FOOTNOTES
[176] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and others refer to a similar number as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or vómito negro, now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to have developed with the growth of European settlements, and Clavigero states that it was not known there before 1725. Storia Mess., i. 117.
[177] ‘Hasta el parage del rio grande de Pánuco,’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Llegaron al parage del rio grande, que es cerca de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamos quãdo lo del Capitá Juan de Grijalua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.
[178] ‘Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.’ Herrera, ubi sup. ‘Boluiose al cabo de tres semanas ... le salian los de la costa, y se sacauã sangre, y se la ofreciã en pajuelos por amistad a deidad.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45.
[179] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Quiauitl, rain or shower. Molina, Vocabulario. Hence rainy place. Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been adopted by Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, Mex., i. 348, in a note holds up Clavigero as a standard for the spelling of Mexican names, but he forgets that the Italian form, as in the above case, would be misleading to English people.
[180] ‘Le llamarõ Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. This may have been the origin of the name for the Spanish port, after which Bernal Diaz says it was called. Hist. Verdad., 27. He applies the name to a neighboring fort, spelling it in different ways, of which Solis, and consequently Robertson, have selected the most unlikely. Gomara applies Aquiahuiztlan to the harbor. Hist. Mex., 49.
[181] Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how earnestly the speaker pleaded for his vote, addressing him repeatedly as ‘your worship.’ One reason for their earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number of the Velazquez party. ‘Los deudos, y amigos del Diego Velazquez, que eran muchos mas que nosotros.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28-9. He forms this estimate most likely on the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortés, and for other reasons, were addicted to Velazquez; but their men were probably more in favor of the general than of the captains, to judge from the result. The sailors for obvious reasons may have added to the Velazquez number, if not to their strength.
[182] ‘Se hazia mucho de rogar: y como dize el refran: Tu me lo ruegas, è yo me lo quiero.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.
[183] ‘Se puso vna picota en la plaça, y fuera de la Uilla vna horca.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. This signifies that justice was installed, its officers being next appointed.
[184] See [note 23, chap. ii.], this volume.
[185] ‘Nombrónos ... por alcaldes y regidores,’ say distinctly the appointed officers themselves, in their letter to the emperor. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 20. Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortés made the appointments, although he at first says, ‘hizimos Alcalde, y Regidores.’ Yet it is probable that the authorities were confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members of the expedition; for Cortés, as he acknowledges, had no real authority to form a settlement.
[186] Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489. ‘Â este Montejo porque no estaua muy bien con Cortés, por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le mandò nombrar por Alcalde.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.
[187] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii; Torquemada, i. 587. Bernal Diaz skips the regidores. He thinks Villareal was not reappointed alférez because of a difficulty with Cortés about a Cuban female. Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. Promotion and other causes gave speedy rise to changes among the officials; Ávila, for instance, becoming alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Pedro de Alvarado alcalde of the town.
[188] ‘Los q̄ para esto estauã auisados, sin dar lugar a que nadie tomasse la mano. A vozes respõdierõ Cortes, Cortes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz merely intimates that a ‘packed’ meeting was held, by stating that the men of Velazquez were furious on finding Cortés and the municipality elected, declaring, ‘q̄ no era bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los Capitanes, y soldados.’ Hist. Verdad., 29. This indicates also that many of the opponents must have been sent away from camp for the occasion, perhaps on board the vessels. Montejo had besides a number with him.
[189] ‘El qual como si nada supiera del caso, preguntò que era lo que mandauã.’ Having signified his acceptance, ‘Quisierõ besarle las manos por ello, como cosa al bien de todos.’ Herrera, ubi sup.
[190] Gomara says frankly, ‘Cortés acepto el cargo de capitan general y justicia mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq̄ no desseaua otra cosa mas por entonces.’ Hist. Mex., 48. ‘Y no tuvo vergüenza Gomara,’ is Las Casas’ comment on the admission. Hist. Ind., iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés had made it a condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the country, that he should receive these offices: ‘Y lo peor de todo que le otorgamos que le dariamos el quinto del oro.’ Hist. Verdad., 29. The letter of the ayuntamiento to the emperor sets forth that they had represented to Cortés the injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit of Velazquez and himself, and the necessity of securing the country and its wealth for the king by founding a colony, which would also benefit them all in the distribution of grants. They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto carried on, and to found a town. It is then related how he yielded his own interest in favor of king and community, and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His authority having in consequence become null, they appointed him in the king’s name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as the ablest and most loyal man, and in consideration of his expenses and services so far. Carta 10 Jul., 1519, in Cortés, Cartas, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo confirm, in their testimony before the authorities in Spain, that Cortés yielded to the general desire in doing what he did. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489, 493-4. According to Gomara, Cortés makes a trip into the neighboring country, and, finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle, and to send the vessels to Cuba for more men wherewith to undertake the conquest. This was approved: Cortés accordingly appointed the municipality, and resigning the authority conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as now useless, these officers in turn elected him as their captain-general and justicia mayor. The council proposed that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to Cortés, he should take from the vessels what he needed for himself and servants, and distribute the rest among the men at a just price, their joint credit being pledged for payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the company in the same way, the vessels to be used to carry provisions from the islands. Scorning the idea of trading his possessions, Cortés surrendered the fleet and effects for free distribution among his companions. Although liberal at all times with them, this act was prompted by a desire to gain good-will. Hist. Mex., 46-8; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 395, 587. Las Casas terms the whole transaction, as related by Gomara and the ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud Velazquez of his property and honors. Comparing the conduct of Cortés with that of Velazquez against Colon, he finds the latter trifling and pardonable, while the former was a barefaced robbery, resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors, and life. The captains were accomplices. Hist. Ind., iv. 453, 494-6. Peter Martyr gives the facts in brief without venturing an opinion, dec. v. cap. i.; Zumárraga, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 271-2. Cortés still held out the offer to furnish a vessel for those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for Velazquez’ goods, they remained safely in charge of the authorized agent, who also recovered the advances made to members. See [note 5, cap. v].
[191] As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition accorded to it, confirmed as it was by the popularly elected general, may be regarded as sufficient. Spanish municipal bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them during successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford the sovereign a support against the assuming arrogance of the nobles. Their deliberations were respected; they could appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even raise troops under their own standard. As an instance of the consideration enjoyed by these troops, it is related that Isabella the Catholic, when reviewing the army besieging Moclin, gave a special salute of respect to the banner of Seville. Alaman, Disert., i. 612; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 401-2.
[192] According to Gomara, Cortés enters the country with 400 men and all the horses, before the election had been mooted. He describes the towns visited. Hist. Mex., 46-8. Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time of entry false. He also states that Montejo was bought over for 2000 pesos and more. Hist. Verdad., 30.
[193] According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 30, gold played an important role in effecting this change of allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Memorials to Spain, a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified yet clever traits of his hero in all this.
[194] The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their first inquiry was Lopelucio, ‘chief,’ whom they wished to see. They had not ventured to approach while the Mexicans were at the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.
[195] According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs were about twenty in number, and came while Teuhtlile was absent on his second mission to Mexico, without bringing a direct invitation to the Spaniards. Hist. Mex., 43-4.
[196] See Native Races, v. 475-7.
[197] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 288. This author is not very careful, however, and his desire to court the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the event. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 87-8. A similar revelation is claimed to have been made by two Aztec chiefs, Vamapantzin and Atonaltzin, who came to the camp in the retinue of the first messengers from Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and discontented with the present ruler, they promised Cortés to deliver certain native paintings foretelling the coming of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of the imperial treasures, and to plot an uprising among native states in aid of Spaniards. For these services they received extensive grants after the conquest, including that of Ajapusco town. The document recording this is a fragment which Zerecero parades in the opening part of his Mem. Rev. Méx., 8-14, as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It pretends to be a title to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first pages a letter signed by Cortés at San Juan de Ulua, ‘20 March,’ 1519, as ‘Captain-general and governor of these New Spains.’ Both the date and titles stamp the letter at least as more than suspicious.
[198] The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain, with reference probably to the sparks issuing from it. For height, etc., see Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 273. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Ahuilizapan. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 99. The ending ‘pan’ implies a district or town, not a mountain. The description in Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 22-3, expresses doubt whether the whiteness of the summit is due to snow or to clouds.
[199] Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding it, but the next moment the dense underbrush saved it from pursuit. The Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit., gives a list of birds and quadrupeds; and a descriptive account, founded greatly on fancy, however, is to be found in the curious Erasmi Francisci Guineischer und Americanischer Blumen-Pusch, Nürnberg, 1669, wherein the compiler presents under the title of a nosegay the ‘perfume of the wonders of strange animals, of peculiar customs, and of the doings of the kings of Peru and Mexico.’ The first of its two parts is devoted to the animal kingdom, with particular attention to the marvellous, wherein credulity finds free play, as may be seen also in the flying dragon of one of the crude engravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their history, condition, and customs, are treated of, chiefly under Peru and Mexico, chapter v. relating specially to the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial and fragmentary; the ‘nosegay’ being not only common but faded, even the style and type appearing antiquated for the date. Appended is Hemmersam, Guineische und West-Indianische Reissbeschreibung, with addition by Dietherr, relating to Africa and Brazil.
[200] ‘A tres leguas andadas llego al rio que parte termino con tierras de Montecçuma.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 49; Torquemada, i. 395.
[201] Gomara, who ignores the previous night’s camp, states that the detour up the river was made to avoid marshes. They saw only isolated huts, and fields, and also about twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they were guided to the hamlet. Hist. Mex., 49. They met one hundred men bringing them food. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Prescott allows the Spaniards to cross only a tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala. Mex., i. 339-40.
[202] Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. Hist. Ind., iv. 492. Torquemada varies in different places from 25,000 to 150,000. The inhabitants were moved by Conde de Monterey to a village in Jalapa district, and in Torquemada’s time less than half a dozen remained. i. 397. ‘Dista de Vera-Cruz quatro leguas, y las ruínas dan á entender la grandeza de la Ciudad; pero es distinto de otro Zempoal ... que dista de este doze leguas.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 39. ‘Assentada en vn llano entre dos rios.’ A league and a half from the sea. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
[203] ‘Cempoal, que yo intitulé Sevilla.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. See Native Races, ii. 553-90; iv. 425-63, on Nahua architecture.
[204] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg, by a misconstruction of his authorities, calls him Tlacochcalcatl. Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 93. See Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 16.
[205] ‘Una gordura monstruosa.... Fue necesario que Cortés detuviesse la risa de los soldados.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 175.
[206] ‘Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
[207] For the reigns of their kings, see Torquemada, i. 278-80. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 31, wrongly assumes the Totonacs to be a fierce people, different from Cempoalans.
[208] ‘Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra comarcana á la dicha villa, que serán hasta cinquenta mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta villas y fortalezas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 53. ‘Cien mil hõbres entre toda la liga.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 57. ‘En aquellas tierras de la lengua de Totonaque, que eran mas de trienta pueblos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The province appears to have extended from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in the north of Vera Cruz, and from the sea to Zacatlan, in Puebla. Patiño assumes Mixquhuacan to have been the capital, but this must be a mistake.
[209] Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala fifteen days, during which frequent visits were made by the lord, Cortés paying the first return visit on the third day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the palace, and how Cortés, seated by the side of the lord, on icpalli stools, now won his confidence and adhesion. Hist. Mex., 51-3; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 561; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x. Bernal Diaz declares Gomara wrong, and insists that they proceeded on their way the following day. Hist. Verdad., 31; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 26-7.
[210] For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see Native Races, iv. 439 et seq.
[211] Ávila, who had command, was so strict as to lance Hernando Alonso de Villanueva for not keeping in line. Lamed in the arm, he received the nickname of el Manquillo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The riders were obliged to retain their seats, lest the Indians should suppose that the horses could be deterred by any obstacles. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 53.
[212] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 117. Others suppose that he came merely to persuade the cacique to join Cortés. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 27.
[213] Four men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. ‘Twenty men,’ says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 54, who does not refer to the arrival of Cempoala’s lord.
[214] ‘Monteçuma tenia pensamiẽnto, ... de nos auer todos á las manos, para que hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para tener que sacrificar.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.
[215] ‘Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,’ is the way Clavigero puts it. Storia Mess., iii. 28. One was even whipped for resisting.
[216] ‘Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos á dar mandado á Mexico,’ is Bernal Diaz’ reason for it. Hist. Verdad., 32.
[217] ‘Condotta artifiziosa, e doppia,’ etc., says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 28, while Solis lauds it as ‘Grande artífice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que rezelaba: y prudente Capitan.’ Hist. Mex., i. 186.
[218] ‘Desde alli adelante nos llamaron Teules,’ says Bernal Diaz, with great satisfaction. Hist Verdad., 32. ‘A los Españoles llamaron teteuh, que quiere decir dioses, y los Españoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian teules, el cual nombre les duró mas de tres años,’ till we stopped it, declaring that there was but one God. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 142-3. See note 16.
CHAPTER X.
MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.
June-July, 1519.
Cortés, Diplomate and General—The Municipality of Villa Rica Located—Excitement throughout Anáhuac—Montezuma Demoralized—Arrival of the Released Collectors at the Mexican Capital—The Order for Troops Countermanded—Montezuma Sends an Embassy to Cortés—Chicomacatl Asks Aid against a Mexican Garrison—A Piece of Pleasantry—The Velazquez Men Refuse to Accompany the Expedition—Opportunity Offered them to Return to Cuba, which they Decline through Shame—The Totonacs Rebuked—The Cempoala Brides—Destruction of the Idols—Arrival at Villa Rica of Salcedo—Efforts of Velazquez with the Emperor—Cortés Sends Messengers to Spain—Velazquez Orders them Pursued—The Letters of Cortés—Audiencia of the Emperor at Tordesillas.
Palamedes invented the game of chess while watching before the gates of Troy; a tame business, truly, beside the achievements of the heaven-born Achilles, the hero of the war. Yet chess remains, while Achilles and his heaven have melted with the mists. Who shall say, then, which was the greater, Cortés the soldier, or Cortés the diplomate? But these were barbarians, one says, with whom the shrewd Spaniards had to deal; they had neither horses, nor iron, nor gunpowder, to aid them in their wars. Furthermore, they regarded the strangers fully as demi-gods, probably as some of their own wandering deities returned. True; but he makes a great mistake who rates the Mexicans so far beneath Europeans in natural ability and cunning. Montezuma lacked some of the murderous enginery that Cortés had, and his inner life was of different dye; that was about all. If any would place Cortés, his genius, and his exploits, below those of the world’s greatest generals, because he warred on enemies weaker than their enemies, we have only to consider the means at his command, how much less was his force than theirs. What could the Scipios or the Cæsars have done with half a thousand men; or Washington, or Wellington, with five hundred against five hundred thousand? Napoleon’s tactics were always to have at hand more forces than the enemy. In this the Corsican displayed his astuteness. But a keener astuteness was required by Cortés to conquer thousands with hundreds and with tens. Perhaps Moltke, who, with a stronger force, could wage successful war on France, perhaps he, and a handful of his veterans, could land on the deadly shores of the Mexican Gulf, and with Montezuma there, and all the interior as dark to them as Erebus, by strategy and force of arms possess themselves of the country. I doubt it exceedingly. I doubt if one in ten of the greatest generals who ever lived would have achieved what the base bastard Pizarro did in Peru. The very qualities which made them great would have deterred them from anything which, viewed in the light of experience and reason, was so wildly chimerical. Then give these birds of prey their petting, I say; they deserve it. And be fame or infamy immortal ever theirs! Lastly, if any still suspect the genius of Cortés unable to cope with others than Indians, let them observe how he handles his brother Spaniards.
It was about time the municipality should find anchorage; too much travelling by a town of such immaculate conception, of so much more than ordinary signification, were not seemly. Velazquez would deride it; the emperor Charles would wonder at it: therefore half a league below Quiahuiztlan, in the dimpled plain which stretches from its base to the harbor of Bernal at present protecting the ships, where bright waters commingling with soft round hills and rugged promontories were lifted into ethereal heights by the misted sunshine, the whole scene falling on the senses like a vision, and not like tame reality, there they chose a site for the Villa Rica,[219] and drew a plan of the town, distributed lots, laid the foundations for forts and batteries, granary, church, town-hall, and other buildings, which were constructed chiefly of adobe, the whole being inclosed by a strong stockade. To encourage alike men and officers to push the work, Cortés himself set the example in preparing for the structures, and in carrying earth and stones. The natives also lent their aid, and in a few weeks the town stood ready, furnishing a good shipping depot, a fortress for the control of the interior, a starting-point for operations, an asylum for the sick and wounded, and a refuge for the army in case of need.
Great was the excitement in Anáhuac and the regions round about over the revolt of the Totonacs and the attitude assumed by the Spaniards; and while hope swelled the breast of subjected peoples, the Aztec nobles, seeing revolution in the signs of the times, began to look to the safety of their families and estates.[220] To Montezuma the seizure of his collectors was an outrage on the sacredness of his majesty, and a slur on his power, which the council declared must be punished in the most prompt and effective manner, lest other provinces should follow the example. And yet the monarch had no stomach for the business. Ofttimes since these accursed strangers touched his shores would he willingly have resigned that which he above all feared to lose, his sceptre and his life; then again, as appetite returned and existence was loaded with affluent pleasure, he sighed to taste the sweets of power a little longer. He was becoming sadly pusillanimous, an object of contempt before his gods, his nobles, and himself. It seemed to him as if the heavens had fallen on him and held him inexorably to earth. There was no escape. There were none to pity. He was alone. His very gods were recreant, cowering before the approach of other gods. Repressing his misgivings as best he might, he issued orders for an immediate descent of the army on the offenders. Let the mettle of these beings be proven, and let them live or die with their Totonac allies. To this end let levies be made of men and money on a long-suffering people, whose murmurs shall be drowned in the groans of fresh victims on the sacrificial altar of the war god.[221]
See now how powerfully had wagged that little forked tongue of Cortés! See how those gentle whisperings that night at Quiahuiztlan, those soft dissemblings breathed into the ears of two poor captives—see how they shot forth like winged swords to stop an army on the point of marching to its slaughters! Here, as in scores of other instances, Cortés’ shrewdness saved him from disaster.
For in the midst of the warlike preparations arrived the two released collectors, and their presentation of the magnanimity of the white chief, of his friendly conduct and warm assurances, materially changed the aspect of affairs. There was no alliance; there was no rebellion; the Totonacs dared not rebel without foreign support; with them Montezuma would settle presently. And with no little alacrity did he countermand the order for troops, and send an embassy to Cortés. Thus through the vacillating policy which now possessed the Mexican monarch was lost the opportunity to strike the enemy perhaps a fatal blow; and thus by that far off impalpable breath was fought and won another battle, this time vanquishing the king of kings himself, with his hundred thousand men.
The embassy sent comprised two of Montezuma’s nephews,[222] accompanied by four old and honorable caciques. They were to express the monarch’s thanks to the Spaniards, and to remonstrate against the revolt encouraged by their presence. He had become assured that they were of the race predicted by his forefathers, and consequently of his own lineage; out of regard for them, as guests of the revolted people, he would withhold present chastisement. A gift of robes and feather-work, and gold worth two thousand castellanos, accompanied the message.[223]
We cannot blame Cortés if his heart danced to its own music as he assured the envoys that he and all his people continued devoted to their master; in proof of which he straightway produced the other three collectors, safe, sound, and arrayed in their new attire.[224] Nevertheless, he could but express displeasure at the abrupt departure of the Mexicans from the former camp. This act had forced him to seek hospitality at the hand of the Totonacs, and for their kind reception of him they deserved to be forgiven. Further than this, they had rendered the Spaniards great benefits, and should not be expected to serve two masters, or to pay double tribute; for the rest, Cortés himself would soon come to Mexico and arrange everything. The envoys replied that their sovereign was too engrossed in serious affairs to be able as yet to appoint an interview. “Adieu,” they concluded, “and beware of the Totonacs, for they are a treacherous race.” Not to create needless alarm, nor leave on the minds of the envoys at their departure unpleasant impressions concerning his projects, Cortés entertained them hospitably, astonished them with cavalry and other exhibitions, and gratified them with presents. The effect of this visit was to raise still higher the Spaniards in the estimation not only of the Aztecs, but of the Totonacs, who with amazement saw come from the dread Montezuma, instead of a scourging army, this high embassy of peace. “It must be so,” they said among themselves, “that the Mexican monarch stands in awe of the strangers.”
Not long after, Chicomacatl came to Cortés asking aid against a Mexican garrison, said to be committing ravages at Tizapantzinco,[225] some eight leagues from Cempoala. Cortés was in a merry mood at the moment; he could see the important progress he was making toward the consummation of his desires, though the men of Velazquez could not—at least they would admit of nothing honorable or beneficial to Cortés, and they continued to make much trouble. Here was an opportunity to test the credulity of these heathen, how far they might be brought to believe in the supernatural power of the Spaniards. Among the musketeers was an old Biscayan from the Italian wars, Heredia by name, the ugliest man in the army, uglier than Thersites, who could not find his fellow among all the Greeks that came to Troy. Lame in one foot, blind in one eye, bow-legged, with a slashed face, bushy-bearded as a lion, this musketeer had also the heart of a lion, and would march straight into the mouth of Popocatepetl, without a question, at the order of his general. Calling the man to him, Cortés said: “The Greeks worshipped beauty, as thou knowest, good Heredia, but these Americans seem to deify deformity, which in thee reaches its uttermost. Thou art hideous enough at once to awe and enravish the Aztecs, whose Pantheon cannot produce thine equal. Go to them, Heredia; bend fiercely on them thine only eye, walk bravely before them, flash thy sword, and thunder a little with thy gun, and thou shalt at once command a hundred sacrifices.” Then to the Totonac chief: “This brother of mine is all sufficient to aid thee in thy purpose. Go, and behold the Culhuas will vanish at thy presence.” And they went; an obedience significant of the estimation in which Cortés was then held, both by his own men and by the natives.
They had not proceeded far when Cortés sent and recalled them, saying that he desired to examine the country, and would accompany them. Tlamamas would be required to carry the guns and baggage, and they would set out the next day. At the last moment seven of the Velazquez faction refused to go, on the ground of ill health. Then others of their number spoke, condemning the rashness of the present proceeding, and desiring to return to Cuba. Cortés told them they could go, and after chiding them for neglect of duty he ordered prepared a vessel, which should be placed at their service. As they were about to embark, a deputation appeared to protest against permitting any to depart, as a proceeding prejudicial to the service of God, and of the king. “Men who at such a moment, and under such circumstances, desert their flag deserve death.” These were the words of Cortés put into the mouth of the speaker. Of course the order concerning the vessel was recalled, and the men of Velazquez were losers by the affair.[226]
The expedition, composed of four hundred soldiers, with fourteen horses, and the necessary carriers, then set off for Cempoala, where they were joined by four companies of two thousand warriors. Two days’ march brought them close to Tizapantzinco, and the following morning they entered the plain at the foot of the fortress, which was strongly situated on a high rock bordered by a stream. Here stood the people prepared to receive them; but scarcely had the cavalry come in sight when they turned to seek refuge within the fort. The horsemen cut off their retreat in that direction, however, and leaving them, began the ascent. Eight chiefs and priests thereupon came forth wailing, and informed the Spaniards that the Mexican garrison had left at the first uprising of the Totonacs, and that the Cempoalans were taking advantage of this and of the Spanish alliance to enforce the settlement of a long-standing boundary dispute. They begged that the army would not advance. Cortés at once gave orders to restrain the Cempoalans, who were already plundering. Their captains were severely reprimanded for want of candor as to the real object of the expedition, and were ordered to restore the effects and captives taken. This strictness was by no means confined to them, for a soldier named Mora, caught by the general in the act of stealing two fowls, was ordered hanged. Alvarado, however, cut him down in time to save his life, probably at the secret intimation of Cortés, who, while securing the benefit of example, would not unnecessarily sacrifice a soldier.[227]
Charmed by this display of justice on the part of the Spaniards, and impressed as well by their ever increasing prestige, the chiefs of the district came in and tendered allegiance. A lasting friendship was established between them and the Cempoalans;[228] after which the army returned to Cempoala by a new route,[229] and was received with demonstrations of joy by the populace. With a view of binding more closely such powerful allies, Chicomacatl proposed intermarriages. And as a beginning he presented eight young women,[230] richly dressed, with necklaces and ear-rings of gold, and each attended by servants. “Take them,” said he to Cortés. “They are all daughters of caciques. Seven are for your captains, and this, my niece, is for yourself, for she is the ruler of towns.”
Matters were becoming interesting. Cortés and some of his captains had wives in Cuba, and nearly all of them had mistresses here. The damsels of Cempoala were not famed for their beauty; the one offered Cortés was particularly ill-favored. With regard to captives and slaves, of course no marriage vow was necessary, but with princesses the case was different. But even here there was little difficulty. The aboriginal form of marriage, while it satisfied the natives, rested lightly on the Spaniards. Indeed, with them it was no marriage at all; and so it has been throughout the New World; in their marital relations with foreigners the natives have felt themselves bound, while the Europeans have not. To the ceremony in this instance no objection was offered.
At this happy consummation, though the rite is not yet performed, serious meditation takes possession of the mind of Cortés, who bethinks himself that he is doing little of late for his God, who is doing so much for him. Success everywhere attends his strategies. And these female slaves and princesses! While trying to quiet his conscience for accepting this princess, he was exceedingly careful in regard to taking unto himself real wives, as we have seen in Cuba. But here marriage after the New World fashion would surely advance his purposes. And so they are compelled to submit to the stronger, who by the right of might proceeds to rob them of their gold and to desolate their homes; and now assumes the higher prerogative of requiring them to relinquish the faith of their fathers and embrace the religion of their enemies. It would please God to have these Cempoala people worship him; Cortés can make them do so. True, they love their gods as much as Cortés loves his. Their gods likewise help them to good things, among others to the Spaniards themselves, who in return now determine their overthrow. And shall they consent! Alas, they are weak, and their gods are weak!
Heathenism, with its idolatry, and bloody sacrifices, and cannibalism, is horrible, I grant you. “For daily they sacrificed three or five Indians,” says Bernal Diaz, “offering the heart to idols, smearing the blood upon the walls, and cutting off the limbs to be eaten. I even believe they sold the flesh in the market.”[231] But equally horrible, and far more unfair, are the doings of the superior race, which with the advance of the centuries, and the increase of knowledge and refinement, are often guilty of deeds as bloodthirsty and cruel as these. With the most powerful of microscopic aids to vision, I can see no difference between the innate goodness and badness of men now and two or five thousand years ago; the difference lies merely in a change of morality fashions, and in the apparent refining and draping of what conventionally we choose to call wickedness. What is the serving of dainty dishes to the gods in the form of human sacrifices, of carving before them a few thousand fattened captives, to the extirpation of a continent of helpless human beings; and that by such extremes of treachery and cruelty as the cannibals never dreamed of, entrapping by fair words only to cut, and mangle, and kill by steel, saltpetre, and blood-hounds; stealing at the same time their lands and goods, and adding still more to their infamy by doing all this in the name of Christ; when in reality they violate every principle of religion and disregard every injunction of the church; just as men to-day lie and cheat and praise and pray, and out of their swindlings hope to buy favor of the Almighty!
And now these poor people must give up their poor gods, for their masters so decree. The chiefs and native priests protest. The Spaniards are benefactors and friends, but the gods are superior to men. To them they owe health, prosperity, existence; and sacrifices are but the necessary slight returns for so great blessings. The sacrificed are by no means injured, say the Aztecs, but are sent to heaven and enfolded at once in the bosom of their god. Verily there are curious articles of faith among the heathen worshipers as well as among our own, but if we look for all the good in ours we shall be mistaken. In vain the men of Cempoala beg to retain the religion of their forefathers and the sacred emblems of their faith. Carried away by the fierce zeal which more than once in these annals overcomes his prudence and brings him to the brink of ruin, Cortés cries: “Christians and soldiers, shall these things be—these idolatries and sacrifices, and other impious doings? No! First down with the images, then to arguments, and the granting of entreaties. Our lives on work rewarded with eternal glory!” Shouts of earnest approval was the response, and on they marched toward the temple. Priests and people rushed to the defence of their deities. With a scornful gesture the ruler was waived aside, as he interposed with the warning that to lay hands on the idols was to bring destruction alike on all. “You are not my friends,” exclaimed Cortés, “if you do not as I wish! Choose ye; and I will leave you your gods to save you from the threatened vengeance of Montezuma.” This was by far too practical an application of their piety. The fact is, their gods had not done exactly right by them in the matter of the Aztec imposition. These white strangers, after all, seemed to be better gods than their idols. “Well, work your will,” at length said Chicomacatl, “but do not ask our aid in such detestable doings.” So the thing was accomplished, as before this had been determined. In a moment fifty soldiers were on the temple summit, and down came the worshipful wooden things, shattered and clattering along the steps, while with bleeding hearts their makers stood by, their faces covered to exclude the sacrilegious sight. Ah, how they wailed, how they lamented, calling on the misshapen blocks to pity their inability to stop the deed![232]
Not such dastards were these people, however, that not one among them would strike a blow for their faith. For presently the court-yard was filled with armed men, headed by infuriated priests in long hooded robes of dark material, with slashed ears and faces clotted with blood, determined, if not to prevent, at least to avenge the outrage. What was sworn allegiance, or even life, beside the momentous question of religion? Seeing the danger, Cortés with characteristic promptness seized the lord, together with several leading men, and declared if a single Spaniard was so much as scratched they should immediately die. Chicomacatl accordingly spoke to the people and made them retire. Nor was wholly lost on them the mute argument of the shattered idols lying powerless at their feet. Hence when the images were burned, the natives looked on with comparative calmness. “Surely these beings are superior to our gods, whom they have thus vanquished,” they said one to another. Sweetly and serenely Cortés now smiled on them, called them brethren, and preached the European doctrines. The pagan temple was cleansed, the blood-smeared walls were whitewashed, and in their place was erected a Christian altar, decorated with flowers and surmounted with a cross. Here, before the assembled natives, Olmedo preached the Christian faith, and celebrated mass. The contrast between the simple beauty of this impressive ceremony and their own bloody worship made a deep impression on the minds of the natives, and at the conclusion those who desired were baptized. Among them were the eight brides, the ill-favored ruler of towns who had been given to Cortés being called Catalina, probably in honor of his wife in Cuba, whose place she was to occupy for a time. Lucky Puertocarrero’s second pretty prize, the daughter of Cacique Cuesco, was named Francisca.[233]
Accompanied by the brides and a large escort the army now returned to Villa Rica. There they found just arrived from Cuba a vessel commanded by Francisco de Salcedo, nicknamed ‘the dandy,’ who with Luis Marin, an able officer, and ten soldiers, all well provided with arms, and with two horses, had come in quest of fortune under Cortés.[234] Salcedo reported that Velazquez had received the appointment of adelantado over all lands discovered by him or at his cost, with one fifteenth of all royal revenues thence arising.[235]
Benito Martin, the chaplain, who had been sent to obtain the commission, was rewarded with the benefice of the new discovery at Ulua, which really comprised all Mexico, while the lately appointed bishop of Cuba, the Dominican Julian Garcés, confessor to the bishop of Búrgos, the patron of Velazquez, was promoted to the insignificant see of Cozumel. These preferments, based on an insufficient knowledge of the country, were corrected at a later time, when Garcés was made bishop of Tlascala, while Martin received other compensation.[236] Before the issue of these grants it appears that Yucatan at least had a narrow escape from slipping entirely out of Spanish hands. At the first news of Córdoba’s discoveries the admiral of Flanders was induced to ask for the land in grant, in order to settle it with Flemings, and also to petition for the governorship of Cuba as a means to promote the colony. This was supported by Xèvres, the chief adviser in such matters, who knew little of the Indies and the vast tracts referred to, and so the promise was given. Las Casas was in Spain at the time, and being consulted by the admiral as to the means for colonizing, became indignant at the rash concession of Cuba, which he considered as belonging to Columbus. He remonstrated, and warned those interested to do the same. The result was the withdrawal of the grant, greatly to the disappointment of the admiral, for whose account several vessels had already reached San Lúcar, laden with Flemish settlers.[237]
Cortés was fully aware that Velazquez, possessed of a commission, would not long delay in asserting his claim with all the power at his command upon the islands, and with all his influence at court; this spurred on the captain-general to lose no time in bringing forward his own pretensions, and in seeking to obtain royal approval of his acts. Therefore at this juncture he determined to gain authority for effectually supplanting the Cuban governor in the field wherein he had already openly ignored him, and to despatch messengers to the king. The men of Cortés needed no prompting to see how necessary to their interest it was to procure his confirmation as general to the exclusion of Velazquez, and to support Cortés by writing reports in corroboration of his own statements. Yet, in view of the flowing in of exaggerated accounts concerning new discoveries, little would avail descriptions of conquests and resources, however glowing, and recommendations however warm, unless made real by specimens of the treasures which were the main attraction alike to king and subject. For gifts can move gods, says Hesiod. To the crown was due one fifth of the wealth so far obtained, but fearing that this would hardly produce the effect desired, Cortés proposed to surrender the one fifth due himself, and prevailed on his friends, and with their aid on all members of the expedition, to give up their share in the finer pieces of wrought gold and silver, and in all choice articles, so that a gift worthy of themselves and the country might be presented to the king.[238]
The flag-ship was prepared for the voyage, and the navigation intrusted to Alaminos and another pilot called Bautista, with fifteen sailors and the necessary outfit. Four Indians, rescued from the sacrificial cage at Cempoala, where they had been kept to fatten, were also sent on board, together with native curiosities, including specimens of picture-writing. The difficult task of out-manœuvring Velazquez and securing the aims of their party was intrusted to the alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former being selected chiefly because of his high connections, which might serve him at court, the latter for his business talent. Three thousand castellanos were given them from the treasury for expenses, together with the necessary power and instructions, and three letters in duplicate for the king. One of these was the first of the celebrated letters of Cortés on the conquest. He related at length all that had occurred since he left Santiago; the difficulties with Velazquez, the hardships of the voyage, and the progress of conquest for God and the king. He dwelt on the vast extent and wealth of the country, and expressed the hope of speedily subjecting it to the crown, and of seizing the person of the great Montezuma. And he trusted that in return for his services and loyal devotion he would be remembered in the cédulas to be issued for this new addition to the empire.[239]
The second letter was by the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica, dated July 10, 1519,[240] covering not only the same ground, but giving an account of the voyages of discovery by Córdoba and Grijalva, the reasons for founding a colony, and for Cortés’ appointment. The features of the country, its resources and inhabitants, were touched upon, and the belief expressed that of gold, silver, and precious stones “there is in the land as much as in that where it is said Solomon took the gold for the temple.” Velazquez was exposed as a cruel, dishonest, and incompetent governor, and as such most dangerous to be intrusted with the control of these vast and rich territories. They asked for an investigation to prove the charges, as well as the propriety of their own acts; and concluded by recommending that Cortés, whose character and conduct stamped him a loyal subject and an able leader, be confirmed in his offices, till the conquest of the country, at least, should have been achieved.[241]
The third letter, even longer than this, though of similar tenor, was signed by the representative men in the army,[242] and concluded by praying that their services and hardships be rewarded with grants, and that Cortés be confirmed in the government till the king might be pleased to appoint an infante or a grandee of the highest class, for so large and rich a country ought to be ruled by none else. Should the designing bishop of Búrgos of his accord “send us a governor or captain, before we obey him we shall inform your royal person.” This sentence, which Las Casas characterizes as a “great though sweetened piece of impudence,” and several others not in harmony with Cortés’ own calculated report, were probably the cause for the disappearance of the letter before it reached the emperor.[243]
The messengers or procuradores left the port July 16,[244] and although ordered not to touch Cuba, lest Velazquez should learn of the mission, Montejo could not resist the temptation of taking a peep at his estates at Mariel de Cuba, a port close to Habana. Here they entered August 23, and took supplies and water. This could not of course be done in secret, and swelling with rumor the report reached Velazquez that his flag-ship had come ballasted with gold, to the value of two hundred and seventy thousand pesos. No less alarmed than furious at this proof of the perfidy he had so long feared, he despatched a fast sailing vessel with a strong force under Gonzalo de Guzman, the royal treasurer, to capture her; but she had stayed only three days at Mariel, and then passed safely through the Bahamas Channel, the first to make that passage.[245]
The arrival of the messengers at Seville, in October, created no small stir, and aided by their treasures and reports they became the heroes of the hour. But their triumph was of short duration; for Benito Martin, the chaplain of Velazquez, happened to be at the port. This man at once laid claim to the vessel for his master, denounced the persons on board as traitors, and prevailed upon the Casa de Contratacion to seize the ship, together with the private funds of the commission, as well as certain money sent by Cortés for his father. A still stronger opponent appeared in the person of Fonseca, bishop of Búrgos, whose interest in Velazquez, fostered by a long interchange of favors, was strengthened by a projected marriage of the governor with his niece.[246] Detaining the messengers and their papers by deferred promises and other measures,[247] he filled the royal ear with the most damaging charges against them and their party in behalf of his protégé.
Velazquez had meanwhile been taking testimony against Cortés, and had sent treasurer Guzman to Spain with documents and instructions to join Martin in pressing his suit before the bishop.[248]
Charles V. had been elected emperor, and was busy in Spain raising supplies and making preparations on a vast scale for presenting an appearance in Germany befitting so high a dignity. Previous to embarking for Flanders he was to meet the cortes at Compostela. The messengers from New Spain could afford to lose no more time, and so with the aid of Puertocarrero’s friends and the men opposed to Fonseca, among them the Licenciado Nuñez, relator of the royal council and related to Cortés, they slipped away, and in company with Alaminos and Martin Cortés, managed to be presented to the monarch at Tordesillas, in the beginning of March.[249] The king was not a little pleased with the reports, gilded as they were with the richest presents that had as yet reached him from his American possessions,[250] but he was unfortunately too absorbed with the imperial crown and the preparations for departure to give more than a passing attention to the subject, and still less would he enter into the merits of the claims presented. Finding, however, that Fonseca had not been impartial in the matter, he was prevailed on to refer it to Cardinal Adrian, and the junta of prelates and ministers governing the kingdom during the royal absence, before whom the Council of the Indies had also to lay its reports. The messengers were meanwhile allowed under bond to receive from the seized funds what was needed for their support.[251] The powerful Fonseca managed, however, by misrepresentation and other means, to delay the case, and for about two years it dragged its weary length. And yet, where a man is strong enough to carve out his own fortune, particularly where the administration of strict justice might send his neck to the halter, the law’s delay and its susceptibility to perversion may be most fortunate.