FOOTNOTES
[265] ‘Y todos â vna le respondimos, que hariamos lo que ordenasse, que echada estaua la suerte de la buena ò mala ventura.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40.
[266] Bernal Diaz states, 65, that on reaching Mexico City ‘no llegauamos á 450 soldados,’ intimating that they must have amounted to fully this figure on leaving Villa Rica. This would allow fully 120 men to Escalante, which appears a large garrison, even after making allowances for the old and infirm. Gomara places the force at 400 Spaniards, with 15 horses, 6 guns, and 1300 Indians, including Cubans and carriers. Conq. Mex., 67; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. i.; Torquemada, i. 411, 517. Ixtlilxochitl increases this to 7 guns, 1300 warriors, and 1000 carriers. ‘Con quince de caballo y trescientos peones.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. Cortés refers later on to 400 Cempoalans. He mentions merely 200 carriers. Clavigero has 415 Spaniards, a figure resulting from a misreading of his original. Storia Mess., iii. 36. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 216-17, followed of course by Robertson, changes the figures to 500 men, 200 carriers, and 400 Indian troops. A page, twelve years old, was left with the lord of Cempoala to learn the language. ‘Tomaron un indio principal que llamaban Tlacochalcatl para que los mostrase el camino,’ taken from the country by Grijalva, and brought back by Cortés. Sahagun, Conq. Mex., 16. Shortly before beginning the march, says Duran, a messenger arrived from Mexico in the person of Motelchiuh, sent by Montezuma to serve as guide, and to provide for the proper service and hospitality on the way. Being told that no guide was needed, he returned, leaving orders with the caciques en route to tender good reception to the strangers. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 405-10.
[267] Meaning ‘Spring in the Sand.’ Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. app. 7. ‘Y la primera jornado fuimos â vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41. But the road was too long for one day’s march. I may here observe that Bernal Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the campaign into Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who nevertheless follow him pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs and productions, particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the neighboring districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings.
[268] Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Viage, p. ii.
[269] Cortés refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the orders he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57.
[270] ‘Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habíamos pasado. El cual es tan agro y alto, que no lo hay en España otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 57. ‘Hoy se llama el Paso del Obispo.’ Lorenzana, ubi sup. ‘Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas, y arboles cõ miel.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68.
[271] ‘Hoy se nombra Ixhuacán de los Reyes.’ Lorenzana, Viage.
[272] ‘De Nauhcampa, quatre parties, et tepetl, montagne.’ Humboldt, Vues, ii. 191. Equivalent to the Spanish name of Cofre de Perote.
[273]Lorenzana believes it to be the later Sierra de la Agua. A map with profile of the route is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201; and a still better map by Orozco y Berra, Itinerario, in Noticias Mex., 233.
[274] The name must not be confounded with Zacatlan, as Ixtlilxochitl calls it, for this lies north of Tlascala. ‘Este valle y poblacion se llama Caltanmi.’ ‘Tenia las mayores y mas bien labradas casas que hasta entonces ... habiamos visto.’ Cortés, Cartas, 58. Lorenzana says, ‘the present Tlatlanquitepec,’ in the lower lying portion of which stood the palace of Caltanni, ‘house below;’ and there stands the big tree to which the natives say that Cortés tied his horse. Viage, pp. iii.-iv. ‘Llamase ... Zaclotan aquel lugar, y el valle Zacatami.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68; Oviedo, iii. 260. Cocotlan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
[275] Gomara intimates that the Spaniards were well received, and had 50 men sacrificed in their honor. Hist. Mex., 68. The native records state that bread sprinkled with the blood of fresh victims was offered to them, as to idols, but this being rejected with abhorrence, pure food was brought. Before this sorcerers had been sent to use their arts against them, by spreading diseases, casting spells to prevent their advance, and otherwise opposing them. But everything failed before the magic influence shed perhaps by the banner of the cross. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 401-8; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 14; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 518; Torquemada, i. 417-8.
[276] ‘Tenia Montezuma en este pueblo, y su comarca, cinco mil soldados de guarnicion.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. ii.
[277] Conq. Mex., 42. ‘A muchos valientes por ventura desmayara,’ says to the contrary Gomara, Hist. Mex., 69.
[278] Cortés, Cartas, 59. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olintetl was persuaded by the Cempoalans to conciliate Cortés with four slaves, a few paltry pieces of jewelry, and a load of cloth.
[279] Camargo sends the letter from Cempoala, together with a sword, a crossbow, and a red silk cap. Hist. Tlax., 145. But it is not probable that Cortés would deprive himself of such needful articles, not overabundant with him, even if he had no objection to let Indians examine them. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 42-3, despatches two Cempoalans from a later station, and this on hearing that the Tlascaltecs had risen to oppose them.
[280] Still Gomara, in his sweeping way, declares that Cortés ‘puso muchas cruzes en los templos, derrocãdo los idolos como lo hazia en cada lugar.’ Hist. Mex., 70; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 567. Twenty leading warriors were taken from here, says Bernal Diaz.
[281] Clavigero calls them ‘un competente numero di truppe Messicane del presidio di Xocotla,’ Storia Mess., iii. 41, which is unlikely.
[282] See Native Races, ii. 568, et seq.
[283] Fifteen leagues from west to east, ten from north to south, says Torquemada, i. 276. Herrera extends it to 30 leagues in width.
[284] ‘Hay en esta provincia, por visitacion que yo en ella mandé hacer, ciento cincuenta mil vecinos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 69. In the older edition of these letters by Lorenzana, it reads, 500,000 families, a figure which in itself indicates an exaggeration, but has nevertheless been widely copied. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87.
[285] For further information about Tlascala, see Native Races, ii. and v. Torquemada gives a detailed history of the state in i. 259-78. See also Prescott’s Mex., 411-19; Soria, Istoria y Fundacion de la Ciudad de Tlaxcala, MS. in Aztec, sm. 4o of 48 leaves.
[286] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii., confounds the two Xicotencatls, and Torquemada, in seeking to correct him, applies the title of general to Maxixcatzin, i. 416, supposing besides, with Clavigero, that Temilotecatl may be another name for Tlehuexolotl. Storia Mess., iii. 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 133. Jealous of the honor of his countrymen, and eager to vindicate them against the charge of duplicity or enmity toward the Spaniards, Camargo lets the messengers go back with a friendly invitation. After they had started on this mission the idols were consulted, but remained mute; the temples were overthrown by earthquakes, and comets appeared, creating a general panic. Hist. Tlax., 144-6. The account of the conquest by this author is particularly interesting since Diego Muñoz Camargo was a native of the valiant little republic of Tlascala, a mestizo, says Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., ii. 91, who calls him Domingo, while Clavigero gives him nobility. Storia Mess., i. 10. Born shortly after these events, and in contact with the very men who figured therein, his stories are reproduced from their lips, though colored with the spirit of a convert and patriot who, like nearly all of his countrymen, was only too eager to curry favor with the dominant race. This is apparent in nearly every line of his text, wherein the terms of praise bestowed on the conquerors become not unfrequently absurd from the contradictions implied by other passages. Nor does he neglect to hold forth on his own people for their bravery and exploits in fighting the detested Aztecs, and their unswerving devotion to the Spaniards. In the pursuit of this pleasing theme he scruples not to sacrifice truth when it proves a stumbling-block. He leaves the impression, for instance, that the Tlascaltecs never raised sword against Cortés. Many of the misstatements are due to a non-critical acceptance of tales, for Camargo was as simple and superstitious as any of his contemporaries. Although acting as interpreter in the province, Torquemada, i. 523, he exhibits a not very thorough acquaintance with Spanish, which is the cause of errors and repetitions. The conquest forms but a portion of his narrative, which treats chiefly of aboriginal history and customs, and touches lightly the events that passed before his eyes. It was written in 1585, and lay for some time in the Felipe Neri convent archives, where it was consulted by Torquemada. Taken afterward by Panes to Spain, it was deposited by Muñoz with the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, from which source copies were obtained, among others one by Ternaux-Compans, and a faulty translation was published in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, xcviii.-ix.
[287] A short distance further they passed through a pine grove, wherein threads and papers were fixed and scattered across the path, the work of Tlascaltec sorcerers, who thus sought to cast a spell upon the invaders. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iv.
[288] ‘Segun algunos que lo vieron, cortaron cercen de vn golpe cada pescueço con riendas y todo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 71. ‘Io viddi che cõbattẽdosi vn dì, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo ... nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle ĩteriora, et cadde icõtanẽte morto, & ... che vn’ altro Indiano diede vn’ altra cortellata a vn’ altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto.’ Relatione per vn gentil’huomo, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 305. According to Duran two warriors stepped forth from a vast Tlascalan army before the regular battle, and issued a challenge, which was accepted by two horsemen. After a short combat the Indians, by deft movements, killed both horses, cutting off the neck of one, and wounding the other in the pasterns. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-20; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 255-6. This attack is the only resistance admitted by Camargo. The assailants were all Otomís, who killed one Spaniard and two horses. Hist. Tlax., 146.
[289] ‘Hirieron á quatro de los nuestros, y pareceme que desde alli á pocos dias muriò el vno de las heridas ... quedaron muertos hasta diez y siete dellos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 43; Cortés, Cartas, 61; Lorenzana calls the scene of this battle the plain of Quimichoccan. Viage, p. viii.
[290] See Native Races, ii. 413; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 230. According to Bernal Diaz the messengers are met before the Tlascalan border is reached, and they deliver the announcement that the Tlascaltecs will kill the Spaniards and eat their flesh, in order to test their reputed strength. The Cempoalans shall suffer the same fate, since they are assumed to be plotting in behalf of the Aztecs, loc. cit. Sahagun supposes that the Cempoalan guide had treacherously led the Spaniards against the Otomís. Conq. Mex. (ed. 1840), 40; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 42-3.
[291] Bernal Diaz says 6000.
[292] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. v. A pious conquistador who was present, says Duran, told me that many wept, wishing they had never been born, and cursing the marquis for having led them into such danger. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 417.
[293] Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, while Ixtlilxochitl makes it 80,000.
[294] During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the captain who had bound him for sacrifice, and with Cortés’ permission he sent him a challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough struggle the Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and secured his head, which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan victory celebration. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates that one of the final acts of the battle was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men, of a pass. ‘Les matamos muchos Indios, y entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques.’ Five horses were wounded and fifteen soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles admit of no dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44.
[295] Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson’s Conq. Mex., 360-70; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am forced to regard as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer generally has something to say, and generally believes something of what he says to be true. An idiot may have honest convictions, and a knave may have talents, but where a book carries to the mind of the reader that its author is both fool and knave, that is, that he writes only foolishness and does not himself believe what he says, I have not the time to waste in condemning such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to be A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Anderson Wilson, and bearing date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same subject should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to the present day attest the great number and high culture of the Nahua race, and the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by him with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is that the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth, extols more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture of the natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away his main support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject and his authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or distorted quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were never intended, and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his own satisfaction that Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the Iroquois stamp, and that Cortés was the boastful victor over little bands of naked red men. As for the ruins, they were founded by Phœnician colonists in remote ages. Another tissue of superficial observations, shaped by bigotry and credulous ignorance, was issued by the same author under the title of Mexico and its Religion, New York, 1855, most enterprisingly reprinted in the disguise of Mexico: its Peasants and its Priests, New York, 1856. In common with Mr Morgan, and others of that stamp, Mr Wilson seems to have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Prescott and his work, apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such men are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott’s garment; they are not worthy of mention in the same category with him.
[296] Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described as the bishop saw it. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Other authors differ. ‘Teoatzinco, cioè il luogo dell’acqua divina.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the possession of this place, which he calls Tecoac. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 418, 422; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. ‘Aldea de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla y tẽplo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 74.
[297] So Cortés distinctly says. Bernal Diaz writes, however, that this day was devoted to rest. Still, a later observation indicates that Cortés is right.
[298] Id. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44, admits only twenty captives, and blames the allies for firing the villages; but Cortés is frank enough about it.
[299] Prescott, Mex., 438-42, gives a pretty description of the army, but is so carried away that he dons it with helmets glittering with gold and precious stones, etc.; and this in spite of the efforts of the chroniclers to exhibit the Tlascaltecs as very poor in anything but rude comforts.
[300] Under five captains, to whom he applies the names of the four lords, as he understands them, and of the ruler of Huexotzinco. Hist. Verdad., 45; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 75. 149,000 men, says Cortés, in his second letter, 62, but this exactness is probably due to a printer’s mistake.
[301] For colors and banners, and how carried, see Native Races, ii. 411-12, and Torquemada, i. 436.
[302] He was detected in this trick afterward. ‘Lo qual fue gran refrigerio y socorro para la necesidad que tenian.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 76. Oviedo increases the gift to 700 baskets. iii. 495. Gomara proceeds to relate that in sign of contempt for the small number of the enemy, whom it could be no honor for his large army to overcome, Xicotencatl detached 2000 warriors—200 says Oviedo—to seize and bring him the strangers bound. They attacked, and were routed with an almost total destruction of their number. ‘No escapo hombre dellos, sino los q̄ acertaron el passo de la barranca.’ loc. cit. 76.
[303] Bernal Diaz states that they did not wait for the enemy to attack, but marched forth and met them one eighth of a league from camp. Hist. Verdad., 45. But Cortés says distinctly, ‘Otro dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro real mas de ciento y cuarenta y nueve mil hombres.’ Cartas, 62. Gomara and Herrera also allow Indians to attack the camp first. Cortés is too fond of announcing when he takes the initiative to have failed to say so had he done it in this case.
[304] ‘Son of Chichimeclatecle,’ says Bernal Diaz, a name which should read Chichimeca-tecuhtli.
[305] That of Guaxolcingo—meaning Huexotzinco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 45. That of Tlehuexolotzin. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 46. Solis exaggerates this into an actual battle between the leaders and their followers. Hist. Mex., i. 255-8. Herrera intimates that a secret arrangement had been formed between Cortés and the seceding captain, the latter appearing with his officers at the camp, the evening after the previous battle, and, declaring himself convinced that the Spaniards were invincible, offered not only to remain neutral, but to aid them in entering Tlascala. Cortés agreed. When the captain returned to Xicotencatl’s camp he was so badly beaten that he came back to Cortés for medical treatment. Certain signs were to be worn, so that the Spaniards might respect the neutral troops. dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. He also relates that one Tlascaltec maintained himself so long and bravely against two Spanish soldiers that Láres, the smith, rushed up, cried shame upon the twain, and lanced the warrior. Id., cap. vii.
[306] This soldier himself received two wounds, which did not prevent him from fighting, however. ‘Nos mataron vn soldado,’ he says, and a few lines further down, ‘y enterramos los muertos ... porque no viessen los Indios que eramos mortales.’ Hist. Verdad., 45. Thus even the ‘True Historian’ reveals the common weakness. Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 512-14; West-Indische Spieghel, 224-35; Franck, Weltbuch, ccxxix.
CHAPTER XIII.
ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.
September, 1519.
Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital—Their Favorable Reception—Xicotencatl Plans Resistance to Cortés—Sends out Spies—Cortés Sends them back Mutilated—The Spaniards Attack and Defeat Xicotencatl—Night Encounters—General Dissatisfaction and a Desire to Return to Villa Rica—Envoys Arrive from Montezuma—Cortés Receives Xicotencatl and the Tlascalan Lords—Peace Concluded—Tlascala—Festivities and Rejoicings—Mass Celebrated—Cortés Inclined to Extreme Religious Zeal—Brides Presented to the Spaniards—Appropriate Ceremonies—Preparing to Leave Tlascala for Cholula—Communications with the Cholultecs.
In the late battle three chiefs had been captured, and they together with two others were sent, this time to the Tlascalan capital direct, to carry an offer of peace, and to explain that the Spaniards would not have harmed their warriors had they not been obliged to do so. If peace was still declined they would come and destroy them all. Meanwhile Cortés set out on another foraging and raiding expedition, and “burned more than ten towns, one exceeding three thousand houses,” retiring by the early afternoon, when the Indians began to gather in aid of the raided neighbors.[307]
Tired of the fruitless fighting, attended with loss of life and property only to themselves as it appeared, the peace party in Tlascala had been gaining the ascendancy, with the efforts of Maxixcatzin, supported as he now was by the powerful factions which had quarrelled with the general. When the peace messengers of Cortés arrived they were therefore received with favor. His previous friendly offers were considered, also his kind treatment of captives, so unusual with the natives, and the oracles and signs of a coming race of rulers. Whether gods or men, they were evidently invincible, and the friendship and alliance held out by them must be desirable, and ought to be secured before the strangers, embittered by further resistance, should pass on to join their enemies. An embassy, headed by Costomatl and Tolinpanecatl,[308] was accordingly despatched with provisions and some other trifling gifts to open negotiations for peace. Humbly these men appeared before Cortés, expressing the sorrow of the lords for the hostility shown, and their desire for peace. With a grave reproval for their obstinacy, Cortés said that he would admit their apology, and the envoys departed, after leaving beside the other gifts a number of male and female slaves.[309]
Smarting under the disgrace of his defeats, Xicotencatl had meanwhile been laying plans to retrieve himself. Among other counsellors he had summoned diviners to his aid, and they, calling to mind the assumption that the Spaniards were children of the sun, declared that as such the new-comers were invincible only when animated by its beams, and at night, when deprived of this invigorating power, they became mortals, who must bow to superior force. Knowing the strength of the party opposed to him in the Tlascalan capital, he does not appear to have submitted his projects there, but to have ventured upon detaining the envoys as they were returning from the Spanish camp until the result of his plans should have been ascertained; and this in face of the command to desist from hostility.[310] In order to make everything as sure as possible for the intended blow, Xicotencatl sent fifty Indians to the camp, with instructions to gather information concerning the approaches, the condition of the soldiers, and other points. They appeared before Cortés with the usual demonstrations of respect, and, placing before him five female slaves, a quantity of food, and other presents, they said: “Lord, behold these slaves! If you are fierce gods, eat their flesh and blood, and more shall be brought; if gentle gods, take these feathers and incense; if men, here are fowl, bread, and fruit.” Cortés answered that they required no sacrifices of men. Had they desired such they could have taken by force all the victims needed. He rebuked their obstinacy and advised submission.[311] They were then taken aside to receive the hospitalities of the camp, after which they dispersed to satisfy their curiosity, and to question the allies. This aroused the suspicions of Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, who warned the general. Seizing the men he examined them singly, and soon ascertained that their object was not only to spy, but to fire the huts, and otherwise to aid the attack which would be made upon the camp that very night. Finding that his friendly advances had been scorned, Cortés resolved to inflict a lesson that would be understood by a people so deeply intent upon war and sacrifices. This was to cut off the hands of the leading spies, and the thumbs of others, and to send them back with the message that this would be the punishment of spies, and that the Spaniards were prepared, night or day, to face their enemies.[312]
Fearing the confusion and danger of a night attack, when the artillery and other means would be less effective, Cortés resolved to anticipate the enemy by a counter charge, wherein the cavalry might render particular service. Learning that Xicotencatl was hidden with ten thousand or twenty thousand men behind a hill not far off, Cortés did not despatch the mutilated spies till after dusk, in order to let him approach nearer to camp.[313] When his messengers returned to Xicotencatl and displayed their bleeding stumps, the general was troubled, and throughout his army there was consternation, and numbers of warriors declared openly that it was useless to fight men who not only appeared to be invincible, but who could read their very intentions. While in this state of demoralization they were startled by the jingling of bells and the tramp of the dreaded horses, magnified by their fears and by the weird moonlight into a host. The next moment the Spaniards announced their presence by a ringing “Santiago!” and, undeterred by the few stray and feeble volleys of stones and arrows sent against them, they rode into the crowds of natives already in full flight, slashing and riding down in all directions.[314]
After this lesson Xicotencatl appears to have made no further attempts to molest the Spaniards, although small skirmishing parties, chiefly Otomís, continued to hover round the camp and give the soldiers opportunities for sallies. Gomara magnifies these skirmishes into daily attacks on the camp by the army, whose divisions take turns so as not to embarrass one another. This caused them to fight better, partly from a spirit of rivalry to surpass the preceding record. The ambition of the natives was to kill one Spaniard at least, but the object was never attained, so far as they knew. This continued for a fortnight, and daily came also messengers with food to sustain the strangers.[315]
In order to farther impress upon the Indians that fighting by night was quite congenial to the Spaniards, Cortés set out one midnight to raid and forage in the direction of a large town called Tzompantzinco, which could be distinguished beyond a range of hills, toward the capital.[316] The soldiers had not gone far before one horse after another began to tremble and fall, including the general’s. This was regarded a bad omen, and the men urged a return, but Cortés laughed it off, sent back five horses, and proceeded with the rest, declaring that God, in whose cause they were engaged, was superior to nature.[317] Two small villages were surprised, with some slaughter, and shortly before dawn the Spaniards fell upon the large town, containing twenty thousand houses, it is said. Frightened out of their senses by the noise, the people rushed from the dwellings to join in the crowd which sought to elude the pursuers. Finding that no resistance was attempted, Cortés speedily stopped the attack, and collecting his men in the plaza he forbade any attempt on life or property. The chiefs and priests presently appeared with gifts of food and two female slaves, pleading that the proximity of Xicotencatl’s army had prevented them from sending in their submission. They would henceforth prove their gratitude for his leniency by sending supplies to the camp. Cortés accepted their excuses, and told them to proceed to Tlascala to urge upon the lords the necessity for accepting peace. Before returning, Cortés ascended a hill, and thence saw the capital, with its surrounding villages. “Behold,” he said to those who had objected to his leniency with the towns, “what boots it to have killed these people, when so many enemies exist over there?”[318]
Although left in comparative peace for some days, the end of the campaign seemed to the Spaniards as remote as ever. The harass and hardship of their life, the vigils, the cold nights, the scanty supplies, the absence of salt, medicine, and many other necessaries, all this was severely felt, particularly since so large a number were either sick or wounded, including Cortés and Padre Olmedo.[319] The ailments and wounds were as a rule slight, yet they helped to magnify dangers, and to dim every cheerful aspect. The very cessation of regular hostile demonstrations seemed to cover a plot for a new Tlascalan combination. If this people could exhibit such armies and such valor, what must be expected from the far more numerous and equally warlike Aztecs? These views owed not a little of their acceptance to the fears and exaggeration of the Indian allies, and through their medium the prospect of reaching the impregnable Mexico began to appear preposterous. Cortés was aware that this feeling existed among a large number, for in making his customary tour of the camp one evening he had overheard a party of soldiers express themselves pretty strongly about the madness of his enterprise. It would happen to him as to Pedro Carbonero, who ventured with his force among the Moors and was never heard of again. The general should be left to go alone.
The murmurs in camp grew particularly strong during the raid on Tzompantzinco, promoted of course by Velazquez’ men; and when Cortés returned, a deputation of seven, whom Bernal Diaz forbears to name, appeared before him to recommend that, in view of the suffering, the danger, and the dark prospects, they should return to Villa Rica, build a vessel, and send to Cuba for reinforcements. They were only tempting providence by their foolhardy course. Finding that arguments would be lost on these men, Cortés had caused his adherents to rally, and turning to them he recalled the determination formed at Villa Rica to advance on Mexico, and extolled their valorous deeds, which dimmed even the Greek and Roman records. He was suffering equally with them, yet he wavered not. Should they, the brave Spaniards, belie their character and country, and desert their duty to their king, to their God, who had protected them hitherto? To retreat now would be to abandon the treasures to be found only a few leagues off, the reward for which they had striven during a whole year, and to draw upon themselves the contempt not only of their countrymen, who at present looked on them as the bravest of the brave, but that of the natives, who regarded them as gods. The Tlascaltecs had already sued for peace, but let the Spaniards take one step in retreat, and the enemy would turn with renewed ardor on them, joined by the Mexicans, so far held in check by their fame and deeds. Even the allies would for their own safety join to crush them. To retire was impossible, because it would be fatal. In any case, death was preferable to dishonor. The usual marks of approval which followed the speech silenced the deputation, and nothing more was heard about retreat.[320]
Great was the sensation in Mexico at the successive reports of easy Spanish victories over the stanch armies of Tlascala—victories by an insignificant band over armies which had successfully resisted the vast forces of the Anáhuac allies. Since it was only too evident that force could not keep the strangers from reaching the capital, Montezuma again called his council to consider the situation. Cuitlahuatzin proposed that they should be bought off with presents, while Cacama represented that their mission was probably harmless, and that they should be frankly invited to the city, there to be awed with the grandeur of the monarch. Others favored this course, but with the idea of laying traps for the strangers. The fear of their being warned and aided by Ixtlilxochitl, the rebellious brother of Cacama, caused Montezuma to incline to the advice of Cuitlahuatzin; and six prominent lords, headed by Atempanecatl,[321] were accordingly despatched to the Spanish camp to congratulate the white chieftain on his victories, and to offer annual tribute in gold, silver, jewels, cloth—in fact, to do almost anything that his king might desire, on the condition that he should not proceed to Mexico. The envoys entered the presence of Cortés followed by two hundred attendants, and laying before him a present of twenty bales of embroidered cloth and feathers, and about one thousand castellanos in gold-dust, they delivered their message.[322] They explained that their monarch would gladly see him in Mexico, but feared to expose the Spaniards to the hardships of the rough and sterile country wherein Mexico was situated. Cortés expressed his thanks, and said that he would consider the proposal.[323]
While entertaining the Mexican envoys the camp was stirred by the announcement of the Tlascalan plenipotentiaries, consisting of fifty leading men, headed by Axayacatzin Xicotencatl himself.[324] The soldiers crowded forward to gaze at the dreaded general, who appeared to be a man of about thirty-five years, tall and broad-shouldered, well formed and robust, with broad, rough face, grave in manner and commanding in presence, though he came a suppliant. He had used every means as a noble patriot to save his country from the enslavement which he seemed with prophetic spirit to have foreseen; and as a brave soldier he had struggled to uphold the honor of the army. With pride subdued he had sought pardon of the lords for disobeying their orders,[325] and offered the best amends in his power by personally humbling himself before the chief who had torn the wreath from his brow. He approached Cortés with the customary profound salute, while his attendants swung the copal censer, and announced that he had come in the name of his father and the other lords to ask his friendship, and to offer their submission to the mightiest of men, so gentle yet so valiant. Accepting a seat by Cortés’ side, he entered into explanations, and frankly took upon himself the blame for the resistance offered, but pleaded the Tlascalan love for liberty, threatened, as they imagined, by an ally of Montezuma, for were not Mexican allies in the Spanish train? and had not the Aztec monarch exchanged friendly intercourse with them? While delighted with the manner of the chief, and particularly with the object of his visit, Cortés thought it necessary to administer a slight rebuke for the obstinate refusal of his friendly offers; yet since his people had already suffered enough for this, he freely pardoned them in the name of his king, and received them as vassals.[326] He hoped the peace would be permanent; if not, he would be obliged to destroy the capital and massacre the inhabitants. Xicotencatl assured him that the Tlascaltecs would henceforth be as faithful as they had hitherto been unfriendly. In proof of their sincerity the chiefs would remain with him as hostages. He begged Cortés to come to the city, where the lords and nobles were awaiting him, and regretted not being able to offer a present worthy of his acceptance, but they were poor in treasures, even in cloth and salt, and what they once possessed had been surrendered to the Mexicans.[327]
Mass was said by Padre Diaz to celebrate the concluded peace, and in honor of the occasion Tecohuatzinco received the name of Victoria.[328] Both Spaniards and allies concluded the day with feasting and appropriate demonstrations of their delight. At Tlascala, where it was soon understood that the Spaniards were in some way to liberate the state from the tyranny of Montezuma, floral decorations and sacrifices gave eclat to the festivities, and twenty thousand leading men are said to have taken part in the mitote dance, singing to the prospective overthrow of the Mexicans and to the glory of the Spaniards.
The Mexican envoys felt not a little chagrined at a peace which could bode no good to their nation. Before Cortés, however, they sought to ridicule the whole proceeding as a farce on the part of the Tlascaltecs. The latter were too treacherous to be trusted. When the Spaniards were once in their city they would fall on them, and avenge the defeats and losses which till then must rankle in their hearts. Cortés told them that the Spaniards could not be overcome in town or field, by day or night. He intended going to Tlascala, and if the inhabitants proved treacherous they would be destroyed. Xicotencatl had been no less abusive of the Mexicans during his late interview, and Cortés, as he declares, enjoyed their dissension, sympathizing alternately with either party, in order to promote his own ends.[329] Finding the general so determined, the envoys begged that he would remain at the camp for a few days while they communicated with the emperor. This was granted, partly because Cortés wished to await developments, not being at all sure of the Tlascaltecs, and partly because he and others needed a respite to recover from their wounds and fevers.[330]
The only result of the message to Mexico appears to have been an instruction to the envoys to use every effort to prevent the Spaniards from going either to Tlascala or to Mexico; and to make their representations more weighty a present was sent, consisting of ten pieces of wrought gold, worth over three thousand castellanos, says Bernal Diaz, and of several hundred pieces of cotton fabrics, richly embroidered.[331] It served but as another magnet to aid in attracting the invaders. Cortés accepted the presents, but held out no hopes of changing his determination.
The Tlascaltecs had meanwhile kept the camp liberally supplied with provisions, for which they would accept no recompense, and were daily urging Cortés to depart for Tlascala. Alarmed at his delay, the lords thought it best to go in person, accompanied by the leading nobles, to entreat him.[332] The last envoy from Montezuma had just delivered his presents when they were announced. Descending from their litters they advanced toward Cortés with the customary salute,[333] the lead being taken by Xicotencatl, ruler of Tizatlan, so blind and old that he had to be supported by attendants, and by Maxixcatzin, of Ocotelulco, the youngest and wisest of the lords.[334]
Xicotencatl expressed his sorrow for their resistance, but reminded the Spanish chief that, this being forgiven, they had now come to invite him to their city, and to offer their possessions and services. He must not believe the slanderous insinuations which they feared the Mexicans had uttered. Cortés could not resist the evident sincerity of this appeal from so prominent a body, and he hastened to assure them that preparations for the departure and other affairs had alone detained him.[335]
The lords accordingly returned to prepare for the reception, and to send five hundred carriers to assist in the march, which began the following morning. The Mexican envoys were invited to accompany the Spaniards, in order that they might witness the honors paid to them. The road to Tlascala, some six leagues in length, passed through a hilly yet well cultivated country, skirted on the east by the snow-crowned peak which was soon to bear the revered name of Malinche. In every direction were verdure-clad slopes spotted with huge oaks, while above and beyond the vista was closed by a dark green fringe of the hardier fir, which seemed to rise like shielding bulwarks round the settlements in the valleys. The leading towns on the route were Tzompantzinco and Atlihuetzin, where the population turned out en masse to receive the Spaniards.
A quarter of a league from the capital they were met by the lords and nobles, accompanied by a great retinue, attired in the colors of the different districts. Women of rank came forward with flowers in garlands and bouquets; and a long line of priests in flowing white robes, with cowls, and flowing hair clotted with blood from freshly slashed ears, marched along swinging their copal censers, while in the rear and around surged a crowd estimated at one hundred thousand persons.
Before them rose the capital, prominently located upon four hills, “so great and so admirable,” quoth Cortés, “that although I say but little of it, that little will appear incredible, for it is much larger than Granada and much stronger, with as good edifices and with much more people than Granada had at the time it was captured; also much better supplied with the things of the earth.”[336] There were four distinct quarters, separated by high stone walls and traversed by narrow streets. In each stood a lordly palace for the ruler, and here and there rose temples and masonry buildings for the nobles, but the greater part of the dwellings were one-story adobe and mud huts. The highest quarter in situation was Tepeticpac, the first settled, separated from Ocotelulco by the river Zahuatl.[337] The latter was not only the largest and most populous, but the richest, and held a daily market attended by thirty thousand people, it is claimed.[338] Quiahuiztlan lay below on the river, and above it Tizatlan, the residence of the blind chief.[339]
It was here that the Spaniards entered on September 23d,[340] henceforth a feast-day to its people. Through streets adorned with festoons and arches, and past houses covered with cheering multitudes, they proceeded to the palace of Xicotencatl, who came forward to tender the customary banquet. Cortés saluted him with the respect due to his age,[341] and was conducted to the banquet-hall, after which quarters were pointed out in the courts and buildings surrounding the temple.[342] Neat beds of matting and nequen cloth were spread for the troops. Close by were the quarters of the allies and the Mexican envoys.
A round of invitations and festivities was tendered the guests in the several quarters; yet Cortés allowed no relaxation in the usual discipline and watches, greatly to the grief of the lords, who finally remonstrated against this apparent want of confidence. The Mexicans must have poisoned the mind of Malinche against them, they said. Malinche was becoming a recognized name for Cortés among the Indians. It seems strange that they should have fixed upon no higher sounding title for so great a leader than ‘master of Marina,’ as it implied, while the inferior Alvarado was dubbed Tonatiuh, ‘the sun.’ The Tlascaltecs had, however, another name for the general in Chalchiuitl, the term for their favorite precious stones, and also a title of Quetzalcoatl, ‘the white god.’[343] Cortés was quite touched by the fervor of the lords in their newly formed friendship. Untutored in some respects, they appeared to rush like children from one extreme to another—from obstinate enmity to profound devotion, now worshipping the doughty little band who had overcome their vast number, and admiring their every trait and act, willing to yield life itself for the heroic leader. He hastened to assure them of his confidence, and declined the hostages they offered, asserting that strict discipline was part of the military system which he was in duty bound to maintain. This seemed to convince the lords, and they even sought to introduce among their own troops some of the regulations which they learned to admire.
The second day of their sojourn Padre Diaz said mass in the presence of the two leading lords, who thereupon presented Cortés with half a dozen fishes made of gold, several curious stones, and some nequen cloth, altogether worth about twenty pesos, says Bernal Diaz.[344] Insignificant as was the gift, they expressed a hope that in view of their poverty he would accept it as a token of friendship. Cortés assured them that “he received it from their hand with greater pleasure than he would a house filled with gold dust from others.”[345] In return he gave them some of the robes and other useful articles obtained from Montezuma, beside beads and trinkets. They now proposed, as a further proof of their good-will, to bestow on the captains their daughters, in order to have for relatives men so good and brave. Cortés expressed himself pleased, but explained that this could not be admitted till the Tlascaltecs renounced idolatry and its attendant evils.[346] He thereupon proceeded to expound to them the doctrines of his faith and contrast them with the impure, cruel, and bloody rites practised by them. This was ably interpreted by Marina and Aguilar, who were by this time expert in preaching, and the cross and virgin image were produced to illustrate the discourse. The lords answered that they believed the Christian’s God must be good and powerful, since he was worshipped by such men, and they were willing to accord him a place by the side of their idols;[347] but they could not renounce their own time-honored and benevolent deities. To do so would be to create an uprising among the people, and bring war and pestilence from the outraged gods. Cortés produced further arguments, only to be told that in time they would better understand the new doctrines, and might then yield, but at present their people would choose death rather than submit to such sacrilege.
Finding that the religious zeal of Cortés threatened to overcome his prudence, Padre Olmedo hastened to interpose his counsel, representing the danger of losing all that their valor and perseverance had gained if they pressed so delicate a subject with a superstitious and warlike people as yet only half gained over. He had never approved of forcible conversion, and could see no advantage in removing idols from one temple when they would be sure to rise in another. Indeed, persecution could only tend to root idolatry more deeply in the heart. It were better to let the true faith work its way into the appreciation of the people, as it would be sure to do if the natives were given an opportunity to contrast their bloody rites with the religion of Christ, provided the Spaniards would themselves follow the precepts of love and gentleness they were commending to the Indians. The success of the conquest owes much to Olmedo, whose heart, like Las Casas’, warmed for the benighted Indians, to him wayward children who must be won by moderation. Like a guardian angel he rose in defence of his flock, saving at the same time the Spaniards from their own passions.[348] Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, and others, who had no desire to witness a repetition of the Cempoalan iconoclasm, supported the father in his counsel, and Cortés agreed to content himself for the present with having an appropriate place set aside in the temple for an altar and a cross.[349] And upon this cross, say the credulous chroniclers, a white radiant cloud, in form of a whirling pillar, descended at night from the sky, impressing the natives with the sacredness of the symbol, and guarding it till the conquest had established the faith in the land.[350] The Spaniards succeeded further in abolishing human sacrifices, and the fattening-cages being torn down, a large number of intended victims sought refuge in their camp, lauding their doctrines and aiding not a little to pave the way for conversion.[351]
The inaugural mass for the new altar was followed by the baptism of the brides, the daughters and nieces of the lords being the first to undergo the ceremony. Cortés pleading that he was already married, Tecuilhuatzin, the daughter of Xicotencatl, destined for him, was at his request given to Alvarado, his brother and captain as he proclaimed him, and blessed with the name of Luisa, while her sister Tolquequetzaltzin, baptized as Lucía, was conferred on the brother, Jorge de Alvarado. Maxixcatzin’s niece Zicuetzin, a pretty girl, was named Elvira and given to Velazquez de Leon, it appears. Olid, Sandoval, Ávila, and others also received distinguished brides with dowries. Cortés found it necessary, however, to decline accepting wives for the whole company, as the lords proposed.[352] Indeed, they urged him to settle among them, offering to give lands and to build houses for the whole party.[353]
Finding him determined to proceed to Mexico, they offered their coöperation, and gave an account of the wealth, power, and condition of the lake states, dwelling in particular on the magnificence of Montezuma. They did not omit a tirade against his tyranny, and stated that whenever he proposed to attack Tlascala no less than one hundred thousand men were placed in the field. It was because they were forewarned that their resistance was so successful, and because the Aztec troops, gathered as they were to a great extent from subject provinces, fought with less spirit.[354]
Cortés had now a further motive for going to Mexico, which was the alliance proposed to him by Ixtlilxochitl, the rebellious brother of Cacama, and ruler of northern Acolhuacan, who hoped with Spanish aid to overthrow the hated Montezuma, and raise himself to the throne of Tezcuco, at least, and to the head of the allied states. To this pleasing proposal Cortés replied in a manner which could not fail to promote his own interests by keeping alive the spirit of dissension among his prey.[355] Huexotzinco, the ally of Tlascala, sent in her formal adhesion about the same time.
Finding that the Spaniards could not be kept away from Mexico, Montezuma thought it best at any rate to hasten their departure from Tlascala. An urgent invitation to visit him in his capital was accordingly sent through four prominent caciques, attended by followers bearing as usual a costly present, consisting of ten bales of embroidered robes and a number of gold articles, worth fully ten thousand pesos.[356] A council was held to consider the departure and the route to be taken. The lords of Tlascala did not relish the idea of a friendly visit to Mexico by their new allies, to be won over perhaps by the arts of the enemy. They sought to impress upon Cortés that Montezuma was the incarnation of treachery, awaiting only an opportunity to get them into his power and to crush them. They were ready to join in an armed descent upon the tyrant, proposing to spare neither young nor old; the former, because they might grow up to be avengers, the latter because of their dangerous counsel. Cortés suggested that he might yet establish friendly relations between them and the Mexicans, and reopen the trade in salt, cotton, and other articles; but this aroused only an incredulous smile. With regard to the route, they favored either the Calpulalpan road, proposed by Ixtlilxochitl, or that leading through Huexotzinco, friendly to them, declaring that it would be preposterous to pass by the way of Cholula, as urged by the Mexican envoys, since this was the very hatching-place for Montezuma’s plots. The road to it, and every house there, were full of snares and pitfalls; the great Quetzalcoatl temple-pyramid, for instance, being known to contain a mighty stream which could at any moment be let loose upon invaders, and Montezuma having a large army hidden near the saintly city.[357]
The extraordinary accounts of Cholula served to arouse Cortés’ curiosity, and the representation of dangers made him the more resolved to encounter them, chiefly because he did not wish to appear intimidated. This route was beside easier, and passed through a rich country. He accordingly decided in favor of it, and when reminded of the suspicious absence of any deputation from that city, he sent a message to the rulers that they might remedy the omission.[358]
The Cholultec council was divided on the answer to be sent, three of the members being in favor of compliance, and the other three, supported by the generalissimo, opposing any concession.[359] Finally a compromise was effected by sending three or four persons of no standing, and without presents, to say that the governors of the city were sick and could not come. The Tlascaltecs pointed out the disrespect in sending such men and such a message, and Cortés at once despatched four messengers to signify his displeasure, and to announce that unless the Cholultecs within three days sent persons of authority to offer allegiance to the Spanish king, he would march forth and destroy them, proceeding against them as against rebels.[360]
Finding that it would not do to trifle with the powerful strangers, some of the highest nobles in the city were despatched to the Spanish camp, with a suitable retinue, to tender excuses, pleading that they had dreaded to enter Tlascala, a state hostile to them.
They invited Cortés to their city, where amends would be made by rendering the obedience and tribute which was considered due from them as vassals of his king.[361]