FOOTNOTES
[400] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96-7.
[401] ‘Sacrificassen çinco mill personas para festejar é aplacar sus dioses.’ Oviedo, iii. 499. ‘Estuuo encerrado en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias juntamente con diez Papas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. ‘Estuuo en oracion, y ayuno ocho dias.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Si ritirò al palazzo tlillancalmecatl, destinato pel tempo di duolo.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 69.
[402] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 182; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 304. According to Arias de Villalobos, the idol was already stricken mute by the shadow of the approaching cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined for slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 126.
[403] From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and some gold, and from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with gold and silver, containing jewels worth 400 pesos de oro. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[404] ‘Ten thousand pesos de oro,’ says Torquemada, i. 442.
[405] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Torquemada, i. 442. Gomara is confused about these messages between Cholula and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to keep back the Spaniards.
[406] ‘Quitarnos la comida, é agua, ò alçar qualquiera de las puentes, nos mataria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra, no quedaria ninguno de nosotros á vida.’ This oracle came from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eaten. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61; Oviedo, iii. 499; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97.
[407] Cortés, Cartas, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that six chiefs brought this message, together with a number of gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some loads of robes. Hist. Verdad., 62. Most authors are, like Gomara, somewhat confused about these messages.
[408] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. ‘Algunos querian decir que era boca del infierno.’ Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 180; Torquemada, i. 436-7.
[409] ‘Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos, como por milagro, ó como a dioses.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. According to Cortés they failed to reach the summit, although coming very near to it. But this statement is open to doubt, for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to others where it might tend to call attention from himself, particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently good authority for his statement, since he in this case failed to follow his patron’s version; and Bernal Diaz, who is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the summit. He gives him only two companions, however, and starts them from Tlascala. Hist. Verdad., 55. Leading modern authors are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés’ text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was camped on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.
Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since the emperor granted him a coat of arms, wherein the achievement is commemorated by a blazing mountain. Had he not merited it, his many jealous companions would surely have raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having beside acquired great wealth, he might have rested on his laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief, he in 1530 petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract between Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America, with a right to extend the conquest. After suffering great hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later, to recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors. He died on the way. Oviedo, ii. 211-24; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc. Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and fearing the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies poisoned him during the voyage. Conq. Tierra Firme, 104-35. His portrait is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192, and Prescott’s Mex. (Gondra ed. of Mex.), iii. 221. ‘Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que todavía quedan descendientes suyos.’ Alaman, Disert., i. 101. Montaño, among other conquerors, made the ascent of the volcano not long after this, and he is even said to have descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the summit. Hist. Gen., iii. 317; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.; Torquemada, i. 436-7; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827, by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl partially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same year as the Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and 1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second occasion. The record is given in Revista Mex., i. 461-82. In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a successful exploring expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report, with drawings, is given in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gérolt and Gros had led to the examination of the crater for sulphur, an industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano was in frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40, which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala, with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively silent, the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup., 204-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The eruption of 1663-4 created great terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. Teatro Mex., pt. i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 75.
Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in the old and curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This learned man, famous as a Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and cartographer, was the author of some forty printed works, and would probably have issued as many more had not the plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His editions of Ptolemy’s Geography began in 1540, and in the following year, according to Labanoff’s Catalogue, appeared the first edition of his Cosmographia Beschreibung; but this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong, since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus I. of Sweden, remarks that ‘Inn dise dritt edition’ he had hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the point: ‘Als ich aber vor sechs jaren noch mit diser arbeit vmbgieng, ist zũ mir kommen E. K. M. diener, der hochgelert herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekãt wz, vnd als er besichtiget dise für genom̄en arbeit, schetzet er sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem künigliche schirm E. M. an tag käme.’ Nothing could more conclusively show that the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second edition appeared in 1545. The title of the first reads: Cosmographia. Beschreibũg aller Lender Durch Sebastianum Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno MDxliiij. The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in Italics, and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some being of the character which permits their reproduction in different chapters and for different countries. In the African division we find beings of the Anubis and Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In the dedication to Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on the plan of ‘dẽ hochgelerten man̄ Strabõi,’which is not very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six books—the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next three to a general rambling description of Europe, chiefly with reference to the natural resources and settlements of the different countries. In the third book, covering two thirds of the text, and relating to Germany, each little province receives a historic notice, and every town and castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts attached. The next division given at some length is Asia, to which is appended half a dozen pages on America, while Africa closes with the sixth book and about three times that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our continent is headed, Von den neuwen inseln, and gives a vague account of the discovery, the physical features and natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano in eruption and two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are grouped at the beginning of the volume, each on the verso and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto the title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with portraits, symbols, and arabesque. The mappemonde shows Terra Florida and Francisia on each side of a bay. Above this runs a wide strait marked Per hoc fretû iter patit ad Molucas, which issues between Cathay regio and Temistitan. Below this land are placed Hispaniola and Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait, bounded on the south by the large island of America seu insula Brasilij. Further down is Fretû Magaliani, with a large island to the south. The map for America bears the inscription: ‘Die newe weldt der grossen und vilen Inselen.’ The second edition of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the wood-cuts are increased by a number of large plans, views of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch, making this the most attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in different languages, issued even in the following century, vary considerably in arrangement and extent, and that of 1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages, devotes only ten to America, while previous editions contain more material thereon. The binding is provided with bosses, clasps, and vellum cover, impressed with tracery, portraits, and emblems.
[411] ‘Quauhpopocatzin, señor de Coyohuacan, uno de los grandes del imperio, que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba á su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar del norte.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296.
[412] Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks, 3 cross-bows and 2000 natives; Cortés, 50 Spaniards and 8000 to 10,000 Indians, ‘y doce tiros de pólvora.’ Cartas, 88.
[413] ‘Á la primera refriega ... huyeron, y dexaron al Juan de Escalante peleando,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
[414] ‘And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady whom we claimed for patroness.’ ‘Todos los soldados que passamos con Cortés, tenemos muy creido.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
[415] ‘Seis soldados juntamente con él.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73. ‘Nueue Españoles,’ says Gomara, who assumes that two were previously assassinated by Quauhpopoca. Hist. Mex., 122, 129.
[416] According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly adhered to, the death of so many soldiers caused the Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation of the Indians, who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. ‘Y que todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto, están alterados, y no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73-4. But this is probably an exaggeration, for Cortés would not have ventured to send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to have remained quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear been so threatened. Cortés, who should be regarded as the best authority, gives a curious motive for the campaign. Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante, offering to become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not submitted before, fearing to pass through the intervening hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to escort him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation, Escalante sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned shortly after with the story that Quauhpopoca had sought to kill them, and had succeeded in despatching their comrades. This led to the expedition of Escalante. Cartas, 87-8. It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so far forgotten the prudence ever enjoined on his captains by Cortés, and trusted only four men in an unknown country, in response to so suspicious a request. There was beside no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his submission through envoys would be just as binding. If he desired to see the Spanish fort, he could have gone safely by water, for large canoes were used on the coast. It is not improbable that the story was made up to justify the expedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small force, merely on behalf of a wretched tribe of natives, might have been regarded as unwarranted. This story was also useful afterward, when Cortés first thought proper to reveal it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortés, with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly calls the captain at Villa Rica, having orders from Cortés to anticipate Garay by incorporating Almería, sent an order to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he agreed to do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him. Gomara appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on his own responsibility, for he says that this chief sent to warn Montezuma of Cortés’ intention to usurp the empire, and to urge upon him to seize the white captain. Hist. Mex., 122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards were slain by robbers, so that Quauhpopoca was innocent of any misdeed. Tapia’s version is incomplete, but appears to favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran’s native record, Coatlpopoca appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously leads them along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall with their steeds, and are killed. For this he is tried and executed. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-13.
[417] He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and thus leads Bernal Diaz to assume that the news reached him there. In this he is followed by Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.
[418] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 62; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Torquemada, i. 442.
[419] The estimate varies from fourteen days, Herrera, to over twenty days, Gomara. By assuming that nineteen days were spent at Cholula, the army has a week in which to reach Mexico, and this is about the time consumed.
[420] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Saliẽdo acompañarle los señores de Chulula, y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores Mexicanos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. ‘Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro,’ says Bernal Diaz, in allusion to the precautions observed. Hist. Verdad., 63.
[421] Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at Izcalpan the Spaniards were told of two wide roads beginning beyond the first pass. One, easy and open, led to Chalco; the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with trees to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the Chalco route, upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to fall upon them. Hist. Verdad., 63. This finds some support in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Montezuma, in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct road to Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct them to Tezcuco. Hist. Conq., 21. Cortés indicates clearly enough that the Mexican envoys had at Cholula recommended a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco to the usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to avoid this inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation had been prepared for the Spaniards. This road was not only circuitous, but had been declared by Tlascaltecs and others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying in ambush. Cortés, Cartas, 76-8; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii., calls this route shorter and easier, though more dangerous. Certain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that the ambush had been arranged in connection with the plot at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure, loc. cit. There could hardly have been more than one route across the range, through the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station for travellers, and this the Spaniards did follow. Here also accommodation was prepared for them, and here the embassy from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions spoken of must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with the main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as an intimation to the Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not to trespass. They could have been of no avail against the Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the main road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott, Clavigero, and writers generally who have lost themselves in the vague and confused utterances of the chroniclers, and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair. Modern travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route north of Iztaccihuatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army; but Cortés preferred to trust to his own arms and to his Tlascaltec followers. Torquemada, i. 442.
[422] ‘Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra para su buena dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros, mas ganancia.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[423] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Oviedo, iii. 500.
[424] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295. Torquemada, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg and others, calls it Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a general term for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina, signifies a court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as a summer palace.
[425] Cortés, Cartas, 79. ‘Aun que para los Tamemes hizieron los de Motecçuma choças de paja ... y aun les tenian mugeres.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Los Indios hizieron de presto muchas barracas,’ says Herrera, who places this ‘casa de plazer’ in the plain below. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the buildings ‘casas de paja.’ Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
[426] Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. Torquemada, i. 443.
[427] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 577; Cortés, Cartas, 80. Herrera intimates that an attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Unless the naked Indians had been equally benumbed!
[428] He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and they declared that they knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca. Torquemada, i. 446.
[429] A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to over $5,000,000.
[430] Cortés and Martyr call the envoy a brother of Montezuma. Cartas, 79; dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara and Herrera, a relative. Hist. Mex., 98; dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by four nobles at Tlalmanalco. Hist. Verdad., 64. Sahagun, who is the original authority for the story of ‘Tzioacpupuca’s’ attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that Cortés was highly indignant at the deception, ‘y luego con afrenta enviaron á aquel principal y á todos los que con él habian venido.’ Hist. Conq., 19; Torquemada, i. 445-6.
[431] Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 20-1; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 519-20; Torquemada, i. 447. Solis, the ‘penetrating historian,’ repeats and improves upon this as an account taken from ‘autores fidedignos.’ Hist. Mex., i. 353. And with a similar belief it has been given a prominent place in West-vnd Ost-Indischer Lustgart, 131. Gaspar Ens L., the author, was one of the editors of the famous set of De Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if not engravings. The narrator of several individual European travels, he also issued the Indiæ Occidentalis Historia, Coloniæ, 1612. The German version, published at Cöllen in 1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. The first part, relating to America in general, is divided into three sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests, and concluding with a review of political history, and an appendix on missionary progress. This arrangement, however, is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extending into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the incomplete and undigested form of the material, enlivened, however, by an admixture of the quaint and wonderful.
[432] ‘Ya estamos para perdernos ... mexicanos somos, ponernos hemos á lo que viniese por la honra de la generacion.... Nacidos somos, venga lo que viniere.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 21.
[433] ‘Este parecer de Cuitlahuac, abraçaron muchos de los Presentes.’ Torquemada, i. 444-5.
[434] With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 115. Herrera states that at the foot of the descent from the range felled trees obstructed the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush had been intended. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[435] Cortés, Cartas, 80-1. Bernal Diaz places this occurrence at Tlalmanalco, where the chiefs jointly offer eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150 pesos’ worth of gold. They urge Cortés to remain with them rather than trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty chiefs go with him to receive justice from the emperor at his intercession. Hist. Verdad., 63. ‘Se dieron por sus confederados.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 74.
[436] For map of route see, beside those contained in this volume, Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201, 538, and Alaman, in Prescott’s Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1844), i. 337, 384. The last maps in these books illustrate the later siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y Berra’s, in Ciudad México, Noticias, 233. Prescott’s route map, in Mex., i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based on Humboldt’s, with corrections from the chroniclers.
[437] ‘Mataron dellos hasta veynte.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 98. The chiefs complained in secret of Montezuma. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
[438] By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing it to the lips.
[439] Cortés ‘le dió tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas, que tienen dentro de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. A certain vagueness in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of three fine pearls for Cortés.
[440] ‘No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el camino.’ Cortés, Cartas, 81. ‘Dieron a entender que les ofenderiã alla, y aun defenderiã el passo y entrada.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 98.
[441] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. Ixtlilxochitl contradicts himself about the place of meeting, and makes Cacama invite Cortés to Tezcuco. Hist. Chich., 295; Id., Relacion, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.
[442] Native Races, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortés mentions another smaller town in the lake, without land communication. Cortés, Cartas, 82.
[443] ‘Pariente del rey de México.’ Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116. ‘Prince du quartier de Ticic.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 203.
[444] ‘Cortés, ca yua con determinacion de parar alli, y hazer barcas o fustas ... con miedo no le rompiessen las calçadas (to Mexico).’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99.
[445] Torquemada, i. 451; Oviedo, iii. 500.
[446] For an account of the dispute between Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl, see Native Races, v. 474-7.
[447] Tezcuco was entirely out of Cortés’ route, and the narratives of the march show that no such detour could have been made. Torquemada, who contradicts himself about the visit, describes with some detail the reception at this capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards as children of the sun. They are entertained at the palace, and discover in one of the courtiers, named Tecocoltzin, a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who became a great favorite. i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iv. Impressed perhaps by the peculiarity of this detour, Vetancurt, after repeating the story, expresses a doubt whether the visit was really made. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon vague points in Cortés’ later letters, to prove that it took place. Storia Mess., iii. 74. Solis, ‘the discriminating,’ lets Cacama himself guide Cortés from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco. Hist. Mex., i. 360-1.
[448] ‘Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge Sal, ó Yxtatl; y aun hoy tienen este mismo oficio los de Yxtapalapa.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 56.
[449] Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and brother of Montezuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 75; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205.
[450] Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99; Cortés, Cartas, 82. What with the retreating waters and the removal of native lords in whose interest it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories are now departed. The evaporation of the lake waters had been observed before the conquest. After this it increased rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruction of forests in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz’ time already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize growing where he had seen the busy traffic of canoes. Hist. Verdad., 65. The fate of the lake region was sealed by the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained the big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far inland the flourishing towns which once lined its shore, and shielding the waters, as it were, from further persecution by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes—and all to save the capital from the inundations to which blundering locators had exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the valley traced the outline of the lake as it appeared to the conquerors, and although open to criticism it is interesting. Essai Pol., i. 167, 173-5.
[451] Cortés, Cartas, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000 pesos. According to Sahagun, Cortés summons the lords of the district and tells them of his mission. The common people keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. Hist. Conq., 21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205-6, assumes from this that many of the chiefs promised to support Cortés against the government, which is hardly likely to have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma’s brother, who was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to dissuade Cortés from entering the capital; Torquemada, i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295.
[452] Hist. Verdad., 64-5.
CHAPTER XVI.
MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.
November, 1519.
Something of the City—The Spaniards Start from Iztapalapan—Reach the Great Causeway—They are Met by many Nobles—And presently by Montezuma—Entry into Mexico—They Are Quartered in the Axayacatl Palace—Interchange of Visits.
From Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great plateau could clearly be seen, rising in unveiled whiteness from the lake. Almost celestial was its beauty in the eyes of the spoilers; a dream some called it, or, if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing edifices sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many other places had been so called, but there was no other New World Venice like this.
Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the green swards and wood-clad knolls on the shore, studded with tributary towns and palatial structures, crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from groves, some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very lake. “We gazed with admiration,” exclaims Bernal Diaz, as he compares with the enchanted structures described in the Amadis their grand towers, cues, and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry.
Let us glance at the people and their dwellings; for though we have spoken of them at length elsewhere, we cannot in this connection wholly pass them by.
Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and despised people, surrounded and oppressed by enemies, had taken refuge on some islets in the western part of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine command they had founded the city which, under the title of Mexico Tenochtitlan, was to become the capital of Anáhuac. The first building was a temple of rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground. The city was enlarged and beautified by successive rulers, and when first beheld by the Spaniards it had attained its greatest extent—one it never again approached—and was reputed to be about twelve miles in circumference. This area embraced a large suburb of several villages and towns with independent names, containing in all sixty thousand houses, equivalent to a population of three hundred thousand.[453]
Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran crosswise from the cardinal points, and divided the city into as many quarters, which were again subdivided into wards.[454]
Three of the avenues were connected in a straight line, or nearly so, with the main land by means of smooth causeways, constructed of piles filled up with rubble and débris. The shortest of these was the western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant, and bordered all the way with houses. They were wide enough for ten horsemen to ride abreast, and were provided at intervals with bridges for the free flow of water[455] and of traffic. Near their junction with the city were drawbridges, and breastworks for defence. A fourth causeway, from the Chapultepec summer palace, served to support the aqueduct which carried water from the mountain spring in that vicinity.
Round the southern part of the city stretched a semicircular levee, three leagues in length and thirty feet in breadth, which had been constructed in the middle of the preceding century to protect the place from the torrents which after heavy rains came rushing from the fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and Chalco. This levee was the chief resort of the people—during the day for bustling merchants and boat crews, during the evening for promenaders, who came to breathe the fresh air soft-blown from the lake, and to watch the setting sun as it gilded the summits of Popocatepetl and his consort.
Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly by canals guarded by custom-houses, lined with quays, and provided in some places with docks. Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross streets, connected by bridges, and leading to a number of open squares, the largest of which were the market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico proper, wherein as many as one hundred thousand people are said to have found room.
Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings did not present a very imposing appearance, the greater portion being but one story in height. This monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent by the number of temples sacred to superior and local deities which were to be seen in every ward, raised high above the dwellings of mortals, on mounds of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering chapels. Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration of the gods, presented a most impressive spectacle at night. The grandest and most conspicuous of them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which stood in the centre of the city, at the junction of the four avenues, so as to be ever before the eyes of the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced pyramid about 375 feet long and 300 feet broad at the base, 325 by 250 feet at the summit, and rose in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of 86 feet. Each terrace receded six feet from the edge of the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that a circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the succeeding flight, an arrangement equally suited for showy processions and for defence. Surrounding the pyramid was a battlemented stone wall 4800 feet in circumference, and through this led four gates, surmounted by arsenal buildings, facing the four avenues.[456]
The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erection to Ahuitzotl, who for two years employed upon it an immense force of men, bringing the material from a distance of three or four leagues. It was completed in 1486, and consecrated with thousands of victims. The rich and devout brought, while it was building, a mass of treasures, which were buried in the mound as an offering to the gods, and served subsequently as a powerful incentive for the removal of every vestige of the structure. The present cathedral occupies a portion of the site.[457]
The appearance of the city was likewise improved by terraces of various heights serving as foundation for the dwellings of rich traders, and of the nobles who were either commanded to reside at the capital or attracted by the presence of the court. Their houses were to be seen along the main thoroughfares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush huts of the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli stone, finely polished and whitewashed. Every house stood by itself, separated by narrow lanes or by gardens, and inclosing one or more courts. Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the main street, the other on the back lane or canal. The terrace platform was particularly spacious in front, where occasionally a small oratorio faced the entrance. The façade was adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals, often painted in brilliant colors. Balconies were occasionally to be seen, supported on monolith columns without base or capital, though with incised ornamentation; but they were not common, owing to the prevalence of flat roofs surrounded by battlemented and even turreted parapets. Behind them rose flowering plants, arranged in pots or growing in garden plots, and aiding to render the spot attractive for the family gathering in the evening. Flower-gardens might be seen also in the courts, with a sparkling fountain in the centre. Around ran the shady porticos, lined with suites of apartments, the larger reception rooms in front, the stores and kitchen in the rear, and other rooms and chambers, with the never failing temazcalli, or bath, arranged between them, and provided with wicker screens or curtains in lieu of doors.
Courts as well as rooms were covered with flags of stones, tessellated marble or cement, polished with ochre or gypsum; and the walls were decorated not infrequently with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster, and hung with cotton tapestry adorned with feather and other ornaments. The furniture on the other hand was scanty, consisting chiefly of mats of palm leaves, cushions, low tables, and stools.[458]
It was in the morning of the 8th of November that the Spaniards mustered for the entry into Mexico. Not far from Iztapalapan they came upon the longest causeway, two leagues in extent, which with the exception of a short angle near the shore led in a straight line northward to the heart of the city.[459] They passed several towns, some on the shore, others touching the causeway,[460] and supported to a great extent by the manufacture of salt from the lake water. The causeway had been reserved for the passage of the troops, out of deference to the desire manifested to keep the natives at a respectful distance,[461] but both sides were lined with canoes bearing an eager crowd of sight-seers. About half a league from the city the causeway formed a junction with the road from Xochimilco and Coyohuacan, at a spot called Acachinanco,[462] where a stout battlemented wall, fully ten feet in height, and surmounted by two towers, guarded the two gates for entry and exit.
Entering here the Spaniards were met by a procession of over one thousand representative people from the capital,[463] richly arrayed in embroidered robes, and with jewelry of pendent stones and gold. These passed before the visitors in a file, touching the ground with their hand and carrying it to the lip in token of reverence. This ceremony occupied an hour, after which the march was resumed. At the junction of the causeway with the main avenue of the city was a wooden bridge ten paces wide, easily removable, inside of which Cortés halted to await the emperor, then approaching.[464] On either side of the street, closely along by the houses, came processions of nobles, headed by lords and court dignitaries, all of whom marched with bare feet and bowed heads. This humility was owing to the presence of the emperor, who in almost solitary grandeur kept the centre of the road, borne in a richly adorned litter on the shoulders of his favorite courtiers, and followed by a few princes and leading officials.[465] Three dignitaries preceded him, one of whom bore aloft three wands, signifying the approach of the imperial head of the tripartite alliance, so that all persons in sight might lower their heads in humble reverence till he had passed.
On nearing the Spaniards Montezuma stepped from the litter, supported on either side by King Cacama and Cuitlahuatzin, his nephew and brother, and followed by the king of Tlacopan and other princes. Four prominent caciques held over his head a canopy profusely covered with green feathers set with gold and silver, and precious stones, both fixed and pendent, and before them attendants swept the road and spread carpets, so that the imperial feet might not be soiled. The monarch and his supporters were similarly dressed, in blue tilmatlis which, bordered with gold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung in loose folds from the neck, where they were secured by a knot. On their heads were mitred crowns of gold with quetzal plumes, and sandals with golden soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed with gold and precious stones.[466]
Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good stature, with a thin though well-proportioned body, somewhat fairer than the average hue of his dusky race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes, bore an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a certain benignity which at times deepened into tenderness. Round it fell the hair in a straight fringe covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of black beard.[467]
With a step full of dignity he advanced toward Cortés, who had dismounted to meet him. As they saluted,[468] Montezuma tendered a bouquet which he had brought in token of welcome, while the Spaniard took from his own person and placed round the neck of the emperor a showy necklace of glass, in form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent balls, strung upon gold cords and scented with musk.[469] With these baubles, which were as false as the assurances of friendship accompanying them, the great monarch deigned to be pleased, for if every piece of glass had been a diamond they would have possessed no greater value in his eyes. As a further expression of his good-will, Cortés offered to embrace the monarch, but was restrained by the two princes, who regarded this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a person.[470] The highest representative of western power and grandeur, whose fame had rung in the ears of the Spaniards since they landed at Vera Cruz, thus met the daring adventurer who with his military skill and artful speech had arrogated to himself the position of a demi-god.
After an interchange of friendly assurances the emperor returned to the city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to escort the general.[471] The procession of nobles now filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march was resumed to the sound of drums and wind instruments. At the head were scouts on horseback, followed by the cavalry, under Cortés, who had by his side two large greyhounds; then came the infantry, with the artillery and baggage in the centre; and last, the allies.[472] The streets, which had been deserted by the people out of deference to the emperor and to the requirements of his procession, were now alive with lookers-on, particularly in the entrances to the alleys, in the windows, and on the roofs.[473]
At the plaza, wherein rose the great pyramidal temple surrounded on all sides by palatial edifices, the procession turned to the right, and Cortés was led up the steps of an extensive range of buildings, known as the Axayacatl palace, which faced the eastern side of the temple inclosure.[474] Here Montezuma appeared, and through a court-yard shaded by colored awnings and cooled by a playing fountain he conducted him by the hand into a large hall. An attendant came forward with a basket of flowers, wherein lay “two necklaces made of the shell of a species of red crawfish,” so they said, and “much esteemed by the natives, from each of which hung eight crawfish of gold, wrought with great perfection, and nearly as large as the span of a hand.”[475] These the emperor placed round the neck of the general, and presented at the same time wreaths to his officers. Seating him upon a gilt and bejewelled dais,[476] he announced that everything there was at his disposal; every want would be attended to. Then with delicate courtesy he retired, so that the Spaniards might refresh themselves and arrange their quarters.
The building contained several courts, surrounded by apartments, matted and furnished with low tables and icpalli stools. Everything about the place was neat and of a dazzling whiteness, relieved by green branches and festoons. The finer rooms were provided with cotton tapestry, and adorned with figures in stucco and color, and with feather and other ornaments set with gold and silver fastenings. Here and there were vases with smouldering incense diffusing sweet perfume. So large was the place that even the allies found room. The halls for the soldiers, accommodating one hundred and fifty men each, were provided with superior beds of mats, with cotton cushions and coverlets, and even with canopies. Cortés was glad to find the building protected by strong walls and turrets, and after arranging the men according to their corps, he ordered the guns to be planted and the sentinels posted, issuing also instructions for the considerate treatment of the natives, and for intercourse generally. Meanwhile the servants had spread a dinner, which Bernal Diaz describes as sumptuous.[477]
In the afternoon Montezuma reappeared with a large suite. Seating himself beside Cortés,[478] he expressed his delight at meeting such valiant men, whose fame and deeds had already aroused his interest during their visits in the two preceding years at Potonchan and Chalchiuhcuecan. If he had sought to prevent their entry into the capital, it was solely because his subjects feared them, with their animals and thunder; for rumors had described them as voracious beings, who devoured at one meal what sufficed for ten times the number of natives, who thirsted for treasures and who came only to tyrannize. He now saw that they were mortals, although braver and mightier than his own race, that the animals were large deer, and that the caged lightning was an exaggeration. He related the Quetzalcoatl myth,[479] and expressed his belief that they were the predicted race, and their king the rightful ruler of the land. “Hence be assured,” said he, “that we shall obey you, and hold you as lord lieutenant of the great king, and this without fail or deceit. You may command in all my empire as you please, and shall be obeyed. All that we possess is at your disposal.”[480]
Cortés expressed himself as overwhelmed with these kind offers and with the many favors already received, and hastened to assure the emperor that they were not misplaced. He and his men came indeed from the direction of the rising sun, and their king, the mightiest in the world, and the ruler of many great princes, was the one he supposed. Hearing of the grandeur of the Mexican monarch, their master had sent the former captains, brethren of theirs, to examine the route, and to prepare the way for the present commission. He had come to offer him the friendship of their great king, who wished in no wise to interfere with his authority, but rather that his envoys should serve him and teach the true faith.
The reference to Montezuma’s grandeur led the emperor evidently to suppose that the rumors concerning him current in the outlying provinces might have reached the ears of the Spanish king, for he now alluded to the tales which raised him to a divine being inhabiting palaces of gold, silver, and precious stones. “You see,” he added with a sad smile, wherein seemed to linger regrets arising from his departing glory, “that my houses are merely of stone and earth; and behold my body,” he said, turning aside his vestment, “it is but of flesh and bone, like yours and others. You see how they have deceived you. True, I possess some gold trinkets left me by my forefathers; but all that I have is yours whenever you may desire it.”[481]
Cortés’ eyes sparkled with satisfaction as he expressed his thanks. He had heard of Montezuma’s wealth and power, and had not been deceived in the expectation, for a more magnificent prince he had not met with during his entire journey. Such fine words must be rewarded. At a sign the attendants came forward with a rich collection of gold, silver, and feather ornaments, and five thousand to six thousand pieces of cloth, most fine in texture and embroidery.[482] Being asked what relationship the men bore to one another, Cortés said that all were brothers, friends, and companions, with the exception of a few servants.[483]
Montezuma afterward elicited from the interpreters who the officers and gentlemen were, and in conferring favors he sent them more valuable presents through the mayordomo, while the rest obtained inferior gifts by the hand of servants.[484] At his departure from the Spanish quarter the soldiers with redoubled alacrity fell into line to salute a prince who had impressed them both with his gentle breeding and his generosity, and the artillery thundered forth a salvo, partly to demonstrate that the caged lightning was a fearful reality.[485]
The following forenoon Cortés sent to announce that he would make a return visit, and several officers came to escort him. Arrayed in his finest attire, with Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Sandoval, and five soldiers, he proceeded to the residence of Montezuma, in the new palace as it has been called, situated in the south-east corner of the great temple plaza.[486] If they had admired the palace forming their own quarter, how much more charmed were they with this, “which has not its equal in Spain,” exclaims Cortés.
The exterior presented an irregular pile of low buildings of tetzontli, raised upon high foundations, and communicating with the square by twenty doors, over which were sculptured the coat of arms of the kings of Mexico. The buildings were so arranged as to inclose three public squares, and contained an immense number of rooms and halls, one of them large enough to hold three thousand men, it is said. Several suites were reserved for royal visitors, envoys, and courtiers, while others were assigned for the emperor’s private use, for his harem and his attendants. Large monoliths adorned the halls or supported marble balconies and porticos, and polished slabs of different kinds of stone filled the intervening spaces or formed the floors. Everywhere, on projections and supports, in niches and corners, were evidences of the artist’s skill in carvings and sculptures, incised and in relief.
After being conducted through a number of courts, passages, and rooms, partly for effect, the Spaniards were ushered into the audience-chamber, and removed their hats as Montezuma advanced to receive them. Leading Cortés to the throne, he seated him at his right hand, the rest being offered seats by the attendants. Around stood with downcast eyes a number of courtiers, who in accordance with etiquette had covered their rich attire with a coarse mantle and left their sandals outside the room.[487] The conversation fell chiefly on religious topics, the favorite theme with Cortés, who aside from his bigotry was not averse to use the faith as a means to obtain a secure hold on the people. In any case it afforded a shield for other objects. He explained at length the mysteries of Christianity, and contrasted its gentle and benevolent purposes with those of the idols, which were but demons intent on the destruction of their votaries, and trembling at the approach of the cross. Aware of the inefficiency of himself and his interpreters as preachers, indicated indeed by the passive face of the proposed convert, Cortés concluded by intimating that his king would soon send holy men, superior to themselves, to explain the truths which he had sought to point out. Meanwhile he begged the emperor to consider them, and to abandon idols, sacrifices, and other evils. “We have given him the first lesson, at any rate,” said Cortés, turning to his companions.[488]
The ruler of a superstitious people, himself a high-priest and leader of their bloody fancies, was not to be touched by this appeal of Cortés. The prejudices of a lifetime could not be so easily disturbed. He had well considered the words, he replied, transmitted already from the sea-shore by his envoys, and had found many of the points identical with those held by his people; but he preferred not to dwell on the subject at present. The god depicted was doubtless good; so were their own, for to them they and their forefathers owed health and prosperity. Suffice it that he believed his guests to be the men predicted to come. “As for your great king,” he added, “I hold myself as his lieutenant, and will give him of what I possess.” As a tangible proof thereof, he again before dismissing them distributed presents, consisting of twenty packs of fine robes and some gold-ware worth fully one thousand pesos.[489]