FOOTNOTES
[362] ‘Hiço sacrificar treynta muchachos el dia que se partieron.’ Oviedo, iii. 497.
[363] Estimated by Cortés at around 100,000. Others say he was offered 10,000 to 20,000 men.
[364] This is the figure deduced from later references. ‘Quedaron en mi compañía hasta cinco ó seis mil.’ Cortés, Cartas, 72. Dismissing the 100,000 with presents, he retained only 3000. ‘Por no ponerse en manos de gente barbara.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. ‘Six thousand warriors,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. He gives the names of their chiefs, which differ wholly from those mentioned in Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 160. ‘Fueron tãbien con el muchos mercaderes a rescatar sal y mantas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 91.
[365] Cartas, 74-5. ‘En el tiempo de la guerra salian en campo ochenta ó noventa mill hombres de guerra.’ Oviedo, iii. 498. ‘Ultra triginta millia familiarum capiebat.’ Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 26. ‘Parecio ... en el assiento, y prospetiua a Valladolid.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i.
[366] See Native Races, iii. iv.
[367] Native Races, v. 264; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 160. ‘Gouernauase por vn capitan general, eligido por la republica, con el consejo de seys nobles, assistian en el sacerdotes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. Gomara mentions only a captain-general or governor. Hist. Mex., 95. Torquemada gives the city four lords, who divided between them the territory, ii. 350-1. The government appears to have undergone several changes since the age of Quetzalcoatl, and at one period four nobles appear to have represented the wards, but these increased in course of time to six, and the council appears also to have been increased by the attendance of other priests beside the pontiff.
[368] Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 100, 107-8. For history and description of city and temples, see Native Races, ii.-v.
[369] From a vague reference in Camargo, Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that this party is headed by the three counsellors least friendly to the Spaniards. A little later the other three come to Cortés for protection, after escaping from the imprisonment imposed upon them by their colleagues. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 174. Herrera places the arrival of the refugees at Tlascala. dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. But there appears to be no ground for these statements.
[370] ‘Del gran Cú de Quetzalcoatl.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 18.
[371] ‘Les dieron aquella noche a cada vno vn gallipauo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92.
[372] ‘Lo que traian era agua, y leña,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 58.
[373] ‘Do Muteczuma estaba habia mucho número de leones é tigres é otras fieras, é que cada que Muteczuma quirie las hacie soltar, é bastaban para comernos é despedazarnos.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 574; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92.
[374] Cortés told them to wait, for he would start for Mexico on the following day, and they promised to do so, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 58.
[375] On his entry into the city Cortés also observed suspicious features. ‘Algunas calles de la ciudad tapiadas, y muchas piedras en todas las azoteas.’ Cartas, 72.
[376] ‘Hermano de otro moço que traia la vieja que la acompañaua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. This is probably the young man who, according to Peter Martyr, reveals the plot to Aguilar. A ‘Cempoal maiden’ was also warned by a Cholultec woman, dec. v. cap. ii.
[377] ‘Dieron al capitan-general vn atambor de oro.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92. This official was the husband of the old woman. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59.
[378] ‘Auian de quedar veinte de nosotros para sacrificar á los idolos de Cholula.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. Others say half the captives.
[379] Marina won them over. Id. ‘Dos que andauan muy solicitos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the friendly chiefs were those who gave the first intimation of the plot, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 174, and it is not unlikely that they did warn the Spaniards.
[380] Oviedo regards the Cholultecs as having rebelled against Montezuma, iii. 498. But they stood rather in the position of allies. See Native Races, v. Bernal Diaz assumes that half the Aztec troops were admitted.
[381] ‘Los Mexicanos ... trataron con los Señores de los Tres Barrios.’ Torquemada, i. 438. Herrera has been even more explicit, and Bernal Diaz confirms this in several places, without specifying the number. ‘Otros barrios, que no se hallaron en las traiciones.’ Hist. Verdad., 60.
[382] Three years old, half males, half females. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. Oviedo supposes the females to be young virgins, iii. 498. Bernal Diaz says five children and two other persons.
[383] Most authors, following Gomara and Herrera, assume that only carriers were asked for, but Diaz writes warriors, and correctly, no doubt, since it could not be Cortés’ plan or desire to wreak vengeance on helpless carriers, but rather on the very men who proposed to attack him. According to Tapia, followed by Gomara, Cortés upbraids the lords for lying and plotting, but they assure him of their loyalty. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. It is not likely that he would have roused suspicion by such language.
[384] ‘Aguilar que los oya hablar.’ Oviedo, iii. 498.
[385] Picked warriors were brought, pretending to be slaves and carriers. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. ‘Cõ hamacas para lleuar los Españoles.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 93.
[386] According to Bernal Diaz the envoys are told of this on the preceding evening, and are thereupon placed under guard. Hist. Verdad., 59.
[387] Tapia states that most of the lords and chiefs whom Cortés addressed were killed. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. ‘Some of them,’ say Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara, while Clavigero, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others suppose that all these leaders were pardoned, which is not likely, since so many less guilty men fell. ‘El que solia mãdar, fue vno de los que murieron en el patio.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60. He intimates that the real carriers were allowed to leave the court, the warriors alone being detained for slaughter. The two friendly priests were sent home to be out of harm’s way. This leads to the supposition that all the rest of the leading men fell. ‘Los otros señores naturales todos murieron.’ Oviedo, iii. 499.
[388] Wearing crowns of rushes to be distinguished from their enemies. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 164.
[389] Zamacois enters into an elaborate argument to disprove the unimportant statement that burning arrows were showered on the besiegers. Hist. Méj., ii. 707. This author has a decided faculty for singling out trifles, apparently under the impression that important questions can take care of themselves.
[390] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 163-4; Torquemada, i. 440. ‘Se dejaron allí quemar.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 576.
[391] Cortés, Cartas, 73-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 94; 6000 and more within two hours. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. Las Casas lets him first kill 6000 unarmed carriers and then proceed to devastate the city. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 27.
[392] ‘Eché toda la gente fuera de la ciudad por muchas partes della.’ Cortés, Cartas, 74. The statement of Bernal Diaz that the friendly priests were sent home, to be out of harm’s way, shows also that parts of the city were respected. See notes 17 and 23. ‘El marques mandaba que se guardasen de no matar mujeres ni niños.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 576.
[393] For two days, says Tapia, Id., and Bernal Diaz intimates that it ended with the second day. Hist. Verdad., 60.
[394] ‘Tomaron los Castellanos el oro, y pluma, aũque se halló poco.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. ‘Ovo mucho despojo de oro é plata,’ says Oviedo, iii. 499, probably because he knew Cholula to be rich; but a great deal of private treasure at least must have been taken out of the city when the women were sent away. The Tlascaltecs carried off 20,000 captives, he adds.
[395] Herrera, ubi sup. Oviedo allows a reinforcement of 40,000 Tlascaltecs to join in the massacre and pillage, iii. 498, and Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60, says the late comers joined in the pillage on the second day. The Tlascaltecs brought the Spaniards food, of which they had fallen short. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295.
[396] A very similar massacre and raid was perpetrated by the Chichimec-Toltecs at the close of the thirteenth century. Native Races, v. 484-7.
[397] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 95. Finding that the brother of the deceased was, according to custom, entitled to the office, Cortés appointed him. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60. Oviedo intimates that one governor was chosen to take the place of all the other ruling men. iii. 499.
[398] It is also said ‘que la trajo un religioso franciscano á quien se le apareció en Roma.’ Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., i. 156. ‘Disgusted with the idol which had played them false, they installed another in its place,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. The disregard shown by Spaniards even for the temples and relics of Quetzalcoatl might have struck the natives as peculiar in men whom rumor pointed out as his descendants, yet no chronicle refers to it.
[399] Spanish chroniclers as a rule approve the deed as necessary and just, either in tacit or open comment, and a few devout missionaries, who have assumed the rank of Indian apostles, are the only ones to take exception. Chief among these stands Las Casas, as might be expected from his sympathy with Velazquez, and from his character as Indian protector. He condemns it in the most unmeasured terms as a base murder of innocent and defenceless people, committed merely with a view to spread terror. Six thousand carriers, he writes, were shut up in a court and put to the sword, while the many discovered alive on the following days were thrust through and through. The chiefs of the city and neighborhood, to the number of over 100, were chained together to a circle of poles and burned alive, and the king, who fled with 30 or 40 followers to a temple, met the same fate there. While the soldiers were butchering and roasting the captives, ‘eorum Capitaneum summa lætitia perfusum in hunc cantum prorupisse:
Monte ex Tarpeio Romana incendia spectans
Ipse Nero planctus vidit, nec corde movetur.’
Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 26-8. A number of finely executed copper plates are appended to illustrate these deeds.
Bernal Diaz expresses himself hotly against this version, and states that several of the first Franciscans who came to Mexico held an investigation at Cholula of the massacre. After examining the leaders, and other persons who had witnessed it, they came to the conclusion that the story of the conquerors was true, and that the slaughter was a well merited punishment for a plot which involved the lives of Cortés’ soldiers, and would, if successful, have stayed the conquest for God and the king. Diaz had heard the pious Motolinia say that although he grieved over the deed, yet, being done, it was best so, since it exposed the lies and wickedness of the idols. Hist. Verdad., 61. The Franciscans did not probably care to weigh carefully the value of testimony from new converts given before a tribunal composed of their religious and political masters, nor were they likely to favor a Dominican friar like Las Casas when the interest of their patron Cortés was at stake. In awe of the friars, and in terror of the conquerors whose encomienda slaves they were, the Indians hardly dared to say aught to implicate the latter. This is doubtless the view Las Casas would have taken. Intent on pleading the cause of his dusky protégés, he cared not to sift statements that might create sympathy for them. Yet, had he foreseen how widely his accusations would be used to sully Spanish fame, he might have been more circumspect. ‘E’ vero, che fu troppo rigorosa la vendetta, ed orribile la strage,’ says Clavigero; yet he severely condemns Las Casas for his distorted account. Storia Mess., iii. 63-4. According to Sahagun’s native record, the Tlascaltecs persuaded Cortés to avenge them on the Cholultecs, and as the latter received him coldly, he began to believe the accusations of his allies. Assembling the chiefs and soldiers, together with citizens, in the temple court, he slaughtered them, defenceless as they were. Hist. Conq., 18. Bustamante comments on this version, and denounces the conquerors as atrociously cruel. Id. (ed. 1840), 56-63. Duran’s version is a little milder. His main object being to give the life of Montezuma, he has passed by many events connected with the Spaniards, and has suppressed many accounts of their cruelties. He accordingly refers but briefly to the Cholula massacre, saying that ‘the Indians, in their eagerness to serve the Spaniards, came in such large numbers to their quarters with provisions, grass, etc., that Cortés suspected treasonable designs, and put them to the sword.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 438-9. Ixtlilxochitl evidently struggles between his fear of the Spanish rulers and the desire to tell what he regards as the truth. He intimates that the only ground for suspicion against the Cholultecs was the effort to dissuade Cortés from going to Mexico. The chiefs and the citizens were assembled on the pretence of selecting carriers, and over 5000 fell beneath the sword. Hist. Chich., 294. An antagonistic view of the affair is offered by Juan Cano, of Narvaez’ expedition, who gave Oviedo the hearsay statement that Cortés had asked for 3000 carriers, and wantonly killed them. iii. 552. Carbajal Espinosa, a Mexican historian, like Bustamante, regards the victims as innocent and the deed as barbarous. Hist. Mex., ii. 182. Robertson considers that Cortés had good reasons for it, yet ‘the punishment was certainly excessive and atrocious.’ Hist. Am., ii. 452. Solis condemns those who seek to accuse the Spaniards of cruelty and to pity the Indians—‘maligna compasion, hija del odio y de la envidia.’ The conquerors gave religion to them, and that he regards as sufficient compensation. Hist. Mex., i. 345. ‘Cortez felt but doubtful of their fidelity, and feared to leave his rear to a people who might ruin his enterprise,’ says Wilson, Conq. Mex., 383, in explanation of the motive; but he forgets that a few hostages, as taken from other peoples on the route, would have secured Cortés far more than the murder of a small percentage of this population. Prescott compares the deed with European cruelties, and, considering the danger threatening the Spaniards, he excuses it. He prefaces his comments by a consideration of the right of conquest. Mex., ii. 29-39. Alas for honesty, humanity, decency, when talented American authors talk of the right of one people to rob and murder another people! See also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 381-2; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 86-9; Peralta, Not. Hist., 112-13, 313-14; Pimentel, Mem. Sit., 90-2. Although some of the early Dutch writers eagerly copy and even exaggerate Las Casas’ version, the contemporary German writers are quite moderate. Cortés’ version is given in the Weltbuch Spiegel und bildtnis des gantzen Erdtbodens von Sebastiano Franco Wördensi, Tübingen, 1534, ccxxxvii leaves, beside preface and register. This book was much sought after in its day, and received several editions, in German and Dutch, as late as the seventeenth century. The earliest mentioned by Harrisse is dated 1533. The new continent was gradually receiving a larger space in the cosmographies at this period, and Franck actually assigns it a whole section, as one of the four parts of the world. The historic and geographic description of Africa occupies the first and smallest section; Europe follows and absorbs about half the pages, while Asia receives 100 folios, and America the remainder, beginning at folio 210. The heading reads: Von America dem vierdten teyl der welt, Anno M.CCCC.XCVII. erfunden; but after this chapter follow several pages on Portuguese discoveries in Africa and eastward, till folio 220, when begins the voyage of Columbus, ‘sunst Dauber genant,’ the German translation of the admiral’s name. After several chapters on the physical features, natural resources, and inhabitants of the new discoveries, comes one relating how Americus Vespucius found the fourth part of the world. This is followed by three pages of matter on Asia, as if the author, fearful of forgetting it, there and then gave his story. Several interpolations occur, but the chief portion of the remaining folios relates to Cortés’ conquest of Mexico. The carelessly compiled and badly arranged material of the volume claims to be based on over sixty authorities, among which figure Apianus, Munster, Vespucci, Columbus, and Cortés. The affix Wördensi indicates that Franck was a Hollander, although he is often referred to as a German, probably because his life was passed chiefly in Germany. Here he issued, among other works, a not very orthodox chronicle, which was excommunicated at Strasburg. Franck was chased from more than one place, but enjoys the honor of standing in the first class among authors condemned by the Roman Church, and of having been deemed worthy of special refutation by Luther and Melancthon. Even the liberal-minded Bayle, after applying the term Anabaptist, refers to him as ‘un vrai fanatique.’ Dict. Hist., ii. 1216.
CHAPTER XV.
FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.
October-November, 1519.
Montezuma Consults the Gods—He again Begs the Strangers not to Come to Him—Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl—News from Villa Rica—Death of Escalante—Return of the Cempoalan Allies—Again en route for Mexico—Reception at Huexotzinco—First View of the Mexican Valley—Exultations and Misgivings—Resting at Quauhtechcatl—The Counterfeit Montezuma—Munificent Presents—The Emperor Attempts to Annihilate the Army by Means of Sorcerers—Through Quauhtechcatl, Amaquemecan, and Tlalmanalco—A Brilliant Procession Heralds the Coming of Cacama, King of Tezcuco—At Cuitlahuac—Met by Ixtlilxochitl—The Hospitality of Iztapalapan.
Elated by his success, Cortés again spoke to the Aztec embassadors, telling them in an aggrieved tone that proofs existed connecting Mexican troops with the recent plot, and that it would be only just for him to enter and desolate the country for such perfidy. The envoys protested their ignorance of any such complicity, and offered to send one of their number to Mexico to ascertain what ground there was for the charge. This Cortés agreed to, expressing at the same time the opinion that Montezuma, after all his friendly demeanor, could hardly have favored the treachery. He regarded him as a friend, both for the sake of his king and for himself, and it was out of deference to him that he had spared the Cholultecs from total extermination.[400]
When the envoy reached Mexico he found that his master had retired to grieve over the fate of the holy city, or more probably over the defeat of his plans, and to appeal to the incensed gods by prayers and fastings, while the priests supported the invocations with reeking human hearts.[401] But the holocaust was in vain, for a miraculous incident frightened the idols into silence. Among the victims, says a sacred chronicle, was a Tlascaltec, who, while stretched on the sacrificial stone, called loudly on the God of the advancing Spaniards to deliver him. The words were yet on his lips when a dazzling light enveloped the place, revealing a bright-clad being with diadem and large wings. The priests fell awe-stricken to the ground, while the angel advanced to cheer their victim with hopeful words of a happy future. He was told to announce to the priests that soon the shedding of human blood would cease, for those destined to rule the land were at hand. This the victim did, when the sacrifices were resumed, and with the name of God the last upon his lips his spirit rose to a brighter world.[402]
The downfall of Cholula resounded throughout the land, and the Spaniards were now almost universally confirmed as divine beings, from whom nothing could be kept secret, and whose anger was fierce and devastating. One effect was the arrival of envoys from quite a number of surrounding chieftains, bearing presents, partly with a view of gaining the good-will of the dreaded strangers, partly to offer congratulations.[403] As for Montezuma, his awe deepened into terror as the reports came in and the half threatening message of the invader was delivered him. It would be dangerous indeed to admit these beings; but how prevent it? Thus revolving the matter, Montezuma had recourse once more to timid entreaties. His envoy returned to Cholula within a week, accompanied by the former chief of the commission, and brought ten plates of gold,[404] fifteen hundred robes, and a quantity of fowl and delicacies, together with the assurance that he not only had had no share in the plot, but desired to see the Cholultecs further chastised for their treachery. The Mexican troops near Cholula belonged to the garrisons of Acatzingo and Itzucan provinces, and had marched to the aid of that city without his knowledge, prompted wholly by neighborly friendship. He begged the Spanish leader not to proceed to Mexico, where want would stare him in the face, but to present his demands by messengers, so that they might be complied with. Cortés replied that he must obey the orders of his king, which were to deliver to the emperor in person[405] the friendly communications with which he had been intrusted. With this object he had crossed vast oceans and fought his way through hosts of enemies. The privations and dangers depicted could not deter him, for naught availed against his forces, in field or in town, by day or by night.
Finding objections futile, Montezuma again consulted the idols. Their ruffled spirit had evidently been soothed by this time, for now came the oracle to invite the strangers to Mexico. Once there, it was added, retreat should be cut off, and their lives offered on the altar.[406] This utterance was favored by the counsellors on the ground that if the Spaniards were opposed they and their allies might ravage the country. The emperor accordingly sent an invitation, promising that, although the situation of the capital made it difficult to provide food, he would do his best to entertain them and give proofs of his friendship. The towns en route had orders to supply all their wants.[407]
The story is not without a parallel in classic literature. As Montezuma awaited the approach of Cortés, so old King Latinus awaited the arrival of Æneas and his Trojan warriors; refusing to give battle, or to fight the destinies, and curbing his impetuous people by quoting the oracle.
Along the western horizon of Cholula, at a distance of eight leagues, runs the mountain range which separates the plain of Huitzilapan from the valley of Mexico. And like sentinels upon it stand, in close proximity, the two volcanic peaks of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, terms signifying respectively ‘the smoking mountain’ and ‘the white woman,’ and indeed most apt, the former being suggested by the frequent eruptions, the latter by the snowy covering which falls like a tilmatli mantle from a woman’s shoulders. Tradition has it that Iztaccihuatl was the wife of her neighbor, whose noise and fumes were caused by the agonies of tyrants who there underwent purification ere they could enter final rest.[408] While the Spaniards were at Cholula, Popocatepetl was in eruption, an evil omen with the Indians, foreshadowing the disturbances soon to overwhelm the country. Interested by a sight so curious and novel, and desirous of ascertaining for himself and the king the “secret of this smoke,” Cortés consented to let Ordaz ascend the volcano. The Indians sought to dissuade him from an undertaking which had never been attempted, and which would in their opinion surely involve the life of him who ventured on it. This made Ordaz only more eager to exhibit his daring, and joined by nine men he set out under the guidance of some citizens and carriers who had been persuaded to go part of the way. They had not climbed far into the cooler region before the quaking ground and ash-rain caused the party to halt. Ordaz and two of his men continued, however, beyond the limits of vegetation, and over the stones and bowlders which covered the sandy expanse fringing the region of perpetual snow. At one time the outburst of ashes and heated stones obliged them to seek shelter for an hour, after which they sturdily climbed onward, turning from their path for a while by the projecting rock now known as Pico del Fraile, and almost losing themselves in the ash-covered snow. One more effort they made, despite the difficulties encountered in the rarefied atmosphere of this altitude, and finally they reached the summit, more than seventeen thousand seven hundred feet above the level of the sea. A short distance to the north rose the consort peak, three thousand feet less in height, and at their feet extended the field of their future campaign, in the valley to the east. The crater was nearly half a league in width, though not deep, and presented the appearance of a caldron of boiling glass, as says Gomara. The situation was too oppressive to permit of further observations, and after securing some snow and icicles as trophies, the men hastened to retrace their steps by the already trodden path. On their return they were received with great demonstration, the natives in particular extolling their deed as something superhuman.[409]
While preparing to leave Cholula, Cortés was startled by news from Villa Rica of a conflict with Mexicans, resulting in the death of Escalante and several soldiers. On the northern border of the Totonac territory, bathed by the Gulf of Mexico, lay the town and district of Nautla, which together with its river had received from Grijalva the name of Almería.[410] This was occupied by an Aztec garrison under Quauhpopoca,[411] whose Aztec pride and loyalty to Montezuma could ill brook the independence achieved by the Totonacs, and who probably grieved over the loss of slaves and other contributions which once swelled his income. No sooner had Cortés disappeared beyond the plateau border than my lord grew audacious, encouraged no doubt by the express or tacit consent of his sovereign, and demanded from the neighboring Totonacs the customary tribute, under penalty of having their lands ravaged. They refused, pointing out that they were now the subjects of the great white king. Escalante being appealed to for protection, sent a message explaining that the independence of the people had de facto been recognized by Montezuma, with whom he was on friendly terms. He would allow no interference with them. Quauhpopoca replied that his answer would be given on the battle-field. Escalante, nothing loath, set out at once with fifty men, two horses, and two cannon, attended by several thousand Totonacs,[412] and reached the vicinity of Nautla, where Quauhpopoca was already committing depredations. The armies met, and a fierce battle ensued. Awed by the remembrance of former defeats at the hands of the Aztecs, the Totonacs comported themselves so poorly[413] that the brunt of the fight had to be borne by the Spaniards, of whom several were killed and wounded, while one was captured, and a horse destroyed. The enemy was put to flight, but it has been said as an excuse for their defeat the Mexican officers declared to Montezuma that the virgin bearing an infant led the Spaniards in their attack which spread terror and fearful slaughter in their ranks.[414] Escalante laid waste the district, and captured Nautla town, which was sacked and burned. This lesson finished, he hastened back to Villa Rica, and there within three days succumbed to his wounds together with several soldiers, so that the campaign cost the lives of seven or nine men.[415] From prisoners it was understood that Quauhpopoca had acted wholly under orders from Montezuma. The captured soldier was Argüello, of Leon, a young man of powerful frame, with a large head and a curly black beard. He appears to have died from his wounds on the way to Mexico, and the head was presented to the emperor. Its wild appearance, however, increased by the black, curly beard, made so bad an impression upon him that he refused to offer it to his idols, ordering it to be sent to some other town.[416]
Fearing that these tidings might dishearten the men, Cortés said nothing about the affair;[417] but it had nevertheless a bad effect, for the Cempoalan allies, who had learned a few particulars from the messengers, requested at the last moment to be dismissed to their homes, pleading not only the long absence from their families, but the fear of being treated at Mexico as rebels. Cortés sought to reassure them, declaring that no harm could reach any one under his protection. Furthermore he would enrich them. But the larger portion still insisted, and since they had served him well, he did not wish to compel them. Several packs of the rich robes obtained from Mexico were accordingly divided among the leaders, two packages being destined for Chicomacatl and his nephew Cuexco, and with this parting gift all but a small body returned to Cempoala.[418]
After a stay at Cholula of nearly three weeks[419] the Spaniards set out for Mexico, attended by about six thousand natives, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a sprinkling of Cempoalans, Cholultecs, and Huexotzincas.[420] They passed through Huexotzinco by a route already followed by Ordaz, and recommended as the best and safest. The first camp was made at the Huexotzinca village of Izcalpan, over four leagues from Cholula, where they met with a most friendly reception, and received abundant provisions, together with some female slaves and a little gold. Leaving behind them the smiling plain of Huitzilapan, where they had overcome so many dangers and obtained so many proofs of good-will, on the following day they approached the mountains and came upon the regular highway which leads across the range to the valley of Mexico. The junction of the roads was at the south-west border of Huexotzinco, where the Mexicans had left a proof of their hostility toward this republic, allied to Tlascala, by blocking up the way with trees and other material.[421] These were removed, and the army began the steep ascent of the pass, pressing onward against the chilling winds which swept down from its frozen heights, and before long they were tramping through the snow which covered the summit.
Here they were cheered by a sight which made them, for the moment at least, forget their hardships. A turn in the road disclosed the valley of Mexico—the object of their toil and suffering—stretching from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at their feet as far as the eye could reach, and presenting one picturesque intermingling of green prairies, golden fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round a series of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by towering edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicuous above all, the queen city herself, placidly reposing upon the mirrored surface of the larger water. Above her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec domination.[422]
The first transport over, there came a revulsion of feeling. The evidently dense population of the valley and the many fortified towns confirmed the mysterious warnings of the allies against a powerful and warlike people, and again the longing for the snug and secure plantations of Cuba found expression among the faint-hearted, as they shivered in the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in the absence of food and shelter. In this frame of mind the glistening farm-houses seemed only so many troops of savage warriors, lurking amidst the copses and arbors for victims to grace the stone of sacrifice and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become their prisons and graves. So loud grew the murmur as to indicate mutiny; but Cortés, with his usual firm words, quieted the soldiers, supported as he was by the spirited majority.[423]
After descending for a short distance they came to the travellers’ station of Quauhtechcatl,[424] whose commodious edifices afforded room for the whole army. The Mexicans had prepared for the arrival by furnishing an abundance of provisions, with fires in all the rooms, and the tired soldiers eagerly gave themselves up to repose.[425] No less exhausted than they, Cortés nevertheless could not think of rest till he had seen to the security of the camp. His prudence on this occasion came near costing him dearly, for in the darkness a sentinel taking him for a spy drew his cross-bow. Fortunately he heard the click and announced himself.[426] This promptness on the part of the guard was by no means unnecessary; during the night a dozen or more prowling natives met the fate which the general so narrowly escaped. They were supposed to have been the spies of an army hidden in the forest, which, on observing the watchfulness of the Spaniards, abandoned the premeditated attack.[427]
Montezuma’s fears appeared to grow with the approach of Cortés, and so did his anxiety about the import of the message which must be delivered to him alone. Could there be a design upon his person? This must be ascertained before the invaders came too near. Among his courtiers was a noble named Tzihuacpopoca, who greatly resembled him in person and voice. Him he commanded to proceed to the Spanish camp, attended by a large retinue, and by representing himself as the emperor to ascertain from the white chief what his intentions were, and to induce him with liberal offers to turn back. The idea was based on an incident which had occurred not many years before, wherein one of the tripartite monarchs saved his life by appearing in proxy at a treacherous court. Montezuma hoped to derive from a similar trick more than one advantage.
Tzihuacpopoca arrived at the mountain camp the morning after the Spaniards had entered it, and created no little excitement by the announcement that the emperor was present in person. Preparations were made to give him a brilliant reception. Unfortunately for the envoy, his secret had too many keepers in the large suite attending him; there were also many among the allies who had been at Montezuma’s court, and who looked on this sudden arrival as suspicious. They made inquiries and soon ascertained the truth. Cortés received the great man with courtesy, heralded as he was with a present of three thousand pesos de oro, but he resolved to take advantage of the discovery to impress him with his penetration. After a few moments’ conversation he told the noble with a severe tone that he was not the monarch he represented himself to be.[428] He also referred to the attempts made during the night to surprise the camp, as indicated by the dead spies, and assured him that his men were always prepared against plots and deception, and any attempts against them would lead only to the discomfiture and grief of the enemy. Awed by the superior intelligence and power of the general, the envoy thought no longer of anything else than to keep such a man from entering Mexico. He presented among other reasons that the city could be reached only in canoes, and that provisions were difficult to obtain there. He repeated the offer already made of an annual tribute payable in treasures on the coast, and promised as a bribe for Cortés himself four loads of gold, and for each of his officers and men one load.[429] Dazzling as the offer was, Cortés regarded it as but a faint reflection of still richer treasures, the attainment of which must procure for him greater glory than he had as yet dreamed of. In his reply he accordingly pointed out how strange it must appear to turn back now that he was within view of the goal. Such conduct would disgrace any envoy. No! he dared not disobey the orders of his king, who had sent him upon a mission of great benefit to Montezuma. He would leave as soon as this was accomplished, if desired.[430]
Nothing abashed by this rebuff, Montezuma again had recourse to the black art, and sent a number of sorcerers, the native records say, to cast spells on the Spaniards. They soon returned with the report that on nearing Tlalmanalco, Tezcatlipoca had appeared to them in the guise of a drunken peasant, frightening them greatly, and saying: “Fools, return! Your mission is in vain! Montezuma will lose his empire in punishment for tyranny, and I, I leave Mexico to her fate and cast you off!” The sorcerers recognized the god, and prostrated themselves to adore him, but he spurned their devotion, rebuking them, and finally pointed to Mexico, saying: “Behold her doom!” Looking round they saw her enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants in conflict with white men. On turning again to beseech the god he was gone.[431]
Montezuma was in consultation with his advisers when this report was brought. As if pierced by death’s dart, the monarch bowed low his head and moaned: “We are lost! We are lost!”[432] Less impressed with superstitious fear by an incident which he regarded as concocted by the sorcerers, Cuitlahuatzin vividly presented the danger of admitting such determined and powerful intruders within the city, and he boldly urged that they be forbidden to enter, by force of arms if need be. Cacama remonstrated that after inviting them such a course would savor of fear. The emperor owed it to his exalted station and power to receive envoys. If they proved objectionable, the city should become their tomb. Surely his nobles and his armies were able to overcome so small a number, assisted by the strategic advantages of the place in its approaches and resources. To the affrighted monarch anything was acceptable that would stay prompt action, and consequently defer the ruin which he feared. He at once inclined to Cacama’s advice, stipulating, however, that he, king as he was, should condescend to meet the Spaniards and sound their intentions. “May the gods not place within your house, my lord, one who shall cast you forth and usurp the empire,” was the solemn warning of Cuitlahuatzin, as he heard this resolution.[433]
The Spaniards had meanwhile descended the wooded slope from Quauhtechcatl to the cultivated district round Amaquemecan, a city which, together with its suburban villages for two leagues around, numbered over twenty thousand families.[434] The lord, Cacamatzin Teotlateuchtli, received them in his own palace, and entertained them most liberally during their two days’ stay, presenting them gifts of forty female slaves and three thousand castellanos in gold. The chiefs of Tlalmanalco and other neighboring towns came to tender their respects, and encouraged by the reports of Spanish prowess they hesitated not to lay bare their grievances against the Aztecs, who oppressed them with heavy taxes, robbed them of wives and daughters, and carried the men into slavery. Cortés encouraged the chiefs with fair promises, and was not a little delighted at finding disaffection in the very heart of the empire, whose power had been so much extolled.[435]
Passing by way of Tlalmanalco through a succession of flourishing maize and maguey fields, the Spaniards reached Ayotzinco, a town at the south end of Chalco lake.[436] Here was seen the first specimen of the peculiar aquatic cities of the lake region. Half of the town stood on piles, and was intersected by canals, wherein the traffic, with canoes, was far livelier than in the streets. The other half lay at the foot of steep hills, upon one of which the Spaniards were encamped. Prompted either by curiosity or by evil purposes, a number of Indians attempted during the night to enter the Spanish quarter, only to pay with their lives for the indiscretion.[437]
In the morning messengers arrived requesting the Spaniards to await the coming of Cacama. Shortly after appeared a procession more brilliant than any yet seen. In a litter profusely ornamented with gold, silver, and feather ornaments, and even inlaid with precious stones, sat the king of Tezcuco, a young man of about twenty-five, carried by eight powerful caciques. As he stepped out, attendants proceeded to sweep the road, removing even the straws, while nobles held over his head a canopy of green feathers, studded with gems, to shield him from the sun. With stately steps the monarch advanced toward Cortés, saluting him in the customary manner.[438] He had come, he said, with these nobles, in the name of Montezuma, their master, to serve him, and to provide all that was needed. He thereupon presented a rich gift, to which Cortés responded with three fine marcasite stones[439] for himself, and with blue glass diamonds for the nobles. In order to sound him, Cacama represented that there existed almost insurmountable obstacles to his entry into Mexico, among them the fears of the populace, which had been aroused by terrible accounts of the cruelty of his followers.[440] Cortés sought to reassure him, and declared that no obstacles were insurmountable to his men, whereupon Cacama hastened to state that Montezuma himself would willingly receive them, and did tender an invitation. He now returned to Mexico to prepare for the inevitable visit, leaving among the Spaniards the impression that if he, the inferior king, exhibited such grandeur, that of the emperor must indeed be imperial.[441]
Proceeding along the lake they entered upon a causeway in width a spear’s length, leading through the waters for over a half league to “the prettiest little town which we had yet seen, both with regard to its well built houses and towers, and to its situation,” as Cortés remarks. The admiring soldiers called it Venezuela, or little Venice, the native name being Cuitlahuac. It was situated on an islet, connected also with the northern shore by an extension of the causeway, and contained a population of about two thousand families, supported chiefly by floriculture, which was carried on to a great extent by means of chinampas, or floating gardens.[442] The chiefs came forth, headed by Atlpopocatzin,[443] and showed themselves most attentive. Here again complaints were uttered about Aztec oppression, with the warning that the Spaniards would meet with no true friendship at Mexico.[444]
The Mexican envoys suspected the disaffection of Cuitlahuac, and prevailed on the Spaniards to pass onward to Iztapalapan, where preparations had been made to receive them. As they neared the densely populated lake district, the crowds became larger and more curious, wondering at the fair hue and bushy beards of the strangers, and admiring the comely horses, and the glittering arms and helmets. “Surely they must be divine beings,” some said, “coming as they do from where the sun rises.” “Or demons,” hinted others. But the old men, wise in the records of their race, sighed as they remembered the prophecies, and muttered that these must be the predicted ones who were to rule the land and be their masters.[445] To prevent the natives from mingling with his men, and creating not only disorder but diminishing the awe with which they were regarded, the horsemen in the van received orders to keep the Indians at a respectful distance. Iztapalapan was already in sight when a large force of armed warriors was seen advancing, so large that it seemed as if the armies of Mexico had come to overwhelm them. They were reassured, however, by the announcement that it was Ixtlilxochitl with his escort, intent on having an interview with his proposed ally. The prince had urged upon Cortés to take a more northern route and join him at Calpulalpan, but finding that the general preferred the Amaquemecan road, he had hastened to meet the Spaniards on the lake. The approach of this personage had made the court of Tezcuco more pliable to one whose designs were well understood. When Ixtlilxochitl therefore came near the city, the elder brother, Cohuanacotzin, made efforts for a closer conciliation with himself and Cacama.[446] The opportunity was favorable, for the indisposition of Cortés to enter actively into the plans of the former, and his advance on Mexico, with proclaimed friendship for Montezuma, made Ixtlilxochitl not averse to the advances of his brothers, particularly since he intended this in no wise to interfere with his schemes. The result of the negotiation was that he found himself admitted with great pomp into his paternal city, wherein he hoped some day to displace Cacama. Imbued more than ever with his ambition, he hastened to intercept the Spanish captain, in order personally to promote his views and induce him to come northward to Tezcuco and to his own capital. Cortés was full of promises, but it did not just then suit him to disarrange the plan he had formed, and so Ixtlilxochitl had to wait.
It is this meeting no doubt which has been wrongly extended by several authorities into a visit to Tezcuco.[447]
As the Spaniards approached Iztapalapan,[448] Cuitlahuatzin, the brother of Montezuma and lord of the city, came forth in company with Tezozomoc, lord of the adjoining Culhuacan, and a number of other caciques and nobles,[449] to escort his guests to their quarters in his palace. The city with its ten thousand to twelve thousand houses was constructed partly on piles, and crossed by canals, on either side of which rose substantial buildings, chiefly of stone, a large proportion being, according to the conqueror, “as fine as the best in Spain, both in extent and construction.” The Spaniards were awed by the beauty of the place. The palace was particularly fine and spacious, with courts shaded by awnings of brilliant colors and bordered by commodious apartments. Adjoining it, and overlooked by a large pavilion, was a vast garden, divided into four squares by hedges of plaited reeds, which were entirely overgrown with roses and other flowers. Shaded walks led out in all directions, now by beds of rare plants collected from remote parts, now into orchards temptingly laden, and again past groups of artistically arranged flowers. In ponds fed by navigable canals sported innumerable water-fowl, consorting with fishes of different species. In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, surrounded by a tiled pavement from which steps led at intervals to the water.[450]
Cortés was not only hospitably entertained, but received a present of female slaves, packs of cloth, and over three thousand castellanos in gold.[451]
The soldiers now prepared under more than usual excitement for the final march, which was to bring them to the longed-for goal. The reputed magnificence of the capital made most of the Spaniards eager to enter; but there were others who recalled the rumors of its strength, and of the terrible plots which their timid allies declared were to encompass them. “Being men and fearing death, we could not avoid thinking of this,” says Bernal Diaz, frankly, “and commending ourselves to God.” And as he remembers how warnings failed to deter them, the old soldier bursts forth in self-admiration, “What men have existed in the world so daring?”[452]