instances with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders nothing was touched save food. The report brought back of the beauty of the country, together with the ample supplies obtained, tended toward harmony; and while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to the new order of things, Cortés with his usual tact won over nearly all his adversaries. Some he bribed, some he flattered; others were allured with hopes of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with such fire in his veins, he could so control it; for however treacherous Cortés knew them to be, seldom a sign escaped him that he suspected them. Even the imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power, aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among his devoted sustainers.[193]

And now came to pass an event such as the gods not unfrequently fling their favorites, which was materially to brighten the prospects of the Spaniards. While preparing their removal to a new harbor, and shortly after the Mexican withdrawal from intercourse, Bernal Diaz brought in from his outpost five Indians, different in dress and features from any hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large gold rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears, nose, and lower lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexican, explained the purport of their visit. The deeds of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country, they had been sent to see these valiant beings, and invite them to their city a few leagues distant.[194] Questionings revealed that the Totonacs were a subjected nation, languishing like others under the oppressive yoke of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome deliverance.

It must be remembered that Cortés and his companions were wholly in the dark as to the power and positions of the interior nations. Now for the first time a little light was shed on the subject. It appeared that the mighty monarch, with whom took place the late interchange of courtesies, had enemies who, if not as powerful as himself, were still strong, and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this adverse influence be utilized and joined to other adverse influences for the humbling of the great interior power? Possibly Montezuma might grant Cortés audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the plan of the conquest was conceived. The messengers were dismissed with presents and the assurance of a speedy visit.[195]

According to Ixtlilxochitl, the first revelation of Aztec weakness was made by his ancestor and namesake, the king of northern Acolhuacan.[196] Fearing the power and treachery of Montezuma and his allies, and hating the Aztecs with a perfect hatred, this prince had hailed with joy the arrival of the Spaniards, and had gloated over the terror with which their presence would inspire the emperor. The prospect of gaining an ally who might aid his own ambitious plans for supremacy, and for Mexican humiliation, impelled him to send an embassy to Cortés with rich presents, and with instructions to explain to the strangers the prevailing disaffection, the ease with which the Aztecs might be overthrown, and the rare spoils that would accrue to the conquerors. The interview with Cortés is placed at about the same time as the Totonac visit, and Ixtlilxochitl is said to have received the most friendly assurances from Cortés.[197] Be that as it may, here was an incident which should crush all cavillings.

As well to examine the country as to inure the troops to whatever experience should be theirs on this strange shore, Cortés with about four hundred men and two light guns proceeded by land to Cempoala, while the fleet with the heavy camp material and the remainder of the expedition coasted farther northward to Quiahuiztlan.

Burning overhead was the sun; burning underfoot were the sands; while on the one side was the tantalizing sea, and on the other the tantalizing wood, both inviting by their cool refreshing airs. Behind the dark-fringed forests rose old Orizaba,[198] laughing at their distress beneath its cap of snow, and wondering why mortals so superior should choose the deadly tierra caliente country for their promenade, when gentle, genial Anáhuac lay so near. But presently the senses quickened to the aroma of vegetation; soft swards and cultivated fields spread before them their living green, and the moist, murmuring wood anon threw over them its grateful shade. If beside grave thoughts on the stupendous matters then under consideration, might find place such trifles of God’s creation as birds of brilliant plumage and of sweet song, they were there in myriads to charm the eye and ear; game to fill the stomach, though not so satisfying as gold, always commanded attention, and was also plentiful.[199] Through all, dispensing life and beauty on every side, flowed the Rio de la Antigua, where a few years later rose old Vera Cruz.[200]

Crossing this stream with the aid of rafts and shaky canoes, the army quartered on the opposite bank, in one of the towns there, which was destitute alike of food and people, but which displayed the usual ghastly indications of recent human sacrifice. The next morning they followed the river westward, and soon after met a party of twelve Totonacs, who had been sent by the Cempoalan ruler with presents of food. By them the Spaniards were guided northward to a hamlet where a bountiful supper was provided.[201] While marching the next day, with scouts deployed as usual to guard against ambuscades, they emerged from a dense tropical forest into the midst of gardens and orchards, and by a sudden turn in the road the bright buildings of Cempoala stood forth to view.

Just then twenty nobles appeared and offered welcome. They were followed by slaves, and instantly the travel-worn army was revelling in fruits and flowers. What more beautiful reception could have been given? yet the Spaniards would have preferred a shower of gold. To Cortés were given bouquets; a garland, chiefly of roses, was flung around his neck, and a wreath placed upon his helmet. Species of pineapples and cherries, juicy zapotes, and aromatic anones were distributed to the men without stint. Almost the entire populace of the city, some twenty-five thousand,[202] staring their wonderment with open eyes and mouth, thronged either side of the way along which marched the army in battle array, headed by the cavalry. Never before had the Spaniards seen so beautiful an American city. Cortés called it Seville, a name which Spaniards frequently applied to any place that pleased them, as we have seen, while the soldiers, charmed with its floral wealth and beauty, termed it Villaviciosa, and declared it a terrestrial paradise. One of the cavalry scouts, on first beholding the freshly stuccoed walls gleaming in the sun, came galloping back with the intelligence that the houses were silver-plated. It was indeed an important place, holding a large daily market. A central plaza was inclosed by imposing temples and palaces, resting on pyramidal foundations, lined with apartments and surmounted by towers, and around clustered neat dwellings with whitened adobe walls embowered in foliage. Statelier edifices of masonry, some having several court-yards, rose here and there, while in every direction spread an extensive suburb of mud huts with the never failing palm-leaf roof. Yet even the humblest abodes were smothered in flowers.[203] The people also, as we might expect by their surroundings, were of a superior order, well formed, of intelligent aspect, clothed in neat white and colored cotton robes and mantles, the nobles being adorned with golden necklaces, bracelets, and nose and lip rings, set with pearls and precious stones.

When the troops reached the plaza, Chicomacatl,[204] lord of the province, stepped from the palace to receive his guests. He was supported by two nobles, and though enormously stout,[205] his features denoted high intelligence, and his manner refinement. He was more of a gentleman than many of the Spaniards, whose merriment over his corpulence Cortés was obliged to repress. After saluting and wafting incense before the commander of the strange company, Chicomacatl embraced Cortés and led him to his quarters in the spacious halls adjoining the temple, after which he retired for a time. There the men rested and refreshed themselves, guards being carefully posted, for Cortés would not trust his fate to strangers, and strict orders were given that no one should leave the building.[206]

It was not long before Chicomacatl returned in a litter with a richly attired suite, bringing presents of fine robes, and jewels worth about two thousand ducats. During the conversation that ensued, Cortés as usual extolled the greatness and power of his king, and spoke warmly of his mission to replace their bloody religion with a knowledge of the true God. Were there wrongs to redress, that is to say, when opportunity offered for the perpetration of a greater wrong by himself, no knight of La Mancha or Amadis of Gaul could be more valiant than he. In return the chief of Cempoala unbosomed himself, for the manner of Cortés was winning, and his speech inspired confidence whenever he chose to make it so. Then his fame, already wide-spread over the land, and the dim uncertainty as to his nature, whether more celestial or terrestrial, added weight to his words. So Chicomacatl poured forth from an overflowing heart a torrent of complaints against the tyranny of Montezuma. He drew for the Spaniards a historic outline of the Aztecs—how a people the youngest in the land had, at first by cunning and treachery, and finally by forced allies and preponderance of arms, built their power upon the ruin of older states. The Totonacs, whose records as an independent nation in this region extended over seven centuries, had succumbed only some twenty-five years before this.[207] And now Montezuma’s collectors overran the provinces, gathering heavy tributes, seizing the beautiful maidens, and conveying the men into slavery or to the sacrificial stone. Neither life, liberty, nor property could be enjoyed with any degree of safety.

Whereat Cortés of course was indignant. It was his special business to do all the tyrannizing in that region himself; his sword would give ample protection to his new allies, and bring abundant honor to his king and himself. Let but the people prove loyal to him, he concluded, and he surely would deliver them from the hated yoke; yet he did not mention the more fatal bondage into which he would place them. Chicomacatl eagerly assured Cortés of support from the Totonacs, numbering fifty thousand warriors, with numerous towns and fortresses.[208] Furthermore, there were many other states ready to join an insurrection which should prove strong enough to brave the terrible Montezuma.

Their visit over,[209] the Spaniards continued their march northward to join the fleet. Four hundred tlamamas, or carriers, attended, in courtesy to honored guests, to relieve the soldiers of their burdens. The following day they reached Quiahuiztlan, a fortified town about a league from the sea. This town was picturesquely placed on a rocky promontory bordering one of the many wild ravines thereabout, and of difficult access, commanding the plain and harbor at its base.[210] The army advanced cautiously, in battle array,[211] but the place was deserted. On reaching the plaza, however, some fifteen chiefs came forward with swinging censers, and apologized, saying that the people had fled, not knowing what the strange arrival portended, but reassured by the Cempoalans, they were already returning to serve them. The soldiers then took possession of a large building, where food was brought them. Presently the chief appeared; and close at his heels in hot haste came the lord of Cempoala, who announced that the Aztec collectors had entered his city.[212] While conferring with Cortés and the chiefs assembled, Chicomacatl was informed that the collectors, five[213] in number, had followed him to Quiahuiztlan, and were even then at the door. All the chiefs present turned pale, and hastened out to humble themselves before the officers, who responded with disdainful condescension. The officers were clad in embroidered robes, with a profusion of jewelry, and wore the hair gathered upon the crown. In the right hand they carried their insignia of office, a hooked carved stick, and in the left a bunch of roses, the ever welcome offering of the obsequious Totonac nobles who swelled their train. A suite of servitors followed, some with fans and dusters, for the comfort of their masters. Passing the Spanish quarter without deigning to salute the strangers, the emissaries of the mighty Montezuma entered another large building, and after refreshing themselves summoned the tributary chiefs, reprimanded them for having received the Spaniards without permission from Montezuma, and demanded twenty young persons for an atoning sacrifice. Well might the demoniacal order cause to tremble every youth throughout the land; for whose turn should be next none could tell. Even the faces of the chiefs were blanched as they told Cortés, informing him also that it was already determined in Aztec circles to make slaves of the Spaniards, and after being used awhile for purposes of procreation, they were to be sacrificed.[214] Cortés laughed, and ordered the Totonacs to seize the insolent officials. What! lay violent hands on Montezuma’s messengers? The very thought to them was appalling. Nevertheless they did it, for there was something in the tone of Cortés that made them obey, though they could not distinguish the meaning of his words. They laid hold on those tax-men of Montezuma, put collars on their necks, and tied their hands and feet to poles.[215] Their timidity thus broken, they became audacious, and demanded the sacrifice of the prisoners.[216] “By no means,” Cortés said, and he himself assumed their custody.

Howsoever the cards fall to him, a skilful gamester plays each severally, nothing cavilling, at its worth. So Cortés now played these messengers, the method assuming form in his mind immediately he saw them. With him this whole Mexican business was one great game, a life game, though it should last but a day; and as the agencies and influences of it fell into his fingers, with the subtlety of the serpent he dealt them out, placing one here and another there, playing with equal readiness enemy against enemy, and multiplying friends by friends.

These so lately pride-puffed tribute-men, now low laid in the depths of despondency—how shall they be played? Well, let them be like him who fell amongst thieves, while the Spanish commander acts the good Samaritan. In pursuance of which plan, when all had retired for the night, he went stealthily to them, asked who they were, and why they were in that sad plight, pretending ignorance. And when they told him, this rare redresser was angry, hot with indignation that the noble representatives of so noble a monarch should be so treated. Whereupon he instantly released two of them, comforting the others with the assurance that their deliverance should quickly follow; for the emperor Montezuma he esteemed above all emperors, and he desired to serve him, as commanded by his king. Then he sent the twain down the coast in a boat, beyond the Totonac boundary.

Next morning, when told that two of the Aztec captives had broken their bonds and escaped, the Totonacs were more urgent than ever for the immolation of the others. But Cortés again said no, and arranged that they should be sent in chains on board one of his vessels, determined afterward to release them, for they were worth far more to his purpose alive than dead.

It is refreshing at this juncture to hear pious people censure Cortés for his duplicity, and to hear other pious people defend him on the ground of necessity, or otherwise. Such men might with equal reason wrangle over the method by which it was right and honorable for the tiger to spring and seize the hind. The one great wrong is lost sight of in the discussion of numerous lesser wrongs. The murderer of an empire should not be too severely criticised for crushing a gnat while on the way about the business.[217]

At the suggestion of Cortés, messengers were sent to all the towns of the province, with orders to stop the payment of tribute and to seize the collectors, but to spare their lives. Information was likewise to be given to the neighboring nations, that all might prepare to resist the force which Montezuma would probably send against them. The Totonacs became wild with joy, and declared that the little band who dare so brave Montezuma must be more than men.[218] To Quiahuitzlan flocked chiefs and nobles from all parts, eager to behold these beings, and to ascertain their own future course of action. There were those among them still timid, who urged an embassy to the king of kings, to beseech pardon before his army should be upon them, slaying, enslaving, and laying waste; but Cortés had already influence, was already strong enough to allay their fears, and bring them all into allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, exacting their oath before the notary Godoy to support him with all their forces. Thus, by virtue of this man’s mind, many battles were fought and won without the striking of a blow. Already every Spaniard there was a sovereign, and the meanest soldier among them a ruler of men.